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The word once included the sea or an arm of the sea in its range of meaning but this marine usage is now obsolete (OED). It is a poetical or dialect word meaning a sheet of standing water, a lake or a pond (OED). The OED's fourth definition ("A marsh, a fen.") includes wetland such as fen amongst usages of the word which is reflected in the lexicographers' recording of it. In a quotation from the year 598, mere is contrasted against moss (bog) and field against fen. The OED quotation from 1609 does not say what a mere is, except that it looks black. In 1629 mere and marsh were becoming interchangeable but in 1876 mere was "heard, at times, applied to ground permanently under water": in other words, a very shallow lake.The online edition of the OED's quoted examples relate to:
Where land similar to that of Martin Mere, gently undulating glacial till, becomes flooded and develops fen and bog, the remnants of the original mere remain until the whole is filled with peat. This can be delayed where the mere is fed by lime-rich water from chalk or limestone upland and a significant proportion of the outflow from the mere takes the form of evaporation. In these circumstances, the lime (typically calcium carbonate) is deposited on the peaty bed and inhibits plant growth, therefore, peat formation. A typical feature of these meres is that they are alongside a river rather than having the river flowing through them. In this way, the mere is replenished by seepage from the bed of the lime-rich river, through the river's natural levée, or by winter floods. The water of the mere is then static through the summer, when the concentration of the calcium carbonate rises until it is precipitated on the bed of the mere.
Even quite shallow lake water can develop a thermocline in the short term but where there is a moderately windy climate, the circulation caused by wind drift is sufficient to break this up. (The surface is blown down-wind in a seiche and a return current passes either near the bottom or just above the thermocline if that is present at a sufficient depth.) This means that the bed of the shallow mere is aerated and bottom-feeding fish and wildfowl can survive, providing a livelihood for people around. Expressed more technically, the mere consists entirely of the epilimnion. This is quite unlike Windermere where in summer, there is a sharp thermocline at a depth of 9 to 15 metres, well above the maximum depth of 60 metres or so. (M&W p36)
At first sight, the defining feature of a mere is its breadth in relation to its shallow depth. This means that it has a large surface in proportion to the volume of water it contains. However, there is a limiting depth beyond which a lake does not behave as a mere since the sun does not warm the deeper water and the wind does not mix it. Here, a thermocline develops but where the limiting dimensions lie is influenced by the sunniness and windiness of the site and the murkiness of the water. This last usually depends on how eutrophic (rich in plant nutrients) the water is. Nonetheless, in general, with the enlargement of the extent of a mere, the depth has to become proportionately less if it is to behave as a mere.
The Fens of eastern England, as well as fen, lowland moor (bog) and other habitats, included a number of meres. As at Martin Mere in Lancashire, when the fens were being drained to convert the land to pasture and arable agriculture, the meres went too but some are easily traced owing to the characteristic soil. For the reasons given above, it is rich in both calcium carbonate and humus. On the ground, its paleness stands out against the surrounding black, humic soils and on the soil map, the former meres show as patches of the Willingham soil association, code number 372 (Soil Map).
Apart from those drained in the medieval period, they are shown in Saxton's map of the counties (as they were in his time) of Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire. The following is a list of known meres of the eastern English Fenland with their grid references.
Meres similar to those of the English Fens but more numerous and extensive used to exist in the Netherlands, particularly in Holland. See Haarlemmermeer, for example. However, the Dutch word meer is used more generally than the English mere. It means "lake", as also seen in the names of lakes containing meer in Northern Germany, e.g. Steinhuder Meer. When the Zuiderzee was enclosed by a dam and its saltwater became fresh, it changed its status from a sea (zee) to being known as the IJsselmeer, the lake into which the River IJssel flows.
