Greek revisionists look here for the Macedonian Language!
moderno1
news:91c2bf58.02081...@posting.google.com...
> Tommy is like a silver ball in the Who's pinball wizard.. all over the
> place... but as usual you win the prize for who is deaf dumb and the
> blindest to the truth.
>
>
> Encyclopedia Britania
> Š 2002 by PageWise, Inc.
>snip
> In language and manners the courts of Alexander's successors were
> Greek. Even the Macedonian dialect, which it was considered >proper for
the kings to use on occasion, was often for-gotten (Plut. Ant. >27).
June wrote:
Get that Bulgarian, DIALECT!
A dialect of the Macedonian language that is.
Here is a source on the Macedonian LANGUAGE that was forgotten in
Egypt by some, just for you.
Plutarch on Antony and Cleopatra, the last of the Ptolemies
[Excerpted from Plutarch, "Antony." in The Lives of Noble Grecians and
Romans, John Dryden and Arthur H. Clough, tr. and ed., vol. 3 (Boston:
Little, Brown and Co., 1902)]
It was a pleasure merely to hear the sound of her voice, with which,
like an instrument of many strings, she could pass from one
language
to another; so that there were few of the barbarian nations that she
answered by an interpreter; to most of them she spoke herself, as to
the Ethiopians, Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes,
Parthians, and many others, whose
language
she had learnt; which was all the more surprising because most of the
kings, her predecessors, scarcely gave themselves the trouble to
acquire the Egyptian tongue, and several of them quite abandoned the
Macedonian.
Did they abandon the Greek language in Egypt??? No, it was the
Macedonian language that lost some of its influence there at that time
just as in Asia before.
moderno1
"TiLto" and have no more balls to play.
mode...@hotmail.com (moderno1) wrote in message news:<91c2bf58.02081...@posting.google.com>...
June R Harton
> > Romans, John Dryden and Arthur H. Clough, tr. and ed., vol. 3 (Boston:
> > Little, Brown and Co., 1902)]
> > It was a pleasure merely to hear the sound of her voice, with which,
> > like an instrument of many strings, she could pass from one
> > language
> > to another; so that there were few of the barbarian nations that she
> > answered by an interpreter; to most of them she spoke herself, as to
> > the Ethiopians, Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes,
> > Parthians, and many others, whose
> > language
> > she had learnt; which was all the more surprising because most of the
> > kings, her predecessors, scarcely gave themselves the trouble to
> > acquire the Egyptian tongue, and several of them quite abandoned the
> > Macedonian.
> > Did they abandon the Greek language in Egypt??? No, it was the
> > Macedonian language that lost some of its influence there at that time
> > just as in Asia before.
Macedonian dialect, troll...look at the title "Lives of noble Grecians
and Romans."
Also, let's see some more of Plutach's texts:
Alexander
(died B.C.E.)
By Plutarch
Written A.C.E.
Translated by John Dryden
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
It is agreed on by all hands, that on the father's side, Alexander descended
from Hercules by Caranus, and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on the mother's
side. His father Philip, being in Samothrace, when he was quite young, fell
in love there with Olympias, in company with whom he was initiated in the
religious ceremonies of the country, and her father and mother being both
dead, soon after, with the consent of her brother, Arymbas, he married her.
While he was thus deliberating what to do, it happened that a spring of
water near the city of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own accord, swelled over its
banks, and threw up a copper plate, upon the margin of which was engraven in
ancient characters, that the time would come when the Persian empire should
be destroyed by the Grecians. Encouraged by this accident, he proceeded
Having passed through the wilderness, they came to the place where the high
priest, at the first salutation, bade Alexander welcome from his father
Ammon. And being asked by him whether any of his father's murderers had
escaped punishment, he charged him to speak with more respect, since his was
not a mortal father. Then Alexander, changing his expression, desired to
know of him if any of those who murdered Philip were yet unpunished, and
further concerning dominion, whether the empire of the world was reserved
for him? This, the god answered, he should obtain, and that Philip's death
was fully revenged, which gave him so much satisfaction that he made
splendid offerings to Jupiter, and gave the priests very rich presents. This
is what most authors write concerning the oracles. But Alexander, in a
letter to his mother, tells her there were some secret answers, which at his
return he would communicate to her only. Others say that the priest,
desirous as a piece of courtesy to address him in Greek, "O Paidion," by a
slip in pronunciation ended with the s instead of the n, and said "O
Paidios," which mistake Alexander was well enough pleased with, and it went
for current that the oracle had called him so.
He made the longest address that day to the Thessalians and other Greeks,
who answered him with loud shouts, desiring him to lead them on against the
barbarians, upon which he shifted his javelin into his left hand, and with
his right lifted up towards heaven, besought the gods, as Callisthenes tells
us, that if he was of a truth the son of Jupiter, they would be pleased to
assist and strengthen the Grecians.
Amongst other things he happened to observe a large statue of Xerxes thrown
carelessly down to the ground in the confusion made by the multitude of
soldiers pressing into the palace. He stood still, and accosting it as if it
had been alive, "Shall we," said he, "neglectfully pass thee by, now thou
art prostrate on the ground because thou once invadedst Greece, or shall we
erect thee again in consideration of the greatness of thy mind and thy other
virtues?" But at last, after he had paused some time, and silently
considered with himself, he went on without taking any further notice of it.
In this place he took up his winter quarters, and stayed four months to
refresh his soldiers. It is related that the first time he sat on the royal
throne of Persia under the canopy of gold, Demaratus the Corinthian, who was
much attached to him and had been one of his father's friends, wept, in an
old man's manner, and deplored the misfortune of those Greeks whom death had
deprived of the satisfaction of seeing Alexander seated on the throne of
Darius.
The most celebrated of them was Thais, an Athenian, mistress of Ptolemy, who
was afterwards King of Egypt. She, partly as a sort of well-turned
compliment to Alexander, partly out of sport, as the drinking went on, at
last was carried so far as to utter a saying, not misbecoming her native
country's character, though somewhat too lofty for her own condition. She
said it was indeed some recompense for the toils she had undergone in
following the camp all over Asia, that she was that day treated in, and
could insult over, the stately palace of the Persian monarches. But, she
added, it would please her much better if, while the king looked on, she
might in sport, with her own hands, set fire to the court of that Xerxes who
reduced the city of Athens to ashes, that it might be recorded to posterity
that the women who followed Alexander had taken a severer revenge on the
Persians for the suffering, and affronts of Greece, than all the famed
commanders had been able to do by sea or land. What she said was received
with such universal liking and murmurs of applause, and so seconded by the
encouragement and eagerness of the company, that the king himself, persuaded
to be of the party, started from his seat, and with a chaplet of flowers on
his head and a lighted torch in his hand, led them the way, while they went
after him in a riotous manner, dancing and making loud cries about the
place; which when the rest of the Macedonians perceived, they also in great
delight ran thither with torches; for they hoped the burning and destruction
of the royal palace was an argument that he looked homeward, and had no
design to reside among the barbarians. Thus some writers give their account
of this action, while others say it was done deliberately; however, all
agree that he soon repented of it, and gave order to put out the fire.
Now, also, he more and more accommodated himself in his way of living to
that of the natives, and tried to bring them also as near as he could to the
Macedonian customs, wisely considering that whilst he was engaged in an
expedition which would carry him far from thence, it would be wiser to
depend upon the good-will which might arise from intermixture and
association as a means of maintaining tranquillity, than upon force and
compulsion. In order to this, he chose out thirty thousand boys, whom he put
under masters to teach them the Greek tongue, and to train them up to arms
in the Macedonian discipline.
For to go on in order, Demaratus of Corinth, now quite an old man, had made
a great effort, about this time, to pay Alexander a visit; and when he had
seen him, said he pitied the misfortune of those Grecians, who were so
unhappy as to die before they had beheld Alexander seated on the throne of
Darius. But he did not long enjoy the benefit of the king's kindness for
him, any otherwise than that soon after falling sick and dying, he had a
magnificent funeral, and the army raised him a monument of earth fourscore
cubits high, and of a vast circumference. His ashes were conveyed in a very
rich chariot, drawn by four horses, to the seaside.
from: Spirit of Truth
(using June's e-mail to communicate to you)!
June R Harton
> "TiLto" and have no more balls to play.
Ah, Bulgarian, you called? Here:
For fair use only
Hellenism
In spite of the political turbulence and chaos of the fourth century BC,
Greece was poised on its most triumphant period: the Hellenistic age. The
word, Hellenistic, is derived from the word, Hellene, which was the Greek
word for the Greeks. The Hellenistic age was the "age of the Greeks; during
this time, Greek culture and power extended itself across the known world.
While the classical age of Greece produced great literature, poetry,
philosophy, drama, and art, the Hellenistic age "hellenized" the world. At
the root of Hellenism were the conquests of Philip of Macedon and his son,
Alexander. However, the Macedonians did more than control territory; they
actively exported Greek culture: politics, law, literature, philosophy,
religion, and art. This was a new idea, exporting culture, and more than
anything else this exporting of culture would deeply influence all the
civilizations and cultures that would later erupt from this soil: the
Romans, the Christians, the Jewish diaspora, and Islam.
Macedon
Macedon all during the age of the Greek city-states was an anomaly: it
was a Greek kingdom. Located north-east of the Greek mainland and northwest
of Asia Minor, Macedon was firmly entrenched on the European continent. The
Macedonians were the Greeks who had to contend, then, with all the European
tribes, many of which were war-like. So the Macedonians served as a kind of
buffer for the Greeks, as the faithful Greeks who stood between the tribal
Europeans and the Greek city-states. For all that, the Macedonians were
deeply unappreciated by their fellow Greeks; they were looked on as no
better than barbarians themselves, particularly since they had never
developed or adopted the polis.
The Macedonians were ruled by a king, much like the Mycenean kings. The
king came to power through inheritance, but first had to be approved by the
army. Beneath the king was an aristocracy of nobles who had a limited amount
of power; like all monarchies that shared power with an aristocracy, the
balance of power frequently shifted from the king to the nobles and back
again. Into this situation, at the peak of the political chaos roiling the
Greek world to the south, stepped a powerful king who unified the country of
Macedon and set his sights on conquering the whole of the Greek world:
Philip of Macedon.
World Cultures Home Page
©1996, Richard Hooker
Updated 9-25-96
For fair use only
WolfWolf
"June R Harton" <JUNEH...@prodigy.net> wrote in message
news:3%269.190$6N6.8...@newssvr15.news.prodigy.com...
>
> "moderno1" <mode...@hotmail.com> wrote in message
> news:91c2bf58.02081...@posting.google.com...
> > Tommy who is flipping your flippers because you all have been on
> > "TiLto" and have no more balls to play.
>
> Ah, Bulgarian, you called?
You are wrong, dimwit, and your self-deception wont't get you anywhere.
The truth, folks, appears here:
Lord Bygone and the Beastmen
A Satyre
The Othari patrol marched back through the Valley of Polpetes, clambering
over the strewn rocks. Their skin itched under their fur in the dusty heat,
and they were tired after combing the countryside for Satyre rebels. How
good a posting to the Islands had once sounded! An idyll with a tranquil sea
to swim in, and little to do but watch the beastmen grow their olives and
tend their flocks (which, the Othari joked, were really the families of
those hairy savages!)...but now a serious rebellion had broken out amongst
the Satyres, and innocent Othari had been murdered! Time to hunt down the
beastmen and give them something to complain about...
From ahead of the patrol, a whistle from the "point" trooper was followed by
a barked report - "Rockslide ahead!". The Bolukbashi went forward to examine
the finding, and the soldiers lounged around chatting, complaining and
drinking in gulps from their waterskins.
Then, like rolling thunder, a further rockslide came crashing down into the
Othari - squeeking and shouting, they rushed for cover, though several did
not make it...Shots rang out from the heights, and several Othari fell,
bleeding, to the ground. Nimble Satyres roared through the settling rocks,
and lay into the stunned Othari with knife and sword. Soon they held a
victory dance amongst the cadavers...
The Satyres
The various islands off the coast of Aegypte, while owned by the Othari, are
actually inhabited by the beings known as Satyres. Long regarded as
semi-beasts of limited technical advancement, it is now becoming apparent
that they are in fact the degenerated survivors of a once advanced culture.
The strange ruins dotting the islands, at which the Satyres hold festivals
and rites, have been found (by foreign excavators and adventurers) to be
ancient buildings of some complexity. In a similar way, the Satyres use a
series of "magic" symbols to form spells and amulets - and these are now
thought to be the remains of an ancient alphabet. (As an interesting aside,
it seems that the Othari culture was largely based on this ancient one - a
fact which the Othari will go to great lengths to suppress!).
Long subject to Othari rule, and oppressed by the Otters, the Satyrs have
lived simple existances on their islands (including the Cyclones, Streetos,
Dykos, Konkreta and many others) fishing, herding, growing olives and vines.
Their festivals involve drunken rites, blood sacrifices, singing of ancient
songs and wild dancing to pipe music. Few outsiders ever get to see any of
this Satyrical culture, and even fewer realise the true depth of their songs
and stories, rooted in the ancient past. The Satyres are born philosophers -
after all, what else is there to do when watching flocks than sit and
contemplate the Universe? When they get together, the shepherds expound
their differing views and observations - and become involved in lengthy
arguments about
what-would-happen-if-you-split-rocks-down-into-parts-so-small-that-you-could
n't-even-see-them, and other such subjects...all theoretical rubbish with no
possible use, of course.
Physically, the Satyres are hairy, horned bipeds with the upper body roughly
"human" and the lower portion like the back legs of a goat. They are
extremely light-footed and nimble, able to run across scree and along narrow
ledges. While wiry and tough, they are generally of small stature and cannot
last in a "stand-up" fight with larger opponents such as the Othari.
But the Satyres are a strange race - for different "strains" of Satyre
develop under other conditions. In the presence of richer food supplies and
less mountainous terrain, the basic Satyre develops (in only a very few
generations) into a truly monstrous sub-type - the Minotaur. Bull-headed and
hugely strong, they are as large as Ogres and fearsome opponents in battle,
though lacking their cousins' agility and possibly some of their
intelligence. If placed in an area of plains, the Satyres develop into a
quadruped form - the Centaur. These are as fast as horses, and skilled
hunters with the bow. The Minotaurs are most common on Konkreta, while the
Centaurs are rarer still - they mainly occur in communities in Aegypte,
where they are used by the Othari as cavalry. No-one knows how these
varieties occur in the Satyres.
The Islands Erupt
But recently, after years of only minor disturbances, the Satyrical Islands
have erupted in a frenzy of anti-Othari activity. This began with the
massacre of the Othari garrison at Taramasalata, which was followed by the
Othari back-lash at Kofte. In the first, the revolting Satyres overwhelmed a
surprised Othari garrison at the Konkretan town of Taramasalata,
slaughtering them. The Satyres at Taramasalata declared a new "Hedonistic
Republic", independent of the Othari. Outbreaks of violence by both races
then spread quickly through the islands, and an Othari Fleet landed at the
island of Kofte. The Sea-Otter Janissaries rampaged through the countryside,
killing or enslaving the Satyre populace. As a revenge, a Satyre fisherman
named Konstantinos Kanary led a pair of "fireships" (fishing boats with
incendary material on board) into the midst of the Othari Fleet at Kofte -
they destroyed several ships, including the flagship.
Following this, a large Othari army invaded Konkreta and began a merciless
march through the island, killing and burning as they went. But, at the
Satyre fort of Misalami, a brave defence by the rebel garrison (including
several minotaurs and Lord Bygone) stopped the invading force in its tracks.
The Othari sat down to besiege Misalami, and another Othari army under
Mustai Basha moved up to reinforce the besiegers.
But, in a surprise night-attack on the advancing Othari, a warrior by the
name of Minotauro Bozzaris led 300 Satyres to victory over the 4,000 Othari
of Mustai's advance guard at the Battle of Karbonpaperis. Bozzaris was
killed in the fight, and a monument was later built to him at the battle
site.
Mustai gave up the siege of Misalami soon after, and pulled his forces back
to Aegypte. However, the various prominent figures of the Hedonistic
Republic started to form factions and fight amongst themselves. Under the
cover of this internecine warfare, the Othari reorganised themselves and
re-invaded Konkreta with a massive fleet and army under Cassiush Clai and
his son, Irememberhim. The Othari swept through the island, overunning
Misalami in a bloody assault, and forcing the Satyres back into the
Acrappyplace (an ancient temple by the sea). Here a resolute defence (aided
and abetted by Orcish adventurers such as Lord Cockroach; Lord Bygone having
died at Misalami) was carried out by the Satyres, but eventually the Othari
overwhelmed them. The other islands fell in rapid succession, and the heart
appeared to have left the Hedonist movement.
The Allies Intervene
But, in Valon the Mordredian Wars had temporarily finished (Mordred was in
exile, and Morganna's followers were once more in power). The Elves and Orcs
were uneasy allies, and both were watching the rising power of the
Witchlands with some disquiet. They regarded the Satyre rising as an
opportunity which the Star Wraith was likely to take up, intervening in this
savage conflict and gaining a foothold in the area...Thus the combined
forces of Elf and Orc states, with some support from Östaria, were arrayed
against the Othari to force their withdrawal.
Initially the Othari ignored the polyglot fleet, but then Admiral Lord
Codswallop sailed the Allied fleet into the Bay of Neverino and blasted the
anchored Othari fleet to smithereens. With no source of supply, and no way
to retire, the Othari negotiated a peace with the Allies and left the
Satyrical Islands.
The Satyres declared this a stunning victory for the Hedonistic Republic,
and celebrated throughout the islands. But the monarchial Orcs, Elves and
Dogs could not stand by and watch a new Republic flourish - so the Satyres
were forced (quite literally at gunpoint) into accepting a King of Satyria.
To keep the new state apparently neutral, the Allies offered the throne to a
Dwarfen Prince - Otto von Finkelstein - who became King Otto I of Satyria.
And the Satyres went back to growing olives, tending their flocks and
philosophy...oh, and occassionally killing one another.
Gaming the Satyrical Wars
As can be gathered, the Satyres are based on the beastmen of Greek legend
and other genres, which figure in several manufacturers' lines. For stats,
the Satyres are best treated as Ratmen, while Minotaurs are similar to
Ogres. Equipment would vary from modern firearms to crude clubs and other
handweapons. Satyres would rarely wear much more than a loincloth, so no
real uniforms (well, unless you want to do Ezvones in pom-pom slippers!). I
intend to expand these notes, and add some scenarios as time permits.
June R Harton
"WolfWolf" <em...@address.net> wrote in message
news:ajbdvm$o91$1...@nntp-m01.news.aol.com...
Troll, keep your spam out of here.
----- Original Message -----
From: "June R Harton" <JUNEH...@prodigy.net>
Newsgroups: soc.culture.greek,alt.culture.macedonia,alt.news.macedonia,
alt.religion.christian.east-orthodox,humanities.classics
Sent: Tuesday, August 13, 2002 12:58 AM
Subject: Re: Greek revisionists look here for the Macedonian Language
"moderno1" <mode...@hotmail.com> wrote in message
news:91c2bf58.02081...@posting.google.com...
> Tommy who is flipping your flippers because you all have been on
> "TiLto" and have no more balls to play.
Ah, Bulgarian, you called? Here:
WolfWolf
Junebugger, keep your insolent spam out of here.
I suggest you run to your doctor and ask him to give you a complete physical
and take particular care to examine your mental capacity.
WolfWolf
The European
tommy
Macedonians. Now some claim that 700 years of ONLY Greek inscriptions on
Macedonians coins reflects government policy and the people didn't
understand them, fine. What about the most intimate situations of simple
Macedonians? Like writing something on their family tombs? Surely that would
reflect their own language indifferent from politics?
Here are True Macedonians telling you Tito lied to you. Your teachers lied
to you. The press has lied to you. But True Macedonians are happy to show
you the truth.
(use Netscape) http://www.cc.ece.ntua.gr/~conster/ Archeological findings /
List of
Ancient Macedonian inscriptions
No 8 Vergina (ancient Aegai), 350-325 BC.
Stele of Arpalos excavated in the Megali Toumba in Vergina. Printed on the
marble, in Greek characters is the phrase (in Greek) "Arpalos Kytas-My
sister Pagasta
has dedicated this"
Now I can still read them after 2500 years because I am Macedonian, you
cannot, because you are West Bulgarian. Free yourself from Tito's cold war
propaganda, accept your true heritage, stop denying my identity cause it's
fascism.
tommy makendonos
June R Harton
> Junebugger,
Troll, keep your obscenities out of here.
stephen
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: Out of 200 postings, say I receive only 5 replies (a very low
example). So then I made $5.00 with my name at #6
on the letter. Now, each of the 5 persons who just sent me $1.00 make
the MINIMUM 200 postings, each with my
name at #5 and only 5 persons respond to each of the original 5, that
is another $25.00 for me, now those 25 each
make 200 MINIMUM
: posts with my name at #4 and only 5 replies each, I will bring in an
additional $125.00! Now, those 125 persons
turn around and post the MINIMUM 200 with my name at #3 and only
receive 5 replies each, I will make an
additional $625.00! OK, now here is the fun part, each of those 625
persons post a MINIMUM 200 letters with my
name at #2 and they each only receive 5 replies, that just made me
$3,125.00!!! Those 3,125 persons will all deliver
this message to 200 newsgroups with my name at #1 and if still 5
persons per 200 newsgroups react I will receive
$15,625,00! With an original investment of only $6.00! AMAZING! When
your name is no longer on the list, you just
take the latest posting in the newsgroups, and send out another $6.00
to names on the list, putting your name at
number 6 again. And start posting again. The thing to remember is, do
you realize that thousands of people all over
the world are joining the internet and reading these articles probably
surfing the net at work like me" THANK GOD
FOR INTERNET AT WORK" everyday, JUST LIKE YOU are now!! So can you
afford $6.00 and see if it really
works?? I think so... People have said, "what if the plan is played
out and no one sends you the money? So what!
What are the chances of that happening when there are tons of new
honest users and new honest people who are
joining the internet and newsgroups everyday and are willing to give
it a try?
: Estimates are at 20,000 to 50,000 new users, every day, with
thousands of those joining the actual internet. Think
about this! If you gamble your money away in a casino or a race track,
or maybe just the lottery...WHY? Because
we all want more $$$! RIGHT? So we risk our money! Playing it against
the odds! NEED MONEY? Well if you
have any logic and 6$ You will! You think this is a gamble? maybe! But
its not odds your up against; INSTEAD
YOUR OWN INTEGRITY!
: You NEED MONEY? Play FAIRLY and HONESTLY, WITH FULL INTEGRITY! And
: you will be making some SERIOUS CASH!!! AND LIKE I DID ,YOU CAN
FINALLY GET OUT OF
THAT PIKER JOB YOU HATE SO MUCH ,(AND BY THE WAY MOST PEOPLE SPEND AN
AVERAGE OF 40 HRS A WEEK HATING WHAT THEY DO FOR A LIVING ) AND TAKE
THE
MONEY YOU MAKE AND START SOMETHING YOU LOVE TO DO.
: $GO FOR IT$ YOU CAN DO IT! NO MORE FALLING ASLEEP AT MY OVER NIGHT
JOB
moderno1
I read it in Macedonian Language (see below re Language P~~) as a
curse if ever the sacred King's tomb is disturbed by grave robbers
ESPECIALLY GREEKS. That is why you act the way you do...delusional.
There is only one Soluntion for you read carefully:
It's now safe to turn off your computer
"tommy" <tro...@hotmail.com> wrote in message news:<3d5a57c6$1$29908$afc3...@news.optusnet.com.au>...
tommy
IN GREEK, NOT ONE IN FYROMIAN. Why don't you visit Macedonian musuems for
yourself? Here is another one in Macedonian.
XANTHOS DIMITRIOU KAI AMADIKAS YIOS
3. Pella, end of 5th century BC.
Marble stele found in the cemetary of the area of the Agora of Pella. The
person of the scupture is Xanthos. As it is written on the monument, in
Greek characters, Xanthos is the son of Dimitrios and Amadiki
(Archaeological Museum of Pella)
The name Dimitrios today after 2500 years is STILL a popular Macedonian
name. In fact the Patron saint of Thessaloniki throughout the middleages was
Saint Dimitrios UNITERRUPTED TILL TODAY. We never disappeared. We Exist. We
are a people with human rights. No Fyromian can even pronounce Dimitios, so
stop being redicules. 2500 later I can explain the Macedonian name
Dimitrios. It comes from Di-Mitir meaing Earth Mother. What does this pure
Macedonian name mean in West Bulgarian?
Note it is of a simple person, and it was 100 years before Philip. Yet it is
still clearly Greek. I am Macedonian, you speak a West Bulgarian dialect.
Drop Tito's propaganda, and his cold war name and rhetoric. Denying my
identity is fascism.
Here are some other Macedonian names. None exist today in FYROM, cause
Macedonians never spoke a West Bulgarian dialect, and FYROM never spoke a
Macedonian language. I do. Show me any evidence that those names end
in -ovski, or off etc, like your names do, or they mean anything in FYROMian
like they do in my Macedonian language.
tommy makendonos
Ifestionas - Alexander's closest friend
Hermias - Philosopher
Anaksarxos - Philosopher
Kalisthenis - Philosopher
Marsias - Writer
Zoilos - Writer
Zeuxis - Painter from Heraclea
Leocharis - Sculptor
Lysippos - Sculptor
Deinokratis - He helped Alexander to create Alexandria in Egypt
Antipatros - Historian
Aristokritos - Actor
Thessalos - Actor, friend of Alexander's
Philotas - Another friend of Alexander's
Argeos - Rival of king Philippos
Pausanias - The man who killed king Philippos
Kassandros - Army general, founded the city of Thessaloniki
Ptolemeos - Army general
Antigonos - Army general
Selefkos - Army general
Arrianos - Cavalary commander
Nearchos - Navy commander
Neoptolemos - Arrmy officer
Python - Army officer
Hippostratos - Army officer
Kleitos - Army officer
Permenion - Army officer
Attalos - Army officer
Aristoboulos - Army officer
Kleitarxos - Army officer
Polycratis - Soldier
Bolon - Soldier
Koinos - Soldier
moderno1
JORDANES
THE ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS
translated by Charles C. Mierow
and let no one who is ignorant cavil at the fact that the tribes of
men make use of many names, even as the Romans borrow from the
Macedonians, the Greeks from the Romans, the Sarmatians from the
Germans, and the Goths frequently from the Huns.
June R Harton
> JORDANES
> THE ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS
> translated by Charles C. Mierow
> and let no one who is ignorant cavil at the fact that the tribes of
> men make use of many names, even as the Romans borrow from the
> Macedonians, the Greeks from the Romans, the Sarmatians from the
> Germans, and the Goths frequently from the Huns.
SPIRIT
THE ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE FYROMIANS
translated into simple language for trolls
The Dardanians, Paeonians, and Illyrians are shown below, and those
are the ancient inhabitants of the Fyrom area....NOT ancient
Macedonians (who lived in the northern Greece region):
http://www.soros.org.mk/archive/G01/A01/as0106.htm
http://www.unet.com.mk/oldmacedonianmaps/stmapi/mapa4.jpg
And,don't confuse the term _Upper_ Macedonia! The actual one,
was to the _West_ of the Lower Macedonia which was at the
Aegean coast.
Whereas the Fyrom area was undermined by the Avars and Slavic
tribes, and later the Bulgars came and took over the area and they
mixed in with the Slavs creating the 'Bulgarian' Slavs, and indeed
the area of Fyrom became known as _Bulgaria_.
http://www.historymuseum.org/items.php3?nid=199&name=ochrid
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/exarchy.htm
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/documen3.htm
And note, folks:
For fair use only
"----- Original Message -----
From: "Pavel Makedonski" <pavelma...@yahoo.com>
Newsgroups: alt.news.macedonia,soc.culture.greek
Sent: Tuesday, March 05, 2002 4:30 AM
Subject: Re: Macedonia or Makedonija
But when the Republic of Macedonia as an independent state
was created, the main political force were the Communists
(now renamed as Socialists). For fifty years in Yugoslav
Macedonia the official doctrine of Titoists Communists was that
Makedonijans are direct successors of the ancient Macedonians.
Everybody, which have expressed the least doubt in public in that
dogma, was sent to concentration camp (for example "Goli otok")
without any court case, and without verdict. Even today the Union
of the Socialists in Macedonia (with leader Branko Crvenkovski)
is the second largest political party, and their understanding of
the origin of Makedonijans is the same."
Obviously, the previous poster chose to try to deceive you all
on the real issue. The Fyrom West Bulgarian Slavs are trying
to steal Greek history and heritage by posing as 'Macedonians'
and falsely describing their country as Macedonia which
really is the area of northern Greece.
Ilinden
Subject: St. Panteleimon Church in Lerin
The Greek government in Lerin destroyed the church of St. Panteleimon
down to the foundation. Why, because the walls in the church had
writing on
them in Macedonian. Not just that, they also erased the Macedonian
printing on all the Macedonian churches in all the cities and villages
in Aegean Macedonia. This was done since the occupation in 1913.
Ilinden the Macedonian
Ilinden
Babylonian, Phoenician. Some ancient Hebrew coins on the obverse have
Hebrew inscriptions, on the reverse with Hellenic inscriptions. That
does not tell me that the entire ancient Hebrew population was of
Hellenic origin because on the reverse side of the coin there was an
Hellenic inscription. Only a few narrow minded Greeks would say yes to
this.
>From King Otto up to Constantine Glysburg, all these Greek kings, not
one was of Greek origin. All of them were of foreign nationality. St.
Cyril and Metody, the two Macedonian brothers, who invented the
Macedonian alphabet, spoke four languages, Macedonian (their mother
tongue) Syrian, Greek and Latin. In Athens, billboards, store signs are
written in English. If an earthquake happened in Athens and buried these
English written signs, after two hundred years when they are discovered,
does this mean that the entire population in Athens was English? Of
course not! According to the Greeks if you find Greek letters in a
foreign country that means, to them, that that country and the
population is Greek! The best propagandists in the world are the Greeks.
Also they are well known to the world for mythology and nonsence!
Ilinden
tommy wrote:
> I gave you direct evidence of the Macedonian language. 6000 inscrptions, ALL
> IN FTCOGIAN OR TURKOGREKIKI NOT ONE IN macedonian Why don't you visit
> Macedonian musuems for
Ilinden
you!
June R Harton wrote:I'm a male but I like a female name!
tommy
> men make use of many names, even as the Romans borrow from the
> Macedonians, the Greeks from the Romans, the Sarmatians from the
> Germans, and the Goths frequently from the Huns.
Interestingly enough, no FYROMians like yourself, borrow any Macedonian
names, cause they cannot even pronounce them, I can cause I am Macedonian,
you are Bulgarian. And no FYROMians like yourself can read any Macedonian
coins, or one of the 6000 inscriptions found in Ancient Macedonia, I can
cause I am Macedonian, you are Bulgarian. No FYROMians like yourself can
pronounce Macedonian rivers, provinces, the Macedonian capitol city
Thessaloniki, I can cause I am Macedonian, you are a Bulgarian.
But I am happy to post again the language of plain Macedonians, in the 5th
century 100 years before Philip.
> > > (use Netscape) http://www.cc.ece.ntua.gr/~conster/ Archeological
findings /
> > > List of
> > > Ancient Macedonian inscriptions
XANTHOS DIMITRIOU KAI AMADIKAS YIOS
3. Pella, end of 5th century BC.
Marble stele found in the cemetary of the area of the Agora of Pella. The
person of the scupture is Xanthos. As it is written on the monument, in
Greek characters, Xanthos is the son of Dimitrios and Amadiki
(Archaeological Museum of Pella)
The name DIMITRIOU is still popular with Macedonians. How come not one
FYROMian has the name? Why can't you read Macedonian inscriptions? Why can't
you even pronounce!!! Macedonian names? Cause Tito lied to you. But Tito is
dead. It is now safe for you to come out and scream "yes, yes I am
Bulgarian, yes Tito brainwashed me, I am now free". We are here to help you
find your true identity.
Jason Lambro
Turko-Bulgarian steals from you!Please don't strain your pea-size brain with
archeological theories.
moderno1
Basileos - Va-silos in Macedonian (this strenght / stronghold)
June R Harton
> Basileos - Va-silos in Macedonian (this strenght / stronghold)
Ah, Bulgarian, you called? Here:
For fair use only
World Cultures Home Page
from: Spirit of Truth
Nisse
Macedonian has rather little to do with Slav-Macedonian. Their only
connection= they are both IE. So are Albanian and Icelandic.
Macedonian was a Hellenic language, quite close relative to classic
Greek, using Greek as their written language (compare
Norwegian/Danish, two living languages with very great, but not
perfect mutual undestanding, where Norwegian used the Danish
written language until aprox. 1920. Sic!).
Slav-Macedoninan is a Slavonic language is closely related to
Bulgarian.
N.
moderno1
June July
These are names of the month from many cultures at that hottest time
of the year.
(Macedonian translations, ch=ch,sh=sh)
Attic Delian Ancient
Macedonian
Metageitnion Metageitnion Gorpiaios
Meda zheitenion (in the middle of the yellowings) gorbiaio (beaming
towards highs/heats)
Delphic O.Church Slavonic Latvian
Bukatios Zarevu Rudzu/Sunu
Zhar ava (embers weather) srednu sunse
(central sun)
Lithuanian Roman Norse
Rugpjutis [Degesis] Sextillis [Augustis] Tuimanadr
De zhezhis (of the heats) au zheshchis (in the heats)
Anglo Saxon Gaulish 1[Gwinn] Gaulish 2[Olmsted]
Weodmonath Dummanos Simiuisonna
Gaulish 3[Traditional]
Elembiu
Vu elje mubie (bearing towards in the helio)
Irish Scottish Manx
Lugnasad Lugnasdal
Luanistyn
L’ oganosht (in firey hot times)L’ oganosht (in firey hot
times) L’ oganosht (in firey hot times)
Welsh Breton/Cornish
[Awst] [Aost]
oganosht (these are abbreviations of the same Irish Scottish Manx
above)
June R Harton
> June July
Apart from your nonsense above, Bulgarian, what are you going to
do to get out of being Bulgarian:
http://www.historymuseum.org/items.php3?nid=199&name=ochrid
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/exarchy.htm
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/documen3.htm
And see below even though poster foolisly calls the West Bulgarians
of FYROM Macedonians he does post the actual correct date....
you and the Fyromians are nothing but Bulgarians:
In article <3808B8...@uqah.uquebec.ca>, Tinko Eftimov
<eft...@uqah.uquebec.ca> wrote:
" I have some data concerning the blood tests needed in so
much as contemporary Macedonians and Bulgarians are concerned:
This is from a study by acad. Metodi Popov published in
Bulgaria in 1959. The data is presented in one of the latest issues of
the "Macedonia" newspaper, Sofia.
The blood tests have shown the following results by blood
groups:
Group 0: 36.41% (Bul) vs. 37.17% (Mac)
Group A: 40.85% (Bul) vs. 41.50% (Mac)
Group B: 15.03% (Bul) vs. 13.2% (Mac)
Group AB: 7.71% (Bul) vs. 7.97% (Mac)
Groups A+AB/B+AN: 2.14% (Bul) vs. 2.33% (Mac)"
moderno1
A message to all deluded, hatemongering ruffians: clean up your act
please.
Committee on Elimination of
Discrimination against Women
585th Meeting (AM)
GREECE DESCRIBES WIDE RANGE OF LEGISLATION PROMOTING GENDER EQUALITY
AS ANTI-DISCRIMINATION COMMITTEE CONTINUES EXCEPTIONAL SESSION
The expert members of the Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination
against Women this morning pointed out gaps in Greece’s legal
provisions
establishing equality between women and men, despite the clear
political
will of the Government, guided by the provisions of the European
Union, to
promote it and even as the country commemorated the fiftieth
anniversary of
having given women the right to vote.
The Committee was considering the combined fourth and fifth periodic
reports of Greece on compliance with the Convention on the Elimination
of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women, as it continued its
three-week
exceptional session, being held to reduce a backlog of country
reports.
Effi Bekou-Balta, Secretary-General of Greece’s General
Secretariat for
Gender Equality, the Government body responsible for women’s
rights and
gender issues within the Ministry of Interior, Public Administration
and
Decentralization, introduced the reports. She said Greece had ratified
the
Convention in 1983, and its Optional Protocol in 2001. The Convention
constituted an integral part of Greece’s legislation and
prevailed over any
other contrary provision of law. Greece’s full participation
within the
European Union had greatly contributed to the promotion of gender
equality.
She added that legislative measures to promote gender equality
included:
revision of the Constitution to allow for positive action;
establishment of
an Inter-ministerial Committee on Gender Equality; new legal
provisions for
compulsory participation of both sexes in at least one third of the
members
of public administration decision-making councils; establishment of a
Parliamentary Permanent Equality and Human Rights Committee; and a
draft
law on combating crimes against sexual freedom, child pornography and
sexual exploitation. Sixty-one
per cent of students graduating from universities were women, some 64
per
cent of new managerial positions in the public sector were held by
women,
and the net increase of women’s employment was equivalent to
some 82 per
cent of new jobs created.
Experts applauded those accomplishments, as well as a provision
allowing
undocumented migrant women to have working and residence permits and a
project regarding integration of the Muslim minority, taking into
account
the Shariah.
Regarding the latter project, however, the expert from Turkey warned
that,
although respect for religious minorities was important, "religious
enclaves must not become enclaves for the suppression of women".
The expert from the Republic of Korea noted that, while a prohibition
was
in place against stereotypes, there was strong gender stereotyping in
Greek
society. Women spent 34 hours a week on household chores, while men
spent
only nine hours a week. Other experts pointed out that marital rape
was not
a crime under the Penal Code and that a law on sexual harassment was
absent, even though 70 per cent of working women seemed to have been
victim
of such behaviour. An absence of women at the decision-making level of
the
foreign service was also noted.
The Committee will meet again at 10 a.m., Tuesday, 20 August, to
consider
the combined fourth and fifth periodic reports of Hungary.
Background
The fourth and fifth periodic reports of Greece (combined in document
CEDAW/C/GRC/45), explain that recent important changes have occurred
in the
country’s economic and social conditions. Its entry into the
Economic and
Monetary Union, the high growth rates of the Greek economy and the
assurance of a stable macroeconomic environment have been important
factors
for a rapid development of strategies, infrastructures, policies and
actions for the implementation of gender equality in Greek society.
The
change in the role of the Greek woman and her conversion from a
domestic to
a significant economic entity was the starting point for a change in
the
basic Greek mentality and in stereotypes of a woman’s place in
society.
