The Tide Of Nationalism Book
Oleta Blaylock
Their approach also includes aggressive strategies against perceived historical violators of the Han people, with extreme suggestions like using nuclear force as retaliation for past aggressions, specifically against Japan for its actions in World War II.
Significantly, the faction adeptly uses symbolism to broaden its appeal. In some rural and less developed areas, by associating Mao Zedong with the Manjushri Bodhisattva, they connect the roots of the CCP to ancient Buddhist narratives. This fusion of communist ideology with traditional Chinese religious and cultural elements exemplifies their strategic use of iconography and mythology.
In trade and economics, Han-centric policies might impact foreign investment and businesses in China. Proposals to reduce privileges for foreign enterprises could disrupt their operational ease, prompting the global business community to reevaluate their engagement with China. This recalibration could affect international investment strategies and partnerships.
Dr. Hu YanWenan, a graduate of the University of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, is a specially invited researcher at the Eastern Culture Group (Greater China). He specializes in Asian cultures and nationalism.
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And yet, another worldview is currently emerging as a significant challenge to the liberal worldview in the U.S. and Europe: economic nationalism (sometimes referred to as realism, statism, or mercantilism), which holds that global trade is a zero-sum game where what one side wins, the other side loses.
Where open trade drives competitiveness, the opposite is also true. Economic nationalism and its protectionist policies create competitive disadvantage for domestic firms. I have spent several decades working in Latin America, where there are countless examples of economic nationalism stifling competition and driving economic stagnation.
While the liberal worldview holds that global trade is win-win on whole and over the long term, there is no doubt that certain regions of a country and certain sectors of an economy can be singularly harmed by free trade. Where NAFTA has driven economic growth in the U.S. and Mexico, and made U.S. companies more competitive, there are individuals in places like Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania who lost jobs when their factories moved to Mexico.
When you elevate one religion above all others, it is as if you decide there is only one path leading to the top of the mountain. But the truth is you simply cannot see the myriads of paths that lead to the same destination, because you are surrounded by boulders of prejudice that obscure your view.
Finally, there is a hybrid of the two, as in the case of the Russian Federation and the post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church. The painful history of the Church under the communist regime came to a sudden and stunning halt with the fall of the Iron Curtain.
Second, we can accept that the historical journeys of any people possess complex and complicated markers that, if respected, create seawalls that hold back the troubling and troublesome tides. Allow me to close with a recent and very relevant example from the nation of my birth.
But when the Turkish state emerged a century ago, it was deemed that such a unique and potent symbol should emanate an inclusive message, one that served the interests of all the citizens. Thus, the Hagia Sophia became a museum. For the Orthodox Christian world, this was not the best solution, but it was a vision for a future that included the incredible historical journey of Anatolia, not just one phase of that journey. We see in this re-conversion how the tide rose. And we see in those that called this crisis out, the effort to stem the tide.
The American actress and special envoy for the U.N. refugee agency decried a "rising tide of nationalism masquerading as populism, and the re-emergence of policies encouraging fear and hatred of others" during a speech at the U.N. in Geneva on Wednesday.
What were the strengths and weaknesses of Pink Tide governments in relation to the extractive development models they fostered? What are some of the tensions and contradictions found in Pink Tide governments in regards to foreign investment, social, economic, and political development and in their relation with their citizens? And, most importantly, how did Pink Tide governments differ from each other, and from moderate and conservative governments in the region, in dealing with the national and global economic and political structures that sustain the extractive sector?
Steve Ellner and his contributors explore these and other important questions in the book Latin American Extractivism: Dependency, Resource Nationalism, and Resistance in Broad Perspective. More than any previous work, this book takes an objective look at the Pink Tide and non-Pink Tide government policies toward the extractive sector and their impact on the development process in the first two decades of the 21st century. Through an in depth look at cases from Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela, the book explores the complex logic of the extractive development model during this time and its relation to national and global capital. It examines how the Pink Tide approach differed from that of the neoliberal period, and how different governments, progressive and conservative, dealt with opposition to the extractive development model from environmental and indigenous movements.
Latin American Extractivism is organized in a way that is easy to read and ideal for classroom use. In the introduction, Ellner provides a comprehensive summary and critique of neo-extractivism and successfully places it in a broader context using evidence from the cases analyzed in the following chapters. In Part I (The Global Focus) the authors examine Colombia, Bolivia, and Venezuela to show the relationship between key aspects of globalization and its impact on extractivism at the national level. The next two sections are dedicated to the experience of different Pink Tide governments (Part II) and Conservative and Right-Wing governments (Part III). In Part II, the authors present evidence from Venezuela, Bolivia, Mexico, Ecuador, and Argentina, that shows how different governments increased their control of extractive industries and how they dealt with the environment, protest movements, and the territorial rights of local and indigenous communities. The chapters in Part III on El Salvador and Honduras, Peru and Colombia show how resource nationalism and the management of environmental and opposition movements in these countries differed from the cases in Part II. The variety of practices and outcomes make it clear that it is necessary to look at the specific context to understand the extractive development model in Latin America over the past two decades.
Abdulqawi Ahmed Yusuf, President of the International Court of Justice, said multilateralism is critical to sustaining an international legal order. In fact, without a framework for predictability and stability, the rule of law would disappear. Describing multilateralism as the result of human experience and civilization in a world in which all have become neighbours, he said bilateral relations cannot create institutions that are able to decide cases on the basis of objective, established principle. Emphasizing that international law has arisen as a result of the needs of an international world, he spotlighted the emergence of new areas of common concern, stressing that unilateralism is particularly unfit to address them.
One of the key objectives of multilateralism is inclusion of women and youth, which in turn is key to achieving development, peace and human rights goals, she said. In that context, international cooperation is necessary to address inequality, exclusion and alienation and to foster greater economic opportunities, decent work, political participation and social protection. To boost and uphold multilateralism for all those purposes, mutually reinforcing and coordinated efforts among the main organs of the United Nations must be continued to be fostered.
She highlighted that the Economic and Social Council and the Security Council have cooperated in the past when the Economic and Social Council Ad Hoc Advisory Groups on African countries emerging from conflict worked closely with the Security Council Ad Hoc Working Group on Conflict in Africa in Guinea-Bissau and Burundi from 2002 to 2007. Members of the Security Council may wish to consider whether the use of Article 65 of the Charter, on the exchange of information between the two organs, could be a way to strengthen dialogue.
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