Vegetable consumption is low among many children. This study compared the efficacy of the exposure learning strategies mere exposure, flavour-flavour and flavour-nutrient learning in changing children's intake of a novel vegetable. An unmodified artichoke purée was served at pre-testing. Hereafter children were exposed 10 times to unmodified purée (mere exposure, n=32), a sweetened purée (flavour-flavour learning, n=33) or an energy dense purée with added fat (flavour-nutrient learning, n=39). Unmodified and sweet purée contained approximately 200 kJ/100g; the energy dense purée 580 kJ/100g. The unmodified purée was served again at post-testing, 3 and 6 months after last exposure to monitor long-term effects of learning. Intake of purée increased in the mere exposure and flavour-flavour condition, and was unchanged in the flavour-nutrient condition. Mere exposure changed children's intake by the 5th exposure, flavour-flavour learning by the 10th. Mere exposure led to the largest increase in intake of unmodified purée at post-test and over 6 months. Children following flavour-flavour learning consumed more of the sweet purée than of unmodified purée. About 30-40% of the children were resistant to acceptance changes. The results of this study imply that mere exposure and flavour-flavour learning are powerful strategies for changing children's acceptance of a novel vegetable, even though a substantial number of children are resistant to these types of exposure learning.
Every one has heard people quarrelling. Sometimes it sounds funny and sometimes it sounds merely unpleasant; but however it sounds, I believe we can learn something very important from listening to the kind of things they say. They say things like this: 'How'd you like it if anyone did the same to you?' 'That's my seat, I was there first' 'Leave him alone, he isn't doing you any harm' 'Why should you shove in first?' 'Give me a bit of your orange, I gave you a bit of mine' 'Come on, you promised.' People say things like that every day, educated people as well as uneducated, and children as well as grown-ups.
Now what interests me about all these remarks is that the man who makes them is not merely saying that the other man's behaviour does not happen to please him. He is appealing to some kind of standard of behaviour which he expects the other man to know about. And the other man very seldom replies: 'To hell with your standard.' Nearly always he tries to make out that what he has been doing does not really go against the standard, or that if it does there is some special excuse. He pretends there is some special reason in this particular case why the person who took the seat first should not keep it, or that things were quite different when he was given the bit of orange, or that something has turned up which lets him off keeping his promise. It looks, in fact, very much as if both parties had in mind some kind of Law or Rule of fair play or decent behaviour or morality or whatever you like to call it, about which they really agreed. And theyhave. If they had not, they might, of course, fight like animals, but they could not quarrel in the human sense of the word. Quarrelling means trying to show that the other man is in the wrong. And there would be no sense in trying to do that unless you and he had some sort of agreement as to what Right and Wrong are; just as there would be no sense in saying that a footballer had committed a foul unless there was some agreement about the rules of football.
According to a review12 that particularly focused on the smartphones influence on areas of attention, inhibition, and working memory, strong effects of the smartphone can be seen on precisely these areas. Many studies indicate that the smartphone has negative effects on sleep, stress, and academic performance. Liebherr et al. point to the fact that the smartphone has the potential to negatively affect human cognition. Besides being evident in the context of media multitasking, Liebherr et al. point out that the mere presence of the smartphone can already have effects on cognition12.
Some of the research claims that even the mere presence or the availability of a smartphone, without having an interaction with it, may already be distracting. Although many of the following studies claim to examine the influence of the effect of the mere smartphone presence, it should be noted that most of these studies only examine the influence of smartphone availability. Smartphone availability describes the continuing ability to receive messages and notifications, while the mere smartphone presence describes a smartphone that is turned off, so that no messages and notifications can be received. In contradiction to that, more recent research does not support the hypothesis that the mere presence of a smartphone influences attention.
First, it was Thornton et al. who found a distracting effect of the smartphone by its mere presence. Students in presence of a turned-on smartphone performed poorly in neuropsychological tests compared to students that did the tasks without the presence of a smartphone13. A distracting effect of smartphone presence/availability could also be shown in social interactions. It was shown that the presence/availability of the smartphone forms an interference with the formation of relationships in people by inhibiting the development of interpersonal closeness and familiarity14.
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