That change went hand-in-hand with active strategies and actions
undertaken
by the Government, with a view to eliminating discrimination against
women
and accepting socially their active role in the country’s
economic and
social life, the combined report states. In that context, the Greek
Parliament judged that the part of the Constitution concerning equal
rights
and obligations for Greek men and women needed to be revised. The
provision under revision clearly recognizes the need to undertake
special
positive measures for women to achieve de facto equality.
Participation in
European Union institutions and international organizations has been a
fundamental factor for planning and implementing new political actions
and
for creating infrastructure to promote equality in all sectors.
In a section entitled "Basic axes of social policy", the report
outlines
employment policies, human resources development, the strengthening of
mechanisms for social protection through the Network against Poverty
and
Exclusion and equal opportunities for women. With respect to article 1
of
the Convention, on the elimination of discrimination against women,
the
1998 project for the social integration of Muslim women and children
in the
area of Metaxourgio is discussed. Project actions include programmes
of
support for those women by a specialized staff; literacy; an
educational
sewing workshop; the creative occupation of young children; and
support of
assisted school attendance to prevent children from dropping out.
Regarding compliance with the Convention’s article 7, on the
participation
of women in political and public life, the report finds that while
women in
Greece play a leading role in social change, they are "absent in the
critical hour of decisions and planning" and only participate with a
less
than 10 per cent share in the National Parliament and the local
administration. This is mainly attributed to the unequal distribution
of
responsibilities in the family environment.
Modern women are called upon to fulfil multiple roles under the
prejudice
of unequal sharing in authority and responsibility of decisions in all
sectors. That traditional concept makes it difficult for women to
reconcile their family and occupational responsibilities. At the same
time, men in Greece are not yet fully aware of their responsibility to
share equally in the obligations of family life.
According to the report, the Government has incorporated the principle
of
equality in all policies, thus shaping a new landscape for Greek women
in
the twenty-first century. The legal and institutional guarantee of
equality is achieved and the contemporary Greek woman unfolds her
"weighty"
role in the political, scientific and business sector with each
passing
day. Political will in Greece goes hand-in-hand with the struggles and
actions of women: specific policies help to shape a future that meets
their aspirations. Participation of women in development planning is
encouraged and women's activities are integrated in the development
process.
Also, the combined report states, European and national policies in
the
matter of equality also focus attention on the active participation of
women in economic life. Affirmative actions and measures are
developed,
which are then integrated in the third Community Support Framework so
that
women, by becoming stronger in financial terms, may achieve their
personal
independence and be enabled to participate actively in political life
as
well. The General Secretariat for Equality has proposed introduction
of
quotas at both the administrative and the political level.
Introduction of Country Report
EFFI BEKOU-BALTA, Secretary-General, General Secretariat for Equality
of
Women, introduced her country’s report, saying that gender
equality was one
of the country’s major goals. Gender equality reflected the
political will
of the Government and was based on the principles of democracy,
economic
and social integration, participation, non-discrimination, tolerance
and
social justice. The General Secretariat for Gender Equality was the
Government body responsible for women’s rights and gender issues
within the
Ministry of Interior, Public Administration and Decentralization.
The six-year action plan for gender equality consisted of four major
areas,
including women and politics, women and the economy, social rights and
stereotypes, she said. Globalization and technological developments
had
increased work in the area of gender equality. Greece’s full
participation
within the European Union had greatly contributed to the promotion of
gender equality.
Regarding legislative measures to promote gender equality, she said
Greece
was among the first 22 countries to sign the Optional Protocol to the
Convention. Other measures included revision of article 116 of the
Constitution; establishment of an Interministerial Committee on Gender
Equality; new legal provisions for the compulsory participation of
both
sexes in at least one third of the membership of public administration
decision-making councils; establishment of a Parliamentary Permanent
Equality and Human Rights Committee; and a draft law on combating
crimes
against sexual freedom, child pornography and sexual exploitation.
She said Greece had signed the Convention in 1982 and ratified it in
1983.
It was an integral part of the country’s legislation and
prevailed over any
other contrary provision of law. The Gender Secretariat comprised 45
persons and from 1999 to 2002, its budget had increased by some 300
per
cent. Despite stringent economic measures, the Government’s
policy was to
increase the gender equality budget and to empower national
mechanisms, she
added.
Regarding violence against women, she said the General Secretariat had
been
working on that problem for many years. The Government had established
an
Interministerial Committee to elaborate relevant draft law and
awareness-raising campaigns. A nationwide, multimedia campaign had had
a
great impact on society.
Trafficking in persons was a complex problem that should be dealt with
from
every angle, she went on to say. Greece had moved the issue high up on
the
political agenda and the General Secretariat had provided funding for
initiatives to familiarize Greek society with the issue.
In April 2001, she said, a Special Committee against Human Trafficking
had
been set up to design and oversee the impact of specific
anti-trafficking
measures. That body’s immediate goal had been to update
Greece’s
anti-trafficking legislation in line with existing international legal
instruments. Draft legislation had been submitted to Parliament in
July
and was expected to be adopted in the coming fall.
The draft law consisted of two parts, including new criminal offences
and
victim assistance, she continued. Chapter 19 of the Greek Penal Code
had
been amended, emphasizing the protection of minors and other
vulnerable
groups from exploitation. Article 351, on trafficking in persons for
the
purpose of sexual exploitation, had been radically amended to
correspond to
the specific needs of Greece. A new provision -– article 323A on
trafficking in persons –- had been added to the Penal Code to
target modern
forms of human trafficking. The second part of the draft law
established a
comprehensive framework for victim assistance, including physical
protection, psychological aid, shelters, legal counselling and
repatriation
mechanisms.
On decision-making and political participation, she said that in the
last
20 years, there had been a strong women’s movement for equal
participation
by women in political, social and economic decision-making. Women from
all
political parties had established the Women’s Political
Association after a
long and difficult struggle. This year, the women’s movement was
celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of women’s right to vote.
She said that the adoption of two laws on compulsory participation of
at
least one third of both sexes in candidate’s lists for municipal
and
prefectural elections reflected the political will of the Government
and a
broad consensus among the political parties. The Government had
launched a
major mass media campaign encouraging women to be candidates in the
elections. The municipal and prefectural elections scheduled for
October
2002 would be a breakthrough for Greek women and would create a pool
of
political resources.
Regarding education and stereotypes, she said that in 2001, the
majority of
graduates from Greek universities some 61 per cent were women. Major
operational programmes planned and funded by the European Union and
national resources for 2001-2006 included awareness-raising and
sensitizing
teachers on gender equality in 3,500 secondary schools throughout the
country; positive action programmes in all technical secondary schools
and
reorienting girls towards technical skills. At the university level,
funding had been allocated for the creation of Gender Studies and
Gender
Research departments in some 25 universities.
Important tools to combat unemployment included the National Action
Plans
for Employment, which had been developed since 1999 on the basis of
social
dialogue, she said. They had been developed on the four pillars of
improving employability, adaptability, entrepreneurship and equality.
The
Gender Secretariat, in collaboration with the Ministry of Labour, had
incorporated gender in mainstreaming in four pillars and special
programmes
had been initiated to empower women to accede to the labour market.
The General Secretariat had also launched a series of campaigns to
improve
the status of women within the labour market including equal pay for
equal
work and legal aid, she said. Between 1993 and 2000, the net increase
of
women’s employment was equivalent to some 82 per cent of new
jobs created.
Some
64 per cent of new managerial positions in the public sector were held
by
women. In the last 10 years, employed women with high levels of
education
had increased by some 32 per cent. Regarding migrant women, the
Government
had provided undocumented migrants with working and residence permits,
she
said. It had also established a Migration Institute in the Ministry of
Interior, Public Administration and Decentralization.
Greece had accepted the amendment to article 20 (1) of the Convention
and
was currently in the process of ratifying it, she said. The Government
was
making well designed and systematic efforts to promote gender equality
and
to incorporate gender mainstreaming in its policies and at all stages
of
decision-making. The advancement and empowerment of women had
benefited
women and society as a whole, she concluded.
Experts’ Questions
FRANCOISE GASPARD, expert from France, said she was surprised to read
a
number of comments about article 1, relating to the integration of
Muslim
women and children. That process had not seemed to relate to article
1,
she noted. Article 4 talked about equality mechanisms but, in the
Convention, that article related to temporary special measures. Might
there be some problem with understanding the Convention? she asked.
How was the Convention disseminated and was it taught at universities?
she
asked. In light of the delegation’s assertion that the
Convention was an
important part of the country’s legislation, she asked why it
had never
been invoked in court. What relationships were devised with civil
society
in the drafting of the periodic reports? What was the status of the
General
Secretariat for gender equality and exactly where did it fit in the
general
framework? she asked. What did the delegation expect from the upcoming
elections and had the Government supported women in their campaigns?
Was
there a comprehensive programme to combat domestic violence? she
asked.
MARIA REGINA TAVARES DA SILVA, expert from Portugal, noting that the
country’s policies had been reinforced within the framework of
the European
Union, said the Government should understand, nevertheless, that the
Convention was much broader in terms of women’s rights than the
requirements of the European Union. She sought clarification about the
national machinery for women, particularly whether it was an
independent
body or under the Government’s authority, and on steps to
improve
education. She further noted that a telephone hotline for women had
been
in operation for only five months, adding that the number of calls
indicated the need for such a service.
IVANKA CORTI, expert from Italy, asked whether the fourth and fifth
periodic reports had been prepared in the same spirit as the initial
report. Expressing concern about the restructuring of the national
machinery for women, she asked whether it remained as institutionally
important as before. How had the national machinery ensured that the
mass
media’s influence was positive, leading to a change in the
patriarchal
attitude that was deeply entrenched in Greek society?
Noting that a law on domestic violence was still pending, she asked
why
there had been no special law until now, especially in light of the
gravity
and prevalence of that problem. The perception of rape was one of a
crime
against sexual freedom, but not against personal freedom. Should the
Ministerial Committee seek to change that? Noting the widespread
sexual
abuse of children and an increase in trafficking of women and girls
for
sexual purposes, she agreed that Greece, as both a transit and
destination
country, was in a “very bad position”. Could the
delegation provide more
details about the draft law on that question? For the moment,
trafficking
victims coming in from other countries continued to be prosecuted and
detained, before their expulsion. She also sought more information
about
Sharia, or Islamic law.
HEISOO SHIN, expert from the Republic of Korea, said that while a
prohibition was in place against stereotypes, there was strong gender
stereotyping in Greek society. Had any impact analysis been done on
the
prohibition? Referring to the findings of the Greek National Centre
for
Social Research on how much time men spent on household chores and
child
rearing, she said that on average, women spent 34 hours a week on
household
chores, while men spent only nine hours a week; women spent an average
of
15 hours on child care, while men spent only eight hours. Given the
delegation’s emphasis on harmonizing work and family, how had
related
policies encouraged men to participate more equally?
Country Response
FOTINI SIANOU, Adviser, General Secretariat for Gender Equality, said
there
was a continuous policy between the national machinery for gender
equality
and the women’s movement in Greece. The two enjoyed an old and
close
relationship. It was important to continue the relationship with the
women’s movement. The national machinery was a part of the
movement.
The status of the General Secretariat had increased, she said. It had
been
empowered as a result of public and social dialogue. Greece had
received
much funding through the European Union. Under pressure from the
General
Secretariat and the women’s movement, a specific percentage of
funds had
been assured for gender mainstreaming. The two would be judged on the
basis of how well they used that funding.
She said the Secretariat’s previous status under the Presidency
had been
that of a council. It now enjoyed a strong position, reporting
directly to
the Minister. The establishment of the Interministerial Committee was
aimed at implementing gender mainstreaming mechanisms. The Minister of
Interior presided over the Committee, which had responsibility for
planning
and gender mainstreaming.
Regarding the KETHI –- the Research Centre for Gender Equality,
she said
that while it was not an independent body, it was a useful tool for
developing programmes and policies. Regarding issues of economic
substance, she said employment was a major issue. Women’s
participation in
the labour market was increasing and irreversible. Women no longer
dropped
out for child-care reasons.
On the issue of violence, she said one of the major achievements had
been
awareness-raising and making violence a political issue. Regarding
marital
rape, the new draft law was ready but it had not yet been submitted to
Parliament. The issue of marital rape would be a major battle. On
stereotyping and the media, she said the secretariat had received free
time
for social messages on gender equality. The message on women’s
participation in decision-making was coming through. Education was
also a
major area and projects were under way at virtually every school in
Greece.
Major revisions of schoolbooks would also be made. The sharing of
household responsibilities was one of the biggest battles under way,
but
change did not happen in a day. The figures on childcare were correct
and
she considered it an achievement that men spent eight hours a day on
childcare.
Regarding sexual harassment, she noted that Greece and Portugal did
not
have specific laws on the subject. The General Secretariat had been
trying
to process a specific law. While some cases had been taken to court,
it
was a difficult process. On violence and SoS lines, she said two
offices
provided legal advice and social support. Calls were directed to those
offices. On the list for candidates in forthcoming elections, a quota
system was followed. Lists were prepared in alphabetical order, rather
than in terms of gender. Actions had been taken to empower women to
participate in the elections.
ANNA KOTROTSOU, Expert/Adviser, Ministry of Public Order, said Greece
was a
transit and destination country. The issue had been placed high on the
political agenda and in human trafficking, and a draft bill submitted
to
Parliament in
July 2002 would be an invaluable tool for arresting the perpetrators
of
human trafficking and in providing assistance to victims. The first
part
of the bill related to the suppression of crimes and the second to the
provision of assistance to victims. An additional article provided
that
perpetrators would be imprisoned for up to 10 years and fined up to
50,000
Euros.
The law against human trafficking for sexual exploitation had been
updated
to more effectively punish the modern form of human trafficking, she
said.
The draft law provided for aggravating cases, including acts against
minors. In the second part of the draft law, provisions for victim
assistance to women and minors had been included, including physical
protection. Shelters would be created, lawyers and interpreters would
be
assigned to victims. In addition, victims of human trafficking would
be
repatriated without violating their dignity. It was true that due to a
lack of specific legislation on human trafficking, victims were being
deported, but there were establishments that provided first aid and
shelter
to victims.
She added that research over 10 years had shown an increase in victims
of
human trafficking until 1997. From 1998 on, the number of victims had
remained stable.
Ms. BEKOU said the law regarding Sharia related to family and
inheritance
issues. Since the Vienna Conference on Human Rights and the Beijing
Conference, human rights was “the bottom line”. The
Government’s position
was that violation of human rights in the name of religion was
unacceptable.
Turning to dissemination of the Convention, she said there was a
non-compulsory course in schools on gender equality. All relevant
reports
were disseminated among civil society and other institutions in
thousands
of printed copies, and interest in the subject was increasing. The
Convention was also accessible on the Web site of the General
Secretariat
for Equality.
On stereotyping, she said there was cooperation with a
non-governmental
organization called European Women Journalists in Greece, which had
completed extensive research in the media, including on the subject of
gender equality, the results of which were not very encouraging.
Efforts
were under way to increase the value of fatherhood among the populace,
and
the right of fathers to take parental leave had been strengthened.
Experts’ Questions
NAELA GABR, expert from Egypt, welcomed the respect expressed for the
Muslim women minority, but noted that while Greek society was moving
forward rapidly, the Muslim minority might not be as involved as it
could
be. Sharia was flexible and the modern Muslim woman was allowed to
work
and participate in social development. She asked for more information
on
the promotion of women’s rights for the benefit of Muslim women
and
children, awareness-raising among Muslim women and literacy
programmes.
AYSE FERIDE ACAR of Turkey, Committee Vice-Chairperson, said she hoped
that
enclaves of religious minorities did not become enclaves of
women’s
suppression. The human rights of religious minorities should be fully
protected, she said, underscoring the importance of education for
minority
women.
HANNA BEATE SCHOPP-SHILLING, expert from Germany, noted a
“conceptual
confusion” in the report regarding the employment market. The
report
categorized women together with such categories as young persons and
unemployed. Women, however, were part of both unemployed and young
people.
As long as they were categorized together with other marginalized
groups,
it would be difficult to target multiple discrimination against women.
The
same confusion seemed to be present with regard to equal
opportunities.
She asked whether equal opportunity was defined only in a formal sense
or
also in a substantive sense. She also asked for the new text of the
Constitution, specifically as article 116 had been altered in order to
eliminate the possibility of deviation from the principle of equality.
ROSARIO MANALO, expert from the Philippines, Committee
Vice-Chairperson,
applauded the law allowing for undocumented migrants to have working
and
residence permits. She hoped that the next report would give
indicators and
statistics showing the extend to which they had been integrated. She
also
asked if there were legal plans regarding smuggling of illegal migrant
workers?
Country Response
Ms. SIANOU said there was a strong feminist movement in Greece and the
country’s women were celebrating 50 years of being able to vote.
The
Constitution of 1975 provided the legal basis for gender equality
policies.
It also provided protection measures for mothers. The women’s
movement
had tried to change that, however, because deviations in the name of
protection were often used against women.
On equal opportunities, she said she wanted to go from legislation to
every
day life. There was a big difference between making laws and
implementing
them in every day life. The fact that some 61 per cent of women were
graduating from universities was a clear example of the improved
situation
of women. On migrant women, she said it had taken a while to become
anxious about the issue mainly because Greece saw itself as an
exporter of
people, but the country recognized that it owed much to the economic
contribution of immigrants. The situation of migrant women was
important
because they suffered violence in silence. The regions and their
programmes had the responsibility of using 10 per cent of funding for
gender equality in such areas.
She shared the Committee’s sensitivity on the important issue of
minority
women, saying different things were happening in the Muslim minority.
Some
women were totally integrated and highly educated. Programmes for
literacy
among minorities were being pursued and minority women were eager to
be
productive in the Greek economy. While certain measures had been taken
to
assist them in business endeavours, much remained to be done.
Ms. KOTROTSOU said Greece had signed the Convention on Transnational
Crime
and Parliament would soon ratify both the Convention and its two
Protocols.
Greece faced the problem of migrant smuggling and stringent penalties
had
been imposed against smugglers. On programmes for the legalization of
migrants, Greece had experienced massive immigration in the late
1980s. To
deal with massive immigration, Greece had established policies,
including
programmes for undocumented foreigners. They applied for either a
white or
green card. Some
91 per cent of those applying for white cards came from several
countries
and some 230,000 foreigners applied for the green card. An
overwhelming
percentage of women applying for green cards were from specific
countries.
CHRISTINE KAPALATA, expert from the United Republic of Tanzania, while
commending accomplishments of Greece in the advancement of
women’s issues,
said there were small gaps in certain areas. Regarding women’s
participation in political life, quotas should also be used in the
diplomatic service. She asked whether there was an independent
mechanism
within KETHI to initiate research. That body should be used as
comprehensively as possible for the advancement of women. Noting that
Greece was also a transit point for drugs, she asked if there were
programmes on illicit drugs specifically for women?
Expert’ Questions and Comments
Ms. KAPALATA, expert from the United Republic of Tanzania, said that
although a lot had been done to promote equality, there were some gaps
in
substantive areas. She wished that the same approach of quotas in
elections
would be used in the foreign service. The lack of women there was
disappointing, since women played important roles in humanitarian
assistance and conflict resolution. She wanted more information on the
status of KETHI. In that regard, did the Secretariat always initiate
research? How widely were the results of such research disseminated?
As
Greece was a transit country for illicit drugs, did programmes exist
targeted to drug use among young women?
Country Response
Ms. EBOU answered that the Ministry of Health had established a
separate
body that was responsible for social, psychological and health support
for
drug addicts. That approach was carried out by social workers in the
streets using the language of drug addicts. The trust being built
between
the social workers and the addicts had saved some lives. The mass
media
were helping in the issue of combating drugs. She did not know of a
specific policy directed at drug use by women.
Participation in the decision-making process was a weak point.
Participation by women in trade unions was completely absent, which
was
worrisome, as women participation in the workplace had increased and
unions
were involved in collective bargaining. Regarding participation of
women
in the foreign service, she said the General Secretariat was trying to
define its responsibility regarding its relation with the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs. Greece had women ambassadors in Romania and Georgia.
The
KETHI programme was a semi-public entity under the General Secretariat
for
Equality, but with an administrative board.
Experts’ Questions
FRANCES LIVINGSTONE RADAY, expert from Israel, asked what kind of
constitutional cases had been brought on human rights and
women’s rights.
She also asked what kind of paternal leave could be taken, whether
parental
leave was independent of maternal leave, how many fathers were making
use
of it, and if parental leave was lost if the father did not take it.
She said sexual harassment seemed to be a particularly problematic
issue,
as some research indicated that 70 per cent of respondents had
suffered
from it. Although it could be prosecuted under other kinds of legal
provisions, specific legislation concerning sexual harassment was
important
for raising awareness and stimulating women to come forward. Regarding
domestic violence, she asked if women victims could obtain protection
orders to remove the violent person from the home.
CHARLOTTE ABAKA (Ghana),Committee Chairperson, commended Greece on its
cancer prevention programme, which had been put in place in 1999. How
many
women had used that programme? What types of cancer did women suffer
from?
She commended Greece for the decline in the number of abortions. She
was
concerned, however, that the number of abortions equaled the birth
rate.
In spite of programmes available to women, why was that the case? Some
41.7 per cent of women delivered babies through cesarean section. Why
did
so many women prefer that method to natural childbirth? Post-operative
necessities would increase medical bills for women. Were there
programmes
to educate women on the benefits of natural childbirth? She also
commended
the Government for its programmes to combat the increasing trend in
female
smokers.
After the Durban Conference, treaty bodies, including CEDAW, were
mandated
to follow up on the implementation of the Durban outcome, she
continued.
The situation of Roma women had been highlighted by the conference.
What
was their situation in Greece?
Country Response
Ms. SIANOU said that attitudes in Greek society and culture was
changing in
regard to Roma women. The culture of coexistence and respect was
increasing. That was not to say, however, that Roma women did not have
problems. The Prime Minister had an expert in his office to deal with
Roma
issues. The Roma issue was a European issue and Europeans should be
ashamed that the issue had not been resolved. There was political will
to
improve the situation of the Roma people. Non-governmental
organizations
working in the area had worked for the creation of peaceful
coexistence.
The Prime Minister had a major programme under the Ministry of Labour
to
combat social exclusion, which included Roma women.
She said she was personally happy about the smoking programme. Smoking
was
prohibited in public areas. She recognized the problem with the number
of
births by caesarian section. The Government was cooperating with a
union
of midwives on the issue. She was also happy with the decline in the
abortion rate. While the law permitted abortion, it was not meant to
be
used as a contraception method. Family planning existed in all
hospitals.
It was important to create a welfare State supportive of families.
Information and provision of contraceptives through the public health
system was necessary. The General Secretariat cooperated with two
non-governmental organizations to create awareness of cancer. There
were
fewer women dying of cancer. Greek women tended to live a long time,
although heart disease was a leading cause of death.
Regarding cases before the Supreme Court, she said there had been a
Supreme
Court decision on the use of quotas for women’s access to the
police force
and family allowances. If fathers did not choose to take parental
leave,
the leave was not lost. Very few men were making use of parental
leave.
On the issue of sexual harassment, there had been research on the
issue.
It was a serious problem in Greece, Europe and around the world. In
the
private sector, one could be fired, so there were consequences.
Awareness
was being raised through the trade unions. It was a trade union issue.
Labour inspectors were performing an important role in that regard.
Ms. GASPARD, expert from France, referring to the issue of women
police and
firefighters, said Greek women had limited access to certain
professions.
Had the law been changed regarding access to the police force? On the
rights of minority women, the Mufti named by the State could declare
that
women did not have equal access to inheritance. If a woman complained
that
the Greek law had not been applied, could that woman prevail in court?
Ms. ABAKA of Ghana, Committee Chairperson, asked if there were
training
programmes to sensitize people to human rights norms.
Country Response
Ms. EBOU said lessons on human rights were included in the curriculum
of
the police academy. Pilot seminars had also been organized, and those
seminars would become a standard feature in the academy. The
Convention,
European provisions and the law of the country always prevailed over
provisions regarding the Shariah. Because of action by the Supreme
Court,
the armed forces did not have a quota system anymore. But, such a
system
was still present within the police force and firefighters.
* *** *
PRESS RELEASE
17 August 2002
TOPIC: “ANNOY THE POLICE? THEY’LL SHOCK YOU
WITH A STUN-GUN (OR ABUSE YOU OR KILL YOU)”
Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM) denounces the latest incident of police
torture of a civilian with electroshock (an electric stun gun). The
victim was arrested early on the morning of 15 August 2002 for a
traffic violation and alleged resistance.
The following four articles published in today’s
“Avghi” newspaper report both the events as well as the
desired and actual, unfortunately different and hushed up, treatment
by the police of the incident itself and the overall problem.
“Avghi” recounted the previous case of charges that
electroshock was used on the Nigerian Joseph Emeka Okeke on 25 June
2002, the facts on which were supplied to the paper yesterday by GHM.
Fundamental is the non-completion of the Sworn Administrative Inquiry
(EDE), which was ordered … 50 days ago. The EDE had been
assigned to a senior officer of the Hellenic Police (ELAS), who was
the subject of many of GHM’s complaints to the Greek Ombudsman
for his repeated obstruction of GHM’s work to advocate the
rights of alien detainees. So, it comes as no surprise that Okeke was
not asked to identify his alleged torturers. Neither is it surprising
that a detainee who witnessed the incident did not testify, or that no
investigation was made into the charges by two alien detainees of
threats by police following their accusations.
The main point in the developments cited below is the statement made
on television by a police union official. He said that when civilians
refuse to obey police signals, it “annoys them”! That is
why they use every convenient means of “punishment” if not
“revenge” (this term is used in the prosecution’s
plea to indict a police officer for the murder of a Rom in Zefyri,
Attica, in October 2001) against the refusing person. These means
include beatings, blows from truncheons, electroshock, and –
often fatal – gunshots. The overwhelming majority of charges of
ill treatment or death at the hands of the police involve cases where,
a least according to the police, the victims had refused to obey
police orders or to “confess” to crimes perpetrated by
themselves or others. Until now, the Greek state has systematically
hushed up similar acts, even in its reports to competent bodies of the
UN and the Council of Europe. Thus Greece is considered to be the
international champion of impunity among traditional democracies.
Avghi articles of 17/8/2002
Avghi
10-8-2002
[translated by GHM from the original in Greek:
http://193.218.80.70/cgi-bin/hwebpressrem.exe?-A=296717&-w=&-V=hpress_int&-P]
Terrorism and Nationalism in Greece
Adamantia Pollis, a professor of standing in the political science
department at the New School for Social Research in New York, and
known for
her activities in the New American Left, made the following comments
on New
York's Greek radio station, Hellas FM:
"Terrorism, as the word is used in the social sciences, refers to a
state
or non state element, which launches indiscriminate attacks, i.e.
bombing a
department store or an assembly, with the intention of killing a large
number of people. November 17 always had specific targets, (…)
it carried
out terrorist acts but did not wield terrorism. It is important, I
believe,
to make the distinction between terrorism and terrorist acts aimed at
murdering specific persons or bombing a certain place, but without the
onus
of mass murder that terrorism has.
The legitimization of the national Hellenic state is based on
nationality
and this, I'm sure, has created problems for minorities. November 17 -
and
this is especially interesting - also supports a national Hellenic
state,
which means that it is nationalistic. Anyone reading its many
proclamations
can see that November 17 is not interested in international issues
and, in
actuality, that it is highly nationalistic. This comes also from their
own
dedication to a national Hellenic state."
A.O.
Prosecutor Mr. Ioannis Diotis
+30108837983
11 August 2002
TOPIC: CRITICISMS AND ANSWERS CONCERNING
POSSIBLE VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHTS OF SAVVAS XIROS
Dear Mr. Prosecutor,
Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM) was pleased to read your statement in
today’s Eleftherotypia on Sunday that “the fight against
terrorism can never be carried out with the forfeiture of the rights
of the individual,” which accompanied your categorical rejection
of “insinuations concerning the medication being administered to
Savvas Xiros.” These insinuations have come only from persons in
Savvas Xiros’ immediate environment.
However, as this was your first public comment on the charges against
Savvas Xiros, we also had expected you to clarify your position on the
issue of the status of his custody/detention. Mr. Xiros has been kept
under police guard for five weeks, without free access to family and
legal counsel and without having been formally arraigned for, at
least, the in flagrante crime for which he was arrested. For many
weeks now, the Bar Associations of Athens and Thessaloniki, Amnesty
International, and Greek Helsinki Monitor have been voicing their
concerns over this. GHM has also condemned the reference by all the
media to the contents of your repeated conversations with Savvas
Xiros, which certainly cannot have been leaked by Mr. Xiros himself.
We hope that you will clarify all these matters so that the public
does not form the impression that whatever is not denied is ipso facto
valid.
Sincerely,
Panayote Dimitras
Spokesperson
The National Herald: The Case of Terrorism in Greece [T. Mihas 17/18
August 2002]
The Case of Terrorism in Greece
By Takis Michas
National Herald 17/18 August 2002
Perhaps one of the most interesting aspects of the continuing saga
concerning the November 17 arrests, is the attempt by authorities and
most political parties to de-politicize or de-ideologize the issue.
The
terrorists are presented as simple criminals whose actions were
unrelated
to wider political or ideological motives..
This approach to the issue serves the purposes of both the right and
the
left in Greece.. Both sides of the political spectrum ,albeit for
different
reasons , insist in perpetuating the view that the ideological
proclivities
of the terrorists are irrelevant to the issue at hand. .
As far as the Left is concerned, this approach is of course
understandable
Many of the ideas espoused by the terrorists (anti-globalization, anti
free-market ,anti-NATO, anti-US etc) constitute the ideological bread
and
butter of Greek leftwing politics. It is thus only too natural that
the
Left wants to avoid having these ideas tainted by a even the smallest
whiff of terrorism.
When however we move to the right side of the political spectrum
things
get more complicated. What reason could the conservatives have after
all,
for not raising the issue of the terrorists' essentially leftwing
ideology ? Well once again the reason is simple and mostly dictated by
the exigencies of elections and party politics. For the last couple of
years the Greek New Democracy conservative party has been wooing the
left,
hoping that some of the left wing votes which traditionally went to
PASOK would in the next election be cast in favor of New Democracy. An
ideological confrontation with November 17 and by extension with the
left
would directly undermine this strategy..
Nevertheless I believe that it is wrong to see the arrested terrorists
(or at least some of them ) as simple criminals. Criminals do not take
risks writing 10-pages long political proclamations trying to explain
their acts. Nor do they select their targets on the basis of political
and
ideological considerations.
The members of the November 17 are ideological criminals. Which does
not
of course make their actions less horrendous. Josef Stalin, as opposed
to
Al Capone , was an ideological criminal...He killed a few millions in
the
name of ideology , something which poor Al , for all his faults, would
never dream of doing..
A crucial difference between an ideological as opposed to a simple
criminal
is the following. The former commits his crimes in most cases in the
name
of "the people", something which is not the case with the latter. This
also
means that the ideological criminal (or at least some of them).is more
susceptible to popular
pressure and outcry.
Which brings us back to the case of terrorism in Greece.
Had the Greek political class organized mass demonstrations against
terrorism from the very first moment November 17 started its
activities
in the mid seventies, it is possible that the group would have
discontinued its criminal activities. Faced with the popular outcry
the
terrorists would have found it increasingly difficult to justify their
actions, with the result that -possibly-the organization would have
fallen
apart at an early stage .
Yet there was no popular outcry. In a country where street
demonstrations
and mass protests are all too common, not a single demonstration was
ever
staged against the terrorists .Whereas every 1 of May demonstration in
Athens during the last 30 years has included banners protesting for
example
US imperialism and NATO actions and supporting all sorts of groups
from
the Kurdish PKK to the Nicaraguan Sandinistas, not a single banner has
ever
appeared condemning the November 17 terrorists.
When finally earlier this year ,after 27 years of terror , the
families
of the November 17 victims, held a vigil in Constitution Square in
downtown Athens to commemorate their beloved ones, fewer than a
hundred
people turned up to express their support and solidarity….
Takis Michas writes for the Greek daily Eleftherotypia. He is the
author of
the recently published book "Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's
Serbia"(Texas A & M University Press).
PRESS RELEASE
13 August 2002
TOPIC: INDICTMENT OF GREEK NEWSPAPERS “TO VIMA”,
“ELEFTHEROTYPIA” AND “TA NEA”, AND MAGAZINE
INSERTS, “AKINITA STIN ELLADA” AND “IKONOMIKOS
TACHYDROMOS” FOR INCITEMENT TO RACIAL HATRED AND DISCRIMINATION
Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM) announces that Prosecutor Georgios
Gerakis has indicted the management of the Greek newspapers “To
Vima”, “Eleftherotypia” and “Ta Nea” and
the magazine inserts “Akinita stin Ellada” (in
Thursday’s edition of “Ta Nea”) and
“Ikonomikos Tachydromos” (in Saturday’s edition of
“To Vima”), for inciting racial hatred and discrimination
through published material. The indictment was made following
complaints or complaint reports filed on 1/8/2002 for violation of
articles 1 (prohibiting racial discrimination or hatred) and 2
(prohibiting public expressions through the press of ideas offensive
to persons due to their origin) of Law 927/1979 (as amended with Law
1419/1984). This law was amended with article 39, paragraph 4 of Law
2910/2001, which enables the prosecutor file indictments ex officio.
As Greece has admitted in its relevant reports to international
organizations, the antiracism law was almost never applied (except for
once or twice in the 1980s), nor as far as we know have any ex officio
indictments ever been filed. Hopefully, the Greek justice system will
properly apply the antiracism law in the trials, which are expected to
be set for the near future given the brief statute of limitation
allotted for these offences.
GHM and the Refugee Association of Greece (Syllogos Allodapon
Prosfygon – SAPE) pressed charges against “To Vima”
and “Ikonomikos Tachydromos” for publishing the following
letter to the editor on 26/1/2002:
“I read…your remarks on the matter of receiving them
… Really, I don’t get it, what shouldn’t we forget?
That the Greek migrants of the 1960s, who left through legal
procedures and, in their receiving country, were recorded down even to
the fillings in their teeth? What possible connection is there between
the Greek migrants and the scum who are being “channeled”
into our country? Who asked them to come here? Our migrants
didn’t go just on a whim, nor to kill, rob and rape the country
that received them. They went and made good, and became model
[citizens]. Really, imagine yourself as the Greek woman who was nearly
raped by some illegal alien monsters on New Year’s Eve in
Syntagma Square. Think of the much shame you’d feel when all of
Greece saw your look of desperation as you pleaded for mercy and help
in their filthy hands. That’s so you should know!”
GHM pressed charges against Eleftherotypia (unfortunately many of the
eminent Greek Jews who were asked to co-submit the complaint refused),
for publishing the following reader’s letter on 15/4/2002:
“The Jews today are lucky that no one intends to deprive them of
the right to be called human beings, when they aren’t, if we
consider their united, heartfelt desire to applaud Israel’s
murderous incursions against the civilian population of the
Palestinian people, whom they themselves have victimized. Americans
support Jews, not because they love them but because they fear them.
Since America is now a colony of Israel, the big Jewish bankers of
America and a lot of Jewish millionaires think nothing of provoking a
financial crash, and one, in fact, much bigger than what happened in
1929. Besides, it’s a proven fact that Jews are untrustworthy
and fickle. They infiltrate societies, first playing the poor souls to
generate pity and, when the time comes, they’ll grab you by the
throat. Besides the fact that their country, Israel, has always cast
negative votes on the Cyprus issue in the UN, the Jews sustain an
unaccountable hatred for us Greeks. And the explanation one might
surmise is that they envy us because our country gave the light of
civilization to all other peoples, for which they are grateful.”
GHM and SAPE pressed charges against “Ta Nea” and the real
estate insert, “Akinita stin Ellada”, for routinely
publishing want-ads that contain the specification “no
foreigners.”
Prior to this, GHM and SAPE had warned with extra-judicial formal
letters those publications containing xenophobic, racist articles,
just as they had notified the newspapers,
“Eleftherotypia”, “Kathimerini”, and the
want-ads paper “Chryssi Efkairia”, which also routinely
published xenophobic ads. Although the last three papers immediately
ceased publishing similar ads, “Ta Nea” continued to do
so. In fact, not only didn’t the “Ikonomikos
Tachydromos” disclaim the contents of the letter, but it
ridiculed GHM and SAPE, charging them for demanding “preventive
censorship.” Likewise, a written appeal to
“Eleftherotypia” to disclaim the anti-Semitic letter went
ignored.
The following persons testified today as complainants or witnesses
before the competent magistrates: Panayote Dimitras, GHM Spokesperson;
Nafsika Papanikolatou, Minority Rights Group-Greece Spokesperson; and
Gregory Vallianatos, GHM Chairperson. Halouk Pirali, President of
SAPE, did not testify because he was not in Athens. In their
testimonies, they stressed the accountability of democratic newspapers
that chose among the multitude of letters they receive, many of which
they don’t publish, to publish letters with this sort of racist
content, without any disclaimer, and thereby create the impression
that such opinions are acceptable in democratic discourse. In this
way, they are contributing to the development of a climate of racial
hatred and discrimination. As one witness stated, “If I wanted
to read articles like that I would have bought ‘Stochos’
or ‘Chryssi Avghi’ [two extreme-rightwing, racist
newspapers]!” Similar accountability is assigned to the
publication of racist want-ads. The testimonies emphasized that the
management of the newspapers must be prosecuted as perpetrators rather
than accessories (as mentioned in the indictment) because only with
the publishing of such texts the crime is committed. The complaints
cite all relevant articles in the international instruments of the UN
and the Council of Europe prohibiting and calling for the punishment
of all forms of racial discrimination, which Greek judges now, and
perhaps for the first time, are called upon to take into
consideration.
ELEFTHEROTYPIA - 10/08/2002
Left - Right and Terrorism in Greece
[translated by GHM from the original in Greek
By TAKIS MICHAS
In his recent oral and written statements, Andreas Andrianopoulos, the
conservative politician and television interview-show host, accused
the
Greek Left and of being largely responsible for terrorism in Greece.
He is
right on some points and wrong on others.
It is absolutely legitimate for Mr. Andrianopoulos to raise the
question of
the connection between the ideology the organization invokes and the
practice it follows. One can be sure, had it been discovered that
"November
17" was a royalist organization, then the leftwing newspapers would
have
filled their pages with stuff on the connection between the ideology
of
"monarcho-fascism" and the organization's terrorist practice. Thus, at
the
level of political rhetoric, Mr. Andrianopoulos is absolutely correct
to
raise this question.
