Re: Download Full Movie Mera Naam Chin Chin Choo Part 1 In Hindi
Wan Cabiness
dearet helen , im ahmed from moroco. i was little bit younger when i saw you for the first time in the moovie. i think i watched plenty of your scènes and scenery. i was excietd and you were especialy fantastic. all of us were dreamin and captiving by your songs and dance. today im 60 years old, im a writer(frensh language) and still watching you. my best wish is to visit india as soon as poossible first to translate my work into indian language, and to see the great people taht god has ever create. i hope you long life and much hapiness. thank you for helen! haye mere paad tho aa!!!!
Film: Howrah Bridge
Composer: O P Nayyar
Much respect to Geeta Dutt. Even the great Asha Bhosle counts her as one of her influences.
Below is a very sketchy translation.
--------------------------------------
My name is Chin-Chin-Chu
Just me and you babe on this starry night.
Then she proceeds to get into specifics.
Her awesomeness was assembled in various parts of SE Asia.
Sweetheart from China. There's a play on "chini" (means Chinese and sugar)
Youth from Singapore
Angdaayi (hate to call it a yawn) from Shanghai
You and me mister, we've got a good thing together. You make me all hot and bothered.
Some random biz about her being Alladin's daughter.
Magic words and shazam. You're Sindbad the sailor.
My name is Chin-Chin-Chu
--------------------------------------
Pretty deep and meaningful stuff this.
At this time, about 4000 B.C., the other parts of China comeinto view. The neolithic implements of the various regions of the FarEast are far from being uniform; there are various separate cultures. Inthe north-west of China there is a system of cattle-breeding combinedwith agriculture, a distinguishing feature being the possession offinely polished axes of rectangular section, with a cutting edge.Farther east, in the north and reaching far to the south, is found aculture with axes of round or oval section. In the south and in thecoastal region from Nanking to Tonking, Yünnan to Fukien, and reachingas far as the coasts of Korea and Japan, is a culture with so-calledshoulder-axes. Szechwan and Yünnan represented a further independentculture.
On the cultural scene we first find an important element of progress:bronze, in traces in the middle layers of the Yang-shao culture, about1800 B.C.; that element had become very widespread by 1400B.C. The forms of the oldest weapons and their ornamentationshow similarities with weapons from Siberia; and both mythology andother indications suggest that the bronze came into China from the northand was not produced in China proper. Thus, from the present state ofour knowledge, it seems most correct to say that the bronze was broughtto the Far East through the agency of peoples living north of China,such as the Turkish tribes who in historical times were China's northernneighbours (or perhaps only individual families or clans, the so-calledsmith families with whom we meet later in Turkish tradition), reachingthe Chinese either through these people themselves or through thefurther agency of Mongols. At first the forms of the weapons were leftunaltered. The bronze vessels, however, which made their appearanceabout 1450 B.C. are entirely different from anything producedin other parts of Asia; their ornamentation shows, on the one hand,elements of the so-called "animal style" which is typical of the steppepeople of the Ordos area and of Central Asia. But most of the otherelements, especially the "filling" between stylized designs, isrecognizably southern (probably of the Tai culture), no doubt firstapplied to wooden vessels and vessels made from gourds, and thentransferred to bronze. This implies that the art of casting bronze verysoon spread from North China, where it was first practised by Turkishpeoples, to the east and south, which quickly developed bronzeindustries of their own. There are few deposits of copper and tin inNorth China, while in South China both metals are plentiful and easilyextracted, so that a trade in bronze from south to north soon set in.
Confucius's importance lies in the fact that he systematized a body ofideas, not of his own creation, and communicated it to a circle ofdisciples. His teachings were later set down in writing and formed,right down to the twentieth century, the moral code of the upper classesof China. Confucius was fully conscious of his membership of a socialclass whose existence was tied to that of the[Pg 42] feudal lords. With theirdisappearance, his type of scholar would become superfluous. The commonpeople, the lower class, was in his view in an entirely subordinateposition. Thus his moral teaching is a code for the ruling class.Accordingly it retains almost unaltered the elements of the old cult ofHeaven, following the old tradition inherited from the northern peoples.For him Heaven is not an arbitrarily governing divine tyrant, but theembodiment of a system of legality. Heaven does not act independently,but follows a universal law, the so-called "Tao". Just as sun, moon, andstars move in the heavens in accordance with law, so man should conducthimself on earth in accord with the universal law, not against it. Theruler should not actively intervene in day-to-day policy, but shouldonly act by setting an example, like Heaven; he should observe theestablished ceremonies, and offer all sacrifices in accordance with therites, and then all else will go well in the world. The individual, too,should be guided exactly in his life by the prescriptions of the rites,so that harmony with the law of the universe may be established.