However, one wonders whether the purported ideological connection
between
the Left and "November 17" has any basis at the more profound level of
political analysis. The ideology of "November 17" - a blend of
national-bolshevism, nationalistic anti-imperialism and vulgar
anti-Americanism - runs rife throughout every political body and
faction,
including the New Democracy Party. Besides, Mr. Andrianopoulos himself
has
repeatedly stressed that on every crucial issue - globalization, the
market
economy, NATO, the war in Bosnia, US relations, etc. - the views of
top New
Democracy political delegates are virtually identical to those of
certain
Leftist groups.
After all, wasn't it Mr. Molyviatis, the elder N.D. statesman, and Mr.
Pavlopoulos, the N.D. Parliamentary spokesperson, who signed appeals
in
favor of Abdullah Ocalan in Greece? Wasn't it Yannis Manolis, the
chief
N.D. trade unionist, who launched a tirade against globalization on
the
occasion of the Genoa meetings? Isn't it a fact that Mr. Lykourezos, a
N.D.
candidate, was never asked to recall his campaign leaflet containing
photos
of Bosnia's arch-terrorist, General Mladic? Mr. Andrianopoulos also
ignores
in his analysis what the poll published in the April "PRESS" magazine
revealed - namely, that in some instances the number of those
supporting
"November 17" was higher among New Democracy voters than among
supporters
of the socialist PASOK governing party
To be specific, the percent of New Democracy voters who saw "November
17"
as "social revolutionaries" exceeded the corresponding percent in
PASOK -
9.3% as opposed to 7.8%
Likewise, the percent of New Democracy backers who agreed with the
political-ideological positions of the terrorist organization exceeded
the
corresponding percent of PASOK - 23.6% as opposed to 21.8%.
Finally, the percent of individuals who suggested that the
organization
continue with its terrorist activities was higher in the New Democracy
than
it was in PASOK - 7.8% as opposed to 5.5%.
In other words, it is highly problematic to view the ideology of
"November
17" as having any particular connection with the Left because, in the
final
analysis, the Left - Right dichotomy has no meaning in Greece these
days.
When the Archbishop of Greece Christodoulos recently told a communist
KKE
deputy that he agreed more with the deputy's views than with those of
other
parties; when, during the war in Kosovo, the leader of the New
Democracy
party accused Prime Minister Kostas Simitis of not being
anti-imperialist
enough (!); and finally when the honorary president of the New
Democracy
ascribed the overthrow of Mr. Milosevic to a German conspiracy (!),
then it
is obvious that the concepts of Left and Right are totally inadequate
in
describing the ideological set-up that prevails in Greece today.
One wonders of course whether the Left - Right dichotomy has ever been
a
useful conceptual tool for analyzing the deeper significance of events
in
Greece. Isn't it true after all that this political-ideological
dichotomy
is the offspring of the European Enlightenment, and as such an
integral
part of Western European cultural development? And if this is the
case,
then how can we use it in order to shed light on developments in rural
Balkan societies, such as Greece - societies which, as Cyril Mango
and,
more recently, Samuel Huntington have maintained, never had any
particular
relationship or connection to the culture of the West?
June R Harton
Ever consider keeping your spam out of here?
And apart from your spam above why do you even want to get out
of being Bulgarian:
http://www.historymuseum.org/items.php3?nid=199&name=ochrid
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/exarchy.htm
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/documen3.htm
And see below even though poster foolisly calls the West Bulgarians
of FYROM Macedonians he does post the actual correct data....
you and the Fyromians are Bulgarians:
Dorian West
heck, I look at Bulgarians and wannabe "Macedonians" and I see short,
swarthy, straight lack haired, penguin gaited, slit-eyed, triangular-headed
numbskulls. I don't need any further scientific analysis to tell me that
they are 1 of the most sub-human races on the planet. Their looks and
achievements speak for themselves.
As the ancient Romans used to say "monstro animo, monstro spiritu".
"June R Harton" <JUNEH...@prodigy.net> wrote in message
news:S%%b9.232$vF3.13...@newssvr16.news.prodigy.com...
moderno1
> > Tommy is like a silver ball in the Who's pinball wizard.. all over the
> > place... but as usual you win the prize for who is deaf dumb and the
> > blindest to the truth.
> >
> >
> > Encyclopedia Britania
Civilised people can read the definitions for themselves.
Greeks do not fall in that category.
http://www.dictionary.com/search?q=Macedonia
Ma·ce·don Pronunciation Key (ms-dn, -dn) also Ma·ce·do·nia (ms-dn-,
-dny)
An ancient kingdom of northern Greece originally occupying territory
north of Thessaly and northwest of the Aegean Sea. It was the center
of a powerful empire under Philip II and his son Alexander the Great
and contributed significantly to the spread of Hellenistic
civilization. It became the first Roman province in 146 B.C.
Source: The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language,
Fourth Edition
Copyright © 2000 by Houghton Mifflin Company.
Published by Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved.
Mac·e·do·ni·a Pronunciation Key (ms-dn-, -dny)
1. A region of southeast Europe on the Balkan Peninsula roughly
coextensive with ancient Macedon and including parts of modern-day
Greece, Bulgaria, and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. After
the fall of the Alexandrian empire, it was held by Romans, Byzantines,
Bulgars, Serbs, and Turks. The present division was largely determined
after the Second Balkan War (1913).
2. Officially The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. A country of
the central Balkan Peninsula. It was a constituent republic of the
former Yugoslavia until it declared its independence in 1991. Skopje
is the capital and the largest city. Population: 2,142,000.
3. See Macedon.
Source: The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language,
Fourth Edition
Copyright © 2000 by Houghton Mifflin Company.
Published by Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved.
macedonia
n : the ancient kingdom of Phillip II and Alexander the Great in the
southeastern Balkans that is now divided among Greece and Bulgaria and
the former Yugoslavia [syn: Macedon, Macedonia]
Source: WordNet ® 1.6, © 1997 Princeton University
macedonia in New Testament times, was a Roman province lying north of
Greece. It was governed by a propraetor with the title of proconsul.
Paul was summoned by the vision of the "man of Macedonia" to preach
the gospel there (Acts 16:9). Frequent allusion is made to this event
(18:5; 19:21; Rom. 15:26; 2 Cor. 1:16; 11:9; Phil. 4:15). The history
of Paul's first journey through Macedonia is given in detail in Acts
16:10-17:15. At the close of this journey he returned from Corinth to
Syria. He again passed through this country (20:1-6), although the
details of the route are not given. After many years he probably
visited it for a third time (Phil. 2:24; 1 Tim. 1:3). The first
convert made by Paul in Europe was (Acts 16:13-15) Lydia (q.v.), a
"seller of purple," residing in Philippi, the chief city of the
eastern division of Macedonia.
Source: Easton's 1897 Bible Dictionary
macedonia, burning; adoration
Source: Hitchcock's Bible Names Dictionary
One entry found for Macedonia.
Main Entry: Mac·e·do·nia
Pronunciation: "ma-s&-'dO-nE-&, -ny&
Usage: geographical name
1 region S Europe in Balkan Peninsula in NE Greece, the former
Yugoslav section of Macedonia, & SW Bulgaria including territory of
ancient kingdom of Macedonia (or Mac.e.don /'ma-s&-d&n, -"dän/
capital Pella)
2 country S central Balkan Peninsula; a federated republic of
Yugoslavia 1946-92 capital Skopje area 9928 square miles (25,714
square kilometers), population 2,063,000
© 2002 by Merriam-Webster, Incorporated
Macedonia
Syllables: Mac-e-do-ni-a
Part of Speech noun
Pronunciation mae sih do ni E
mae sih don yE
Definition 1. since 1992, a Balkan republic
bordering Albania and
Greece; formerly part of Yugoslavia.
Derived Forms Macedonian, [adj.], n.
©2000
Wordsmyth Collaboratory
Definition
1. Macedonia [n.] 1. City in Iowa (USA), population 262; zip code
51549. , 2. City in Ohio (USA), population 7509; zip code 44056. , 3.
Village in Illinois (USA), population 58; zip code 62860.
2. Macedonian [n.] 1. A native or inhabitant of Macedon. , 2. The
Slavic language of modern Macedonia.
3. Macedonian [adj.] Of or relating to Macedonia or its inhabitants;
"Macedonian hills."
http://ultralingua.net/results.html?lookup_action=en|english|english&lookup_letters=Macedonia
Overview of noun macedonia
The noun macedonia has 2 senses (no senses from tagged texts)
1. Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991)
2. Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria)
Synonyms/Hypernyms (Ordered by Frequency) of noun macedonia
2 senses of macedonia
Sense 1
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991)
Balkan country, Balkan nation, Balkans, Balkan state -- (a country on
the Balkan Peninsula)
Sense 2
Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria)
geographical area, geographic area, geographical region, geographic
region -- (a demarcated area of the Earth)
Part Holonyms of noun macedonia
2 senses of macedonia
Sense 1
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991) PART OF: Balkan Peninsula,
Balkans -- (a large peninsula in southeastern Europe containing the
Balkan Mountain Range)
Sense 2
Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria) PART OF:
Balkan Peninsula, Balkans -- (a large peninsula in southeastern Europe
containing the Balkan Mountain Range)
Member Meronyms of noun macedonia
1 of 2 senses of macedonia
Sense 2
Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria)
HAS MEMBER: Macedonian -- (a native or inhabitant of Macedon)
Part Meronyms of noun macedonia
2 senses of macedonia
Sense 1
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991)
HAS PART: Philippi, battle of Philippi -- (Octavian and Mark Antony
defeated Brutus and Cassius in 42 BC)
HAS PART: Skopje, Skoplje, Uskub -- (capital of modern Macedonia)
Sense 2
Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria)
HAS PART: Pydna, battle of Pydna -- (a major victory by the Romans
over the Macedonians in 168 BC; resulted in the downfall of the
ancient Macedonian kingdom)
Meronyms of noun macedonia
2 senses of macedonia
Sense 1
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991)
HAS PART: Philippi, battle of Philippi -- (Octavian and Mark Antony
defeated Brutus and Cassius in 42 BC)
HAS PART: Skopje, Skoplje, Uskub -- (capital of modern Macedonia)
Sense 2
Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria)
HAS MEMBER: Macedonian -- (a native or inhabitant of Macedon)
HAS PART: Pydna, battle of Pydna -- (a major victory by the Romans
over the Macedonians in 168 BC; resulted in the downfall of the
ancient Macedonian kingdom)
Holonyms of noun macedonia
2 senses of macedonia
Sense 1
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991) PART OF: Balkan Peninsula,
Balkans -- (a large peninsula in southeastern Europe containing the
Balkan Mountain Range)
Sense 2
Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria) PART OF:
Balkan Peninsula, Balkans -- (a large peninsula in southeastern Europe
containing the Balkan Mountain Range)
Coordinate Terms (sisters) of noun macedonia
2 senses of macedonia
Sense 1
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991)
Balkan country, Balkan nation, Balkans, Balkan state -- (a country on
the Balkan Peninsula)
Albania, Republic of Albania -- (a republic in southeastern Europe on
the Adriatic coast of the Balkan Peninsula)
Bulgaria, Republic of Bulgaria -- (a republic in the eastern part of
the Balkan Peninsula in southeastern Europe)
Greece, Hellenic Republic, Ellas -- (a republic in southeastern Europe
on the southern part of the Balkan peninsula; known for grapes and
olives and olive oil)
Romania, Roumania, Rumania -- (a Balkan republic in southeastern
Europe)
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991)
Holonyms of noun macedonia
2 senses of macedonia
Sense 1
Macedonia -- (landlocked republic on the Balkan Peninsula; achieved
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991) PART OF: Balkan Peninsula,
Balkans -- (a large peninsula in southeastern Europe containing the
Balkan Mountain Range) PART OF: Europe -- (the 2nd smallest continent
(actually a vast peninsula of Eurasia); the British use `Europe' to
refer to all of the continent except the British Isles) PART OF:
Eurasia -- (the land mass formed by the continents of Europe and Asia)
PART OF: eastern hemisphere, orient -- (the hemisphere that includes
Eurasia and Africa and Australia) PART OF: northern hemisphere -- (the
hemisphere north of the equator)
Sense 2
Macedon, Macedonia, Makedonija -- (the ancient kingdom of Philip II
and Alexander the Great in the southeastern Balkans that is now
divided among modern Macedonia and Greece and Bulgaria) PART OF:
Balkan Peninsula, Balkans -- (a large peninsula in southeastern Europe
containing the Balkan Mountain Range) PART OF: Europe -- (the 2nd
smallest continent (actually a vast peninsula of Eurasia); the British
use `Europe' to refer to all of the continent except the British
Isles) PART OF: Eurasia -- (the land mass formed by the continents of
Europe and Asia) PART OF: eastern hemisphere, orient -- (the
hemisphere that includes Eurasia and Africa and Australia) PART OF:
northern hemisphere -- (the hemisphere north of the equator)
End of WordNet output for macedonia.
June R Harton
As I told you Bulgarian, that is false informmation:
Look, the real Macedonia, and *I* can provide the *actual* descriptive
*texts* if you wish to review them:
http://www.macedonia.com/english/history/regions1.html
http://www.unet.com.mk/oldmacedonianmaps/stmapi/mapa3.jpg
http://www.macedonian-heritage.gr/Maps/mapSeq_Map01.html
http://crystalinks.com/mapgreeceancient.gif
The Dardanians, Paeonians, and Illyrians are shown below, and those
are the ancient inhabitants of the Fyrom area....NOT ancient
Macedonians:
http://www.soros.org.mk/archive/G01/A01/as0106.htm
http://www.unet.com.mk/oldmacedonianmaps/stmapi/mapa4.jpg
So, the Fyrom land area was Dardania, Paeonia and Ilyria NOT
Macedonia no matter your West Bulgarian scams.
moderno1
below.
Are there any modern DNA studies on this going around?
This text is part of the Internet Medieval Source Book. The Sourcebook
is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts related to
medieval and Byzantine history.
Unless otherwise indicated the specific electronic form of the
document is copyright. Permission is granted for electronic copying,
distribution in print form for educational purposes and personal use.
If you do reduplicate the document, indicate the source. No permission
is granted for commercial use.
(c)Paul Halsall Jan 1996
hal...@murray.fordham.edu
Medieval Sourcebook:
Liutprand of Cremona: Report of his Mission to Constantinople
Introduction [From Henderson translation]
441
This remarkable and exceedingly original piece of writing has been
relegated to the appendix [of Henderson's source collection] not
because it is less important than the other documents in this
collection, but because, being more of a narrative, it differs from
them in character.
We first hear of Liutprand at the court of Berengar and Willa, who, in
the middle of the tenth century, ruled over northern Italy. Becoming
estranged from his royal patrons he wrote against them the
Antapodosis, or book of retribution, which is one of our most valued
historical sources for those times. In 963 Liutprand was envoy of Otto
the Great to the shameless Pope John XII., and wrote the only
connected account which we have of the latter's condemnation and
deposition.
The journey to Constantinople took place in 968. Otto had, in his
efforts to bring Italy into his power, come into collision with the
Greeks, who regarded Benevento and Capua as belonging to the provinces
of the Eastern Empire. Otto went so far as to occupy Apulia and to
besiege the Greek town of Bari, but soon came to the conclusion that
more was to be gained by negotiations than by war. Liutprand, now
Bishop of Cremona, advised peace, and suggested that a Greek princess
should be sought in marriage for the
442
young emperor Otto II., who had commenced to reign ,conjointly with
his father. It was upon the princess Theophano that the hopes of the
emperor were fixed, and it was thought that Nicephorus would give
Apulia and Calabria as her dowry. It was to arrange this matter that
Liutprand, accompanied by a large suite, went to Constantinople. The
reception that he met with will be explained in his own words.
Liutprand bishop of the holy church of Cremona desires, wishes and
prays that the Ottos, the unconquerable emperors of the Romans,-and
the most glorious Adelaide flourish, prosper and be triumphant.
Why it was that you did not receive my former letters or my envoy the
following explanation will make clear. On the day before the Nones of
June (June 4) we came to Constantinople, and there, as a mark of
disrespect to yourselves, being shamefully received, we were harshly
and shamefully treated. We were shut up in a palace large enough,
indeed, but uncovered, neither keeping out the cold nor warding off
the heat. Armed soldiers were made to stand guard who were to prevent
all of my companions from going out and all others from coming in.
This dwelling, into which we alone who were shut up could pass, was so
far removed from the palace that our breath was taken away when we
walked there - we did not ride. To add to our calamity the Greek wine,
on account of being mixed with pitch, resin, and plaster was to us
undrinkable- The house itself was without water, nor could we even for
money buy water to still our thirst. To this great torment was added
another torment - our warden namely, who cared for our daily support.
If one were to look for his like, not earth. but perhaps hell, would
furnish it; for he, like an inundating torrent, poured forth on us
whatever calamity, whatever plunder, whatever expense, whatever
torment, whatever misery he could invent.- Nor among a hundred and
twenty days did a single one pass without bringing us groaning and
grief.
On the day before the Nones of June (June 4), as
443
stated above, we arrived at Constantinople before the Carian gate and
waited with our horses, in no slight rain, until the eleventh hour.
But at the eleventh hour, Nicephorus, not regarding us, who had been
so distinguished by you as worthy to ride, ordered us to approach; and
we were led to the aforesaid hated, waterless, open marble house. But
on the eighth day before the Ides (June 6), on the Saturday before
Pentecost, I was led into the presence of his brother Leo, the marshal
of the court, and chancellor; and there we wearied ourselves out in a
great discussion concerning your imperial title. For he called you not
emperor, which is Basileus in his tongue, but, to insult you, Rex,
which is king in ours. And when I told him that the thing signified
was the same although the terms used to signify it, were different, he
said that I had come not to make peace but to excite discord; and thus
angrily rising he received your letters, truly insultingly, not in his
own band, but through an interpreter. He was a man commanding enough
in person but feigning humility; whereon if a man lean, it will go
into his hand and pierce it..'
On the seventh day before the Ides (June 7), moreover, on the sacred
day - of Pentecost itself, in the palace which is called the crown
hall, I was led before Nicephorus-a monstrosity of a man, a pygmy,
fat-headed and like a mole as to the smallness of his eyes; disgusting
with his short, broad, thick, and half hoary beard; disgraced by a
neck an inch long; very bristly through the length and thickness of
his hair; in color an Ethiopian; one whom it would not be pleasant to
meet in the middle of the night; with extensive belly, lean of loin,
very long of hip considering his short stature, small of shank,
proportionate as to his heels and feet; clad in a garment costly but
too old, and foul-smelling and faded through age; shod with Sicyonian
shoes; bold of tongue, a fox by nature, in perjury, and lying a
Ulysses. Always my lords and august emperors you seemed to me shapely,
how much more shapely after this! Always magnificent, how much more
magnificent after this! Always powerful, how much more powerful after
this! Always gentle, how much more gentle henceforth! Always full of
virtues, how much fuller henceforth. At his left, not in a line but
far below, sat two
444
petty emperors, once his masters, now his subjects. His discourse
began as follows:
"It would have been right for us, nay, we had wished to receive you
kindly and with honor; but the impiety of your master does not permit
it since, invading it as an enemy, he has claimed for himself Rome;
has taken away, from Berengar and Adalbert their kingdom, contrary to
law and right; has slain some of the Romans by the sword, others by
hanging, depriving some of their eyes, sending others into exile ; and
has tried, moreover, to subject to himself by slaughter or by flame
cities of our empire. And, because his wicked endeavour could not take
effect, he now has sent you, the instigator and furtherer of this
wickedness, to act as a spy upon us while simulating peace."
I answered him:-"My master did not by force or tyrannically invade the
city of Rome; but he freed it from a tyrant, nay, from the yoke of
tyrants. Did not the slaves of women rule over it; or, which is worse
and more disgraceful, harlots themselves? Your power, I fancy, or that
of your predecessors, who in name alone are called emperors of the
Romans and are it not in reality, was sleeping at that time. If they
were powerful, if emperors of the Romans, why did they permit Rome to
be in the hands of harlots? Were not some of them most holy popes
banished, others so oppressed that they were not able to have their
daily supplies or the means of giving alms? Did not Adalbert send
scornful letters to the emperors Romanus and Constantine your
predecessors? Did he not plunder the churches of the most holy
apostles? What one of you emperors, led by zeal for God, took care to
avenge so unworthy a crime and to bring back the holy church to its
proper conditions You neglected it, my master did not neglect it. For,
rising from the ends of the earth and coming to Rome, he removed the
impious and gave back to the vicars of the holy apostles their power
and all their honor, But afterwards those who had risen against him
and the lord pope,, according to the decrees of the Roman emperors
Justinian, Valentinian, Theodosius and the others he slew, strangled,
hung, and sent into exile as violators of their oath, as sacrilegious
men, as torturers and plunderers of their lords the popes. Had he not
done so he would
445
have been impious, unjust, cruel a tyrant. It is well known that
Berengar and Adalbert, becoming his vassals, had received the kingdom
of Italy with a golden scepter from his hand, and-that they, taking an
oath, promised fealty in the presence of servants of yours who still
live and are at present in this city. And because, at the devil's
instigation they perfidously violated this promise, he justly deprived
them as deserters and rebels against himself, of their kingdom. You
yourself would do the same to those who had been your subjects, and
who afterwards rebelled."
"But Adalbert's vassal," he said, "does not acknowledge this". I
answered him: "If he denies it one of may suite shall, at your
command, show by a duel tomorrow that it is so". "Well" he said, "he
may, as you say, have done this justly. Explain now why with war and
flame he attacked the boundaries 'If our empire. We were friends, and
were expecting, . by means of a marriage to enter into an indissoluble
union".
"The Land", I answered, "which you say belongs to your empire belongs,
as the nationality and language of the people proves, to the kingdom
of Italy. The Lombards held it in their power, and Louis, the emperor
of the Lombards, or Franks, freed it from the hand of the Saracens,
many of them being cut down. But also Landolph, prince of Benevento
and Capua, subjugated and held it in his power for seven years. Nor
would it until now have passed from the yoke of his servitude or that
of his successors, had not the emperor Romanus, giving an immense sum
of money, bought the friendship of our king Hugo. And it was for this
reason that he joined in a marriage to his nephew and namesake the
bastard daughter of this same king of ours, Hugo, And, as I see, you
ascribe it not to kindness but to weakness that, after acquiring Italy
and Rome, he left it to you for so many years. The bond of friendship,
however, which you did wish, as you say, to form through marriage, we
look on as a wile and a snare: you do demand a trace, which the
condition of affairs neither compels you to demand nor us to grant.
But, in order that now all deceit may be laid bare and the truth not
be bidden, my master (Otto) has sent me to you, so that if you art
willing to
446
give the daughter of the emperor Romanus and of the empress Theophano
to my master his son, Otto the august emperor, you may affirm this to
me with an oath; whereupon I will affirm by an oath that, in return
for such fav6urs, he will observe and do to you this and this. But
already my master his given to you, as to his brother, the best pledge
of his friendship in restoring to you, by my intervention, at whose
suggestion you declare this evil to have been done, all Apulia which
was subject to his sway. Of which thing there are as many witnesses as
there are inhabitants in all Apulia."
The second hour," said Nicephorus, , is already past. The solemn
procession to the church is about to take place. Let us now do what
the hour demands. At a convenient time we will reply to what you have
said."
May nothing keep me from describing this procession, and my masters
from hearing about it! A-numerous multitude of tradesmen and low-born
persons, collected at this festival to receive and to do honor to
Nicephorus, occupied both sides of the road from the palace to St.
Sophia like walls, being disfigured by quite thin little shields and
wretched spears. And it served to increase this disfigurement that the
greater part of this same crowd in his (Nicephorus') honor, had
marched with bare feet. I believe that they thought in this way better
to adorn that holy procession. But also his nobles who passed with him
through the plebeian and barefoot multitude were clad in tunics which
were too large, and which were tom through too great age. It would
have been much more suitable had they marched in their everyday
clothes. There was no one whose grandfather had owned one of these
garments when it was new. No one there was adorned with gold, no one
with gems, save Nicephorus alone, whom the imperial adornments, bought
and prepared for the persons of his ancestors, rendered still more
disgusting. By, your salvation, which is dearer to me than my own, one
precious garment of your nobles is worth a hundred of these, and more
too. I was led to this church procession and was placed on a raised
place next to the singers.
And as, like a creeping monster, he proceeded thither, the singers
cried out in adulation: "Behold the morning
447
star approaches Eos rises; he reflects in his glances the rays of the
sun-he the pale death of the Saracens, Nicephorus the ruler." And
accordingly they sang: "Long life to the ruler Nicephorus"1 Adore him,
you people, cherish him, bend the neck to him alone! 1How much more
truly, might they have sung: ,Come, you burnt-out coal, you fool; old
woman in your walk, wood-devil in your look; you peasant, you
frequenter of foul places, you goatfoot, you horn-head, you
double-limbed one; bristly, -unruly, countrified, barbarian, harsh,
hairy, a rebel, a Cappadocian! " And so, inflated by those lying
fools, he enters St. Sophia, his masters the emperors following him
ground. His armor-bearer, with an arrow for a pen,' from afar, and,
with the kiss of peace, adoring him to the places in the church the
era which is in progress from the time when he began to reign, and
thus those who did not then exist learn what the era is.
On this same day he ordered me to be his guest. Not; thinking me
worthy, however, to be placed above any of his nobles, I sat in the
fifteenth place from him, and without a tablecloth. Not only did no
one of my suite sit at table, but not one of them saw even the house
in which I was a guest. During which disgusting and foul meal, which
was washed down with oil after the "manner of drunkards, and moistened
also with a certain and other exceedingly bad fish liquor, he asked me
many questions concerning your power, many concerning your dominions
and your army. And when I had replied to him consequently and truly,
"You lie," he said, "the soldiers of your master do -not know bow to
ride, nor do they know how to fight on foot; the size of their
shields, the weight of their breast-plates, the length of their
swords, and the burden of their helms permits them to fight in neither
one way nor the other." Then he added, smiling: "their gluttony also
impedes them, for their God is their belly, their courage but wind,
their bravery drunkenness. Their fasting means dissolution, their
sobriety panic. Nor has your master a number of fleets on the sea. I
alone have a force of navigators; I will attack him with my ships, I
will overrun his maritime cities with war, and those which a-re near
the rivers I will reduce to ashes. And how, I ask, can he even on land
448
resist we with his scanty forces? His son was there, his wife was
there, the Saxons, Swabians, Bavarians, were all with him: and if they
did not know enough and were unable to take one little city that
resisted them, how will they resist me when I come, I who am followed
by as many troops as
'Gargara corn-ears have, or grape-shoots the island of Lesbos,
Stars in the sky are found, or waves in the billowy ocean
When I wished to reply to him and to give forth an answer worthy of
his boasting, he did not permit me; but added as if to scoff at me:
"You are -not Romans but Lombards." When he wished to speak further
and was waving his hand to impose silence upon me, I said in anger:
"History, teaches that the fratricide Romulus, from whom also the
Romans are named, was born in adultery-; and that he made an asylum
for himself in which he received insolvent debtors, fugitive slaves,
homicides, and those who were worthy of death for their deeds. And he
called to himself a certain number of such and called them Romans.
From such nobility those are descended whom you call world-rulers,
that is, emperors; whom we, namely the Lombards, Saxons, Franks,
Lotharingians, Bavarians, Swabians, Burgundians, so despise, that when
angry, we can call our enemies nothing more scornful than
Roman-comprehending in this one thing, that is in the name of the
Romans, whatever there is of contemptibility, of timidity, of avarice,
of luxury, of lying: in a word, of viciousness. But because you do
maintain that we are unwarlike and ignorant of horsemanship, if the
sins of the Christians shall merit that you shall remain in this
hard-heartedness: the next battle will show what you are, and how
warlike we."
Nicephorus, exasperated by these words, commanded silence with his
hand, and bade that the long narrow table should be taken away, and
that I should return to my hated habitation-or, to speak more truly,
my prison. There after two days, as a result of vexation as well as of
heat and thirst, I was taken with a severe illness. And,
449
indeed, there was not one of my companions who, having drunk from the
same cup of sorrow, did not fear that his last day was approaching.
Why should they not sicken, I ask, whose drink instead of the best
wine was brine; whose resting place was not bay, not straw, not even
earth, but hard marble; whose pillow was a stone, whose open house
kept off neither heat, nor showers, nor cold? Salvation itself, to use
a common expression, if it had poured itself out upon them could not
have saved them. Weakened therefore by my own tribulations and those
of my companions, calling my warden, or rather my persecutor, I
brought it about, not by prayers alone but through money, that he
should carry my letter containing what follows, to the brother of
Nicephorus:
"To the coropalate and logothete of the palace, Leo- Bishop Liutprand.
If the most illustrious emperor thinks of granting the request on
account of which I have come, the suffering which I here endure shall
not exhaust my patience; only his lordship must be instructed by my
letters and by an envoy that I will not remain here without reason.
But if the contrary be the case, there is a transport ship of the
Venetians here which is just about to start. Let him permit me who am
ill to embark, so that, if the time of my dissolution be at hand, my
native land may at least receive my corpse."
When he had read these lines he ordered me to come to him after four
days. There sat with him, according to their tradition, to discuss
your affair the wisest men, strong in Attic eloquence: Basilius the
chief chamberlain, the chief state secretary, the chief master of the
wardrobe and two other officials, They began their discourse as
follows: " Tell us, brother, why you have taken the trouble to come
hither." When I had told them that it was on account of the marriage
which was to be the ground for a lasting peace, they said: "It is an
unheard of thing that a daughter born in the purple of an emperor born
in the purple should be joined in marriage with strange nations. But
although you seek so high a favor, you shall receive -what you wish,
if you give what is right: Ravenna, namely, and Rome with all the
adjoining places which extend from thence to our possessions. But if
you desire friendship
450
without the marriage, let your master permit Rome to be free; but the
princes, of Capua, namely, and Benevento, ,who were formerly slaves of
our empire and now are rebels, let him give over to their former
subjection."
I answered them: "You yourselves can not but know that my master rules
over Slavonian princes who are mightier than Peter king of the
Bulgarians who has wedded the daughter of the emperor Christophorus."
"But Christophorus," they said, " was not born in the purple."
But Rome, "I said, " which, as you exclaim, you wish to have free, who
does it serve, to whom does it pay tribute' ? Did it not formerly
serve harlots? And, while you were sleeping, nay, powerless, did not
my master the august emperor free it from so disgraceful a servitude?
Constantine, the august emperor who founded this city and called it
after his name, as world-ruler gave many gifts to the holy apostolic
Roman church, not only in Italy but in almost all the western
kingdoms; also in the eastern and southern-in Greece, namely, Judea,
Persia, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Egypt, Libya: as his own privileges
witness, which are preserved in our land. Now whatever there is, in
Italy and also in Saxony and Bavaria or in any, of the dominions of m
master, that belongs to the church of the blessed apostles: he has
conferred it on the vicar of those same most holy apostles. And may I
deny God if my master has retained from all of these a city, an
estate, a vassal or a serf - But why does your emperor not do the
same? Why does he not restore to the church of the apostles what lies
in his kingdom; so that he may make it, rich and free as it is by the
labor and munificence of my master, still richer and more free?
"But this," said the first chamberlain Basilius, "he will do as soon
as Rome and the Roman church shall be subordinated to his will." "A
certain main," I said, "having suffered much injury from another,
approached God with these words: I Lord, avenge me upon my adversary!'
To whom the Lord said I will do it at the day when I shall render unto
each man according to his works!' I Alas,' said he, 'how late that
will be!
At which all except the emperor's brother shook with laughter. They
then ended the interview and ordered me
451
to be led back to my hated abode, and to be guarded with great care
until the day, honored by all religious persons, of the holy apostles.
On this festal occasion the emperor commanded me-I was very ill at the
time-and also the Bulgarian envoys who had arrived the day before, to
meet him at the church of the holy apostles. And when after the
garrulous songs of praise (to Nicephorus) and the celebration of the
mass we were invited to table, he placed above me on our side of the
table, which was long and narrow, the envoy of the Bulgarians who was
shorn in Hungarian fashion, girt with a brazen chain, and as it seemed
to me, a catechumen; plainly in scorn of yourselves my august masters.
On your behalf I was despised, rejected and scorned. But I thank the
Lord Jesus Christ whom you serve with your whole soul that I have been
considered worthy to suffer contumely for your sakes. However, my
masters, not considering myself but yourselves to be insulted, I left
the table. And as I was about indignantly to go away, Leo the marshal
of the court and brother of the emperor, and Simeon the chief state
secretary came up to me from behind, barking out at me this: "When
Peter the king of the Bulgarians married the daughter of Christophorus
articles were mutually drawn up and confirmed with an oath to the
effect that with us the envoys of the Bulgarians should be preferred,
honored and cherished above the envoys of all other nations. That
envoy of the Bulgarians although, as you say and as is true, he is
shorn, unwashed and girt with a brazen chain, is nevertheless a
patrician; and we decree and judge that it would not be right to give
a bishop, especially a Frankish one, the, preference over him. And
since we know that you do consider this unseemly, we will not now, as
you do expect, allow you to return to your quarters, but shall oblige
you to take food in a separate apartment with the servants of the
emperor.
On account of the incomparable grief in my heart I made no reply to
them, but did what they had ordered; judging that table not a suitable
place where-I will not say to me, that is, the bishop Liutprand, but
to your envoy-an envoy of the Bulgarians is preferred. But the sacred
emperor soothed my grief through a great gift,
452 sending to me from among his most delicate dishes a fat goat, of
which he himself had partaken, deliciously (?) stuffed with garlic,
onions and leeks; steeped in fish sauce: a dish which I could have
wished just then to be upon your table, so that you who do not believe
the delicacies of the sacred emperor to be desirable, should at length
become believers at this sight!
When eight days had passed and the Bulgarians had already departed,
thinking that I thought very highly of his table he compelled me, ill
as I was, to dine with him in the same place. There was present also,
with many bishops, the patriarch; in whose presence he asked me many
questions concerning the Holy Scriptures; which, the divine Spirit
inspiring me, I expounded with elegance, And at last, in order to make
merry over you, he asked me what synods we recognized. When I bad
mentioned to him Nicea, Chalcedon, Ephesus, Carthage, Ancyra,
Constantinople, -"Ha, Ha, Ha," said he, "you have forgotten to mention
Saxony, and, if you ask us why our books do not contain it, I answer
that your beliefs are too young and have not you been able to reach
us."
I answered: "That member of the body where the infirmity has its seat
must be burned with the burning iron. All heresies have emanated from
you, have flourished among you; by us, that is by the western nations
they have been here strangled, here put an end to.-A Roman or a Pavian
synod, although they often took place, I do not count here. A Roman
clerk, indeed, afterwards the universal pope Gregory who is called by-
you Dialogus, freed Eutychius the heretical patriarch of
Constantinople from his heresy. This same Eutychius said, nor did he
only say but taught, proclaimed and kept writing, that we would assume
at the Resurrection not the true flesh which we have here, but a
certain fantastic flesh. The book containing this error was, in an
orthodox manner, burned by Gregory. Ennodius, moreover, bishop of
Pavia, was, on account of a certain other heresy, sent here, that is
to Constantinople, by the Roman patriarch. He repressed it, and
restored the orthodox catholic teaching.-The race of the Saxons, from
the time when it received the holy baptism and the knowledge of God,
has been spotted by
453
no heresy which would have rendered a synod necessary of an error
which did not exist. Since for the correction of an error which did
not exist. Since you declare the faith of the Saxons to be young, I am
willing also to affirm the same; for always the faith of Christ is
young and not if with those, those whose works second their faith.
Faith is there not young but old where works do not accompany it; but
faith is scorned, as it were, for its age, like a worn out garment.
But I knew for certain of one synod that was held in Saxony in which
it was decreed and confirmed that it was more fitting to fight with
the sword than with the open, and better to submit to death than to
turn one's back to the enemy. Your own arm has experienced the truth
of this," in my heart I said "And may they (the Saxons) soon have
occasion to show how warlike they are ! "
On this same day, after midday, he ordered me to meet him on his
return from the palace , although I was so weak and changed that the
women who, before when they met me, called out in astonishment "Manna,
manna", [untranslatable] now pitying my misery, beat their breasts
with their hands and said: "Poor sick man" What then, raising my hands
to Heaven, I wished him,-Nicephorus, namely, as he approached-and you
who were absent: oh that it might be fulfilled! But you may well
believe me, he made me laugh little, for he sat on an impatient and
unbridled horse-a very little man on a very big beast. My mind
pictured to itself one of those dolls which your Slavonians tie on to
a foal, allowing it then to follow its mother with out a rein.
After this I 'was led back to my fellow citizens and fellow inmates
five lions, into the aforesaid hated abode; where, during a space of
three weeks .Was treated to the conversation of no-one save my
companions On account of which my mind pictured to itself that
Nicephorus wished never to let me go, and my unbounded sadness brought
on one illness after another, so that I should have died had not the
mother of God, by her prayers, obtained my life from the Creator and
His son; as was shown to me not through a fancied but through a, true
vision.
454
During these three weeks, then, Nicephorus had his camp outside of
Constantinople, in a place that is called "At the Fountains"; and
thither be ordered me to come. And, although I was so weak that not
Only standing but even sitting seemed a heavy burden to me, he
compelled me to stand before him with uncovered head; a thing which
was entirely wrong in my state of ill health. And he said to me: "The
envoys of your king Otto who were here before you in the preceding
your promised me under oath -and the wording of the oath can be
produced-that he would never in any way bring scandal upon our empire.
Do you wish for worse scandal than that he calls himself emperor, or
that he usurps for himself the provinces of our empire? Both of these
things are unbearable; and if both are insupportable, that especially
is not to be borne, nay not to be heard of, that he calls himself
emperor. But if you will confirm what they promised our majesty, will
straightway dismiss you happy and rich." This, moreover, he said not
in order that I might expect you to observe the engagement , even if
in my foolishness I had made it; but he wished to have in hand
something that he might show in time to come to his praise and to our
shame.
I answered him: "My most holy master, most wise as he s and full of
the spirit of God, foreseeing this which you do desire, wrote me
instructions which he also signed with his seal lest I should act
counter to them: to the effect that I should not transcend the bounds
he set for me." -you know, my august master, what I relied upon when I
said this - "Let these instructions be produced, and whatever he shall
order, will be confirmed by an oath from me to you. But as to what the
former envoys, without the order of in master, promised, swore or
wrote,-in the words of Plato: 'the guilt is with the wisher, the god
is without fault"
After this we came to the matter of the most noble princes of Capua
and Benevento, whom he call, his slaves, and on account of whom an
inward grief is troubling him. "Your master," he said, has taken my
slaves under his protection; if he will not let them go restore them
to their former servitude, he must do without our friendship
455
They themselves demand to be taken back under our rule but our
imperial dignity refuses them, that they may know and experience how
dangerous it is for slaves to fall away from their masters and to flee
slavery. And it is more becoming for your master to give them over to
me as friend, than to renounce them to me against his will. Indeed
they shall learn, if my life holds out, what it is deceive their lord;
what it is to desert their servitude. And even now, as I think, they
feel what I say,-our soldiers who are beyond the sea, having brought
it to pass!"
To this he did not permit me to reply; but, although desired to go
away, he ordered me to return to his table. His father sat with him, a
man, it seemed to me, a hundred and fifty years old. Before him, as
before his so the Greeks call out with hymns of praise - nay, with
blatancies - that God may multiply his years. From this we can gather
how foolish the Greeks are; how fond of such glory; how adulatory; how
greedy. For, not only to an old man but to an utterly worn-out
graybeard, they wish what they know for certain that nature itself
will not grant. And the worn-out graybeard rejoices that that is
wished to him which, as he knows, God will not grant him; and which,
if He did, would be to his disadvantage, and not to his advantage. And
Nicephorus, if you please could rejoice at being called the prince of
peace, and the morning star! To call a weakling strong, a fool wise, a
short man tall, a black man white, a sinner holy, is believe me, not
praise but contumely. And he who rejoices in having strange attributes
called after him, rather than those that are rightly due to him, is
altogether like those birds whose eyes the night illumines, the day
blinds.
But let us return to the matter in hand, At this meal -a thing that he
had not done before-he ordered to read with a loud voice a homily of
St. John Chrysostom on the Acts of the apostles. At the end of this
reading, when I sought permission to return to you, nodding
affirmatively with his bead, he ordered my persecutor to take me back
-my fellow citizens and co-denizens, the lions. When this had been
done I was not received by him until the thirteenth day before the
Calends of August (July 20), but was diligently guarded lest I might
enjoy the discourse of any
456
one who might indicate to me his actions. Meanwhile he ordered
Grimizo, Adalbert's messenger, to come to him and bade him return with
the imperial fleet, This consisted of twenty- four Chelandian, two
Russian, and two Gallic ships -1 do not know if he sent others which I
did not see. The bravery of your soldiers, my masters and august
emperors, does not require to be encouraged by, the weakness of their
adversaries, although this has often been the case with other nations;
the hindmost of which, and the weakest in comparison, have struck down
the Greek bravery and made it tributary. For just as it would not
intimidate you if I announced that they were very strong and
comparable to the Macedonian Alexander, so also I do not put courage
into you when I narrate their weakness, true as it is. I wish you
might believe me, and I know you will believe me, that you with four
hundred of your warriors can slay that whole army, if ditches or walls
do not prevent. And over this army, in scorn of you, as I think, be
has placed in command a sort of man-a sort of, I say, because be has
ceased to be a male and was not able to become a female. Adalbert has
sent word to Nicephorus that he, has eight thousand knights in armor,
and says that, if the Greek army helps him, he can, with them, put to
flight or annihilate you. And he asks your rival to send him money,
that he may the more readily induce his troops to fight.
Now, however, my masters,
Hark to the wiles of the Greeks, and from one single example learn
all.
Nicephorus gave that slave, to whom he had entrusted the army which he
had brought together and hired, a considerable sum of money to be
disposed of as follows: if Adalbert, as he had promised, should join
him with seven thousand and more knights in armor, then he was to
distribute among them that sum; and Cono, Adalbert's brother, with his
and the Greek army was to attack you; but Adalbert was to be
diligently guarded in Bari, until his brother should come back having
gained the victory. But if Adalbert when he came should not bring with
him- so many thousands of men, lie ordered that he was, to be taken,
bound, and given over to you where you came; moreover that
457
the money which was destined for him, Adalbert, should be paid over
into your hands! Oh what a warrior, oh what fidelity. He wishes to
betray him for whom he pre pares a defender; he prepares a defender
for 'him whom he wishes to destroy. Towards neither is he faithful,
towards both untrue. He does what he did not need to do, he needed to
do what be has not done. But so be it, he acted as one might expect
from Greeks! But let us return to the matter in hand.
On the fourteenth day before the Calends of August (July 19) he
dismissed that motley fleet, I looking on from my hated abode. On the
thirteenth day, moreover (July 20), on which day the flippant Greeks
celebrate with theatrical plays the ascension of the prophet Elias, he
ordered me to go to him and said - "Our imperial majesty thinks to
lead an army against the Assyrians, not as your master does, against
followers of Christ. Already last year I wished to do this, but
hearing that your master intended to invade the territory of our
empire, letting the Assyrians go, we turned our reins against him. His
envoy, the Venetian Dominicus met us in Macedonia, and, with much
labor and exertion, induced us to return, affirming to us with an oath
that your master would never think of such a thing, much less do it.
Return therefore," -when I heard this I said to myself, " Thank God!"
-" and announce this and this to your master; if he give me
satisfaction, return hither again."
I answered: " If your most holy majesty shall command me quickly to
fly to Italy, I know for certain that my master will fulfill what your
majesty wishes, and I will joyfully return to you." In what spirit I
said this did not, alas, remain hid from him. For, smiling, he nodded
his head and ordered me, as I was adoring him to the ground, and was
going away, to remain outside and come to his meal, which smelt
strongly of garlic and onions and was filthy with oil and fish-juice.
On this day I brought it about through many prayers that he deigned to
accept my gift, which he had often scorned.
As we were sitting at his long narrow table, which was covered for
some ells - for the most part, however, uncovered - he made merry over
the Franks, under which
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name he included the Latins as well as the Germans; and he asked me to
tell him where the city of my bishopric was situated and in what name
it rejoiced. I said, "Cremona, quite near to the Eridanus (Po), the
king of the rivers of Italy. And since your imperial majesty hastens
to send Chelandian ships there, may it be of advantage to me to have
seen and known you! Grant peace to the place, that at least by your
favor it may continue to exist, since it cannot resist you." But the
sly fellow saw that I said this ironically, and with submissive mien
promised that he would do this; and he swore to me by virtue of his
holy empire, that I should suffer no ill, but should prosperously and
quickly arrive at the port of Ancona with his Chelandian ships. And
this he swore to me, striking his breast with his fingers.
But mark how impiously he had sworn. These things were said and done
on the thirteenth day before the Calends of August (July 20) on the
second day of the week (Monday); from which day, until the ninth day,
I received no supplies from him. And this was at a time when the
famine in Constantinople was so great that for three gold pieces I was
not able to provide a meal for my twenty five companions and the four
Greek guards. On the fourth day of that week Nicephorus left
Constantinople to march against the Assyrians.
On the fifth day his brother called me before him and addressed me as
follows: "The holy emperor has gone forth and I have remained at home
to-day at his command. Tell me, then, now, if you do desire to see the
holy emperor, and if you have any thing which you have not yet
imparted." I answered him: "I have no reason for seeing the holy
emperor or for narrating any thing new; I ask this alone, that,
according to the promise of the holy emperor, he allow me to cross on
his Chelandian ships to the port of Ancona." On hearing this,-the
Greeks are always ready to swear by the head of another -he began to
swear that he would do so by the head of the emperor, by his own life,
by his children whom God, according as he spoke truly, was to
preserve. When I asked him: "When " he answered: "As soon as the
emperor is gone; for the 'delongaris' in whose hand all
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the power over the ships rests, will see to you when the holy emperor
goes away." Deceived by this hope, I went away from him rejoicing.
But two days after, on Saturday, Nicephorus had me summoned to Umbria,
which is a place eighteen miles from Constantinople. And he said to
me: "I thought that you had come hither, as a distinguished and
upright man, in order altogether to accede to my demands and to
establish a perpetual friendship between me and your master. But as,
on account of your hardness of heart, you are not willing to do this:
at least bring about this one thing, which you may with perfect right
do; promise, namely, that your master will lend no aid to the princes
of Capua and Benevento, my slaves whom I am about to attack. Since he
gives us nothing of his own , let him at least give up what is ours.
It is a well-known thing that their fathers and grandfathers gave
tribute to our empire, and that they themselves shall shortly do the
same,-for that the army of our empire will labor."
I answered him: "Those princes are nobles of the first rank and
vassals of my master; and, if he see that your army attacks them, be
will send to them aid which will enable them to annihilate your forces
and to take away those two provinces which are yours beyond the sea."
Then, swelling like a toad and -very angry: "Go away," be said; " by
myself, by my parents who engendered me such as I am, I will make your
master think of other things than of protecting rebellious slaves."
As I was going away, he ordered the interpreter to invite me to table;
and summoning the brother of those two princes, and Bysantius of Bari,
he ordered them to give vent to gross insults against yourselves and
against the Latin and the Teuton race. But as I was going away from
the foul meal, they sent word to me secretly through messengers and
swore that what they had growled out bad been said not of their own
will, but because of the wishes and threats of the emperor. But
Nicephorus himself asked me at that meal if you bad parks and if in
your parks you had wild asses and other animals. When I had answered
him that you had parks and animals in the parks, but no wild asses, he
said: "I will take you into our park
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and you will be surprised to see its size and to look at the wild
asses." I was led therefore into a park which was rather large, hilly
and fruitful, but -not at all pleasing to the view; and as I was
riding along with my hat on and the marshal of the court saw me from
afar, he quickly, dispatched his son to me to say that it was wrong
for any one to be with his bat on where the emperor was and that I
must wear the Teristra. I answered: " With us the women wear hoods and
veils; the men ride with their hats on. And you have no right to
compel me here to change the custom of my country, considering that we
permit your envoys who come to us to keep to the custom of theirs, For
with long sleeves, swathed, spangled, with long hair, clad in tunics
down to their ankles, they ride, walk and sit at table with us; and,
what to all of us seems too disgraceful, they alone kiss our emperors
with uncovered heads."-" May God not allow it to be done any longer "
I said to myself.-" you must turn back, then," he said.
As I did this there met us, herded together with goats, the so-called
wild asses. But why, I ask, wild asses? Our tame ones at Cremona are
the same. Their color, shape and ears are the same; they are equally
melodious when they begin to bray; they resemble each other in size,
have the same swiftness, and are equally pleasant food for wolves.
When I saw them I said to the Greek who was riding with me: "I never
saw the like in Saxony." ,If," he said, " your master shall be
friendly to the holy emperor, he will give him many such; and it will
be no little glory to him himself to possess what no one of his
distinguished predecessors has ever seen." But believe me, my august
masters, my brother and fellow bishop, master Antony, (of Brixen) can
furnish ones that are not inferior, as is witnessed by the markets
which are held at Cremona; and there they walk about not as wild asses
but as tame ones. But when my escort bad announced the above words to
Nicephorus, he sent me two goats, and gave me permission to go away.
On the following day he himself started towards Syria.
But mark now why he led his army against the Assyrians. The Greeks and
Saracens have books which they call the Visions of Daniel; I would
call them Sibylline
461
Books. In them is found written how many years each emperor shall
live; what things, whether peace or war, are to happen during his
reign; whether fortune is to be favorable to the Saracens, or the
reverse. And so it reads, that, in the time of this Nicephorus, the
Assyrians will not be able to resist the Greeks, and that he,
Nicephorus, will only live seven years; and that after his death an
emperor shall arise worse than he-only I fear that none such can be
found-and more unwarlike; in whose time the Assyrians shall so
prevail, that they shall bring all the regions as far as Chalcedon,
which is not far from Constantinople, under their sway. For both
peoples have regard for their favorable seasons; and from one and the
same cause the Greeks press on encouraged, and the Saracens, in
despair, make no resistance; awaiting the time when they themselves
may press on, and the Greeks, in turn, may not resist.
Hippolytus, indeed, a certain Sicilian bishop, wrote similarly
concerning your empire and our people-I call "our people," namely, all
those who are under your rule;-and would that it were true what he
prophesied concerning the present times. The other things have
hitherto come to pass as he foretold, as I have heard from those who
know these books. And of his many sayings I will mention one. For he
says that now the saying is to be fulfilled: "The lion and his whelp
shall together exterminate the wild ass." The interpretation of which
is, according to the Greeks: Leo -that is, the emperor of the Romans
or Greeks-and his whelp,-the king, namely, of the Franks - shall
together in these days drive out the wild ass - that is, the African
king of the Saracens. Which interpretation does not seem to me true,
for this reason, that the lion and the whelp, although differing in
size, are nevertheless of one nature and species or kind; and, as my
knowledge suggests to me, if the lion be the emperor of the Greeks, it
is not fitting that the whelp should be the king of the Franks. For
although both are men, as the lion and the whelp are both animals, yet
they differ in habits as much-I will not say alone as one species from
another-but as rational beings from those who have no reason. The
whelp differs from the lion only in age; the form is the same, the
ferocity
462
the same, the roar the same. The king of the Greeks wears long hair, a
tunic, long sleeves, a hood; is lying, crafty, without pity, sly as a
fox, proud, falsely humble, miserly, and greedy; lives on garlic,
onions, and leeks, and drinks bath-water. The king of the Franks, on
the contrary, is beautifully shorn ; wears a garment not at all like a
woman's garment, and a hat; is truthful, without guile, merciful
enough when it is right, severe when it is necessary, always truly
humble, never miserly; does not live on garlic, onions and leeks so as
to spare animals and, by not eating them, but selling them, to heap
money together. You have heard the difference; do not be willing to
accept their interpretation, for either it refers to the future, or it
is not true. For it is impossible that Nicephorus, as they falsely
say, can be the lion and Otto the whelp, and that they together shall
exterminate anyone. For "sooner mutually changing their bounds shall
the Parthian exile drink the Araris, or the German the Tigris,". than
that Nicephorus and Otto shall become friends and close a treaty with
each other.
You have beard the interpretation of the Greeks; hear how that of
Liutprand, bishop of Cremona. For I say and not alone do I say, but I
affirm-that if the prophecy is to be fulfilled in the present time,
the lion and the whelp are the father and the son, Otto and Otto,
unlike in nothing only differing in age,-and that they together shall,
in this present time, exterminate the wild ass Nicephorus; who not
incongruously is compared to the wild ass on account of his vain and
empty gladly, and on account of his incestuous marriage with his
fellow god-parent and mistress. If now that wild ass shall not be
exterminated by our lion and his whelp-by Otto and Otto, the father,
namely, and the son, the august emperors of the Romans-then that which
Hippolytus wrote will not have been true; for that former
interpretation of the Greeks is entirely to be discarded. But oh
blessed Jesus, eternal God, the Word of the Father-who does speak to
us, unworthy as we are, not by voice but by inspiration - may you be
willing to see in this sentence no other interpretation than mine.
Command that that lion and that whelp may exterminate and bodily
humble this wild ass; to the end that, retiring into himself,
subjecting himself to his masters the emperors
463
Basilius and Constantine, his soul may be saved at the Day of the
Lord!
But the astronomers prophesy alike concerning yourselves and
Nicephorus. Truly wonderful, I say. I have spoken with a certain
astronomer who truly described your form and habits, most illustrious
master, and that of your august namesake; and who related all my past
experiences as if they were present. Nor were the names mentioned of
any of my friends or enemies concerning whom I thought of asking him,
but that he could tell me their appearance, form and character. He
foretold all calamity that has happened to me on this journey. But may
all that he said to me be false, I only ask that one thing alone be
true that which he foretold you would do to Nicephorus. Oh may it come
to pass! Oh may it come to pass! And then I shall feel that the wrongs
I have suffered are as nothing at all.
The aforesaid Hippolytus writes also that not the Greeks but the
Franks shall put an end to the Saracens. Encouraged by which prophecy
the Saracens, three years ago, engaged in battle near Scylla and
Charybdis in the Sicilian waters, with the patrician Manuel, the
nephew of Nicephorus. And when they bad laid low his immense forces
-they took his own self and beheaded him and hung up his corpse, And
when they bad captured his companion and colleague, who was of neither
gender, they scorned to kill him; but having bound him and kept him to
pine in long imprisonment, they sold him for a price at which no
mortals who were sound in their heads would have bought him. And with
no less spirit, encouraged by this same prophecy, they shortly after
met the general Exachontes. And when they had put him to flight, they
destroyed his army in every way.
Another reason also compelled Nicephorus at this time to lead his army
against the Assyrians. For at this time, by the will of God, a famine
had so laid waste all the land of the Greeks, that not even two Pavian
sextares could be bought for a piece of gold: and this in the very
realm of plenty, as it were, This misfortune, the field mice aiding
him, Nicephorus increased by collecting for himself, at the time of
harvest, whatever corn there was anywhere; giving
464
a minimum price to the despairing owners. And when he had clone this
on the side towards Mesopotamia, where the supply of grain on account
of the absence of the mice was greater: the amount of corn that he had
equaled the amount of the sands of the sea. When, therefore, on
account of this vile transaction, famine was everywhere shamefully
raging, he brought together eighty thousand men under pretext of a
military expedition; and he sold to them, during one whole mouth, for
two gold pieces what he had bought for one. These, my master, are the
reasons which compelled Nicephorus now to lead his forces against the
Assyrians. But what sort of forces? I ask. Truly, I answer, not men,
but only images of men; whose tongue only is bold, but whose right
hand is frigid in war. Nicephorus did not look for quality in them,
but only for quantity, How perilous this is for him he will learn to
his sorrow, when the multitude of unwarlike ones, brave only on
account of numbers, shall be put to rout by a handful of our men who
are skilled in war - nay, thirsting for it.
When you were besieging Bari only three hundred Hungarians seized five
hundred Greeks near Thessalonica and led them into Hungary. Which
attempt, inasmuch as it succeeded, induced two hundred Hungarians in
Macedonia, not far from Constantinople, to do the like ; of whom
forty, when they were retreating incautiously through a narrow pass,
were captured. These Nicephorus, freeing them from custody and
adorning - them with most costly garments, has made his body guard and
defenders-taking them with him against the Assyrians. But what kind of
an army he a has you can conjecture from this,-that those who are in
command over the others are Venetians and Amalfians!
But no more of this! Learn now what happened to me. On the sixth day
before the Calends of August (July 27), 1 received at -Umbria, outside
of Constantinople, permission from Nicephorus to return to you, And
when I came to Constantinople, the patrician Christophorus, the eunuch
who was the representative of Nicephorus there, sent word to me that I
could not then start to return because the Saracens at that time were
holding the sea and the Hungarians the land-I should have to wait
until they retired. Both of which facts, oh woe is me, were
465
false! Then wardens were placed over us to prevent myself, and my
companions from going out of our habitation. They seized and slew or
put in prison the poor of Latin race who came to me to beg alms. They
did not permit my Greek interpreter to go out even to buy supplies-but
only my cook, who was ignorant of the Greek tongue and who could speak
to the vendor, when he bought of him, not with words but by signs of
his fingers or nods of his head. He bought for four pieces of money
only as much as the interpreter for one. And when some of my friends
sent spices, bread, wine and apples,-pouring theta all on the ground,
they sent the bearers away overwhelmed with blows of the fist. And had
not the divine pity prepared before me a table against my,
adversaries, I should have bad to accept the death they arranged for
me. But Ho who permitted that I should be tempted, mercifully granted
then that I should endure. And these perils tried my soul at
Constantinople from the second day before the Nones of June (June 4),
until the sixth day before the Nones of October (Oct. 2)-one hundred
and twenty days.
But, to increase my calamities, on the day of the Assumption of the
Virgin Mary the holy mother of God (August 15), there came-an evil
augury for me-envoys of the apostolic and universal pope John, through
whom he asked Nicephorus ,the emperor of the Greeks " to close an
alliance and firm friendship with his beloved and spiritual son Otto
"august emperor of the Romans." Before the question as to why- this
word, this manner of address, sinful and bold in the eyes of the
Greeks, did not cost its bearer his life-why he was not annihilated
before it was read, I, who, in other respects, have often shown myself
enough of a preacher and with words enough at my command, seem dumb as
a fish! The Greeks inveighed against the sea, cursed the waves, and
wondered exceedingly how they had been able to transport such an
iniquity end why the yawning deep had not swallowed up the ship. " Was
it not unpardonable," they said, "to have called the universal emperor
of the Romans, the august, great, only Nicephorus: "of the Greeks"';-a
barbarian, a pauper: of the Romans'? Oh sky! Oh earth! Oh sea! But
466
what," they said, " shall we do to those scoundrels, those criminals?"
They are paupers, and if we kill them we pollute our hands with vile
blood; they are ragged, they are slaves, they are peasants; if we beat
them we disgrace not them, but ourselves; for they are not worthy of
the gilded Roman flail and of such punishments. Oh would that one were
a bishop, another a margrave! For sewing them in sacks, after stinging
blows with whips, after plucking out their beards or their hair, they
would be thrown into the sea. But these," they said, " may continue to
live; and, until the holy emperor of the Romans, Nicephorus, learns of
this atrocity, they may languish in narrow confinement."
When I learned this I considered them happy because poor, myself
unhappy because rich. When I was at home, my desire was to excuse my
poverty; but placed in Constantinople, fear itself taught me that I
bad the wealth of a Croesus. Poverty had always seemed burdensome to
me -then it seemed welcome, acceptable, desirable; yes, desirable,
since it keeps its votaries from perishing, its followers from being
flayed. And since at Constantinople alone this poverty thus defends
its votaries, may it there alone be considered worth striving after !
The papal messengers, therefore, being thrown into prison, that
offending epistle was sent to Nicephorus in Mesopotamia; whence no one
returned to bring an answer until the second day before the Ides of
September (Sept. 12). On that day it came, but its import was
concealed from me. And after two days- on the eighteenth day namely,
before the Calends of October (Sept. 14)-I brought it about by prayers
and gifts that I might adore the life-giving and salvation-bringing
cross. And there in the great crowd, unnoticed by the guards, certain
persons approached me, and rendered my saddened heart joyful through
stolen words.
But on the fifteenth day before the Calends of October (Sept. 17), as
much dead as alive, I was summoned to the palace. And when I came into
the presence of the patrician Christophorus-the eunuch, receiving me
kindly, rose to meet me with three others. Their- discourse began as
follows The pallor in your face, the emaciation of - your
467
whole body, your long hair, and your beard-flowing, contrary to your
custom-show that there is immense grief in your heart because the date
of your return to your master has been delayed. But, we pray you, be
not angry with the holy emperor nor with us. For we will tell you the
cause of the delay. The Roman pope-if indeed he is to be called pope
who has held communion and worked together with the son of Alberic the
apostate, with an adulterer and unhallowed person-has sent letters to
our most holy emperor, worthy of himself, unworthy of Nicephorus,
calling him the emperor "of the Greeks," and not "of the Romans."
Which thing beyond a doubt has been done by the advice of your
master."
"What do I hear?" I said to myself. ,I am lost; there is no doubt but
what I shall go by the shortest way to the judgment-seat."
" Now listen," they continued, " we know you will say that the pope is
the simplest of men; you will say it, and we acknowledge it." "But," I
answered, "I do not say it."
Hear then! The stupid silly pope does not know that the holy
Constantine transferred hither the imperial scepter, the senate, and
all the Roman knighthood, and left in Rome nothing but vile minion s-
fishers, namely, peddlers, bird catchers, bastards, plebeians, slaves.
He would never have written this unless at the suggestion of your
king; how dangerous this will be to both-the immediate future, unless
they come to their senses, will show." "But the pope," I said, "whose
simplicity is his title to renown, thought he was writing this to the
honor of the emperor, not to his shame. We know, of course, that
Constantine, the Roman emperor, came hither with the Roman knighthood,
and founded this city in his name; but because you changed your
language, your customs, and your dress, the most holy pope thought
that the name of the Romans as well as their dress would displease
you. He will show this, if he lives, in his future letters ; for they
shall be addressed as follows: 'John, the Roman pope, to Nicephorus,
Constantine, Basilius, the great and august emperors of the Romans! "
And now mark, I beg, why I said this.
Nicephorus came to the throne through perjury and adultery. And since
the salvation of all Christians -per-
468
tains to the care of the Roman pope, let the lord pope send to
Nicephorus au epistle altogether like to those sepulchers which
without are whited, within are full of dead men's bones; within let
him show to him how through perjury and adultery he has obtained the
rule over his masters let him invite Nicephorus to a synod, and, if he
do not come, let him hurl the anathema at him. But if the address be
not as I have said, it will never reach him.
But to return to the matter in hand. When the princes I have mentioned
heard from me the aforesaid promise concerning the address, not
suspecting any guile: "We thank you," the said, " oh bishop. It is
worthy of your wisdom to act as mediator in so great a matter. You are
the only one of the Franks whom we now love; but when at your behest
they shall have corrected what is evil, they also shall be loved. And
when you shall come to us again you shall not go away unrewarded."
I said to myself : "If I ever come back here again, may Nicephorus
present me with a crown and a golden scepter!"
"But tell us," they continued, " does your most holy master wish to
close with the emperor a treaty of friendship through marriage?"
" When I came hither he wished it," I said, " but since, during my
long delay, he has received no news; he thinks that you have committed
a crime, and that I have been taken and bound; and his whole soul,
like that of a lioness bereft of her whelps, is inflamed with a desire
through just wrath to take vengeance, and to renounce the marriage and
to pour out his anger upon you,"
"If he attempts it," they said, " we will not say Italy but not even
the poor Saxony where he was born - where the inhabitants wear the
skins of wild beasts-will protect him. With our money, which gives us
our power, we will arouse all the nations against him; and we will
break him in pieces like a potter's vessel, which, when broken can not
be brought into shape again. And as we imagine that Al thou, in his
honor, hast bought some costly garments, we order you to bring them
before us. What are fit for you shall be marked with a leaden seal and
left to you; but those which are prohibited to all nations except to
us Romans, shall be taken away and the price returned."
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When this had been done they took away from me five most costly purple
stuffs; considering yourselves and all the Italians, Saxons, Franks,
Bavarians, Swabians-nay, all nations-as unworthy to be adorned with
such vestments. How unworthy, how shameful it is, that these soft,
effeminate, long-sleeved, hooded, veiled, lying, neutral gendered,
idle creatures should go clad in purple, while you heroes-strong men,
namely, skilled in war, full of faith and love, reverencing God, full
of virtues-may not! What is this, if it be not contumely? "But where,"
I said, "is the word of your emperor, where the imperial promise? For
when I said farewell to him, I asked him up to what price he would
permit me to buy vestments in honor of my church. And he said: "Buy
whatever ones and as many as you do wish;' and in thus designating the
quantity and the quality, he clearly did not make a distinction as if
he had said 'excepting this and this.' Leo, the marshal of the court,
his brother, is witness; Enodisius, the interpreter, John, Romanus,
are witnesses. I myself am witness, since even without the
interpreter, I understood what the emperor said."
"But," they said, -these things are prohibited; and when the emperor
spoke as you say he did, he could not imagine that you would even
dream of such things as these. For, as we surpass other nations in
wealth and wisdom, so also we ought to surpass them in dress; so that
those who are singularly endowed with virtue, should have garments
unique in beauty."
"Such a garment can hardly be called unique," I answered, " when with
us the street-walkers and conjurers wear them."
"Where do they get them? " they asked.
"From Venetian and Amalfian traders," I said, " who, by bringing them
to us, support themselves from the food we give them."
"Well, they shall not do so any longer," they said. They shall be
closely examined , and if any thing of this kind shall be found on
them they shall be punished with blows and shorn of their hair."
"In the time of the emperor Constantine, of blessed memory," I said, "
I came here not as bishop but as
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deacon; not sent by an emperor or king but by the margrave Berengar;
and I bought many more and more precious vestments, which were neither
looked at nor viewed by the Greeks nor stamped with lead. Now, having
become a- bishop by the mercy of God, and being sent by the
magnificent emperors Otto and Otto, father and son, L am so insulted
that my vestments are marked after the manner of the Venetians; and,
as they are being transported for the use of the church entrusted to
me, whatever seems of any worth is taken away. Are you not weary of
insulting me, or rather my masters, for whose sake I am derided? Is it
not enough that I am given into custody, that I am tortured by hunger
and thirst, that I could not return to them, being detained until
now,-without, to fill the measure of their disrespect to them, my
being robbed of my own things ? Take away from me at least only what I
have bought; leave me those things that have been given me as a gift
by my friends!
"The emperor Constantine," they said, "was a mild man, who always
stayed in his palace, and by such means as this made the natives
friendly to him; but the emperor Nicephorus, a man given to war,
abhors the palace as if it were the plague. And he is called by us
warlike and almost a lover of strife; nor does he make the nations
friendly to him by paying them, but subjects them to his rule by
terror and the sword. And in order that you may see what is our
opinion of your royal masters, all that has been given to you of this
color, and all that has been bought shall revert to us by the same
process."
Having done and said these things they gave to me a letter written and
sealed with gold to bring to you; but it -was not worthy of you, as I
thought. They brought also other letters sealed with silver and said:
"We judge it unseemly that your pope should receive letters from the
emperor; but the marshal of the court, the emperor's brother, sends
him an epistle which is good enough for him - .not through his own
poor envoys but through you to the effect that ' unless he come to his
senses, he shall know that he shall be utterly confounded."
When I had received this, they let me go, giving me kisses which were
very sweet, very loving. But as I went
471
away they sent me a message right worthy of themselves but not 6f
me-to the effect, namely, that they would give me horses for myself
personally and for my companions, but none for my luggage. And thus,
being very much annoyed, as was natural,- I had to give to my guide as
pay, objects of the worth of fifty pieces of gold. And as I had no
means of retaliating upon Nicephorus for his ill deeds,' I wrote these
verses on the wall of -my hated habitation, and upon a wooden table:
False is Argolian faith, be warned and mistrust it O Latin;
Heed you and let not your ear be lent to the words that they utter.
when it will help him the Argive will swear by all that is holy!
Lofty, with windows tall, ornate with varying marble,
This-dwelling, deficient in water, admits the sun in its confines,
Fosters the bitterest cold, nor repels the heat when it rages
Liutprand a bishop I, from Cremona a town of Ausonia,
Hither for love of peace to Constantinople did journey;
Here I was kept confined throughout the four months of the summer.
For before Bari's gates had appeared the emperor Otto,
Striving to take the place by-flame alike and by slaughter.
Thence, by my prayers induced, he hastens to Rome, his own city
Greece meanwhile having promised a bride for the son of the victor.
O had she ne'er been born, and I had been spared this grim journey
Safely avoiding the wrath that Nicephorus since has poured on me-
He who prohibits his stepchild from wedding the son of my master!
Lo, the day is at hand, when war, impelled by fierce furies,
Wildly shall rage o'er earth's limits, should God not see fit to avert
it.
Peace which is longed for by al1, because of his guilt will be silent!
After writing these verses, on the sixth day before the Nones of
October (Oct. 2), at the tenth hour, I entered my boat with my guide,
and left that once most rich and flourishing, now half-starved,
perjured, lying, wily, greedy, rapacious, avaricious, vain-glorious
city; and after forty nine days of ass-riding, walking, horse-riding,
fasting, thirsting, sighing, weeping, groaning, I came to Naupactus,
which is a city of Nikopolis. And here my, guide deserted me after
placing us on two small ships, and committing us to two imperial
messengers who were to being me by sea to Hydronto. But since their
Orders did
472
not include the right of levying from the Greek princes, they were
everywhere repulsed ; so that we were not supported by them, but they
by us. How often did I revolve within me that verse of Terence : "They
themselves need help whom you do choose to defend you."
On the ninth day before the Calends of December, then (Nov. 23), we
left Naupactus and I arrived at the river Offidaris in two days - my
companions not remaining in the ships, which could not hold them, but
advancing along the shore. From our position on the river Offidaris we
looked over to Patras, eighteen miles distant, on the other shore of
the sea. This place of apostolic suffering, which we had visited and
adored on our way to Constantinople, we now omitted-I confess my
fault-to visit and adore. My unspeakable desire, my august lords and
masters, of returning to you and seeing you was the cause of this; and
if it had not been for this alone, I would, I believe, have forever
perished.
A storm from the south rose against me-madman that I was,-disturbing
the sea to its lowest depths with its ragings. And when it had
continued to do this for several days and nights: on the day before
the Calends of December (Nov. 30)-on the very day, namely, of His
passion-I recognized that this had happened to me of my own fault.
Trouble alone taught me to give ear to its meaning. Famine, indeed,
had begun to violently oppress us. The inhabitants of the land thought
to kill us, in order to take our goods from us. The sea, to hinder our
flight, was raging high. Then, betaking myself to the church which I
saw, weeping and wailing, I said: "Oh holy apostle Andrew, I am the
servant of your fellow fisherman, brother and fellow apostle, Simon
Peter; I have not avoided the place of your suffering or kept away
from it through pride; the command of my emperors, the love of them,
urges me to return home. If my sin has moved you to indignation, may
the merit of my august masters lead you to mercy. You have nothing to
bestow on your brother; bestow something on the emperors who love your
brother by putting their trust in Him who knows all things. You know
with what labor and exertion, with what vigils and at what
expense-snatching it from
473
the hands of the godless-they have enriched, honored, exalted, and
brought back to its proper condition, the Roman church of your brother
the apostle Peter. But if my works cast me into peril, let their
merits at least free me; and let not those whom your aforesaid brother
in the faith and in the flesh, Peter the chief apostle of the
apostles, wishes to have rejoice and prosper, be saddened by this-that
is, through 2ne whom they themselves had sent! "
This is not, oh my masters and august emperors, this is not flattery.
I tell you truly, and I do not sew pillows under my arms-the thing, I
say, is true - after two days, through your merits the sea became calm
and so tranquil, that when our sailors deserted us, we ourselves
sailed the boat to Leucate - a hundred and forty miles, namely
suffering no danger or discomfort, except a little at the mouth of the
river Acheloi, where its current running down rapidly is beaten back
against the waves of the sea.
How then, most mighty emperors, will you repay the Lord for all that
which for your sakes He did to me. I will tell you how God wishes this
and demands this to be done. And although He can do it without you, He
wishes nevertheless that you shall be His instruments in this. matter.
For He himself furnishes what shall be offered unto Him keeps what He
demands from us, in order to crown His own work. Pay attention then, I
beg. Nicephorus, being a man who scorns all churches, on account of
the wrath in which he abounds towards you, has ordered the patriarch
of Constantinople to raise the church of Hydronto to the rank of a
bishopric, and not to permit any longer, throughout all Apulia and
Calabria, that the divine mysteries be celebrated in Latin, but to
have them celebrated in Greek. He says that the former popes were
traders and that they, sold the Holy, Spirit - that Spirit by which
all things are vivified and ruled -, which fills the universe; which
knows the Word,; which is co-eternal, and of one substance with God
the Father and His Son Jesus Christ, without beginning, without end,
for eve-r true; who ('Christ) I 'not valued at a fixed price, but is
bought by the clean-hearted for as much as they hold Him to be worth.
And so Poly-
474
euctus, the patriarch of Constantinople, wrote a privilege for the
bishop of Hydronto to this effect -. that be should by his authority
have permission to consecrate bishops in Acerenza, Tursi, Gravina,
Matera and Tricarico: which, however, evidently belong to the diocese
of the lord pope. But why need I say this when, indeed, the church of
Constantinople itself is rightly subject to our holy catholic and
apostolic church of Rome. We know-nay, we have seen-that the bishop of
Constantinople did not use the pallium except with the permission of
our holy father. But when that most godless Alberic,-whom cupidity,
not by drops, but, as it were, by torrents, had filled-usurped for
himself the Roman city, and held the lord pope like his own slave in
his dwelling, the emperor Romanus made his own son, the eunuch
Theophylactus, patriarch. And since the cupidity of Alberic was not
hidden from him, he sent to him very great gifts, bringing it about
that, in the name of the pope, letters were sent to the patriarch
Theophylactus, by the authority of which be and his successors alike
might use the pallium without permission from the popes. From which
vile transaction the shameful custom arose that not only the
patriarchs but also the bishops of all Greece should use the pallium.
How absurd this is, I do not need to make clear.- It is therefore my
plan that a sacred synod be held, and Polyeuctus be summoned to it.
But if he be unwilling to come and to amend the faults that have been
mentioned above, then let that be done which the holy canons shall
decree. Do you in the mean. time, most potent emperors, continue to
labor as you have done; bring it about that, if Nicephorus be
unwilling to obey us when we arrange to proceed against him
canonically, he will hear you, whose forces this half-corpse will not
dare to meet. This, I say, is what the apostles, our masters and
follow fighters, wish us to do. Rome is not to be despised by the
Greeks because Constantine went away from it; but rather to be the
more cherished, venerated and adored for the reason that the apostles,
the holy teachers Peter and Paul, came thither. But may what I have
written concerning this suffice until, being snatched from the hands
of the Greeks, through the grace of God and the prayers of the most
holy apostles I may come to
475
you. And then it may not weary me to say what it burdens me now here
to write. Now let us return to the matter in hand.
On the eighth day before the Ides of December (Dec. 6) we came to
Leucate, where, by the bishop of that place a eunuch, as by other
bishops everywhere, we were most unkindly received and treated. In all
Greece - I speak truly and do not lie - I found no hospitable bishops.
They are at the same time poor and rich; rich in gold, with which they
play from full coffers; poor in servants and implements. Alone they
seat themselves at their bare little tables, placing before themselves
their ship-biscuit; and then not drinking, but sipping their
bath-water from a very small glass. They, themselves sell and buy;
they themselves close and open their doors; they are their own
stewards, their own ass-drivers, their own "capones"-but ha! I was
going to write "caupones," but the thing itself is so true that I was
compelled to write the truth even when I did not wish to-for really, I
say, they are "caupones "-that is, eunuchs- which is against the
ecclesiastical law; and they are also " capones," that is, tavern
keepers; which is also against the canons. One can say of them -
Lettuce does end the meal that with lettuce has had its beginning,
Lettuce, which too was wont to close the meals of their fathers.'
[Martial ep. Xiii]
I would consider them happy in their poverty if this were an imitation
of the poverty of Christ. But nothing impels them to this save sordid
gain and the cursed thirst for gold. But may God spare them! I think
they do this because their churches are tributary. For the bishop of
Leucate swore to me that every year his church had to pay to
Nicephorus a hundred pieces of gold; and in like manner the other
churches, more or less, according to their means. How wicked this is
is demonstrated by the acts of our most holy father Joseph; for when
he, ii; the time of famine, made all Egypt tributary to Pharaoh, he
permitted the land of the priests to be free from tribute.
476
Leaving Leucate, their, on the nineteenth day before the Calends of
January (Dec. 14), and navigating ourselves since, as we said above,
our sailors had fled - on the fifteenth (Dec. 18) we came to Corfu;
where, before we had left the ship, a certain war-commander met us -
Michael by name, a Chersonite, born in the place called Cherson. He
was a hoary-headed man, jovial faced, good-natured in his discourse,
always pleasantly laughing; but, as it afterwards turned out, a devil
at heart - as God showed to me even then by clear enough proofs, if
only my mind could then have understood them. For at the very time
when, with a kiss, he was wishing me the peace that he did not bear in
his heart, all Corfu-a great island, namely-trembled; and not only
once but three times on the same day did it tremble. Four days later,
moreover, -namely on the eleventh day before the Calends of January
(Dec. 22)-while, sitting at table, I was eating bread with him who was
treading me under foot, the sun, ashamed at such an unworthy deed, hid
the rays of his light, and, suffering an eclipse, terrified that
Michael, but did not change him.