So far as we have described it above, the teaching of Confucius was afurther development of the old cult of Heaven. Through bitterexperience, however, Confucius had come to realize that nothing could bedone with the ruling house as it existed in his day. So shadowy a figureas the Chou ruler of that time could not fulfil what Confucius requiredof the "Son of Heaven". But the opinions of students of Confucius'sactual ideas differ. Some say that in the only book in which hepersonally had a hand, the so-called Annals of Spring and Autumn, heintended to set out his conception of the character of a true emperor;others say that in that book he showed how he would himself have actedas emperor, and that he was only awaiting an opportunity to make himselfemperor. He was called indeed, at a later time, the "uncrowned ruler".In any case, the Annals of Spring and Autumn seem to be simply a drywork of annals, giving the history of his native state of Lu on thebasis of the older documents available to him. In his text, however,Confucius made small changes by means of which he expressed criticism orrecognition; in this way he indirectly made known how in his view aruler should act or should not act. He did not shrink from falsifyinghistory, as can today be demonstrated. Thus on one occasion a ruler hadto flee from a feudal prince, which in Confucius's view was impossiblebehaviour for the ruler; accordingly he wrote instead that the rulerwent on a hunting expedition. Elsewhere he tells of an eclipse of thesun on a certain day, on which in fact there was no eclipse. By writingof an eclipse he meant to criticize the way a ruler had acted, for thesun symbolized the ruler, and the eclipse meant that the ruler had notbeen guided by divine illumination. The demonstration that the Annalsof Spring and Autumn can only be explained in this way was theachievement some thirty-five years ago of Otto Franke, and through thisdiscovery Confucius's work, which the old sinologists used to describeas a dry and inadequate book, has become of special value to us. Thebook ends with the year 481 B.C., and in spite of itsdistortions it is the principal source for the two-and-a-half centurieswith which it deals.
Thus Confucius undoubtedly had ideas of reform, but he did not interferewith the foundations of feudalism. For the rest, his system consistsonly of a social order and a moral teaching. Metaphysics, logic,epistemology, i.e. branches of philosophy which played so great a partin the West, are of no interest to him. Nor can he be described as thefounder of a religion; for the cult of Heaven of which he speaks andwhich he takes over existed in exactly the same form before his day. Heis merely the man who first systematized those notions. He had nosuccesses in his lifetime and gained no recognition; nor did hisdisciples or their disciples gain any general recognition; his work didnot become of importance until some three hundred years after his death,when in the second century B.C. his teaching was adjusted tothe new social conditions: out of a moral system for the decaying feudalsociety of the past centuries developed the ethic of the rising socialorder of the gentry. The gentry (in much the same way as the Europeanbourgeoisie) continually claimed that there should be access for everycivilized citizen to the highest places in the social pyramid, and therules of Confucianism became binding on every member of society if hewas to be considered a gentleman. Only then did Confucianism begin todevelop into the imposing system that dominated China almost down to thepresent day. Confucianism did not become a religion. It was comparableto the later Japanese Shintoism, or to a group of customs among us whichwe all observe, if we do not want to find ourselves excluded from ourcommunity, but which we should never describe as religion. We stand upwhen the national anthem is played, we give precedency to older people,we erect war memorials and decorate them with flowers, and by these andmany other things show our sense of belonging. A similar but much moreconscious and much more powerful part[Pg 45] was played by Confucianism in thelife of the average Chinese, though he was not necessarily interested inphilosophical ideas.
In eighteenth-century Europe Confucius was the only Chinese philosopherheld in regard; in the last hundred years, the years of Europe'sinternal crisis, the philosopher Lao Tzŭ steadily advanced in repute, sothat his book was translated almost a hundred times into variousEuropean languages. According to the general view among the Chinese, LaoTzŭ was an older contemporary of Confucius; recent Chinese and Westernresearch (A. Waley; H. H. Dubs) has contested this view and places LaoTzŭ in the latter part of the fourth century B.C., or evenlater. Virtually nothing at all is known about his life; the oldestbiography of Lao Tzŭ, written about 100 B.C., says that helived as an official at the ruler's court and, one day, became tired ofthe life of an official and withdrew from the capital to his estate,where he died in old age. This, too, may be legendary, but it fits wellinto the picture given to us by Lao Tzŭ's teaching and by the life ofhis later followers. From the second century A.D., that is tosay at least four hundred years after his death, there are legends ofhis migrating to the far west. Still later narratives tell of his goingto Turkestan (where a temple was actually built in his honour in theMedieval period); according to other sources he travelled as far asIndia or Sogdiana (Samarkand[Pg 46] and Bokhara), where according to someaccounts he was the teacher or forerunner of Buddha, and according toothers of Mani, the founder of Manichaeism. For all this there is not avestige of documentary evidence.
aa06259810