I will explain, then, what I had done to him for the sake of
friendship, and what I received from him by way of reward. On my way
to Constantinople I gave to his son that most costly shield, oiled and
worked with marvelous art, which you, my august masters, gave to me
with the other gifts to give to my Greek friends. Now, returning from
Constantinople, I gave the father a most precious vestment; for all of
which he gave me the following thanks - Nicephorus had written that,
at whatever hour I should come to him, without delay he should place
me or a Greek ship and send me to the chamberlain Leo. He did not do
this; but detained me twenty days and nourished me not at his own but
at my, expense; until an envoy came from the aforesaid chamberlain
Leo, who rated him for delaying me. But because he could not bear my
reproaches, laments, and sighs, he went away and handed me over to a
man so sinful and utterly bad that he did not even permit me to buy
supplies until he had received from me a carpet worth a pound of
silver. And when, after twenty days, I did go away, from there, that
477
man to whom I had given the carpet ordered the ship's master, after
passing a certain promontory, to put me ashore and let me die of
hunger. This he did because he bad searched my baggage to see if I had
any purple vestments concealed, and, when he had wanted to take one, I
had prevented him. Oh you Michaels, you Michaels, where have I ever
found so many of you and such ones! For my 'keeper in Constantinople
gave me over to his rival Michael - a bad man to a worse, the worse
one to a rascal. My guide was also called Michael-a simple man,
indeed, but one whose simplicity harmed me almost as much as the
wickedness of the others. But from the hands of these little Michaels
I came into you, O great Michael half hermit, half monk! I tell you
and I tell you truly; the bath will not avail you, in which you do
assiduously get drank for love of St. John the Baptist! For those who
seek God falsely, shall never merit to find Him!
(The manuscript containing Liutprand's report breaks off here
suddenly.)
translated in the appendix of Ernest F. Henderson, , Select Historical
Documents of the Middle Ages , (London: George Bell, 1910), pp.
440-477 [pagination preserved] The text has been modernized slightly
by the changing of archaic verb forms ["thou wert" and so forth], and
by the Americanization of the spelling.
This text is part of the Internet Medieval Source Book. The Sourcebook
is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts related to
medieval and Byzantine history.
Unless otherwise indicated the specific electronic form of the
document is copyright. Permission is granted for electronic copying,
distribution in print form for educational purposes and personal use.
If you do reduplicate the document, indicate the source. No permission
is granted for commercial use.
(c)Paul Halsall Jan 1996
hal...@murray.fordham.edu
mode...@hotmail.com (moderno1) wrote in message news:<91c2bf58.02083...@posting.google.com>...
June R Harton
> The Romans knew 1000 years ago where the Greeks came from. Read it
> below.
Bulgarian, have you heard of the Gordion Knot?
Here:
http://www.historymuseum.org/items.php3?nid=199&name=ochrid
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/exarchy.htm
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/documen3.htm
And see below... even though poster foolishly calls the West Bulgarians
of FYROM 'Macedonians'... he does post the actual correct date....
you and the Fyromians are nothing but Bulgarians:
In article <3808B8...@uqah.uquebec.ca>, Tinko Eftimov
<eft...@uqah.uquebec.ca> wrote:
" I have some data concerning the blood tests needed in so
much as contemporary Macedonians and Bulgarians are concerned:
This is from a study by acad. Metodi Popov published in
Bulgaria in 1959. The data is presented in one of the latest issues of
the "Macedonia" newspaper, Sofia.
The blood tests have shown the following results by blood
groups:
Group 0: 36.41% (Bul) vs. 37.17% (Mac)
Group A: 40.85% (Bul) vs. 41.50% (Mac)
Group B: 15.03% (Bul) vs. 13.2% (Mac)
Group AB: 7.71% (Bul) vs. 7.97% (Mac)
Groups A+AB/B+AN: 2.14% (Bul) vs. 2.33% (Mac)"
from: Spirit of Truth
moderno1
1911 Encyclopedia
© 2002 by PageWise, Inc.
PELASGIANS, a name applied by Greek writers to a prehistoric people
whose traces were believed to exist in Greek lands. If the statements
of ancient authorities are marshalled in order of their date it will
be seen that certain beliefs cannot be traced back beyond the age of
this or that author. Though this does not prove that the beliefs
themselves were not held earlier, it suggests caution in assuming that
they were. In the Homeric poems there are Pelasgians among the allies
of Troy: in the catalogue, Iliad, ii. 840—843, which is
otherwise in strict geographical order, they stand between the
Hellespontine towns and the Thracians of south-east Europe, i.e. on
the Hellespontine border of Thrace. Their town or district is called
Larissa and is fertile, and they are celebrated for their
spearmanship. Their chiefs are Hippothous and Pylaeus, sons of Lethus
son of Teutamus. Iliad, x. 428—429, describes their camping
ground between the town of Troy and the sea; but this obviously proves
nothing about their habitat in time of peace. Odyssey, xvii.
175—177, notes Pelasgians in Crete, together with two apparently
indigenous and two immigrant peoples (Achaeans and Dorians), but gives
no indication to which class the Pelasgians belong. In Lemnos (Iliad,
Vii. 467; xiv. 230) there are no Pelasgians, but a Minyan dynasty. Two
other passages (Iliad, ii. 681—684; xvi. 233—235) apply
the epithet “ Pelasgic” to a district called Argos about
Mt Othrys in south Thessaly, and to Zeus of Dodona. But in neither
case are actual Pelasgians mentioned; the Thessalian Argos is the
specific home of Hellenes and Achaeans, and Dodona is inhabited by
Perrhaebians and Aenianes (Iliad, ii. 750) who are nowhere described
as Pelasgian. It looks therefore as if “ Pelasgian” were
here used connotatively, to mean either “ formerly occupied by
Pelasgian “ or simply “ of immemorial age.”
Hesiod expands the Homeric phrase and calls Dodona “seat of
Pelasgians” (fr. 225); he speaks also of a personal Pelasgus as
father of Lycaon, the culture-hero of Arcadia; and a later epic poet,
Asius, describes Pelasgus as the first man, whom the earth threw up
that there might be a race of men. Hecataeus makes Pelasgus king of
Thessaly (expounding Iliad, ~i. 681—684); Acusilaus applies this
Flomeric passage to the Peloponnesian Argos, and engrafts the Hesiodic
Pelasgus, father of Lycaon, into a Peloponnesian genealogy. Hellanicus
a generation later repeats this blunder, and identifies this Argive
and Arcadian Pelasgus with the Thessalian Pelasgus of Hecataeus. For
Aeschylus (Supplices I, sqq.) Pelasgus is earthborn, as in Asius, and
rules a kingdom stretching from Argos to Dodona and the Strymon; but
in Pronietheus 879, the “ Pelasgian” land simply means
Argos. Sophocles takes the same view (Inac/jus, fr. 256) and for the
first time introduces the word “ Tyrrhenian” into the
story, apparently as synonymous with Pelasgian.
Herodotus, like Homer, has a denotative as well as a connotative use.
He describes actual Pelasgians surviving and mutually intelligible (a)
at Placie and Scylace on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont, and (b)
near Creston on the Strymon; in the latter area they have
“Tyrrhenian” neighbours. He alludes to other districts
where Pelasgian peoples lived on under changed names; Samothrace and
Antandrus in Troas are probably instances of this. In Lemnos and
Imbros he describes a Pelasgian population who were only conquered by
Athens shortly before 500 B.C., and in this connexion he tells a story
of earlier raids of these Pelasgians on Attica, and of a temporary
settlement there of Hellespontine Pelasgians, all dating from a time
“when the Athenians were first beginning to count as
Greeks.” Elsewhere “ Pelasgian” in Herodotus
connotes anything typical of, or surviving from, the state of things
in Greece before the coming of the Hellenes. In this sense all Greece
was once “ Pelasgic “; the clearest instances of Pelasgian
survival in ritual and customs and antiquities are in Arcadia, the
“lonian “ districts of north-west Peloponnese, and Attica,
which have suffered least from hellenization. In Athens itself the
prehistoric wall of the citadel and a plot of ground close below it
were venerated in the 5th century as “ Pelasgian”; so too
Thucydides (ii. 17). We may note that all Herodotean examples of
actual Pelasgi lie round, or near, the actual Pelasgi of Homeric
Thrace; that the most distant of these is confirmed by the testimony
of Thucydides (iv. 106) as to the Pelasgian and Tyrrhenian population
of the adjacent seaboard: also that Thucydides adopts the same general
Pelasgian theory of early Greece, with the refinement that he regards
the Pelasgian name as originally specific, and as having come
gradually into this generic use.
Ephorus, relying on Hesiodic tradition of an aboriginal Pelasgian type
in Arcadia, elaborated a theory of the Pelasgians as a warrior-people
spreading (like “Aryans “) from a “Pelasgian
home,” and annexing and colonizing all the parts of Greece where
earlier writers had found allusions to them, from Dodona to Crete and
the Troad, and even as far as Italy, where again their settlements had
been recognized as early as the time of Hellanicur, in close connexion
once more with “Tyrrhenians.”
The copious additional information given by later writers is all by
way either of interpretation of local legends in the light of
Ephorus’s theory, or of explanation of the name” Pelasgoi
“; as when Philochorus expands a popular etymology
“stork-folk” (ireXcuryoi—ireXapyoi) into a theory of
their seasonal migrations; or Apollodorus says that Homer calls Zeus
Pelasgian “because he is not far from every one of us,”
iITt xi-jc ‘yijc ~r~ac ~TTLV. The connexion with Tyrrhenians
which began with Hellanicus, Herodotus and Sophocles becomes confusion
with them in the 3rd century, when the Lemnian pirates and their Attic
kinsmen are plainly styled Tyrrhenians, and early fortress-walls in
Italy (like those on the Palatine in Rome) are quoted as
“Arcadian” colonies.
Modern writers have either been content to restate or amplify the
view, ascribed above to Ephorus, that “Pelasgian” simply
means “prehistoric Greek,” or have used the name Pelasgian
at their pleasure to denote some one element in the mixed population
of the Aegean—Thracian, Illyrian (Albanian) or Semitic. G. Sergi
(Origine e diffusione della stirpe inedilerranea, Rome, 1895; Eng.
trans. The Mediterranean Race, London, 1901), followed by many
anthropologists, describes as “ Pelasgian” one branch of
the Mediterranean or Eur-African race of mankind, and one group of
types of skull within that race. The character of the ancient citadel
wall at Athens, already mentioned, has given the name “Pelasgic
masonry” to all constructions of large unhewn blocks fitted
roughly together without mortar, from Asia Minor to Spain.
For another view than that here taken see ACHAEANS; also GREECE:
Ancient History, § 3, “Homeric Age.”
BIBLI0GRAPHY.—Besides sections on the subject in all principal
histories of Greece and bibliographies in G. Busolt, Gr. Geschichte,
ii (Gotha, 1893, 164—182); and K. F. Hermann (Thumser), Gr.
Staatsaltertljümer, § 6, see S. Bruck, Quae veteres de Pelasgis
tradiderint (Breslau, 1884); B. Giseke, Thra/fisch-pelasgische Stämme
auf der Balkanhalbinsel (Leipzig, 1858); F. G. Hahn, Albenesische
Sludien (Jena, 1854); P. Volkmuth, Die Petasger als Semiten
(Schaffhausen, 1860); H. Kiepert, Monatsbericht d. bert. Akademie
(1861), pp. 114 sqq.; K. Pauli, Pine vorgr-iechzsche Inschrfft auf
Lemnos (Leipzig, 1886); E. Meyer, “ Die Pelasger “ in
Forschungen 1. alten Geschichte (l-lalle, 1892), i. 124; W. Ridgeway,
Early Age of Greece (Cambridge, 1901), vol. i.; J. L. Myres, “ A
History of the Pelasgian Theory (in Journal of Hellenic Studies,
xxvii. 170); H. Marsh, Home pelasgicae (Cambridge, 1815); L. Benloew,
La Grice avant les Grecs
(Paris, 1877). (J. L. M.)
PHRYGIA, the name of a large country in Asia Minor, inhabited by a
race which the Greeks called cIpfry~s, freemen.i Roughly speaking,
Phrygia comprised the western part of the great central plateau of
Anatolia, extending as far east as the river Halys; but its boundaries
were vague,2 and varied so much at different periods that a sketch of
its history must precede any account of the geography. According to
unvarying Greek tradition the Phrygians were most closely akin to
certain tribes of Macedonia and Thrace; and their near relationship to
the Hellenic stock is proved by all that is known of their language
and art, and is accepted by almost every modern authority. The country
named Phrygia in the better known period of history lies inland,
separated from the sea by Paphiagonia, Bithynia, Mysia and Lydia. Yet
we hear of a Phrygian ‘ thalassocracy” at the beginning of
the 9th century B.C. The Troad and the district round Mt Sipylus are
frequently called Phrygian, as also is the seaport Sinope; and a
district on the coast between Sestus and the river Cius was regularly
named Little Phrygia; names like Mygdones, Doliones and Phryges or
Briges, &c., were widely current both in Asia Minor and in Europe. The
inference has been generally drawn that the Phrygians belonged to a
stock widespread in the countries which lie round the Aegean Sea.
There is, however, no conclusive evidence whether this stock came from
the east over Armenia, or was European in origin and crossed the
Hellespont into Asia Minor; but modern opinion inclines decidedly to
the latter view.
According to Greek tradition there existed in early time a Phrygian
kingdom in the Sangarius valley, ruled by kings among whom the names
Gordius and Midas were common. It was known to the ancient Greeks of
lonia and the Troad as something great and half-divine. When the
goddess appeared to her favourite Anchises she represented herself ,
as daughter of the king of Phrygia; the Phrygians were said to be the
oldest people
I The meaning is given in Hesych, s.v. “ Bpi-y€c.”
2 The difficulty of specifying the limits gave rise to a
proverb— XuiPLi r& 4’pu’j&~v.
and their language the original speech of mankind; the Phrygian kings
were familiar associates of the gods, and the heroes of the land tried
their skill against the gods themselves; we hear of the well-walled
cities of Phrygia and of the riches of its kings. Tradition is
completely corroborated by archaeological evidence. In the mountainous
region on the upper waters of the Sangarius, between Kutaiah Eski
Shehr and Afium (Afiom) Kara Hissar, there exist numerous monuments of
great antiquity, showing a style of marked individuality, and implying
a high degree of artistic skill among the people who produced them. On
two of these monuments are engraved the names of “ Midas the
King” and of the goddess “ Kybile the Mother.” Even
the title “king” (&vaE)3 appears to have been borrowed by
Greek from Phrygian.
It is impossible to fix a date for the beginning of the Phrygian
kingdom. It appears to have arisen on the ruins of an older
civilization, whose existence is revealed to us only by the few
monuments which it has left. These monuments, which are found in
Lydia, Phrygia, Cappadocia and Lycaonia, as well as in north and
central Syria, point to the existence of a homogeneous civilization
over those countries; they show a singularly marked style of art, and
are frequently inscribed with a peculiar kind of hieroglyphics,
engraved boustrophedon; and they originated probably from a great
Hittite kingdom, whose kings ruled the countries from Lydia to the
borders of Egypt. There can be traced in Asia Minor an ancient
road-system, to which belongs the “royal road” from Sardis
to the Persian capital, Susa (Herod. V. 55). The royal road followed a
route so difficult and ~circuitous that it is quite unintelligible as
the direct path from any centre ,in Persia, Assyria or Syria to the
west of Asia Minor. It can be understood only by reference to an
imperial centre far in the north. The old trade-route from Cappadocia
to Sinope, which had passed out of use centuries before the time of
Strabo (pp. 540, 546), fixes this centre with precision. It must be
far enough west to explain why trade tended to the distant Sinope,4
hardly accessible behind lofty and rugged mountains, and not to Amisus
by the short and easy route which was used in the Graeco-Roman period.
This roadsystem, then, points distinctly to a centre in northern
Cappadocia near the Halys. Here must have stood the capital of some
great empire connected with its extremities, Sardis or Ephesus on
‘the west, Sinope on the north, the Euphrates on the east, the
Cilician Gates on the south, by roads so well made as to continue in
use for a long time after the centre of power had changed to Assyria,
and the old road-system had become circuitous and unsuitable.5 The
precise spot on which the city stood is marked by the great ruins of
Boghaz Keui, probably the ancient Pteria, of which the wide circuit,
powerful walls and wonderful rocksculptures make the site indisputably
the most remarkable in Asia Minor. On this site Winckler found in 1907
the records of the Hittite kings who fought against Egypt and Assyria.
The ancient road from Pteria to Sardis crossed the upper Sangarius
valley, and its course may be traced by the monuments ‘of this
early period. Close to its track, on a lofty plateau which overhangs
the Phrygian monument inscribed with the name of “ Midas the
King,” is a great city, inferior indeed to Pteria in extent, but
surrounded by rock-sculptures quite as remarkable as those of the
Cappadocian city. The plateau is 2 m. in circumference, and presents
on all sides a perpendicular face of rock 50 to 200 ft. in height.
This natural defence was crowned by a wall partly Cyclopean, partly
built of large squared stones.’ This city was evidently the
centre of the old Phrygian kingdom
Faz’wc-r€i on the Midas tomb. It is expressly recorded that
rvpawvor is a Lydian word. BwriXe51 resists all attempts to explain it
as a purely Greek formation, and the termination assimilates it tc
certain Phrygian words.
4Sinope was made a Greek colony in 751 B.e., but it is said to have
existed long before that time.
When, the Persians conquered Lydia they retained, at least for a time,
this route, which they found in existence.
6 The stones have all fallen, but the line where they were fitted on
the rocks can be traced by any careful explorer. The small fortress
Pishmish Kalessi is a miniature of the great city beside it~ (See
Perrot, Explor. Archéol. p. 169 and pl. viii.)
of the Sangarius valley, but at least one o~ the monuments in it seems
to beiong to the older period of Cappadocian supremacy, and to prove
that the city already existed in that earlier time. The Phrygian
kingdom and art therefore took the place of an older civilization. It
is probable that the tradition of battles between the Phrygians and
the Amazons on the banks of the Sangarius preserves the memory of a
struggle between the two races and the victory of the Phryges.
Of the monuments that exist around this city two classes may be
confidently referred to the period of Phrygian greatness. That which
is inscribed with the name of “Midas the King” is the most
remarkable example of one class, in which a large perpendicular
surface of rock is covered with a geometrical pattern of squares,
crosses and maeanders, surmounted by a pediment supported in the
centre by a pilaster in low relief. In some cases a floral pattern
occupies part of the surface, and in one case the two sides of the
pediment are filled by two sphinxes of archaic type.i In some of these
monuments a doorway is carved in the lower part; the door is usually
closed, but in one case, viz, the sphinx monument just alluded to, the
valves of the door are thrown wide open and give access to a little
chamber, on the back of which is sculptured in relief a rude image of
the Mother-goddess Cybele, having on each side of her a lion which
rests its forepaws on her shoulder and places its head against hers.
Sometimes a grave has been found hidden behind the carved front; in
other cases no grave can be detected, but it is probable that they are
all sepulchral.2 The imitation of woodwork is obvious on several
monuments of this kind. The second class is marked by the heraldic
type of two animals, usually lions rampant, facing one another, but
divided by a pillar or some other device. This type is occasionally
found conjoined with the preceding; and various details common to both
classes show that there was no great difference in time between them.
The heraldic type is used on the monuments which appear to be the
older, and the geometrical pattern is often employed on the inscribed
monuments, which are obviously later than the earliest uninscribed.
Monuments of this class are carved on the front of a sepulchral
chamber, the entrance to which is a small doorway placed high and
inaccessible in the rocks. There are also many rock monuments of the
Roman time.
Early Phrygian art stands in close relationship with the art of
Cappadocia. The monuments of the type of the -Midas tomb are obviously
imitated from patterns which were employed in cloth and carpets and
probably also in the tilework on the inside of chambers varying
slightly according to the material. Such patterns were used in
Cappadocia, and the priest in the rocksculpture at Ibriz wears an
embroidered robe strikingly similar in style to the pattern on the
Midas tomb; but the idea of using the pattern as the Phrygians did
seems peculiar to themselves. The heraldic type of the second class is
found also in the art of Assyria, and was undoubtedly adopted by the
Phrygians from earlier art; but it is used so frequently in Phrygia as
to be specially characteristic of that country.3 While Phrygian art is
distinctly non-Oriental in spirit, its resemblance to archaic Greek
art is a fact of the greatest importance. It is not merely that
certain types are employed both in Phrygia and in Greece, but several
favourite types in early Greek art can be traced in Phrygia, employed
in similar spirit and for similar purposes. The heraldic type of the
two lions is the device over the principal gateway of Mycenae, and
stamps this, the oldest great monument on Greek soil, with a
distinctly Phrygian character. Mycenae was the city of the Pelopidae,
whom Greek tradition unhesitatingly declares to be Phrygian
immigrants. A study of the topography of the Argive plain suggests the
conclusion that Mycenae,
i Published in Journ. Hell. Stud. (1884).
2 The monuments of Phrygia fall into two groups, which probably mark
the sites of two cities about 16 m. distant from each other,
Metropolis and Conni. One group lies round the villages of YaziliKaya,
Kumbet, Yapuldak and Bakshish; the other beside Liyen, Bei Keui,
Demirli and Ayazin.
The heraldic type continues on gravestones down to the latest period
of paganism. Carpets with geometrical patterns of the Midas-tomb style
are occasionally found at the present time in the houses of the
peasantry of the district.
Midea and Tiryns form a group of cities founded by an immigrant people
in opposition to Argos, the natural capital of the plain and the
stronghold of the native race. Midea appears to be the city of Midas,
and the name is one more link in the chain that binds Mycenae to
Phrygia. This connexion, whatever may have been its character, belongs
to the remote period when the Phrygians inhabited the Aegean coasts.
In the 8th and probably in the 9th century B.C. communication with
Phrygia seems to have been maintained especially by the Greeks of
Cyme, Phocaea and Smyrna. About the end of the 8th century Midas, king
of Phrygia, married Damodice, daughter of Agamemnon, the last king of
Cyme. Gyges, the first Mermnad king of Lydia (687—653), had a
Phrygian mother. The worship of Cybele spread over Phocaea to the west
as far as Massilia: rock monuments in the Phrygian style and votive
reliefs of an Anatolian type are found near Phocaea. Smyrna was
devoted to the Phrygian Meter Sipylene. It is then natural that the
Homeric poems refer to Phrygia in the terms above described, and make
Priam’s wife a Phrygian woman. After the foundation of the Greek
colony at Sinope in 751 there can be no doubt that it formed the link
of connexion between Greece and Phrygia. Phrygian and Cappadocian
traders brought their goods, no doubt on camels, to Sinope, and the
Greek sailors, the &etvctiircu of Miletus, carried home the works of
Oriental and Phrygian artisans. The Greek alphabet was carried to
Phrygia and Pteria, either from Sinope or more probably direct east
from Cyme, in the latter part of the 8th century. The immense
importance of Sinope in early times is abundantly attested, and we
need not doubt that very intimate relations existed at this port
between the Ionic colonists and the natives. The effects of this
commerce on the development of Greece were very great. It affected
IoIIlia in the first place, and the mainland of Greece indirectly; the
art of lonia at this period is almost unknown, but it was probably
closely allied to that of Phrygia.4 A striking fact iii this connexion
is the use of a very simple kind of Ionic capital in one early
Phrygian monument, suggesting that the
“proto‘‘Ionic” column came to Greece over
Phrygia. It is obvious that the revolution which took place in the
relations between Phrygians and Greeks must be due to some great
movement of races which disturbed the old paths of communication. Abel
is probably correct in placing the inroads of the barbarous European
tribes, Bithynians, Thyni, Mariandyni, &c., into Asia Minor about the
beginning of the 9th century B.C. The Phrygian element on the coast
was weakened and in many places annihilated; that in the interior was
strengthened; and we may suppose that the kingdom of the Sangarius
valley now sprang into greatness. The kingdom of Lydia appears to have
become important about the end of the 8th century, and to have
completely barred the path between Pbrygia and Cyme or Smyrna. lonian
maritime’ enterprise opened a new way over Sinope.5
The downfall of the Phrygian monarchy can be dated with comparative
accuracy. Between 680 and 670 the Cimmerians in their destructive
progress over Asia Minor overran Phrygia; the king Midas in despair
put an end to his own life; and from henceforth the history of Phrygia
is a story of slavery, degradation and decay, which contrasts
strangely with the earlier legends. The catastrophe seems to have
deeply impressed the Greek mind, and the memory of it was preserved.
The date of the Cimmerian invasion is fixed by the concurrent
testimony of the contemporary poets Archilochus and Callinus, of the
late chronologists Eusebius, &c., and of the inscriptions of the
Assyrian king Esar-haddon. The Cimmerians were finally expelled from
Asia Minor by Alyattes before his war with the Medes under Cyaxares
(59o—585 B.C.). The Cimmerians, therefore, were ravaging Asia
Minor, and presumably held possession of Phrygia, the only country
where they achieved
4See Furtwangler, Goldfund von Vettersfelde, Winckelm. Progr.
(1884); Hogarth; &c., The Archaic Artemisia(British Museum, 1908).
The closest analogies of old Phrygian art are to be found in the
earliest
Greek bronze work in Olympia, Italy and the northern lands.
i Hipponax, Jr. 36 1491, proves that a trade-route from Phrygia down
the Maeander to Miletus was used in the 6th century.
complete success, till some time between 6ro and 59o Phrygia then fell
under the Lydian power, and by the treaty of 585 the Halys was
definitely fixed as the boundary between Lydia and Media (see LYDIA
and PERSIA). The period from 675 to 585 must therefore be considered
as one of great disturbance and probably of complete paralysis in
Phrygia. After 585 the country was ruled again by its own princes
under subjection to Lydian supremacy. To judge from the monuments, it
appears to have recovered some of its old prosperity; but the art of
this later period has to a great extent lost the strongly marked
individuality of its earlier bloom. The later sepulchral monuments
belong to a class which is widely spread over Asia Minor from Lycia to
Pontus. The graves are made inside a chamber excavated in the rock,
and the front of the chamber imitates a house or temple. No attempt is
made to conceal the entrance or to render it inaccessible. The
architectural details are in some cases unmistakably copied, without
intentional modification, from the architecture of Greek temples;
others point perhaps to Persian influence, while several—which
are perhaps among the early works of this period—show the old
freedom and power of employing in new and original ways details partly
learned from abroad. This style continued in use under the Persians,
under whose rule the Phrygians passed when Cyrus defeated Croesus in
546, and lasted till the Roman period. One monument appears to
presuppose a development of Greek plastic art later than the time of
Alexander’ and is almost certainly of the Roman time. It would,
however, be wrong to suppose that the influence of truly Hellenic art
on Phrygia began with the conquest of Alexander. Under the later
Mermnad kings the Lydian empire was penetrated with Greek influence,
and Xanthus, the early Lydian historian, wrote his history in Greek.
Under the Persian rule perhaps it was more difficult for Greek manners
to spread far east; but we need not think that European influence was
absolutely unfelt even in Phrygia. The probability is that Alexander
found in all the large cities a party favourable to Greek manners and
trade. Very little is to be learned from the ancient writers with
regard to the state of Phrygia from 585 to 300. The slave-trade
flourished:
Phrygian slaves were common in the Greek market, and the Phrygian
names Midas and Manes were stock-names for slaves. Herodotus (i. 14)
records that a king Midas of Phrygia dedicated his own chair at
Delphi; the chair stood in the treasury of Cypselus, and cannot have
been deposited there before 68o to 660 B.C. It is not improbable that
the event belongs to the time of Alyattes or Croesus, when Greek
influence was favoured throughout the Lydian empire; and it is easy to
understand how the offering of a king Midas should be considered, in
the time of Ilerodotus, as the earliest made by a foreign prince to a
Greek god. The Phrygian troops in the army of Xerxes were armed like
the Armenians and led by the same commander.
It is to be presumed that the cities of the Sangarius valley gradually
lost importance in the Persian period. The final castastrophe was the
invasion of the Gauls about 270 to 250; and, though the circumstances
of this invasion are almost unknown, yet we may safely reckon among
them the complete devastation of northern Phrygia. At last Attalus I.
settled the Gauls permanently in eastern Phrygia, and a large part of
the country was henceforth known as Galatia. Strabo mentions that the
great cities of ancient Phrygia were in his time either deserted or
marked by mere villages. The great city over the tomb of Midas has
remained uninhabited down to the present day. About 5 m. west of it,
near the modern Kumbet, stood Metropolis, a bishopric in the Byzantine
time, but never mentioned under the Roman empire.
Alexander the Great placed Phrygia under the command of
Antigonus, who retained it when the empire was broken up.
When Antigonus was defeated and slain, at the decisive battle
of Ipsus, Phrygia came under the sway of Seleucus. As the
Pergamenian kings grew powerful, and at last confined the
Gauls in eastern Phrygia, the western half of the country was
i A gorgoneum of Roman period, on a tomb engraved in Journ. Hell.
Slud. (P1. xxvi.).
incorporated in the kingdom of Pergamum. Under the Roman empire
Phrygia had no political existence under a separate government, but
formed part of the vast province of Asia. In autumn 85 B.C. the
pacification of the province was completed by Sulla, and throughout
the imperial time it was common for the Phrygians to date from this
era. The imperial rule was highly favourable to the spread of
Hellenistic civilization, which under the Greek kings had affected
only a few of the great cities, leaving the mass of the country purely
Phrygian. A good deal of local self-government was permitted; the
cities struck their own bronze coins, inscribed on them the names of
their own magistrates,1 and probably administered their own laws in
matters purely local. The western part of the country was pervaded by
Graeco-Roman civilization very much sooner than the central, and in
the country districts the Phrygian language3 continued in common use
at least as late as the third century after Christ.
When the Roman empire was reorganized by Diocletian at the end of the
3rd century Phrygia was divided into two provinces, distinguished at
first as Prima and Secunda, or Great and Little, for which the names
Pacatiana and Salutaris soon came into general use. Pacatiana
comprised the western half, which had long been completely pervaded by
Graeco-Roman manners, and Salutaris the eastern, in which the native
manners and language were still not extinct. Each province was
governed by a praeses or #ryeu~~a’ about A.D. 412, but shortly
after this date an officer of consular rank was sent to each
province’ (Hierocles, Synecd.). About 535 Justinian made some
changes in the provincial administration: the governor ~f Pacatiana
was henceforth a comes, while Salutaris was still ruled by a consul
ens. When the provinces of the Eastern empire were reorganized and
divided into themata the two Phrygias were broken up between the
Anatolic, Opsician and Thracesian themes, and the name Phrygia finally
disappeared. Almost the whole of Byzantine Phrygia is now included in
the vilayet of Brusa, with the exception of a small part of Parorius
and the district about Themisonium (Karayuk Bazar) and Ceretapa
(Kayadibi), which belong to the vilayet of Konia, and the district of
Laodicea and Hierapolis, which belongs to Aidin. The principal modern
cities are Kutaiah (Cotyaeum), Eski Shehir (Dorylaeum), Afiom Kara
Hissar (near Prymnessus), and Ushak (Trajanopolis).
It is impossible to say anything definite about the boundaries I of
Phrygia before the 5th century. Under the Persians Great Phrygia
extended on the east to the Halys and the Salt Desert; Xenophon (Anab.
i. 2, 19) includes Iconium on the southeast within the province,
whereas Strabo makes Tyriaeum the boundary in this direction. The
southern frontier is unknown:
the language of Livy (xxxviii. Is) implies that the southern
Metropolis (in the Tchul Ova) belonged to Pisidia; but Strabo (p. 629)
includes it in Phrygia. Celaenae, beside the later city of Apamea
(Dineir), and the entire valley of the Lycus, were Phrygian. The
Maeander above its junction with the Lycus formed for a little way the
boundary between Phrygia and Lydia. The great plateau now called the
Banaz Ova was entirely or in great part Phrygian. Mt Dindymus (Murad
Dagh) marked the frontier of Mysia, and the entire valley of the
Tembrogius or Tembris (Porsuk Su) was certainly included in Phrygia.
The boundaries of the two Byzantine Phrygias were not always the same.
Taking Hierocles as authority, the extent of the two provinces at the
beginning of the 6th century will be readily gathered from the
accompanying list, in which those towns which coined money under the
Roman empire are italicized and the name of the nearest modern village
is appended.
I. PAcATINA.—(I) Laodicea (Eski Hissar); (2) Hierapolis (Pambuk
Kalessi); (3) Mosyna (Geveze); 1(4) Motellopolis, only in Notitiae
2 This liberty was not granted to the cities of any other province in
Anatolia.
A number of inscriptions in a language presumably Phrygian have been
discovered in the centre and east of the country; they belong
generally to the end of the 2nd and to the 3rd century.
Ep-iscop. (Medele)]; (5) Altudda (Assar); (6) Trapesopolis’ (Bob
S.
from Serai Keui); (~) Colossae (near Chonas); (8) Ceretapa Di~caesarea
(Kayadibi); (9) Themisonium (Karayuk Bazar); (10) Tacina (Yarishli);
(II) Sanaus (Sari Kayak, in Daz Kin); (12) Dionysopolis
(Or-ta Keui); (13) Anastasiopolis, originally a village of the
Hyrgaleis
(Utch Kuyular); (14) Attanassus (Eski Aidan); (15) Lunda (Eski
Seid); (16) Peltae (Karayashlar); (17) Eumenea (Ishekli); (i8)
Siblia (Homa); (19) Pepuza (DumanorSuretli); (20) Bria (Bourgas);
(2!) Sebaste (Sivasli); (22) Eluza or Aludda (Hadjimlar); (23)
Acmonia (Ahat Keui); (24) Alia (Kirka);’ (25) Siocharax
(Otourak),
(26) Dioclea (Dola); (27) Aristium (Karaj Euren, in Sitchanli Ova);
(28) Cidyessus (Geukche Eyuk); (29) A~lia (Abia); (30) Cotyaeum
(Kutaiah); (31) Aezani (Tchavdir Hissar); (32) Tiberiopolis, (Amed);
(33) Gadoi (Gediz); (34) Ancyra (Kilisse Keui); (35) Synaus (Simav);
(36) Flavio polls Temenothyrae (TJshak); (37) Trajano polls
Grimenothyrae (Giaour Euren, near Or-ta Keui); (38) Blaundus
(Suleimanli)
II. SALuTARI5.—(I) Eucarpia (Emir Assar); (2) Hieropolis (Kotch
Hissar); (3) Otrous (Tchor Hisser); (4) .Stectorium (Mentesh); (5)
Bruzus (Kara Sandykly)i; (6) Beudus (Aghzi Kara); (7) Augustopolis,
formerly Anabura (Surmeneh); (8) Sibidunda (Baljik Hissar); (9) Lysias
(Oman); (io) Synnada (Tchifut Cassaba); (If) Prymnessus (Seulun); (12)
Ipsus, afterwards Julia (near Sakly); (1~) Polybotus (Bolawadun); (14)
Docimium (Istcha Kara Hissar); (13) Metropolis (Kumbet), including
Conni (B. Tchorgia) and Ambasus (Ambanaz); (16) Merus (Doghan Arslan);
(17) Nacolea (Seidi Ghazi); (18) Dorylaeum (Eski Sheher); (1~) Midaeum
(Kara Euuk); (20) Lycaones (Kalejik); (21) Aulocra (in Dombai Ova);
(22) Amadassus (unknown, perhaps corrupt: it should include
Kinnaborion near Geneli); (23) Praepenissus (Altyntash). In later
times the important fortress (and bishopric) of Acroenus was founded
on the site of the present Afioni Kara Hisser.
Besides these, certain cities beyond the bounds of the Byzantine
Phrygias belonged under the Roman empire to the province of
Asia and are usually considered Phrygian: (f) in Byzantine Pisidia,
Philomelium (Ak Shehr), Hadrianopolis; (2) in Byzantine Galatia,
Amorium (Assar near Hamza Hadji), Orcistus (Alikel or Alekian),
Tricomia or Trocmada or Trocnada (Kaimaz); (3) in Byzantine
Lycia, Cibyra (Horzum).
Phrygia contains several well-marked geographical districts. (I)
PAR0RIUs, the long, level, elevated valley stretching north—west
to south-east between the Sultan Dagh and the Emir Dagh from Holmi
(about Tchai) to Tyriaeum (Ilghin); its waters collect within the
valley, in three lakes, which probably supply the great fountains in
the Axylon and through them the Sangarius. (2) AXYLON, the vast
treeless plains on the upper Sangarius; there burst forth at various
points great perennial springs, the Sakaria fountains (Strabo p. 543),
Ilije Bashi, Bunar Bashi, Geuk Bunar, Uzuk Bashi, &c., which feed the
Sanganius. Great part of the Axybon was assigned to Galatia. (3) The
rest of Phrygia is mountainous (except the great plateau, Banaz Ova),
consisting of hill-country intersected by rivers, each of which flows
through a fertile valley of varying breadth. The northern half is
drained by rivers which run to the Black Sea; of these the eastern
ones, Porsuk Su (Tembris or Ternbrogius), Seidi Su (Parthenius),
Bardakchi Tchai (Xerabates), and Bayat Tchai (Alandrus), join the
Sangarius, while the western,i Taushanly Tchai (Rhyndacus) and Simav
Tchai (Macestus), meet and flow into the Propontis. The Hermus drains
a small district included in the Byzantine Phrygia, but in earlier
times assigned to Lydia and Mysia. Great part of southern and western
Phrygia is drained by the Maeander with its tributaries, Sandykly
Tchai (Glaucus), Banaz Tchai, Kopli Su (Hippurius), and Tchuruk Su
(Lycus); moreover, some upland plains on the south, especially the
Dombai Ova (Aulocra), communicate by underground channels with the
l\laeander. Finally, the Karayuk Ova in the extreme southwest drains
through the Kazanes, a tributary of the Indus, to the Lycian Sea.
Phrygia Paronius and all the river-valleys are exceedingly fertile,
and agriculture was the chief occupation of the ancient inhabitants;
according to the myth, Gordius was called from the plough to the
throne. The high-lying plains and parts of the vast Axylon furnish
good pasturage, which formerly nourished countless flocks of sheep.
The Romans also obtained fine horses from Phrygia. Grapes, which still
grow abundantly in various parts, were much cultivated in ancient
times. Other fruits are rare, except in a few small districts. Figs
cannot be grown in the country, and the ancient references to Phrygian
figs are either erroneous or due to a loose use of the term Phrygia.3
Trees are exceedingly scarCe in the country; and the pine-woods on the
western tributaries of the Sangarius and the valonia oaks in parts of
the Banaz Ova and a few other districts form exceptions. The
underground wealth is not known to be great. Iron was worked in the
district of Cibyra, and the marble of Synnada, or more correctly of
Docimium, was largely used by the Romans. Copper and quicksilver were
mined in the Zizima district, north of Iconium. The scenery is
generally monotonous; even the mountainous districts rarely show
striking features
i Nos. 1—5 were called the Phrygian “ Pentapolis.”
2 This district was according to the Greek view part of Mysia.’
i In Strabo, p. 577, ~Xat64nn’ov must be wrong; &p.-mrsXb4wrov
is true to ‘fact, and is probably the right reading. Olives
cannot now grow on these uplands, which are over 3000 ft. above
sea-level.
or boldness of character; where the landscape has beauty it is of a
subdued melancholy character. The water-supply is rarely, abundant,
and agriculture is more or less dependent on an uncertain rainfall.
The circumstances of the country are well calculated to impress the
inhabitants with a sense of the overwhelming power of nature and of
their complete dependence on it. Their mythology so far as we know it,
has a melancholy and mystic tone, and their religion partakes of the
same character. The two chief deities were Cybele, the Mother, the
reproductive and nourishing power of Earth, and Sabazius, the Son, the
life of nature, dying and reviving every year (see GREAT MOTHER OF THE
Gons). The annual vicissitudes of the bile of Sabazias, the Greek
Dionysus, were accompanied by the mimic rites of his worshippers, who
mourned with his sufferings and rejoiced with his joy. They enacted
the story of his birth and life and death; the Earth, the Mother, is
fertilized only by an act of violence by her own child; the
representative of thegod was probably slain each year by,a cruel
death, just as the god himself died. The rites were characterized by a
frenzy of devotion, unrestrained enthusiasm, wild orgiastic dances and
wanderings in the forests, and were accompanied by the music of the
flute, cymbal, and tambotinine.4 At an early time this worship was
affected by Oriental influence, coming over Syria from Babylonia.
Sabazius was identified with Adonis or Attis (Atys), Cybele with the
Syrian goddess; and many of the coarsest rites of the Phrygian
worship, the mutila,tion of the’ priests, the prostitution at
the shrine,5 came from the countries of the south-east. But one point
of Semitic religion never penetrated west of the Halys: the pig was
always unclean and abhorred among the Semites, whereas it was the
animal regularly used in purification by the Phrygians, Lydians,
Lycians and Greeks. The Phrygian religion exercised a very strong
influence on Greece. In the archaic period the Dionysiac rites and
orgieè spread from Thrace into Greece, in spite of opposition which
has left many traces in tradition, and the worship of Demeter at
Eleusis was modified by Cretan influence ultimately traceable to Asia
Minor. Pindar erected a shrine of the Mother of the gods beside his
house, and the Athenians were directed ‘ by the Delphic oracle
to atone for the execution of a priest of Cybele during the
Peloponnesian War by building the Metroon. In these and other cases
the Phrygian character was more or less Hellenized; but wave after
wave of religious influence from Asia Minor introduced into Greece the
unmodified “barbarian” ritual of Phrygia. The rites spread
first among the common people and those engaged in foreign trade. The
comic poets satirized them, and Plato and Demosthenes inveighed
against them; but, they continued to spread, with, all their fervid
enthusiasm, their superstition and their obscene practices, wide
among-the people, whose religious cravings were not satisfied with the
purely external religions of Hellenism. The orgies or mysteries were
open to all, freemen or slaves, who had duly performed the preliminary
purifications, and secured to the participants salvation and remission
of sins. Under MYSTERIES (g.e.) a distinction of character has been
pointed out between the true Hellenic mysteries, such as the
Eleusinian and the Phrygian; but there certainly existed much
similarity between the two rituals. In the first centuries after
Christ only the Phrygian and the Egyptian rites retained much real
hold on the Graeco-Roman world. Phrygia itself, however, was very
early converted to Christianity. Christian inscriptions in the country
begin in the 2nd and are abundant in the 3rd century. There is every
appearance that the great mass of the people were Christians before
300, and Eusebius (H.E. v. 16) is probably correct in his statement
that in the time of Diocletian there was a Phrygian city in which
every living soul was Christian. The great Phrygian saint of the 2nd
century was named Avircius Marcellus (Abercius); the mass of legends
and miracles in the late biography of him long brought his very
existence into dispute, but a fragment of his gravestone, discovered
in 1883, and now preserved ‘in the Lateran Museum in Rome, has
proved that he was a real person, and makes it probable that the
wide-reaching conversion of the people attributed to him did actually
take place. The strange enthusiastic character of the old Phrygian
religion was not wholly’ lost when the country became Christian,
but is clearly traced in the various heresies that arose in central
Anatolia. Especially the wild ecstatic character and the prophecies of
the Montanists recall the old ‘type of religion. Montanus (see
MONTANISM) was born on the borders of Phrygia and Mysia (probably
south-east from Philadelphia), and was vehemently opposed by Abercius.
Of the old Phrygian language very little is known; a few words are
preserved in’ Hesychius and other writers. Plato mentions that
the Phrygian words for “dog, “ “fire,” &c.,
were the same as the Greek; and to these we may add from inscriptions
the words for “ mother,” “ king,” &c. A few
inscriptions of the ancient period are known, and a larger number of
the Roman period have been published in the Oeslerreichische
Jahreshefte (1905).
Owing to the scantiness of published material about Phrygia frequent
reference has been made in this article to unpublished
The influence which was exerted on Greek music and lyric poetry by the
Phrygian music was great; see MARSYAS; OLYMPUS.
i There is no direct evidence that this was practised in the worship
of Cybele, but analogy and indirect arguments make it pretty certain.
moderno1
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ALBANIA, a portion of the Turkish empire extending along the western
littoral of the Balkan Peninsula from the southern frontier.. of
Montenegro to the northern confines of Greece. Albania is perhaps the
least-known region in Europe; and though more than a hundred years
have passed since Gibbon described it as "a country within sight of
Italy, which is less known than the interior of America," but little
progress has yet been made towards a scientific knowledge of this
interesting land and its inhabitants. The wild and inaccessible
character of the country, the fierce and lawless disposition of the
people, the difficulties presented by their language and their complex
social institutions, and the inability of the Turkish authorities to
afford a safe conduct in the remoter districts, combine to render
Albania almost unknown to the foreign traveller, arid many of its
geographical problems still remain unsolved. A portion of the Mirdite
region, the Mat district, the neighbourhood of Dibra, Jakova and Ipek
and other localities have never been
ii
482
ALBANIA
thoroughly explored. The northern boundary of Albania underwent some
alteration in consequence of the enlargement of Montenegro, sanctioned
by the Berlin Treaty (July 13, 1878); owing to subsequent arrangements
providing for the cession of Dulcigno to Montenegro (November 25,
1880) in exchange for the districts of Plava and Gusinye, restored to
Turkey, the frontier-line (finally settled December 1884) now ascends
the Boyana from its mouth to Lake Sass (Shas), thence passes
northward, and crossing Lake Scutari separates the district of Kutch
Krama on the N. from the territories of the Gruda, Hot and Klement
tribes on the S.; leaving Gusinye and Plava to the S.E., it turns to
the N.W. on reaching the Mokra Planina, and then follows the course of
the Tara river. On the S., Albanian territory was curtailed owing to
the acquisition of the Arta district by Greece (May 1881), the river
Arta now forming the frontier. On the E. the chains of Shar, Grammos
and Pindus constitute a kind of natural boundary, which does not,
however, coincide with ethnical limits nor with the Turkish
administrative divisions. North-eastern Albania forms part of the
Turkish vilayet of Kossovo; the northern highlands are included in the
vilayet of Shkodra (Scutari), the eastern portion of central Albania
belongs to the vilayet of Monastir, and the southern distri cts are
comprised in the vilayet of lannina. The boundaries of the three
last-named vilayets meet near Elbassan. The name Albania (in the Tosk
dialect Arberia, in the Gheg Arbenia), like Albania in the Caucasus,
Armenia, Albany in Britain, and Auvergne (Arvenia) in France, is
probably connected with the root alb, alp, and signifies " the white
or snowy uplands."
Physical Features.—The mountain system is extremely complex,
especially that of the northern region. On the E. the great Shar
range, extending in a south-westerly direction from the neighbourhood
of Prishtina to that of Dibra, is continued towards the S. by the
ranges of Grammos and Pindus; the entire chain, a prolongation of the
Alpine systems of Bosnia and Dalmatia, may be described as the
backbone of the peninsula;1 it forms the watershed between the Aegean
and the Adriatic, and culminates in the lofty peak of Liubotrn, near
Kalkandele, one of the highest summits in south-eastern Europe (8858
ft.). The country to the west of this natural barrier may be divided,
geographically into three districts—northern, central and
southern Albania. The river Shkumb separates the northern from the
central district, the Viossa the central from the southern. The
highland region of northern Albania is divided into two portions by
the lower course of the Drin; the mountains of the northern portion,
the Bieska Malziis, extend in a confused and broken series of ridges
from Scutari to the valleys of the Ibar and White Drin; they comprise
the rocky group of the Prokletia, or Accursed Mountains, with their
numerous ramifications, including Mount Velechik, inhabited by the
Kastrat and Shkrel tribes, Bukovik by the Hot, Golesh by the Klement,
Skulsen (7533 ft.), Baba Vrkh (about 7306 ft.), Maranay near Scutari,
and the Bastrik range to the east. South of the Drin is another
complex mountain system, including the highlands inhabited by the
Mirdites and the Mat tribe; among the principal summits are Deia
Mazzuklit, Mal-i Vels, Kraba, Toli and Mnela. Central Albania differs
from the northern and southern regions in the more undulating and less
rugged character of its surface; it contains considerable lowland
tracts, such as the wide and fertile plain of Musseki, traversed by
the river Simen. The principal summit is Tomor (7916 ft.), overhanging
the town of Berat. Southern Albania, again, is almost wholly
mountainous, with the exception of the plains of lannina and Arta; the
most noteworthy feature is the rugged range of the Tchika^ or Khimara
mountains, which skirt the sea-coast from south-west to northeast,
terminating in the lofty promontory of Glossa (ancient Acroceraunia).
Farther inland the Mishkeli range to the northeast of Lake lannina and
the Nemertzika mountains run in a parallel direction. In the extreme
south, beyond the basin of the Kalamas, the mountains of Suli and
Olyzika form a separate group. The rivers, as a rule, flow from east
to west; owing to the rapidity of their descent none are navigable
except the Boyana and Arta in their lower courses. The principal
rivers
are the Boyana, issuing from Lake Scutari, and consequently regarded
as a continuation of the Montenegrin Moratcha, the Drin, formed by the
confluence of the White and Black Drin, which, flowing respectively to
the south and north through a long valley at the foot of the Shar
range, take a westerly direction after their junction, the Matia, the
Arzen, the Shkumb (ancient Genusos), the Simen (Apsos), formed by the
junction of the Devol and Ergene, the .Viossa (Aous), which owing to
the trend of the Khimara range takes a north-westerly direction, the
Kalamas (Thyamis) and the Arta (Arachtkos), flowing south into the
Ambracian Gulf. A portion of the stream of the Drin has found its way
into the Boyana channel; the result has been a rise in the level of
Lake Scutari and the inundation of the adjacent lowlands. A proposal
to confine the Drin to its former course by means of a dyke, and to
ease the downflow of the Boyana by a canal opening navigation to Lake
Scutari, has long been considered by the - Turkish authorities. The
great lakes of Scutari (135 sq. m.) and Ochrida (107 sq. m.) are among
the most beautiful in Europe; the waters of Ochrida, which find an
outlet in the Black Drin, are of marvellous clearness. Lake Malik,
south by east of Ochrida, is drained by the Devol. The waters of the
picturesque Lake lannina (24 sq. m.) find an issue by katabothra', or
underground channels, into the Ambracian, Gulf. The lake of Butrinto
(Buthrotum) is near the sea-coast opposite Corfu.
Climate.—The climate is healthy in the uplands, though subject
to violent changes; in the valleys fever is very prevalent, especially
in the basins of the Boyana, the lower Drin and the Simen. The winter
is short, but exceedingly cold; snow remains on the Prokletia and
other mountains till August, and sometimes throughout the year. The
summer temperature in the plains is that of southern Italy; in the
mountain 'districts it is high during the day, but falls almost to
freezing-point at night. The sea-coast is exposed to the fierce bora,
or north wind, during the spring.
.Natural Products.—The mountains of Albania are said to be rich
in minerals, but this source of wealth remains practically unexplored.
Iron and coal are probably abundant, and silver-lead, copper and
antimony are believed to exist. Gold mines were worked in antiquity in
the Drin valley, and silver mines in the Mirdite region were known to
the'Venetians in the middle ages. :At Selinitza, near Avlona, there is
a remarkable deposit of mineral pitch which was extensively worked in
Roman times; mining operations are still carried on here, but in a
somewhat primitive fashion. The splendid forests, of which there are
70,000 acres in the • vilayet of Scutari alone, are undergoing a
rapid process i of destruction, as in other lands under Turkish rule.
The principal trees are the oak, the valonia oak, the beech, ash, elm,
plane, celtis, poplar and walnut, which give way in the higher regions
to the pine and fir. The oak forests near Dibra, where charcoal-making
is a considerable industry, and the beech-woods of the Prishtina
district, are especially remarkable.- The sumach is largely grown in
the Mirdite district; its leaves are exported to Trieste for use in
tanneries and dyeworks. In 1898 the export of valonia was estimated at
£11,200, of sumach at £2400. Of fruit-trees the white mulberry, cherry
and wild pear are plentiful; the chestnut and walnut are sometimes met
with, and the olive is grown in the lowland and maritime districts.
The exportation of olive oil in 1808 was valued at £24,000. The
greater part of the country is admirably suited to viticulture, and
wine of tolerable quality is produced. Tobacco is grown extensively in
southern Albania, especially near Berat and in the upper valley of the
Viossa, but the quantity exported is small. The means of subsistence
are mainly provided by the cultivation of grain and cattle-rearing.
Notwithstanding the primitive condition of agriculture, the deficiency
of communications and the damage caused by frequent inundations,
Albania furnishes almost the entire corn supply of the Dalmatian coast
and islands. Maize is the favourite grain for home consumption, but
considerable quantities of this cereal, as well as barley, rye and
oats are exported. The total export of cereab in 1898 was valued at
£70,800. Sheep and goats form almost
ALBANIA
483
the only wealth, of the ,Ri(?unt#in3£rsi of r, jiprthern Albania;
large cattle ,a,re found only on the'plains.;; ;T;he slopes'of Pindus
afford,excellent pasture for the ,floeks.iOf; the r'Vlaeh shepherds.
The export of raw hides and wool is considerable;; in 1898 .these
commodities were valued;respectively-.at. £00,400 and £24,000, The
lakes and rivers of Albania abound in fish. ,The scpranze (Alb.
seraga), a kind of sardine, is taken in great quantities in Lake
Scutari; it is salted .and sm,okpd-fpr; home consumption and
exportation. : Sea;-fishing is i almost wholly, neglected. There are
salines at Avlona and other pla,ee$ op the coast.,; i Commerce and
Industries.—The exports in 1898, were .estimated at £480,000,
the imports at, £1,36(0,000^ the .forrner comprising agricultural
produce, live stock, .hides,-vflfpol, cheese, eggs, poultry, olive
oil, valonia, guimach^ leases, timber,, skins jqf wild animals, silk,
tobacco and salted fish* the latter manufactured articles, ;cloth,
hardware, furnjjtyre,,firearms, gunpowder;,sugar, coffee,, &c. ;. The
monopoly,:of.,Ajlbanijan: commerce!; fpr;m«i-ly possessed by Venice
has descended to Austria-Hungary;1 the trade M-ith. other
countries,.-except • Jitajy, is Inconsiderable. Owing to:the
poverty of the people, cheap.-Austrian goods,find a readier sale than
the more expengiyje, an,d-solid British manufactures. The maritime
traffic isi;dajrgely conducted by.. the steamers of; the subsidized
.lAustrian-LloydrCompany, Trieste being the principal commercial
centre; :the coasting trade is carried on by small Greek .and
T.urkisfy sailing vessels, i.The trade of the northern and
western,districts has to,; s.onie.,extent been diverted to Salonica
since the:openjng p1f;t)ie.;ra.iiwa}fS|fro.m that town to Mitrovitza
and Monastic. /The.;development of commerce is, retarded by lack of
con«i?janica,tiqns i, the country possesses no railways and few roads.
, Several; railway lines have been projected, but there is no great,
probability of their construction under existing political
'conditions. The yjia Egnatiaj the great Roman highway to the east, is
still used;,it runs from Durazzo. (Dyrrhachium) to Elbassan and
Ochrida. lannina is connected by .carriage-roads,,",with Monastir,
Agii Saranta, and Preveza. As a rule, however, bridle-paths supply the
only means of communication. The($atiye. industries are
inconsiderable, and many of them are in .a, languishing [Condition. ;
The manufacture of highly ornate fijearms, yataghans and, other
weapons at Scutari, Jakova and Prizren has. declined, owing .to; the
importation of modern rifles and revolvers. Gold and silk embroidery,
filigree work, morpcco. and richly-braided jackets are,produced for
home use aqd for sale,in. Bosnia, Macedonia, and Montenegro. ,
;• ,. , . ,,, •'•,.-...'
Population.—The population of Albania (may be estimated at
between 1,600,000 and 1,500,000,. ,qf ,,whpm 1,200,000 >or 1,100,000
are Albanians. Of the, other'races, t,he .Slays. .(Serbs and B.ulgars)
are the most numerous, possibjy, numbering 250,000. Servian
settlements exist in various pprts pf,northern Albania; there is a
strong Bulgarian colpny in the neighbourhood of Dibra and Ochrida;
farther soutjh,. ..MountZ,ygos and the Pindus range—the "Great
Walachja " of the .^mjddle ages—are inhabited by Vlachs or
Tzintzars, who ,pos§ibly number 70,000. Some Turkish colonies are^
also found in: the south-eastern districts. There is a considerable,
Greek-speaking.,population in Epiros (including many Mahommedan
Albanians), which must, however, be distinguished from the genuine
Greeks of lannina, Preveza and the extreme south; these may be
estimated at 100,000. The population of the, vilayet of Scutari is
given as 237,000, that of the vilayet of lannina as 552,000. The
principal towns are Scutari (Albanian Shkoder, with the definite
article Shkodr-a), the capital of the vilayet of that name, pop.
32,009; Prizren, 30,000; lannjna (often incorrectly written loannina),
capital of the southern vilayet, 22,000; Jakova, r2,ooo; Dibra,
15,000; Prishtina, 11,000; Ipek (Slav. Fetch), 15,000; Bera,t, 15,000;
Ochrida, n,ooo; Tirana, 12,000; Argyrokastro, 11,000; Kprtcha,^Slav,
Goritza)., ip;poo; Elbassan (perhaps ancient Albanopolis), 8000;
Metzpvo, 7500; Preveza, 6500; Avlona, 6000; Durazzo-, 5000; Parga,
5000; Butrinto, 2000; and Kroi'a, the ancient fortress of Scanderbeg,
5000. All these, except Elbassan, M^fzovo and Kroi'a., are described
in separate articles. , , .., . .
The, Albanians are apparently the most ancient race in southeastern
Europe. History and legend afford no record of their Arrival in the
Balkan Peninsula. They are probably the descendants of the earliest
Aryan immigrants, who were represented in historical times by the
kindred Illyrians, Macedonians and Epirots; the Macedonians and
Epirots are believed by Hahn to have formed the core of the
pre-Hellenic Tyrrheno-Pelasgian population which inhabited the
southern portion of the peninsula and extended its limits to Thrace
and Italy. The Illyrians were also " Pelasgian," but in a wider sense.
Of these cognate races, which are described by the Greek writers as
barbarous or. non-Hellenic, the Illyrians and Epirots, he thinks, were
respectively the progenitors of the Ghegs, or northern, and the Tosks,
or southern, Albanians. The Via Egnatia, which Strabo (vii. fragment
3) describes as forming the boundary between the Illyrians; and
Epirots, practically corresponds with the course of the Shkumb, which
now separates the Ghegs and the Tosks. The same geographer (v. 2. 221)
states that the Epirots were also called Pelasgians; the Pelasgian
Zeus was worshipped at Dodona (Homer, II. xvi. 234), and the
neighbourhood of the sanctuary was called Pelasgia (Herodotus ii. 56).
The meaning of the term " Pelasgian " is, however, too obscure to
furnish a basis for ethnographical speculation; in the time of
Herodotus it may, have already come to denote a period rather than a
race. The name Task is possibly identical with Tuscus, Etruscus, while
the form Tyrrhenus perhaps survives in Tirana. The large number of
.Slavonic local names in Albania, even in districts where no trace of
a Slavonic population exists, bears witness to, the extensive Servian
and Bulgarian immigrations in the e^fly middle ages, but the original
inhabitants gradually ousted or assimilated the invaders. The
determination with which this remarkable race has maintained its
mountain stronghold through a long, series of ages has hitherto met
with scant appreciation , in the outside world. While the heroism i of
the Montenegrins has been lauded by writers of all countries, the
Albanians—if we except Byron's eulogy of the Suloits—still
remain unsung. Not less noticeable is the tenacity with which isolated
fragments of the nationhavepreservedtheirpeculiarchar-acteristics,
language, .customs and traditions. The ^Albanians in Greece and Italy,
though separated for six centuries from the parent stock, have not yet
been absorbed by the surrounding populations.
The Albanians, both Ghegs and Tosks, call themselves Shkti-petar, and
their land Shkupenia or Shkuperia, the former being the Gheg, the
latter the Tosk form of the word. Shkiipetar has been variously
interpreted. According to Hahn it is a participial from shkyipoij, " I
understand," signifying " he who knows" the native language; others
interpret it with less probability as "the rock-dweller," from shkep,
shkip, N. Alb. shkamp, "rock." The designations Arber (Gr. 'Ap0(WT?;s,
Turk. Arnaout), denoting the people, and Arbenia or Arberia, the land,
are also, though less frequently, used by the Albanians. A district
near Kro'ia is locally known as Arbenia; the Tosk form Arberia
strictly applies only to the mountain region near Avlona. The region
inhabited by a more or less homogeneous Albanian population may be
roughly marked out by a line drawn from the Montenegrin frontier at
Berane to Mitrovitza and the Servian frontier near Vranya; thence to
Usktib, Prilep, Monastir, Florina, Kastoria, lannina and Parga. These
limits, however, are far from including all the members of a widely
scattered race. The Albanians in Greece, whose settlements extend over
Attica, Boeotia, the district of Corinth and the Argolid peninsula, as
well as southern Euboea and the islands of Hydra, Spetzae, Poros and
Salamis, descend from Tosk immigrants in the i4th century. They played
a brilliant part in the War of Independence (1821-1829), and to-day
supply the Greek army with its best soldiers. They were estimated by
Leake at 200,000. A large number still speak the Albanian language;
many of the older men, and a considerable proportion of the women,
even in the neighbourhood of Athens, are ignorant of Greek. The
Albanian settlements in southern Italy and. Sicily were founded in
1444, 1464 and 1468; minor immigrations
484
ALBANIA
followed in the three succeeding centuries. In southern Italy there
are 72 Albanian communes, with 154,674 inhabitants; in Sicily ?
communes, with 52,141 inhabitants. The Italian and Sicilian Albanians
are of Tosk descent, and many of them still speak a variation of the
Tosk dialect. There are also several Albanian settlements in European
Turkey and Asia Minor, some founded by military colonists who received
grants of land from successive sultans, others owing their origin to
enforced migrations after insurrections in Albania. The only genuine
division of the Albanian race is that of Ghegs and Tosks; the Liaps,
who inhabit the district between the Viossa and the sea, and the
Tshams or Chains, who occupy the coast-land south-of the Kalamas, are
subdivisions of the Tosk family. The name Gheg (Glgl-a) is not adopted
by the Ghegs themselves, being regarded as a nickname; the designation
Tosk (ToskS-a) is restricted by the Tosks to the inhabitants of a
small region north of the lower Viossa (Toskeria).
National Characteristics.~While the other primitive populations of the
peninsula were either hellenized or latinized, or subsequently
absorbed by the Slavonic immigration, the Albanians to a great extent
remained unaffected by foreign influences. Retaining their original
language and preserving the customs and institutions of remote
antiquity, they present a distinct type, and differ in many essential
particulars-from the other nations of the peninsula. The Ghegs
especially, notwithstanding their fierce and lawless character, their
superstition, ignorance and predatory propensities, possess some
noteworthy qualities rarely found in eastern Europe: simple, brave,
faithful, and sometimes capable of devoted attachment, these wild
mountaineers make excellent soldiers and trustworthy retainers; they
have long furnished a bodyguard to the sultan and, like the Tosks, are
much employed as kavasses and attendants at foreign embassies and
consulates in the East. The native disposition of the Tosks has been
modified by intercourse with the Greeks and Vlachs; while the Gheg
devotes his attention exclusively to fighting, robbery and pastoral
pursuits, the Tosk occasionally occupies himself with commercial,
industrial or agricultural employments; the Gheg is stern, morose and
haughty, the Tosk lively, talkative and affable. The natural antipathy
between the two sections of the race, though less evident than in
former times, is far from extinct. In all parts of Albania the
vendetta (gyak, j&k) or blood-feud, the primitive lex talionis, is an
established usage; the duty of revenge is a sacred tradition handed
down to successive generations in the family, the village and the
tribe. A single case of homicide often leads to a series of similar
crimes or to protracted warfare between neighbouring families and
communities; the murderer, as a rule, takes refuge in the mountains
from the avenger of blood, or remains for years shut up in his house.
It is estimated that in consequence of these feuds scarcely 75 % of
the population in certain mountainous districts die a natural death. A
truce (bessa, literally " faith," " pledge "), either temporary or
permanent, is sometimes arranged by mediation, or among the Ghegs, by
the intervention of the clergy; a general bessa has occasionally been
proclaimed by special irade of the sultan, the restoration of peace
being celebrated with elaborate ceremonies. So stringent are the
obligations of hospitality that a household is bound to exact
reparation for any injury done to a guest as though he were a member
of the family. No traveller can venture into the mountain districts
without the bessa of one of the inhabitants; once this has been
obtained he will be hospitably welcomed. In some districts there is a
fixed price of blood; at Argyrokastro, for instance, the compensation
paid by the homicide to the relatives of his victim is 1200 piastres
(about £10), at Khimara 2000 piastres; once the debt has been
acquitted amicable relations are restored. Notwithstanding their
complete subjection, women are treated with a certain respect, and are
often employed as intermediaries in the settlement of feuds; a woman
may traverse a hostile district without fear of injury, and her bessa
will protect the traveller or the stranger. Women accompany their male
relatives to the battlefield for the purpose of tending the wounded
and carrying away
the dead. The bride brings no dowry to her husband; sheets purchased
at a stipulated price, and earnest-money is' paid at the betrothal,
which usually takes place while the contracting parties are still
children. It is customary for young men whb are attached to each other
to swear eternal brotherhood (compare the Slavonic pobratimstw); the
contract is regarded as sacred, and no instance has been known of its
violation. The costume of the Tosks differs from that of the Ghegs;
its distinctive feature is the white plaited linen fustanella or
petticoat, which has been adopted by the Greeks; the Ghegs wear trews
of white or crimson native cloth adorned with black braid, and a
short, close-fitting jacket, which hr the case of wealthy persons is
embellished with gold lace. The fez is worn 'by both races, and in the
northern highlands yataghans and firearms are almost invariably
carried. The costume of the Mirdite and Mat tribes is peculiar. It
consists of a white felt cap, a long white tunic bound with a red
girdle, white linen trousers and opinki, or sandals.
Tribal System.—The' tribal organization in northern Albania is
an interesting survival of the earliest form of social combination; it
may be compared in many respects with that which existed in the
Scottish highlands in the time of the Stuart kings. The practical
autonomy which the Gheg mountaineers enjoy has been won by a prolonged
and successful resistance to Turkish domination; as a rule they pay no
taxes, they are exempt from the conscription, they know nothing of the
Ottoman law, and the few Turkish officials established amongst them
possess no real authority. Their only obligation to the Turkish
government is to furnish a contingent in time of war; the only law
they recognize is either traditional cnstom(adef) or the unwritten
Kanun-i Leks Dukajinit, a civil and criminal code, so called from its
author, Leka Dukajini, who is supposed to have lived in the i3th or
i4th Century. The tribe or mal (" mountain ") is often composed of
several clans (phis-i, phdrea)or baryaks (literally " standards ")
each under a chief or baryaktar (standard-bearer), who is, strictly
speaking, a military leader; there are in each clan a certaih: number
of elders or voivodes (Albanian kru-ye, pi. krene-te) who form a
council and, like the baryaktar, hold their office by hereditary
right; they preside over the assemblies of the tribesmen, which
exercise the supreme legislative power. The clan is generally
subdivided into smaller communities (mahale), each administered by a
local notable orjobar. The jobars superintend the execution of the
laws, collect fines and administer capital punishment; they are in
contact with the buluk-bashi, or resident representative of the tribe
at Scutari, who forms the only link between the mountaineers and the
Turkish government. He communicates to the tribesmen the orders of the
vali, which must1 be framed in accordance with their customs and
institutions. The tribes of northern Albania, or Ghegeria, may be
classified in seven groups as follows:—(i) The Mirdites, who
inhabit the alpine region around Orosh to the south-east of
Scutari-^-the most important of all in respect of numbers (about
17,000) and political independence. A Roman Catholic tribe, occupying
an inaccessible district, they have hitherto defeated every effort of
the Turks to encroach on their autonomy. Their hereditary chiefs, or
capidans, belong to the family known as Dera e 'Jon Markut (the house
of John Marco), which has ruled for 200 years and is supposed to be
descended from Scanderbeg. In 1868 the reigning chief, Bib Doda, died,
and his son and successor Prenk was detained as a hostage by the
Turks. The Mirdites consequently refused to contribute their customary
contingent t6 the Turkish army, and eventually Prenk was restored. His
arnbiguou's conduct, however, led to the despatch of two expeditions
against the Mirdites and the devastation of their territory. In 1880
Prenk was kidnapped by the Turkish authorities and exiled to Anatolia;
another member of the ruling family was appointed kaimakam, but the
Mirdites refused to obey him, and their district has ever since been
in a state of anarchy. No Moslem is allowed to remain in Mirdite
territory. (2) The Mi-shkodrak (Upper Scutari) group or confederation,
also known as the Malsia-Madhe (Great Highlands), is composed of the
Klement, Grud-a, Hot, Kastrat and Shkrel tribes, which Occupy the
ALBANIA
485
mountainous district north-east of Scutari. . Owing to the proximity
of the capital this group is comparatively subject to the Turkish
power, and pays a small annual tribute,; the chiefs, who assess and
collect the tribute, form a kind of, administrative council; the
confederation has also an 'official representative council at Scutari,
called the Jibal, under the presidency of a Serkarde or Moslem
official.., (3) The Dukajin, whose territory lies between that of the
last-named group and the district of Jakova, include the Pulati,
Shalla, Shoshi and.other,tribes; they are more independent and more
savage than the Mi-shkodr.ak, and have never paid tribute from time
immemorial. (4) The Puka group, known as " the Seven Baryaks of Puka,"
dwell on the south side of the river Drin; they are nominally
administered by a Turkish kaimakam, who is a mere spectator of their
proceedings. (5) The Malsia Jakpvs, a group of two Catholic and three
Moslem tribes, extend in the direction of Jakova, where they maintain
an official representative; they are entirely exempt from taxation.
(6,7) The Malsia-Lezhs, who occupy the Alessio highlands, and the
Malsia Krues, who inhabit the region north of Kroia, live in a state
of extreme poverty and pay no tribute; the Malsia Krues are much
addicted to brigandage. To these seven groups, which are included
under the general appellation of Malissori, or " highlanders," may be
added the Malsia of Dibra, who extend to the west and north of that
town, and form a large separate group; they are notorious for their
fierce lawless character, and maintain themselves by plundering the
Bulgarian peasants in their neighbourhood. In general the attitude of
the Albanians in the north-eastern districts towards the Slavonic
peasantry may be compared with that of the Kurds towards the
Armenians. In the region east of Kroiia the Mat tribe, which occupies
the upper valley of the Matia, presents an entirely different
organization; their district is governed by four wealthy families,
possessing hereditary rank an,d influence, Towards the south the
tribal organization becomes looser, and is gradually supplanted by a
kind of feudal system; among the powerful aristocratic houses may be
mentioned the VJiores aj; Avkma, who are stated to own over iso'sq. m.
of land, Jand the Toptans at Tirana. The principal landowners, who
reside in fortified houses, are all Moslems; their estates are
cultivated on the metayer system. Since the time of Ali Pasha, who
broke the power'of the local chieftains, southern Albania has been
subject to the central Turkish power; before that period the
mountaineers of Suli" and Khimara erijoyed an .independence similar to
that of the Gheg tribes.
Religions.—The' great majority of the Albanians, probably more
than three-fifths, are Moslems. The conversion of the Christian
population to Islam appears to have taken place during the i6th and
I7th centuries. Like the Cretan Moslems and the Bulgarian Pomaks, the
Albanian Mahoinmedans retain many Christian traditions and customs; it
is said that many thousands of them secretly adhere to their original
faith. In the vilayet of Scutari they form about 55% of the
population; central Albania is almost entirely Moslem; in southern
Albania, however, there is a considerable Christian population, whose
limits practically coincide with those of the Greek-speaking
districts. Of the Christian population (about 600,000), some 110,000
are Roman Catholic Ghegs, some 90,000 are Orthodox Tosks, and some
400,000 are Orthodox Slavs, Greeks and Vlachs. The Roman Catholic
Ghegs appear to have abandoned the Eastern for the Western Church in
J:he middle of the i3theentury. Their bishops and priests, who wear
the moustache in deference to popular prejudice, are typical specimens
of the church militant. Some of the Gheg tribes, such as the Puka,
Malsia Jakovs and Malsia Krues, are partly Roman Catholic, partly
Moslem; among fellow-tribesmen the difference of religion counts for
little. , The Mirdites Are exclusively Roman .Catholic, the Mat-i
exclusively Moslem. At the'head of the Roman Catholic hierarchy are
the archbishops of Scutari (with three suffragans), Prizren and
Durazzo; the mitred abbot of St Alexander is the spiritual chief of
the Mirdites. The Orthodox Church has metropolitans at Prizren,
Durazzo, Berat, lannina and Kortcha; the Bulgarian exarchate maintains
a bishop at Dibra. Of the Albanians in, Sicily the great majority
(44,791) remain faithful to the Greek Church; in Italy 116,482 follow
the Latin ritual, and 38,192 the Greek. All the Albanians in Greece
belong to the Orthodox Church.
Education.—Education is almost non-existent, and the vast
majority of the population, both Christian and Moslem, are totally
illiterate. Instruction in the Albanian language is prohibited by the
Turkish government for political reasons; a single exception has been
made in the case of an American school for girls at Kortcha. There are
Turkish primary and secondary schools in some of the towns; in the
village mosques instruction in the Koran is given by the imams, but
neither reading nor writing is taught. The aristocratic Moslem
families send their sons to be educated in Constantinople or Vienna.
At Scutari a college and a seminary are maintained by the Jesuits,
with the aid of the Austrian government; the Franciscans have several
primary schools, and three lay schools are supported by the Italian
government; hi all these institutions Italian is the language of
instruction. There are two Servian seminaries at Prizren. In southern
Albania there are Greek schools in the towns and a large Greek
gymnasium at lannina. The priests of the Greek Church, on whom the
rural population depend for instruction, are often deplorably
ignorant. The merchant families of lannina are well educated; the
dialect spoken in that town is the purest specimen of colloquial
Greek.
Language.—-Albanian is peculiarly interesting as the only
surviving representative of the so-called Thraco-Illyrian group of
languages which formed the primitive speech of the peninsula. It has
afforded an attractive study to philologists, amongst whom may be
mentioned Malte-Brun, Leake, Xylander, Harm, Miklosich and G. Meyer.
The analysis of the language presents great difficulties, as, owing to
the absence of literary monuments, no certainty can be arrived at with
regard to its earlier forms and later development. The groundwork, so
far as it can be ascertained, and the grammar are Indo-European, but a
large number of words have been borrowed from the Latin or Italian and
Greek, and it is not always easy to decide whether the mutilated and
curtailed forms now in use represent adopted words or belong to the
original vocabulary. There is also a considerable admixture of Turkish
and Slavonic words. Notwithstanding . certain points of resemblance in
structure and phonetics, Albanian is entirely distinct from the
neighbouring languages; in its relation to early Latin and Greek it
may be regarded as a co-ordinate member of the Aryan stock. It
possesses seven vowels; among the consonants are the aspirated d and
t, as in Greek, and many other sounds, such as b, d, sh, zli
(French./), and hard g, which are wanting in Greek, but exist in the
Slavonic languages. There are three declensions, each with a definite
and indefinite form; the genitive, dative and ablative are usually
represented by a single termination; the vocative is formed by a final
o, as memmo from memme, "mother." The neuter gender is absent. There
are two conjugations; the passive formation,nowwanting
inmostlndo-European languages, has been retained, as in Greek; thus
kerko-iy, " I seek," forms kerko-n-em, " I am sought." The infinitive
is not found; as in Greek, Rumanian and Bulgarian, it is replaced by
the subjunctive with a particle. The two auxiliary verbs are k&m, " I
have," and yam, "I am." An interesting and characteristic feature of
the language is the definite article, which is attached to the end of
the word: e.g. mik (" friend," amicus), mik-u ("the friena"); kien
("dog"), kien-i; Shkumb, Shkumb-i. The suffix-article likewise appears
in Rumanian and Bulgarian, but in no other Latin or Slavonic language;
it is in each case a'form of the demonstrative pronoun. Another
remarkable analogy between the Albanian and the neighbouring languages
is found in the formation of the future; the Albanian do (3rd pers.
sing, of dova, "I will"), like the Greek da, is prefixed without
change to all persons of the verb: a similar usage in Servian and
Bulgarian, as well as in Rumanian (especially the Macedonian dialect),
is peculiar to these languages in the Slavonic and Latin groups. These
and other points of similarity, possibly only accidental, have led to
the conjecture that the primitive Illyrian language may have exerted
some kind of influence on
4-86
the other idioms of the peninsula. In the absence bf literary, culture
the Albanian dialects, as might be expected, are widely divergent; the
limits of the two principal dialects correspond with the racial
boundaries of the Ghegs and Tosks, who under-, stand each other with
difficulty; the Albanians in Greece and Italy have also separate
dialects. In writing Albanian the Latin character is employed by the
Ghegs, the Greek by the Tbsks;: neither alphabet suffices to represent
the manifold sounds of the language, and various supplementary letters
or distinguishing, signs are necessary. In the use of these no uniform
system has-yet been adopted. An alphabet of fifty-two letters, some
pre-, senting ancient Phoenician and Cretan forms, was found by Hahn
in partial use at Elbassan and Tirana; its antiquity, however, has not
been established. The Tosks generally use the Greek language for
written communications. The native folklore and poetry of the
Albanians can hardly compare with that of the neighbouring nations in
originality and beauty. The earliest printed works in Albanian are
those of the Catholic missionaries; the first book containing
specimens of the language was the Dictionarium Latino-Epiroticum of
Bianchi, printed in 1635. The literature of the last two centuries
consists mainly of translations and religious works written by
ecclesiastics, some of whom were natives of the Albanian colonies in
Italy. The most noteworthy Albanian writer was Girolamo di Rada (b.
1815), a poet, philologist and collector of national folklore. Among
his successors may be mentioned Vincenzo Dorsa and Demetrio Camarda.
A ntiqutiies.—Albania abounds in ancient remains, which as yet
have been little explored. Fragments of " Cyclopean " structures were
discovered by Hahn at Kretzunista, Arinista, and other sites in the
district of Argyrokastro; the walls, partly " Cyclopean," of an
ancient city (perhaps Bullis) are visible at Gradisti on the Viossa.
Masonry of this type, however, occurring in Illyria and Dalmatia (e.g.
at Spalato and on the island of Lesina) has been shown by modern
archaeologists to belong to the Roman period. In general, the remains
of the classical epoch attest the influence of Roman rather than of
Greek civilization. At Pollina, the ancient Apottonia, are the
remnants of a Doric temple, of which a single column is still
standing. A little north of Preveza are the considerable ruins of
Nikopolis, founded by Octavian to commemorate the victory of Actium.
At Khimara (anc. Chimaera) the remains of an old Greek city may still
be seen; at Santi Quaranta (anc. Onchesmos) the walls and towers of a
later town are in good preservation. Few traces remain of the once
celebrated Dyr-rhachium. The ruins of Pandosia, Ephyra, Elatea,
Phoenike, Buthrotum, Akrolissos and other towns may be identified. The
most important and interesting remains, however, are those of Dodona
(q.v.). Of the medieval ruins those of Krola, the stronghold of
Scanderbeg, are the most interesting.
Medieval History.—After the division of the Roman empire, the
lands inhabited by the Albanian race became provinces of the Byzantine
empire; northern Albania from Scutari to Berat formed the Ihema or
province of Dyrrachium (Durazzo, Albanian • Donrtz), southern
Albania and Epirus the thema of Nikopolis. The country was overrun by
the Goths in the 4th and 5th centuries, but reconquered by Justinian
in 535. In 640 northern Albania was invaded by the Serbo-Croats; it
continued with interruptions under Servian rule till 1360. In 861 the
Bulgarians conquered the southern portion of the country and Epirus as
far as Khimara; under their powerful tsar Simeon (893-927), who
defeated the Servians, they established their rule on the Adriatic
littoral, except at Durazzo, which remained Byzantine, and colonized
these regions in great numbers. A new Bulgarian dynasty, that of
Shishman, was founded at Ochrida after the death of Simeon. Shishman's
son Samuel (976-1014) captured Durazzo; he extended his sway over a
great part of the Balkan Peninsula, but was eventually defeated in
1014 by the emperor Basil II., who put out the eyes of 15,000
Bulgarian prisoners. Southern Albania and Epirus fell once more under
Byzantine rule, which, however, was shaken by numerous revolts. In
1081 the Normans under Robert Guiscard possessed
themselves of Durazsip; 'Gtu'sfcaM's'son Bohernund defeated tne
Greeks' in several tiatlleirahd agaiii'(iio7) laid'siege to D\itdzzp,
which fcad been1 sirrrende'rfed to ffiern by treachery ^failing to
take the'city, hfc'retired to Italy ifi 1109. Southern Albania Slid
Epirus 'remained' 'tin'der Byzantine defamation''till: 1204, wrien,
after the' capture; of Constantinople By the crusaders, MitrJ^el
CPirinenus, a member-'6f the imperial family; Wi'fjiarew to'Epirus and
founded kn independent sovereignty kriowh as the.:'I)eispy the family
of ThofSa (1359-1392) and a.fter wards, b,y that of JKas-triota, to
which Scanderbeg belonged; the southern portion,with Berat, by the
Mli&ikj'('1368-1476). In 'the midcLle of the 14$ century a great
rnigi;at'i6n of Albanians from the mountainous districts of the north
took place, under the chie'fs,\|in Bua' Spafa arid Peter Liosha; they
advanced sputhwarils as far,as Acarnania and Aetolia (1358), occupied
the greater portion pf the despotate of Epirus, and took larinina
and'Arta. In 't,hef latter, half of the century, large colonies of
Tosks were planed in, t^hV^prea. by .the (Jespots of Mistra, and in
Attica and iJpeotia%yPpke,j^er^) of Athens. "As the power of the
Balshas" declined,'the Venetians towards the close of the i4th century
established themselve^ at Scutari, Budua, Antivari and elsewhere in
Bortherri ^ft'ania, r|j
Period of Turkish Rule.—The advance of the t l'i,irks j»tp
Albania began with the capture of lajininain 1431.^ EOT once jn .the
history of the country the Albanian chiefs,corobine^ftgaijist the
invader under a single leader, the celetTate$,peojgjs,|CasfriV^ (see
SqANDERB^c), who fought thirteen campaigns in, the,period 1444-1466.,
In 1478 Krola, which the ygnetiansiha.d.ocdjpied after s!canderbeg's
death, surrendered to Sfa^ipmmed ,11,,, ,3J?d in J479 Scutari, after
a,memorable defence by the Venetians ,and their Montenegrin allies,
was reduced by blockade. fy-Wy <4 its native Christian defenders
emigrated to DaJHiatia and Italy,; others took refuge in the
.mountains with ,the"Roman Catiqlic Ghegs. In 1592, the Turks
capturepi,Durazzo, :an.fj jin,1^7,1 Antivari and Dulqigrio, the last
Venetian possessions ip ^)baoi^-Notwithstanding the abandonment'of
Christianity by. a la,rge section pf the population alter ,the
Turkish: conquest,,'the authority of the sultans was never effectively
established, ;antf succeeding centuries present a record of
interminable conflicts between the tribesmen .arid ther Tajrks,
between the Christians and the converts to Islam, or between all
coita.bined and jthje traditional Morttenegrin enefliy. The declinp.of
the .Ottoman power, which began towards 'the end of.; t^e 17 th
century, was marked by increasing anarchy, and lawlessness, jn^ the
outlying portjons of .the empire. About :.i76o:,,a. iMpsfem phieftain,
Mehemet of Bushat, after obtaining the pashali^pf Scutari frpm the
Pprte, succeeded in estabh'shing. an almost independent ,spyereigrj.ty
in, Upper Albania, Wjhi^h remajfled hereditary in his "family fpr
spme- generations. In southern
4-86
the other idioms of the peninsula. In the absence bf literary, culture
the Albanian dialects, as might be expected, are widely divergent; the
limits of the two principal dialects correspond with the racial
boundaries of the Ghegs and Tosks, who under-, stand each other with
difficulty; the Albanians in Greece and Italy have also separate
dialects. In writing Albanian the Latin character is employed by the
Ghegs, the Greek by the Tbsks;: neither alphabet suffices to represent
the manifold sounds of the language, and various supplementary letters
or distinguishing, signs are necessary. In the use of these no uniform
system has-yet been adopted. An alphabet of fifty-two letters, some
pre-, senting ancient Phoenician and Cretan forms, was found by Hahn
in partial use at Elbassan and Tirana; its antiquity, however, has not
been established. The Tosks generally use the Greek language for
written communications. The native folklore and poetry of the
Albanians can hardly compare with that of the neighbouring nations in
originality and beauty. The earliest printed works in Albanian are
those of the Catholic missionaries; the first book containing
specimens of the language was the Dictionarium Latino-Epiroticum of
Bianchi, printed in 1635. The literature of the last two centuries
consists mainly of translations and religious works written by
ecclesiastics, some of whom were natives of the Albanian colonies in
Italy. The most noteworthy Albanian writer was Girolamo di Rada (b.
1815), a poet, philologist and collector of national folklore. Among
his successors may be mentioned Vincenzo Dorsa and Demetrio Camarda.
A ntiqutiies.—Albania abounds in ancient remains, which as yet
have been little explored. Fragments of " Cyclopean " structures were
discovered by Hahn at Kretzunista, Arinista, and other sites in the
district of Argyrokastro; the walls, partly " Cyclopean," of an
ancient city (perhaps Bullis) are visible at Gradisti on the Viossa.
Masonry of this type, however, occurring in Illyria and Dalmatia (e.g.
at Spalato and on the island of Lesina) has been shown by modern
archaeologists to belong to the Roman period. In general, the remains
of the classical epoch attest the influence of Roman rather than of
Greek civilization. At Pollina, the ancient Apottonia, are the
remnants of a Doric temple, of which a single column is still
standing. A little north of Preveza are the considerable ruins of
Nikopolis, founded by Octavian to commemorate the victory of Actium.
At Khimara (anc. Chimaera) the remains of an old Greek city may still
be seen; at Santi Quaranta (anc. Onchesmos) the walls and towers of a
later town are in good preservation. Few traces remain of the once
celebrated Dyr-rhachium. The ruins of Pandosia, Ephyra, Elatea,
Phoenike, Buthrotum, Akrolissos and other towns may be identified. The
most important and interesting remains, however, are those of Dodona
(q.v.). Of the medieval ruins those of Krola, the stronghold of
Scanderbeg, are the most interesting.
Medieval History.—After the division of the Roman empire, the
lands inhabited by the Albanian race became provinces of the Byzantine
empire; northern Albania from Scutari to Berat formed the Ihema or
province of Dyrrachium (Durazzo, Albanian • Donrtz), southern
Albania and Epirus the thema of Nikopolis. The country was overrun by
the Goths in the 4th and 5th centuries, but reconquered by Justinian
in 535. In 640 northern Albania was invaded by the Serbo-Croats; it
continued with interruptions under Servian rule till 1360. In 861 the
Bulgarians conquered the southern portion of the country and Epirus as
far as Khimara; under their powerful tsar Simeon (893-927), who
defeated the Servians, they established their rule on the Adriatic
littoral, except at Durazzo, which remained Byzantine, and colonized
these regions in great numbers. A new Bulgarian dynasty, that of
Shishman, was founded at Ochrida after the death of Simeon. Shishman's
son Samuel (976-1014) captured Durazzo; he extended his sway over a
great part of the Balkan Peninsula, but was eventually defeated in
1014 by the emperor Basil II., who put out the eyes of 15,000
Bulgarian prisoners. Southern Albania and Epirus fell once more under
Byzantine rule, which, however, was shaken by numerous revolts. In
1081 the Normans under Robert Guiscard possessed
themselves of Durazsip; 'Gtu'sfcaM's'son Bohernund defeated tne
Greeks' in several tiatlleirahd agaiii'(iio7) laid'siege to D\itdzzp,
which fcad been1 sirrrende'rfed to ffiern by treachery ^failing to
take the'city, hfc'retired to Italy ifi 1109. Southern Albania Slid
Epirus 'remained' 'tin'der Byzantine defamation''till: 1204, wrien,
after the' capture; of Constantinople By the crusaders, MitrJ^el
CPirinenus, a member-'6f the imperial family; Wi'fjiarew to'Epirus and
founded kn independent sovereignty kriowh as the.:'I)eispy the family
of ThofSa (1359-1392) and a.fter wards, b,y that of JKas-triota, to
which Scanderbeg belonged; the southern portion,with Berat, by the
Mli&ikj'('1368-1476). In 'the midcLle of the 14$ century a great
rnigi;at'i6n of Albanians from the mountainous districts of the north
took place, under the chie'fs,\|in Bua' Spafa arid Peter Liosha; they
advanced sputhwarils as far,as Acarnania and Aetolia (1358), occupied
the greater portion pf the despotate of Epirus, and took larinina
and'Arta. In 't,hef latter, half of the century, large colonies of
Tosks were planed in, t^hV^prea. by .the (Jespots of Mistra, and in
Attica and iJpeotia%yPpke,j^er^) of Athens. "As the power of the
Balshas" declined,'the Venetians towards the close of the i4th century
established themselve^ at Scutari, Budua, Antivari and elsewhere in
Bortherri ^ft'ania, r|j
Period of Turkish Rule.—The advance of the t l'i,irks j»tp
Albania began with the capture of lajininain 1431.^ EOT once jn .the
history of the country the Albanian chiefs,corobine^ftgaijist the
invader under a single leader, the celetTate$,peojgjs,|CasfriV^ (see
SqANDERB^c), who fought thirteen campaigns in, the,period 1444-1466.,
In 1478 Krola, which the ygnetiansiha.d.ocdjpied after s!canderbeg's
death, surrendered to Sfa^ipmmed ,11,,, ,3J?d in J479 Scutari, after
a,memorable defence by the Venetians ,and their Montenegrin allies,
was reduced by blockade. fy-Wy <4 its native Christian defenders
emigrated to DaJHiatia and Italy,; others took refuge in the
.mountains with ,the"Roman Catiqlic Ghegs. In 1592, the Turks
capturepi,Durazzo, :an.fj jin,1^7,1 Antivari and Dulqigrio, the last
Venetian possessions ip ^)baoi^-Notwithstanding the abandonment'of
Christianity by. a la,rge section pf the population alter ,the
Turkish: conquest,,'the authority of the sultans was never effectively
established, ;antf succeeding centuries present a record of
interminable conflicts between the tribesmen .arid ther Tajrks,
between the Christians and the converts to Islam, or between all
coita.bined and jthje traditional Morttenegrin enefliy. The declinp.of
the .Ottoman power, which began towards 'the end of.; t^e 17 th
century, was marked by increasing anarchy, and lawlessness, jn^ the
outlying portjons of .the empire. About :.i76o:,,a. iMpsfem phieftain,
Mehemet of Bushat, after obtaining the pashali^pf Scutari frpm the
Pprte, succeeded in estabh'shing. an almost independent ,spyereigrj.ty
in, Upper Albania, Wjhi^h remajfled hereditary in his "family fpr
spme- generations. In southern
487
Albania .AljPaslia.of ,T«pelen,(b. aboujt 1.750), an able^uel and
unscrupulous man, subdued the neighbouring .pashaf ;and. cWefe crushed
the Suliotes and Khimarrhotes, and exercised 'a: .practically,
independent sovereignty from the, Adriatic to the, Aegean. He
introduced comparative, civilization at lannina, >his. capital, and
maintained direct relations with foreign powers. Eventually he
renounced his allegiance to the s^ultan^but was. pverthrpwn by a
Turkish, army 111-1822. Shortly afterwards; the,. dynasty of Scutari
camje to an end with,,the'surr.endei; of Mu^|afa;Pasha, the last of.
the house.pf Bushatx to the grand yizier .Reshjd Pasha, in
. .
opposition of , the Albanians, Christian, as well as Moslem, to the
refoims introduced by the sultan, Mahmud II, led to the devastation of
the country and the expatriation of thousands of its inhabitants, ,
During the, [next half-century , several local revolts occurred, but
no movement of a strictly political character took pla.ce till after
the Berlin Treaty (July 13, ^878), when some of the Moslems and
Catholics combined to resist the stipulated (jransference of ^Albanian
territory, to, i Austria^Hungary, Servia aijrd Montenegro, and the ,
Albanian ^eague ,was formed by an assemblage of chiefs at Prizren. r
The movement, which was instigated by the Porte with the object of
evading the provisions of the treaty, was so far successful that the
restq/ationi of Playa and Gusinye to Albania, was sanctioned by. the
,ppwers, , Montenegro receiving an exchange the town and. distriqt of
|)ulcigno. The, Albanian, Jeaders, however, soon; displayed a spirit,
of independence, which proved embarrassing to Turkish diplomacy and
caused alarm at Constantinople; their forces came into, conflict with
a Turkish army under Dervish Pasha near Dulcjgno (November 1880), and
eventually the league was suppressed. A similar ;agitation on a
smaller scale was organized in southern Albania to resist the
territorial conpessjons awarded by the powers- to. Greece. In the
spring of 1903 serious disturbances took, place in north-western
Albania, but the Turks succeeded in pacifying the revolted1 tribesmen,
partly by force and partly by concessions. These movements , were far
from displaying a genuinely national,, character, In receat years
attempts have been made by, Albanians • resident abroad to
propagate ,the national idea- among th^ir compatriots' at ipme;
committees have been formed at Brussels, Bucharest, Athens and
elsewhere, auid bpok% p^mphj^ts and newspapers are; surreptitiously
sent into the country. ,, Unity of aim, and effort, however^ seems
foreign to the Albanians, except in defence of local or tribal
privileges. The growth of -a wider patriotic sentiment must depend on
, the spread of popular, education; certainly up to 1008 no
appreciable progress had been made in this direction.
AUTHORITIES. — F. C. H.; Pouqueyille, Voyage de la Qrece (Paris^
1820); W. M. Leake,' Travels in Northern Greece (London, 1835); J. G.
von Hahn, Albarlesische Studien (Jena, '1854), Reise durch die Gfbiete
des Drin und Vardar (Vienna, "18675); F. Bopp, Uber das Alibanefische
(Berlin, 1854); J. P. : Falliperayer, Das , albanesische Element in
Criechenland (l^unich, ,1864) ; ,N. Camarda, Saggio di grammatologia
comparata suttd lingua albanese (Leghorn, 1865) ; Viscountess
StraHjjfofd, The Eastern Shores of the Adriatic (London, 1865); H. F.
Tdzer, Researches >in: the; Highlands of Turkey (London, 1869); F.
Mik\o^ch,'Alb(tnes,:.for^ungen (Vienna, 1870); C. Hopf, Chroniques
grew-romaittes ittfdite_$. ou pen co^nues (Berlin, 1873); H.
Hecqiiard, Histoire et description de Id Haute Albdnie- ou _Gu&garie
(Paris, undated) ; S. Gopchevidh, 'Oberalbanien und seine Li
ja:(Leipzig, i8&vVvF'. Taiam, Le Istofia Albanesi (jSatenvoAmy, G.
<MchkYv, LaZedda e la dinaftia . dei Ralshi '.(Spalato, .1899); S.
Lambros, ^JJ 6pOMa™Xp7ia TTJS 'ATT-UOJS cat ii «fs T-fiv, x&pav
%ouo;<rts TWV 'AXjSavwi', in the 'Enrripts TOU Tlupvapaov (Athens, 1
896) ; Theodore Ippen, " Beitrage 'zur innereri Geschichte fder
Ttirkei Ini 19. ;Jahrhundert specie!! Albaniens," in the
Osterreickisch-Un.ga.rische Revue, vol. jflcviii,; A. PhilippsoA',
Thessalia wnfL Epwis (Berlinv 1897). &e also MflTW'8 Greece, ed..
1900, pp. 720-73; aoid 760-814, and Blue-hook Turkey, No. 15, Part
ii., 1886. ' , : (J. D. B.)
moderno1
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GREEK INDEPENDENCE, WAR OF, the name given to the
great rising of the Greek subjects of the sultan against the Ottoman
domination, which began in 1821 and ended in 1833 with the
establishment of the independent kingdom of Greece. The circumstances
that led to the insurrection and the general diplomatic situation by
which its fortunes were from time to time affected are described
elsewhere (see GREECE: History; TURKEY:
History). The present article is confined to a description of the
general character and main events of the war itself. If we exclude the
abortive invasion of the Danubian principalities by Prince Alexander
Ypsilanti (March 1821), which collapsed ignominiously as soon as it
was disavowed by the tsar, the theatre of the war was confined to
continental Greece, the Morea, and the adjacent narrow seas. Its
history may, broadly speaking, be divided into three periods: the
first (1821—1824), during which the Greeks, aided by numerous
volunteers from Europe, were successfully pitted against the
sultan’s forces alone; the second, from 1824, when the
disciplined troops of Mehemet Ali, pasha of Egypt, turned the tide
against the insurgents; the third, from the intervention of the
European powers in the autumn of 1827 to the end.
When, on the 2nd of April 1821, Archbishop Germanos, head of the
Hetaeria in the Morea, raised the standard of the cross at Kalavryta
as the signal for a general rising of the Christian population, the
circumstances were highly favourable. In the Morea itself, in spite of
plentiful warning, the Turks were wholly unprepared; while the bulk of
the Ottoman army, under the seraskier Khurshid Pasha, was engaged in
the long task of reducing the intrepid Ali, pasha of lannina (see ALl,
pasha of lannina).
Another factor, and that the determining one, soon came to the aid of
the Greeks. In warfare carried on in such a country as Greece,
sea-girt and with a coast deeply indented, inland without roads and
intersected with rugged mountains, victory—as Wellington was
quick to observe—must rest with the side that has command of the
sea. This was assured to the insurgents at the outset by the revolt of
the maritime communities of the Greek archipelago. The Greeks of the
islands had been accustomed from time immemorial to seafaring; their
ships—some as large as frigates—were well armed, to guard
against the Barbary pirates and rovers of their own kin; lastly, they
had furnished the bulk of the sailors to the Ottoman navy which, now
that this recruiting ground was closed, had to be manned hastily with
impressed crews of dock-labourers and peasants, many of whom had never
seen the sea. The Turkish fleet, “adrift in the Archipelago
“—as the British seamen put it— though greatly
superior in tonnage and weight of metal, could never be a match for
the Greek brigs, manned as these were by trained, if not disciplined,
crews.
The war was begun by the Greeks without definite plan and without any
generally recognized leadership. The force with
Outbreak which Germanos marched from Kalavryta against of the Patras
was composed of peasants armed with scythes, insurrec- clubs and
slings, among whom the “primates” exertion. cised a
somewhat honorary authority. The town
itself was destroyed and those of its Mussulman inhabitants who could
not escape into the citadel were massacred; but the, citadel remained
in the hands of the Turks till 1828. Meanwhile, in the south, leaders
of another stamp had appeared:
Petros, bey of the Mama (q.v.) chief of the Mavromichales, who at the
head of his clan attacked Kalamata and put the Mussulman inhabitants
to the sword; and Kolokotrones, a notable brigand once in the service
of the lonian government, who— fortified by a vision of the
Virgin—captured Karytaena and slaughtered its infidel
population. Encouraged by these
successes the revolt spread rapidly; within three weeks there was not
a Mussulman left in the open country, and the remnants of the once
dominant class were closely besieged in the fortified towns by hosts
of wild peasants and brigands. The flames ot revolt now spread across
the Isthmus of Corinth: early in April the Christians of Dervenokhoria
rose, and the whole of Boeotia and Attica quickly followed suit; at
the beginning of May the Mussulman inhabitants of Athens were
blockaded in .the Acropolis. In the Morea, meanwhile, a few Mussulman
fortresses still held out: Coron, Modon, Navarino, Patras, Nauplia,
Monemvasia, Tripolitsa. One by one they fell, and everywhere were
repeated the same scenes of butchery. The horrors culminated in the
capture of Tripolitsa, the capital of the vilayet. In September this
was taken by storm; Kolokotrones rode in triumph to the citadel over
streets carpeted with the dead; and the crowning triumph of the Cross
was celebrated by a cold-blooded massacre of 2000 prisoners of all
ages and both sexes. This completed the success of the insurrection in
the Morea, where only Patras, Nauplia, and one or two lesser
fortresses remained to the Turks.
Meanwhile, north of the Isthmus, the fortunes of war had been less
one-sided. In the west Khurshid’s lieutenant, Omar Vrioni (a
Mussulman Greek of the race of the Palaeologi), had inflicted a series
of defeats on the insurgents, recaptured Levadia, and on the 3oth of
June relieved the Acropolis; but the rout of the troops which Mahommed
Pasha was bringing to his aid by the Greeks in the defile of Mount
Oeta, and the news of the fall of Tripolitsa, forced him to retreat,
and the campaign of 1821 ended with the retirement of the Turks into
Thessaly.
The month of April had witnessed the revolt of the principal Greek
islands, Spetsae on the 7th, Psara on the 23rd, Hydra on the 28th and
Samos on the 3oth. Their fleets were divided into squadrons, of which
one, under.Tombazes, was deputed to watch for the entrance of the
Ottomans into the archipelago, while the other under Andreas Miaoulis
(q.v.) sailed to blockade Patras and watch the coasts of Epirus. At
sea, as on land, the Greeks opened the campaign with hideous
atrocities, almost their first exploit being the capture of a vessel
carrying to Mecca the sheik-ui-Islam and his family, whom they
murdered with every aggravation of outrage.
These inauspicious beginnings, indeed, set the whole tone of the war,
which was frankly one of mutual extermination. On both sides the
combatants were barbarians, without
discipline or competent organization. At sea the
Greeks rapidly developed into mere pirates, and even of the war.
Miaoulis, for all his high character and courage, was
often unable to prevent his captains from sailing home at critical
moments, when pay or booty failed. On land the presence of a few
educated Phanariots, such as Demetrios Ypsilanti or Alexander
Mavrocordato, hras powerless to inspire the rude hordes with any sense
of order or of humanity in warfare; while every lull in the fighting,
due to a temporary check to the Turks, was the signal for internecine
conflicts due to the rivalry of leaders who, with rare exceptions,
thought more of their personal power and profit than of the cause of
Greece.
This cause, indeed, was helped more by the impolitic reprisals of the
Turks than by the heroism of the insurgents. All. Europe stood aghast
at the news of the execution of
TurKish
the Patriarch Gregorfos of Constantinople (April 22, reprisals 1821)
and the wholesale massacres that followed, culminating as these did in
the extermination of the prosperous community of Scio (Chios) in March
1822. The cause of Greece was now that of Christendom, of the Catholic
and Protestant West, as of the Orthodox East. European Liberalism,
too, gagged and fettered under Metternich’s ~
“system,” recognized in the Greeks the champions and the
of its own cause; while even conservative states- i’ising men,
schooled in the memories of ancient Hellas, ~ saw in the struggle a
fight of civilization against barbarism. This latter belief, which
was, moreover, flattering to their vanity, the Greek leaders were
astute enough to foster; the propaganda of Adamantios Coraës (q.v.)
had done its
work; and wily brigands, like Odysseus of Ithaka, assuming the style
and trappings of antiquity, posed as the champions of classic culture
against the barbarian. All Europe, then, hailed with joy the exploit
of Constantine Kanaris, who on the night of June 18—19 succeeded
in steering a fire-ship among the Turkish squadron off Scio, and
burned the flag-ship of the capudan-pasha with 3000 souls on board.
Meanwhile Sultan Mahmud, now wide awake to the danger, had been
preparing for a systematic effort to suppress the rising. The
threatened breach with Russia had been avoided by Metternich’s
influence on the tsar Alexander; the death of Au of lannina had set
free the army of Khurshid Pasha, who now, as seraskier of Rumelia, was
charged with the task of reducing the Morea. In the spring of 1822 two
Turkish armies advanced southwards: one, under Omar Vrioni, along the
coast of Western Hellas, the other, under Au, pasha of Drama
(Dramali), through Boeotia and Attica. Omar was held in check by the
mud
Expedi- ramparts of Missolonghi; but Dramali, after exacting
Uon ot fearful vengeance for the massacre of the Turkish
Dramail, garrison of t,he Acropolis at Athens, crossed the
822. Isthmus and with the over-confidence of a conquering
barbarian advanced to the relief of the hard-pressed garrison of
Nauplia. He crossed the perilous defile of Dervenaki unopposed; and at
the ne-ws of his approach most-of the members of the Greek government
assembled at Argos fled in panic terror. Demetrios Ypsilanti, however,
with a few hundred men joined the Mainote Karayanni in the castle of
Larissa, which crowns the acropolis of ancient Argos. This held
Dramali in check, and gave Kolokotrones time to collect an army. The
Turks, in the absence of the fleet which was to have brought them
supplies, were forced to retreat (August 6); the Greeks, inspired with
new courage, awaited them in the pass of Dervenaki, where the
undisciplined Ottoman host, thrown into confusion by an avalanche of
boulders hurled upon them, was annihilated. In Western Greece ihe
campaign had an outcome scarcely less disastrous for the Turks. The
death of Ali of lannina had been followed by the suppression of the
insurgent Suliotes and tIle advance of Omar Vrioni southwards to
Missolonghi; but the town held out gallantly, a Turkish surprise
attack, on the 6th of January 1823, was beaten off, and Omar Vrioni
had to abandon the siege and retire northwards over the pass of
Makrynoros.
The victorious outcome of the year’s fighting had a disastrous
effect upon the Greeks. Their victories had been due mainly
to the guerilla tactics of the leaders of the type of
~ Kolokotrones; Mavrocordato, whose character and Greeks. antecedents
had marked him out as the natural head
of the new Greek state, in spite of his successful defence of
Missolonghi, had been discredited by failures elsewhere; and the
Greeks thus learned to despise their civilized advisers and to
underrate the importance of discipline. The temporary removal of the
common peril, moreover, let loose all the sectional and personal
jealousies, which even in face of the enemy had been with difficulty
restrained, and the year 1823 witnessed the first civil war between
the Greek parties. These internecine feuds might easily have proved
fatal to the cause of Greece. In the Archipelago Hydriotes and
Spetsiotes were at daggers drawn; the men of Psara were at open war
with those of Samos; all semblance of discipline and cohesion had
vanished from the Greek fleet. Had Khosrev, the new Ottoman admiral,
been a man ‘of enterprise, he might have regained the command of
the sea and, with it, that of the whole situation. But the fate of his
predecessor had filled him with a lively terror of Kanaris and his
fire-ships; he contented himself with a
cruise round the coasts of Greece, and was happy, Campaign
011823. to return to safety under the guns of the Dardanelles without
having accomplished anything beyond throwing supplies and troops into
Coron, Modon and Patras. On land, meanwhile, the events of the year
before practically repeated themselves. In the west an army of
Mussulman and Catholic Albanians, under Mustai Pasha, advanced
southwards. On the night of the 21st of August occurred the celebrated
exploit of Marko Botzaris and his Suliotes: a successful surprise
attack on the camp of the Ottoman vanguard, in which the Suliote
leader fell. The jealousy of the Aetolian militia for the Suliotes,
however, prevented the victory being decisive; and Mustai advanced to
the siege of Anatoliko, a little town in the lagoons near Missolonghi.
Here he was detained until, on the 11th of December, he was forced to
raise the siege and retire northwards. His colleague, Yussuf Pasha, in
East Hellas fared no better; here, too, the Turks gained some initial
successes, but in the end the harassing tactics of Kolokotrones and
his guerilla bands forced them back into the plain of the Kephissos.
At the end of the year the Greeks were once more free to renew their
internecine feuds.
Just when these feuds were at their height, in the autumn of 1823, the
most famous of the Philhellenes who sacrificed themselves for the
cause of Greece, Lord Byron, arrived in Greece.
The year 1824 was destined to be a fateful one for the Greek cause.
The large loans raised in Europe, the first instalment of which Byron
had himself brought over, while providing the Greeks with the sinews
of war, provided ~7~r them also with fresh material for strife. To the
~ struggle for power was added a struggle for a share of this booty,
and a second civil war broke out, Kolokotrones leading the attack on
the forces of the government. Early in 1825 the government was
victorious; Kolokotrones was in prison; and Odysseus, the hero of so
many exploits and so many crimes, who had ended by turning traitor and
selling his services to the Turks, had been captured, imprisoned in
the Acropolis, and finally assassinated by his former lieutenant
Gouras (July 16, 1824). But a new and more terrible danger now
threatened Greece. Sultan Mahmud, despairing of suppressing the
insurrection by his own power, had reluctantly summoned to his aid
Mehemet Ali, pasha of Egypt, whose well-equipped fleet and disciplined
army were now Jnjer,’en thrown into the scale against the
Greeks. Already, tlon of in June 1823, the pasha’s son-in-law
Hussein Bey z~lwmet had landed in Crete, and by April of the following
year had reduced the insurgent islanders to submission. Crete now
became the base of operations against the Greeks. On the I 9th of June
Hussein appeared before Kasos, a nest of pirates of evil reputation,
which he captured and destroyed. The same day the Egyptian fleet,
under Ibrahim Pasha, sailed from Alexandria. Khosrev, too, emboldened
by this new sense of support, ventured to sea, surprised and destroyed
Psara (July ‘2), and planned an attack on Samos, which was
defeated by Miaoulis and his fire-ships (August 16, 17). On the 1st of
September, however, Khosrev succeeded in effecting a junction with
Ibrahim off Budrun, and two indecisive engagements followed with the
united Greek fleet on the 5th and I 0th. The object of Ibrahim was to
reach Suda Bay with his transports, which the Greeks should at all
costs have prevented. A first attempt was defeated by Miaoulis on the
16th of November, and Ibrahim was compelled to retire and anchor off
Rhodes; but the Greek admiral was unable to keep his fleet together,
the season was far advanced, his captains were clamouring for arrears
of pay, and the Greek fleet sailed for Nauplia, leaving the sea
unguarded. On the 5th of, December Ibrahim again set sail, and reached
Suda without striking a blow. Here he completed his preparations, and,
on the 24th of February 1825, landed at Modon in the Morea with a
force of 4000 regular infantry and 5oo cavalry. The rest followed,
without the Greeks making any effort to
intercept them.
The conditions of the war were now completely changed. The Greeks, who
had been squandering the money provided by the loans in every sort of
senseless extravagance, affected to despise the Egyptian invaders, but
they ~ were soon undeceived. On the 21st of March Ibrahim Mo,ea. had
laid siege to Navarino, and after some delay a Greek force under
Skourti, a Hydriote sea-captain, was sent to its relief. The Greeks
had in all some 7000 men, Suliotes, Albanians, armatoli from Rumelia,
and some irregular Bulgarian and Viach cavalry. On the 19th of April
they were met by
Ibrahim at Krommydi with 2000 regular infantry, 400 cavalry and four
guns. The Greek entrenchments were stormed at the point of the bayonet
by Ibrahim’s fellahin at the first onset; the defenders broke
and fled, leaving 600 dead on the field. The news of this disaster,
and of the fall of Pylos and Navarino that followed, struck terror
into the Greek government; and in answer to popular clamour
Kolokotrones was taken from prison and placed at the head of the army.
But the guerilla tactics of the wily klepht were powerless against
Ibrahim, who marched northward, and, avoiding Nauplia for the present,
seized Tripolitsa, and made this the base from which his~ columns
marched to devastate the country far and wide.
Meanwhile from the north the Ottomam were making another supreme
effort. The command of the army that was to operate
Reshid in west Hellas had been given to Reshid “Kutabia,”
“K~t,!b,S”pasha of lannina, an able general and a man of
deterbesieges mined character. On the 6th of April, after bribing
Misso; the Albanian clansmen to neutrality, he passed the
defile of Makrynoros, which the Greeks had left
undefended, and on the 7th of May opened the second siege of
Missolonghi. For twelve months the population held out, repulsing the
attacks of the enemy, refusing every offer of honournble capitulation.
This resistance was rendered possible by the Greek command of the sea,
Miaoulis from time to time entering the lagoons with supplies; it came
to an end when this command was lost. In September 1825 Ibrahim, at
the order of the sultan, had joined Reshid before the town; piecemeal
the outlying forts and defences now fell, until the garrison, reduced
by starvation and disease, determined to hazard all on a final sortie.
This took place on the night of the 22nd of April 1826; but a mistaken
order threw the ranks of the Greeks into disorder, and the Turks
entered the town pell-mell with the retreating crowd. Only a remnant
of the defenders succeeded in gaining the forests of Mount Zygos,
where most of them perished.
The fall of Missolonghi, followed as this was by the submission of
many of the more notable chiefs, left Reshid free to turn his
K attention to East Hellas, where Gouras had been ruling
is~,~is. as a practically independent chief and in the spirit
of a brigand. The peasants of the open country
welcomed the Turks as deliverers, and Reshid’s conciliatory
policy facilitated his march to Athens, which fell at the first
assault on the 25th of August, siege being at once laid to the
Acropolis, where Gouras and his troops had taken refuge. Round this
the war now centred; for all recognized that its fall would involve
that of the cause of Greece. In these straits the Greek government
entrusted the supreme command of the troops to Karaiskakis, an old
retainer of Ali of lannina, a master of the art of guerilla war, and,
above all, a man of dauntless courage and devoted patriotism. A first
attempt to relieve the Acropolis, with the assistance of some
disciplined troops under the French Cnlonel Fabvier, was defeated at
Chaidari by the Turks. The garrison of the Acropolis was hard pressed,
and the death of Gouras (October 13th) would have ended a’l, had
not his heroic wife taken over the command and inspired the defenders
with new courage. For months the siege dragged on, while Karaiskakis
fought with varying success in the mountains, a final victory at
Distomo (February 1827) over Omar Vrioni securing the restoration to
the Greek cause of all continental Greece, except the towns actually
held by the Turks.
It was at this juncture that the Greek government, reinforced by a
fresh loan from Europe, handed over the chief command
at sea to Lord Cochrane (earl of Dundonald, q.v.), and Cochra~e that
of the land forces to General (afterwards Sir Cburrh. Richard) Church,
both Miaoulis and Karaiskakis
consenting without demur to serve under them. Cochrane and Church at
once concentrated their energies on the task of relieving the
Acropolis. Already, on the 5th of February, General Gordon had landed
and entrenched himself on the hill of Munychia, near the ancient
Piraeus, and the efforts of the Turks to dislodge him had failed,
mainly owing to the fire of the steamer, “Kart’eria”
commanded by Captain Hastings. When Church and Cochrane arrived, a
general assault on the
Ottoman camp was decided on. This was preceded, on the 25th of April,
by an attack, headed by Cochrane, on the Turkish troops established
near the monastery of St Spiridion, the result of which was to
establish communications between the Greeks at Munychia and Phalerum
and isolate*Reshid~s vanguard on the promontory of the Piraeus. The
monastery held out for two days longer, when the Albanian. garrison
surrendered on terms, but were massacred by the Greeks as they were
marching away under escort. For this miserable crime Church has, by
some historians, been held responsible by default; it is clear,
however, from his own account that no blame rests upon him (see his
MS. Narrative, vol. i. chap. ii. p. 34). The assault on the Turkish
main camp was fixed for the 6th of May; but, unfortunately, a chance
skirmish brought on an engagement the day before, in the course of
which Karaiskakis was killed, an irreparable loss in view of his
prestige with the wild armatoli. The assault on the following day was
a disastrous failure. The Greeks, advancing prematurely over broken
ground
and in no sort of order, were fallen upon in flank by ~ at
Reshid’s horsemen, and fled in panic terror. The Athens. English
officers, who in vain tried to rally them, themselves only just
escaped by scrambling into their boats and putting off to the
war-vessels, whose guns checked the pursuit and enabled a remnant of
the fugitives to escape. Church held Munychia till the 27th, when he
sent instructions for the garrison of the Acropolis to surrender. On
the 5th of June the remnant of the defenders marched out with the
honours of war, and continental Greece was once more in the power of
the Turks. Had Reshid at once advanced over the Isthmus, the Morea
also must have been subdued; but he was jealous of Ibrahim, and
preferred to return to lannina to consolidate his conquests.
The fate of Greece was now in the hands of the Powers, who after years
of diplomatic wrangling had at last realized that intervention was
necessary if Greece was to be saved for European civilization. The
worst enemy of the Greeks was their own incurable spirit of faction;
in the very crisis of their fate, during tile siege of Missolonghi,
rival presidents and rival assemblies struggled for supremacy, and a
third civil war had only been prevented by the arrival of Cochrane and
Church. Under their influence a new National Assembly met at Troezene
in March 1827 and elected as president Count Capo d’ Istria
(q.v.), formerly Russian minister for foreign affairs; at the same
time a new constitution was promulgated which, when the very life of
the insurrection seemed on the point of flickering out, set forth the
full ideal of Pan-Hellenic dreams. Anarchy followed; war of Rumeliotes
against Moreotes, of chief against chief; rival factions bombarded
each other from the two forts at Nauplia over the stricken town, and
in derision of the impotent government. Finally, after months of
inaction, Ibrahim began once more his systematic devastation of the
country. To put a stop to this the Powers decided to intervene by
means of a joint demonstration of their fleets, in order to enforce an
armistice and compel Ibrahim to evacuate the Morea (Treaty of London,
July 6, 1827). The refusal of Ibrahim to obey, without special
instruction from the sultan, led to the entrance of the allied
British, French and Russian fleet into the harbour o~f Navarino and
the battle of the 20th of October 1827 (see NAvAIuN0). This, and the
two campaigns of the RussoTurkish war of 1828—29, decided the
issue.
AUTH0RITIEs.—There is no trustworthy history of the war, based
on all the material now available, and all the existing works must be
read with caution, especially those by eye-witnesses, who were too
often prejudiced or the dupes of the Greek factions. The best-known
works are: G. Finlay, Hist. of the Greek Revolution (2 vols., London,
,,186I); T. Gordon, Hist. of the Greek Revolution (London, 1833);
C. W. P. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Geschichte Griechenlands, &c.
(Staatengeschichte der neuesten Zeit) (2 vols., Leipzig,
I87o—1874); F. C. H. L. Pouqueville, Histoire de la
re’ginération de la (xrhce, &c. (4 vols., Paris,
1824),—the author was French resident at the court of Ali of
lannina and afterwards consul at Patras; Count A. Prokesch-Osten,
Geschichte des A bfalls der Griechen vom türkischen Reich, &c. (6
vols., Vienna, 1867), the last four volumes consistlog of pičces
justificatives of much value. See also W. Alison Phillips, The War of
Greek Independence (London atid New York,
TURKEY HISTORY
After the peace of Tilsit an armistice had been agreed upon with
Russia (Aug. 24, 1807). Turkey was at this time the only neutral state
in Eurape; it was of vital im- Treaty of portance that she should no,.
be absorbed into the bucharest; Napoleonic system, as in that case
Russia would Troubles in have been exposed to a simultaneous attack
from Servia.
France, Austria, Turkey and Persia. Accordingly, though France made
every attempt to induce Turkey to adopt her side, the young Stratford
Canning succeeded in causing the resumption of the peace negotiations
at Bucharest, broken off through Russia’s terms being considered
too onerous, and followed by the capture of Izmail and Bender. The
British diplomatist secured his first triumph in. the signature of
the, treaty of Bucharest (May 28, 1812) whereby Khotin, Bender, Kilia
and Akkerman were left to Russia; the frontier was fixed at the Pruth;
the Asiatic boundary was slightly modified. The treaties as to the
principalities were renewed; and though Servia was restored to the
direct rule of Turkey it was stipulated that clemency was to be
observed in the Porte’s dealings with the country, which was
given the power of regulating its own affairs.
The vagueness of these latter provisions at once gave rise to
disputes, arid in 1813 the Turkish troops occupied the country. The
new pasha of Belgrade appointed one Milosh Obrenovich headman of his
own district, but a few years later Milosh raised a successful revolt,
drove out the Turks, and re-established Servian semi-independence.
Karageorge, who had fled to Austria in 1812, was induced to return,
but Milosh caused him to be murdered, and in 1817 was by a popular
vote named hereditary prince of Servia.
The affairs of Servia, however, were not the only question left
unsettled by the treaty of Bucharest. In the course of the war with
Persia Russia had received permission from the Ottoman government to
use, for a limited time, the easy road from the Black Sea to Tiflis by
way of the valley of the Rion (Phasis) for the transport of troops and
supplies, and this permission had been several times renewed. Wishing
to make
this important privilege permanent, Russia by secret articles of the
Treaty of Bucharest had secured the cession of this district, in
return for an undertaking to destroy the forts of Kilia and Izmail on
the Danube. But the sultan refused to ratify these articles, and the
relations between Russia and Turkey were therefore determined by the
patent treaty only, which positively stipulated for the evacuation by
the Russians of every spot occupied by them on Turkish soil in Asia.
When the Russians showed no signs of withdrawing from the valley of
the Rion, the sultan threatened to renew the war, the sole result of
which was to reveal the determination of the tsar not to be bullied
into concessions. The dispute, at first of little importance,
developed in seriousness during the next year or two, owing to the
avowed intention of Russia, which by conquest or treaties with
independent chiefs had acquired all the high land between the Caspian
and the Black Sea, to take possession of the low lands along the
coast, between Anapa and Poti, of which the sultan claimed the
sovereignty.
Such was the situation when the question of a European guarantee of
Turkey was raised at the Congress of Vienna.
In view of the multiple dangers to which the OttoG~,VessO man Empire
was exposed, both from without and
from within, and of the serious consequences to the world’s
peace which would result from its break-up, there was a strong feeling
among the powers in favour of such a guarantee, and even the emperor
Alexander was willing to agree to it in principle. But nothing could
be done until the Porte should have come to terms with Russia as to
the Treaty of Bucharest; for, as the British ambassador, Sir Robert
Liston, was instructed to point out to the Ottoman government,
“it is impossible to guarantee the possession of a territory of
which the limits are not determined.” With the consent of the
tsar, it was proposed to submit the questions at issue to the decision
of Great Britain, France and Austria ; and the Porte was informed
that, in the event of its accepting this arrangement, the powers would
at once proceed to guarantee the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. But
the sultan could not bend his pride to suffer foreign intervention in
a matter that touched his honour, and the return of Napoleon from Elba
threw the Eastern Question into the background. The Ottoman Empire
thus remained outside the European concert; Russia maintained her
claim to a special right of isolated in.tervention in its affairs; and
the renewal of war between Russia and Turkey was only postponed by the
preoccupation of Alexander with his dream of the “ Confederation
of Europe.”
Meanwhile, within the Ottoman Empire there was every sign of a rapidly
approaching disintegration. In Egypt Mehemet
Au had succeeded in establishing himself as quasiindependent ruler of
the country. By his action
during Napoleon Bonaparte’s invasion, and later when the British
fleet after leaving Constantinople in 1807 proceeded to Egypt, he had
to some extent acquired the goodwill of the Turkish government. In
1811 he was called upon by the Porte to put down the Wahhăbi
insurgents (see ARABIA, vol. ii. p. 268), his success in this matter,
and especially in the recovery of the holy cities, adding greatly to
his prestige.
Sultan Mahmud now devoted himself to breaking the overgrown power of
the local governors, which had for many years practically annihilated
that of the central authority. Their extortions impoverished the whole
country, yet the abolition of the system might perhaps have been
carried out more gradually and with greater precaution, and Turkey
more than once felt the want of their aid, questionable as its value
often was. Thus Greek Ali (qv.),~ Pasha of lannina, the most famous of
Revolt, these, though insubordinate and inclined to intrigue with
foreign powers in the hope of making himself independent, had used his
influence to keep the Greeks quiet; and it was only after his power
had been broken in 1821 that the agitation of the Jaletairia issued in
widespread dangerous revolt. The first hope of emancipation from the
Turkish yoke had been founded by the Greeks on Peter the Great, who
had planned the expulsion of the Turks from Europe and had
caused the inscription” Petrus I., Russo-Graecorum
Monarcha” to be placed beneath his portrait engraved at
Amsterdam. Catherine II. following in his footsteps, aspired to found
a Greek empire, the throne of .vhich was to be occupied by her nephew,
Constantine, specially so baptized, and brought up by Greek nurses
(see CONSTANTINE PAVL0vIdH). During the war of 1770 the Greeks had
risen in an abortive rebellion, promptly crushed by the Turks. But the
idea of liberation continued to grow, and about 1780 the Society of
Friends (‘Eratpta r&~v 4ItXrJcfiv) was founded at Bucharest by
the fervent patriot and poet, Constantinos Rhigas (q.v.). The secret
organization, temporarily checked by Rhigas’s arrest and
execution in 1798, was revived at Odessa in 1814; it extended
throughout Turkey, and in 1820 the insurrection took shape, a
favourable opportunity bein.g afforded by the outbreak of hostilities
between. Ali Pasha and the Porte. (See GREEK INDEPENDENCE, WAR ov.)
On the 6th of March 1821 Prince Alexander Ypsilanti, son of the
hospodar Constantine, and a general in the Russian service, crossed
the Pruth, proclaiming the revolt of the Greeks against the sultan and
the intention to restore the Greek Empire of the East. But in the
principalities, where the Vlach peasants regarded the Phanariots as
worse oppressors than the Turks, the movement had little chance of
success; it was doomed from the moment that the emperor Alexander
disavowed Ypsilanti’s claim to his support (see ALEXANDER I.).
After some initial successes the Greeks were finally routed at the
battle of Dragashani (June 19, 1821). It was far otherwise with the
insurrection which broke out at the beginning of April in the Morea.
The Mussulman population of the Morea, taken unawares, was practically
exterminated during the fury of the first few days; and, most fatal of
all, the defection of the Greeks of the islands crippled the Ottoman
navy by depriving it of its only effective sailors. The barbarous
reprisals into’ which Sultan. Mahmud allowed himself to be
carried away only accentuated the difficulty of the situation. The
execution’ of the patriarch Gregorios, as technically
responsible for the revolt, was an outrage to all Christendom; and it
led at once to a breach of diplomatic relations with Russia.
To prevent this breach developing into war was now the chief study of
the chanceries. Public opinion throughout Europe was violently excited
in favour of the Greeks; and this Philhellenic sentiment was shared
even by some of the statesmen who most strenuously deprecated any
interference in their favour. For at the outset Metternich was not
alone in maintaining that the war should be allowed to burn itself
out” beyond the pale of civilization.” The mutual
slaughter of barbarians in the Levant seemed, even to George Canning,
a lesser evil than a renewed Armageddon. in. Europe; and all the
resources of diplomacy were set in motion to heal the rupture between
Turkey and Russia. In spite of the emperor Alexander’s
engagements to the Grand Alliance and the ideal of European peace,
this was no easy matter; for the murder of the patriarch was but the
culmination of a whole series of grievances accumulated since the
Treaty of Bucharest. Moreover, the Porte was thrown into a suspicious
mood by the contrast between the friendly language of the western
powers and the active sympathy of the western peoples for the Greeks,
who were supported by volunteers and money drawn from all Europe. But,
though the sultan remained stubborn, the emperor Alexander, who since
the Congress of Laibach had been wholly under Metternich’s
influence, resisted the clamour of his people for war, and dismissed
his Greek minister Capo d’Istria (q.v.). The Congress of Verona
(1822) passed without any serious developments in the Eastern
Question.
The stubborn persistence of the Greeks, however, dashed
Metternich’s hope that the question would soon settle itself,
and produced a state of affairs in the Levant which necessitated some
action. In the instructions drawn up, shortly before his death, for
his guidance at Verona, Castlereagh had stated the possibility of the
necessity for recognizing the Greeks as belligerents if the war
continued. The atrophy of the Ottoman
sea-power had left the archipelago at the mercy of the Greek
war-brigs; piracy flourished; and it became essential in the interests
of the commerce of all nations to make some power responsible for the
policing of the narrow seas. On the 25th of March 1823 accordingly,
Canning announced the recognition by Great Britain of the belligerent
character of the Greeks.
This roused the emperor Alexander to action, since it seemed as though
Great Britain was aiming at ousting Russian influence in the Levant.
He suggested a joint intervention of the powers; but the conference,
which met at St Petersburg in April 1824, came to nothing, since
Turkey and the Greeks alike refused to be bound by its decisions, and
Canning would not hear of coercion being applied to either. The sole
outcome of the conference was the offer in March 1825 of the joint
mediation of Austria and Russia, which the Porte rejected.
Meanwhile Mahmud, realizing the impossibility of crushing the Greek
revolt unaided, had bent his pride to ask the help of Mehemet Mi, who
was to receive as his reward Crete, the Morea and the pashaliks of
Syria and Damascus. The Egyptian fleet and disciplined army were now
thrown into the scale; and from the moment when Ibrahim Pasha landed
at Modon (Feb. 24, 1825), the fate of the Greeks seemed sealed. The
Morea was quickly overrun; in April 1826 Missolonghi fell, after a
heroic defence; in June 1827 Athens was once more in the hands of the
Turks. Crowds of Greek captives were being sent as slaves to Cairo;
and, should the powers not intervene, there was every prospect of
Greece being depopulated and colonized with Mussulman negroes and
fellahin.
At the close of 1825 an isolated intervention of Russia had seemed
probable. A great army was assembled in the south of Russia, and the
emperor Alexander had gone to place himself at its head when he died
(Dec 22, 1825). It was to prevent such an intervention that Canning
seized the opportunity of the accession of Nicholas I. to send the
duke of Wellington to St Petersburg in’ order to concert joint
measures. The result was the protocol of St Petersburg of the 4th of
April 1826, by which Great Britain was empowered to offer to the
Ottoman government a settlement of the Greek question based on the
establishment of Greece as a vassal and tributary state. Should the
Porte refuse, the two powers were to take the earliest opportunity,
either separately or in common, of establishing a reconciliation on
the basis of the protocol.
Russia, meanwhile, had seized the occasion to send to Constantinople
an ultimatum demanding satisfaction for her own particular grievances;
the Porte resented the intrusion of new Convention demands before the
others had been dealt with, of and hurried on preparations for war.
The reform Akkerrnan. of the army, however, involved the destruction
of
the Janissaries (q.v.), and though their massacre on the 15th of June
left the sultan free to carry out his views with regard to the army,
it left him too weak to resist the Russian demands. On the 7th of
October, accordingly, these were conceded by the Convention of
Akkerman. Its terms were: the confirmation of the Treaty of Bucharest
and the opening of the navigation of the Black Sea to the Russian
flag; a stipulation that the hospodars of Walachia and Moldavia should
be elected by the boyars for seven years, their election being
confirmed by the Porte which, however, had no power to dismiss them
without the concurrence of the Russian ambassador at Constantinople;
finally, Servia’s autonomy was recognized, and, save in the
fortresses, no Mussulman might reside there.
The Greek question was however, not yet settled. Months passed without
any action being taken under the protocol
Agreement of the 4th of April; and Russia suspected Great of the
Britain of merely using the protocol to prevent her Powers ~s own
isolated intervention. The situation was howto O,’eece. ever
materially altered by the end of August
1826; for the Greeks, driven to desperation, had formally invited the
mediation of England, thereby removing Canning’s objection to an
unasked intervention. He now invited the co-operation of Russia in
representations to the Porte on
the basis of the protocol, and, in the event of its refusal to come to
terms, suggested certain measures of coercion. The tsar consented, and
proposed that the coercion should take the form of a pacific blockade
of the Morea, so as to force Ibrahim, by cutting off his supplies, to
evacuate the country. To this Great Britain agreed in principle; for
Canning clearly saw the need for yielding on the question of a joint
intervention, if the isolated intervention of Russia were to be
prevented. In the conference of the five powers of the Grand Alliance
opened at London in the early summer of 1827, however, a divergence of
views at once became apparent. Austria and Prussia protested against
any coercion of the Porte “ to serve revolutionary ends”
and, failing to carry their views, withdrew from the conference.
France thereupon proposed to convert the protocol of the 4th of April
into a treaty; Russia and Great Britain agreed; and on the 6th of July
the Treaty of London was signed by the three powers.
By the patent articles of the treaty the powers agreed to secure the
autonomy of Greece under the suzerainty of the sultan, but without any
breach of friendly relations with Turkey. By additional secret
articles it was agreed that, in the event of the Porte not accepting
the offered mediation, consuls should be established in Greeiie, and
an armistice proposed to both belligerents and enforced by all the
means that should “suggest themselves to the prudence” of
the high contracting powers. In general it was allowed that these
means should be the “pacific blockade” proposed by the
tsar. Instructions to this effect were sent to the admirals commanding
in the Levant.
The armistice, accepted by the Greeks, was refused by Ibrahim, pending
instructions from Constantinople, though he consented to keep his
ships in the harbour of Nava- N s,~ rino. The Greeks, having put
themselves in the as-a O~ right with the powers, were free to continue
the war; and the destruction of a Turkish flotilla off Salona on the
23rd of September followed. Ibrahim, taking this as a breach of the
convention, set sail from Navarino northwards, but was turned back by
Sir Edward Codrington, the British admiral. Then, the Russian and
French squadrons having joined, it was determined to put further
pressure on the Egyptian commander, and the allied fleets, on the
morning of the 20th of October, stood into the bay of Navarino. A
chance scuffle led to a battle, and by the evening the Turkish and
Egyptian fleets had ceased to exist (see NAVARINO, BATTLE OF).
The effect on the passionate sultan of this “unparalleled
outrage on a friendly power in time of peace “is easy to
imagine. In spite of the weak efforts of the British government to
palliate the significance of this “untoward incident,”
Turkey broke off diplomatic relations with the three powers concerned,
and on the 20th of December Mahmud, giving full vent to his rage,
issued a hatt-i-sherif denouncing the cruelty and perfidy of the
Christian powers, declaring the convention of Akkerman null and void,
and summoning the faithful to a holy war. The struggle that followed
was, however, destined once more to be a duel between Russia and
Turkey. Great Britain, when Canning was no longer at the helm of
state, had reverted to the traditional policy of preserving Ottoman
integrity at all costs; the invitation of the tsar to accept the
logical consequences of Navarino was refused; and Russia was left to
settle her account with Turkey.
The war that followed proved once more the wonderful resisting power
of the Turks. In spite of the confusion due to the destruction of the
Janissaries and army
reforms as yet hardly begun, it cost the tzar two with hardly fought
campaigns before the audacious ~
strategy of General Diebitsch enabled him to dictate the terms of the
treaty of Adrianople (Sep. 14, 1829). Meanwhile the other powers had
taken advantage of the reverses of the Russian arms to discount the
effect of their ultimate victory by attempting to settle the Greek
question. In July 1828 France had been commissioned to oust Ibrahim
from the Morea; and though by a convention, concluded on the oth of
August by Codrington with Mehemet All, the principle of evacuation by
the Egyptian troops had already been settled before the arrival of the
French expedition, the Morea remained for the time in French
occupation. On the 16th of November a protocol of the London
conference placed the Morea, with the neighbouring islands and the
Cyclades, under the guarantee of the powers; and on the 22nd of March
1829 another protocol extended the frontier thus guaranteed to the
line Arta-Volo and included the island of Euboea. According to this
instrument Greece was to be erected into a tributary state, but
autonomous, and governed by an hereditary prince chosen by the powers.
The Treaty of Adrianople, by which the Danubian principalities were
erected into practically independent states, the treaty
rights of Russia in the navigation of the Bosporus (treekinde~and
Dardanelles confirmed, and the districts of
Anapa and Poti in Asia ceded to the tsar, included also a settlement
of the Greek question on the terms of the protocol of the 22nd of
March. This fact, which threatened to give to Russia the whole
prestige of the emancipation of Greece, spurred the other powers to
further concessions. The acceptance of the principle of compLete
independence, once more warmly advocated by Metternich, seemed now
essential if Greece was not to become, like the principalities, a mere
dependency of Russia. On the 3rd of February 1830 was signed a
protocol embodying the principle of an independent Greece under
Leopold of Coburg as “sovereign prince.” This was
ultimately expanded, after the fall of the Wellington ministry, into
the Treaty of London of the 7th of May 1832, by which Greece was made
an independent kingdom under the Bavarian prince Otto. (See GREECE:
History.)
Before the final settlement of the Greek question a fresh crisis had
arisen in the affairs of Turkey. Her lessened prestige
Syria. had already received a severe blow from the born
bardnient and capture of Algiers by the French in
1830, and her position was further embarrassed by revolts in Bosnia
and Albania, when news reached Constantinople that Mehemet All had
invaded Syria (Nov. I, 1831), nominally in order to punish his enemy
Abdullah, pasha of Acre, really in order to take by force of arms the
pashaliks of Syria and Damascus promised as a reward for his services
in Greece. An account of the collapse of the Turkish power before
Mehemet Ali, and of the complicated diplomatic developments that
followed, is given in the article MEHEMET ALl. Here it must suffice to
say that the recognition of Mehemet Au’s claims, forced on the
sultan by France and Great Britain, was followed in 1833 by the
signature cf the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, which seemed to place
Turkey wholly in the power of Russia, after which Sultan Mahmud
concentrated his energies on creating a force strong enough to crush
his rebellious vassal.
At last, in 1839, his eagerness would no longer be restrained, and
without consulting his ministers, and in spite of the warnings of all
the powers, he determined to renew the war. On the 21st of April the
Ottoman army, which had been massed under Hafiz Pasha at Bir on the
Euphrates, crossed the stream, by the sultan’s orders, and
advanced on Damascus. On the 23rd of Jun~ it was attacked by Ibrahim
at Nezib and annihilated. As for Mahmud, the news of the disaster
reached Constantinople when he was unconscious and dying. Early on the
1st of July he was dead, and his son Abd-ul-Mejid, a lad of eighteen,
reigned in his stead (see MAHMUD IL).
The Eastern Question had now suddenly once more entered an acute
phase. The news of Nezib was immediately followed ,4bd-ui- by that of
the treason of Ahmed Pasha, the Ottoman
Me/Id, admiral, who, on the plea that the sultan’s coun18394861.
sellors were sold to Russia, had sailed to Alexandria
and handed over the fleet to Mehemet Ali. With an inexperienced boy on
the throne, divided and untrustworthy counsels in the divan, and the
defences of the empire shattered, the house of Osman seemed doomed and
the Turkish Empire about to dissolve into its elements. If Russia was
to be
prevented from using the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi for her own
purposes, it was essential that the powers should concert measures to
deal with the situation. The story ‘of the diplomatic
negotiations that followed is told elsewhere (see MEHEMET ALl). Here
it may suffice to say that the desire of the emperor Nicholas to break
the entente between Great Britain and France led him to waive his
special claims under the Treaty of IJnkiar Skelessi, and that in the
ultimate concert by which the question was settled France, which
throughout supported Mehemet Ali, had no part. The intervention of the
powers, based on the convention of London of the I5th of July 1840,
led to the withdrawal of Ibrahim from Syria, and the establishment by
the firman of the I3th of February 1841 of Mehemet Ali as hereditary
pasha of Egypt under conditions intended to safeguard the sovereign
rights of the Ottoman sultan. On the 10th of July the four signatory
powers of the convention of London signed a protocol recording the
closure of the incident (protocole dr cloture), and on the 13th France
united with them in signing another protocol (protocole des dOtroits)
by which the powers engaged to respect the principle proclaimed by the
sultan as to the closing of the Dardanelles to foreign warships.
The severe crisis through which the Ottoman Empire had passed
accentuated the need for strengthening it by a drastic reform of its
system. For such an experiment, Reform
though hampered by continual insurrections within Policy in and
troubles without, Mahmud had done some- Turkey. thing to pave the way.
The destruction of the ~,~zimă~ Janissaries and the suppression of the
quasi-independent power of the dOrébeys had removed the worst
disturbing elements; the government had been centralized; a series of
enactments had endeavoured to secure economy in the administration, to
curb the abuses of official power, and ensure the impartiality of
justice; and the sultan had even’expressed his personal belief
in the principle of the equality of all, Mussulman and non-Mussulman,
before the law. It was therefore no sudden~ revolution when, on the
15th of November 1839 Abd-ul-Mejid signalized his accession by
promulgating the Tanzimat, or Hatti-Sherif of Gulhané, a decree
abolishing the arbitrary and unlimited power hitherto exercised by the
state and its officials, laying down the doctrine of the perfect
equality of all Ottoman subjects of whatever race or creed, and
providing for the regular, orderly and legal government of the country
and the security of life, property and honour for all its inhabitants.
Yet the feelings of dismay and even ridicule with which tins
proclamation was received by the Mussulmans in many parts of the
country show how great a change it instituted, and how strong was the
opposition which it encountered among the ruling race. The
non-Mussulman subjects of the sultan had indeed early been reduced to
such a condition of servitude that the idea of their being placed on a
footing of equality with their Mussulman rulers seemed unthinkable.
Preserved merely as taxpayers necessary to supply the funds for the
maintenance of the dominant and military class, according to a foreign
observer in 1571, they had been so degraded and oppressed that they
dared not look a Turk in the face. Their only value was from a fiscal
point of view, and in times of fanaticism or when antiforeign
sentiment ran high even this was held of little account, so that more
than once they very nearly became the victims of a general and
state-ordered massacre. Thus Sultan Ibrahim was dissuaded from such a
step in 1644 only by the refusal of the Sheikh-ul-Islam to sanction
the proceeding. The humane and tolerant measures provided for in the
“nizam-i-jedid,” or new regulations for the better
treatment of the Christians eflacted by Mustafa Kuprili during his
grand vizicrate (1689—1691), did for a time improve the position
of the rayas. But the wars with Russia and other Christian powers, and
the different risings of the Greeks and Servians, helped to stimulate
the feelings of animosity and contempt entertained towards them by the
ruling race; and the promulgation of the Tanzimăt undoubtedly heralded
for the subject nationalities the dawn of a new era.
June R Harton
> 1911 ENCYCLOPEDIA
> Š 2002 by PageWise, Inc.
> Europe. History and legend afford no record of their Arrival in the
> Balkan Peninsula. They are probably the descendants of the earliest
> Aryan immigrants, who were represented in historical times by the
> kindred Illyrians, Macedonians and Epirots;
Completely incorrect.
For fair use only:
Taken from N. G. L. Hammond's "The Macedonian State:
The Origins, Institution and History," Calrendon Press, Oxford,
1989, pp. 413.pp. 12-14:"
4. The Language of the Macedonians.
What language did these 'Macedones' speak? The name itself
is Greek in root and in ethnic termination. It probably means
'highlanders,' and it is comparable to Greek tribal names such
as 'Orestai' amd 'Oreitai,' meaning 'mountain-men.' A reputedly
earlier variant, 'Maketai,' has the same root, which means 'high,'
as in the Greek adjective 'makednos' or the noun mekos.'
The genealogy of eponymous ancestors which Hesiod
recorded (p. 3 above) has a bearing on the question of Greek
speech. First, Hesiod made Macedon a brother of Magnes;
as we know from inscriptions that the Magnetes spoke the Aeolic
dialect of the Greek language, we have a predisposition to
suppose that the Macedones spoke the Aeolic dialect.
Secondly, Hesiod made Macedon and Magnes first cousins
of Hellen's three sons -- Dorus, Xouthus, and Aeolus -- who
were the founders of three dialects of Greek speech, namely
Doric, Ionic, and Aeolic. Hesiod would not have recored this
relationship, unless he had believed, probably in the seventh
century, that the Macedones were a Greek-speaking people.
The next evidence comes from Persia. At the turn of the
sixth century the Persians described the tribute-paying peoples
of their province in Europe, and one of them was the
'yauna takabara,' which meant the 'Greeks wearing the hat.'
[27] There were Greeks in Greek city-states here
and there in the province, but they were of various origins
and not distinguished by a common hat, the 'kausia.'
We conclude that the Persians believed the Macedonians to
be speakers of Greek. Finally, in the latter part of the fifth
century a Greek historian, Hellanicus, visited Macedonia and
modified Hesiod's genealogy by bringing Macedon and his
descendants firmly into the Aeolic branch of the Greek-speaking
family.
[28] Hesiod, Persia, Hellanicus had no motive for making
a false statement about the language of the Macedonians,
who were then an obscure and not a powerful people.
Their independent testimonies should be accepted as
conclusive. That, however, is not the opinion of most scholars.
They disregard or fail to assess the evidence which I have cited,
[29] and they turn instead to 'Macedonian' words and names,
or/and to literary references. Philologists have studied words
which have been cited as 'Macedonian' in ancient lexica and
glossaries, and they have come to no certain conclusion; for
some of the words are clearly Greek, and some are clearly not
Greek. That is not surprising; for as the territory of the
Macedonians expanded, they overlaid and lived with peoples
who spoke Illyrian, Paeonian, Thracian and Phrygian, and they
certainly borrowed words from them which excited the authors
of lexica and glossaries. The philological studies result in a
verdict, in my opinion, of 'non liquet.' [30]
The toponyms of the Macedonian homeland are
the most significant. Nearly all of them are Greek: Pieria, Lebaea,
Heracleum, Dium, Petra, Leibethra, Aegae, Aegydium, Acesae,
Acesamenae; the rivers Helicon, Aeson, Leucus, Baphyras, Sardon,
Elpe'u's, Mitys; lake Ascuris and the region Lapathus.
The mountain names Olympus and Titarium may be pre-Greek;
Edessa, the earlier name for the place where Aegae was founded,
and its river Ascordus were Phrygian. [31]
The deities worshipped by the Macedones and the names
which they gave to the months were predominantly Greek,
and there is no doubt that these were not borrowings.
To Greek literary writers before the Hellenistic period the
Macedonians were 'barbarians.' The term referred to their way
of life and their institutions, which were those of the 'ethne' and
not of the city-state, and it did not refer to their speech. We can
see this in the case of Epirus. There Thucydides called the tribes
'barbarians.' But inscriptions found in Epirus have shown conclusively
that the Epirote tribes in Thucydides' lifetime were speaking Greek
and used names which were Greek. [32]
In the following century 'barbarian' was only one of the abusive
terms applied by Demosthenes to Philip of Macedon and his people.[33]
In passages which refer to the Macedonian soldiers of Alexander
the Great and the early successors there are mentions of
a Macedonian dialect, such as was likely to have been spoken in the
original Macedonian homeland. On one occassion Alexander
'called out to his guardsmen in Macedonian ('Makedonisti'),
as this [viz. the use of 'Macedonian'] was a signal ('symbolon') that
there was a serious riot.' Normally Alexander and his soldiers
spoke standard Greek, the 'koine,' and that was what the Persians
who were to fight alongside the Macedonians were taught. So the
order 'in Macedonian' was unique, in that all other orders were in
the 'koine.' [34] it is satisfactorily explained as an order in broad
dialect, just as in the Highland Regiment a special order for a particular
purpose could be given in broad Scots by a Scottish officer who
usually spoke the King's English.The use of this dialect among
themselves was a characteristic of the Macedonian soldiers
(rather that the officers) of the King's Army. This point is made
clear in the report -- not in itself dependable -- of the trial of
a Macedonian officer before an Assembly of Macedonians, in
which the officer (Philotas) was mocked for not speaking in dialect. [35]
In 321 when a non-Macedonian general, Eumenes, wanted
to make contact with a hostile group of Macedonian infantrymen,
he sent a Macedonian to speak to them in the Macedonian dialect,
in order to win their confidence. Subsequently, when they and the
other Macdonian soldiers were serving with Eumenes, they
expresed their affection for him by hailing him in the Macedonian dialect
('Makedonisti'). [36] He was to be one of themselves. As Curtius
observed, 'not a man among the Macedonians could bear to part
with a jot of his ancestral customs.' The use of this dialect was one
way in which the Macedonians expressed their apartness from the
world of the Greek city-states. [27] See J. M. Balcer in 'Historia' 37
(1988) 7.[28] FGrH 4 F 74 [29] Most recently E. Badian in
Barr-Sharrar 33-51 disregards the evidence as set out
in e.g. HM 2.39-54, when it goes against his view that the
Macedonians (whom he does not define) spoke a language other
than Greek. [30] The matter is dicussed at some length
in HM 2. 39-54 with reference especially to O. Hoffmann,
'Die Makedonen, ihre Sprache und ihre Volkstun' (Goettingen, 1906)
and J. Kalleris, Les Anciens Macedoniens I (Athens, 1954);
see also Kalleris II and R. A. Crossland in the CAH 3.1.843ff.
[31] For Edessa see HM 1.165 and for the Phrygians
in Macedonia 407-14. Olympus occurs as a Phrygian personal
name. [32] See Hammond, 'Epirus' 419ff. and 525ff.
[33] As Badian, loc. cit. 42, rightly observes: 'this, of course,
is simple abuse.'[34] Plu. 'Alex.'51.6[35] Curtius 6.8.34-6.
[36] PSI XII 2(1951) no. 1284, Plu. Eun.14.11.
Badian, loc. cit. 41 and 50 n.66, discusses the former
and not the latter, which hardly bears out his theory that
Eumenes 'could not directly communicate with Macedonian
soldiers,' and presumably they with him. Badian says in his
note that he is not concerned with the argument as to whether
Macedonian was a 'dialect' or 'a language.' Such an argument
seems to me to be at the heart of the matter. We have a
similar problem in regard to Epirus, where some had thought
the language of the people was Illyrian. In Plu.'Pyrrh.'1.3
reference was made to 'the local 'phone,'' which to me means
'dialect' of Greek; it is so in this instance because Plutarch
is saying that Achilles was called 'in the local 'phone' Aspestos.'
The word 'Aspestos' elsewhere was peculiar to Greek epic,
but it survived in Epirus in normal speech. It is of course
a Greek and not an Illyrian word. See Hammond, 'Epirus' 525ff.,
for the Greek being the language of central Epirus
in the fifth century B.C. "
The inhabitants of this area (Macedonians) were one of the most ancient
Greek tribes. Their closest relatives were the Thessalians and particularly
the Magnesians, with whom they shared Aeolian ancestry. The language they
spoke was among the oldest forms of Greek, and it had affinities
with the Aeolian, Arcado-Cypriot and Mycenean dialects. The religion
of the Madeconians was that of the other Greeks, and their myths and
traditions were those found throughout the Greek world (Wells,
The Outline of History, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Glimpses of
World History).
"The Macedonian people and their kings were of Greek stock, as their
traditions and the scanty remains of their language combine to testify."
John Bagnell Bury, "A History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the
Great", The Modern Library, New Uork, 1913
"It seems more and more certain that the Macedonians were a Greek tribe
related to the Dorians. However, as they stayed high up in the distant
north, they could not participate in the progress of civilization of the
Greek people that migrated southward...".
Ul. Wilcken, Alexandre le Grand, op. cit., p. 33:
"A strong Illyrian and Thracian influence can thus be recognized in
Macedonian speech and manners. These however are only trifles compared
with the Greek character of the Macedonian nationality; for example the
names of the true full blooded Macedonians, especially of the princes
and nobles, are purely Greek in their formation and sounds."
Ulrich Wilcken, "Alexander the Great", Norton & Company, 1967
"And yet when we take into account the political conditions, religion and
morals of the Macedonians, our conviction is strengthened that they were a
Greek race akin to the Dorians."
Ulrich Wilcken, "Alexander the Great", Norton publications, 1967.
"the majority of the new generation of historians ......
agree, and rightly so, that the Macedonians were Greeks".
Herman Bengtson, Griechische Geschichte4, Muenchen 1969, p. 305:
"That the Macedonians were of Greek stock seems certain. The claim
made by the Argead dynasty to be of Argive descent may be no more
than a generally accepted myth, but Macedonian proper names, such as
Ptolemaios or Philippos, are good Greek names, and the names of the
Macedonian months, although differed from those of Athens or Sparta,
were also Greek. The language spoken by the Macedonians, which
Greeks of the classical period found intelligible, appears to have been
a primitive north-west Greek dialect,
much influenced by the languages of the neighboring barbarians."
J.R. Hamilton, "Alexander the Great", London, 1973
"These plains would be the envy of any Greek visitor who crossed their
southern border by the narrow vale of Tempe and the foot of Mount Olympus.
He would pass the frontier post of Heraclion, town of Heracles, and stop at
the harbour town of Dion, named after the Greek god Zeus, ancestor of the
Macedonian kings, and site of a yearly nine-day festival of the arts in
honour of Zeus and the nine Greek Muses. There he would walk through city
gates in a wall of brick, down the paved length of a sacred way, between the
theatre, gymnasiums and a temple with Doric pillars: suitably, the nearby
villages were linked with the myth of Orpheus, the famous bard of Greek
legend. He was still in a world of Greek gods and sacrifices, of Greek plays
and Greek language, though the natives might speak Greek with a northern
accent which hardened 'ch' into 'g'. 'th' into 'd' and pronounced King
Philip as 'Bilip'. Bearing on up the coast, he would find the plain no less
abundant and the towns more defiantly Greek."
Robin Lane Fox, "Alexander the Great", The Dial Press Publications, 1974
"In favour of the Greek identity of the Macedonians is what we know of their
language: the place-names, names of the months and personal names,
which are without exception Greek in roots and form. This suggests that
they did not merely use Greek as a lingua franca, but spoke it as natives
(though with a local accent which turns Philip into Bilip, for example).
The Macedonians' own traditions derived their royal house from one
Argeas, son of Macedon, son of Zeus, and asserted that a new dynasty,
the Temenids, had its origin in the sixth century from emigrants from Argos
in Greece, the first of these kings was Perdiccas. This tradition became
a most important part of the cultural identity of Macedon. It enabled
Alexander I to compete at the Olympic Games (which only true Hellenes
were allowed to do).... The Macedonians, then, were racially Greek."
Richard Stoneman, "Alexander the Great", Routiledge, London and
New York, 1977
"Modern scholarship, after many generations of argument, now almost
unanimously recognizes them as Greeks, a branch of the Dorians and
"Northwest Greeks" who, after long residence in the north Pindus region,
migrated eastward. The Macedonian language has not survived in any written
text, but the names of individuals, places, gods, months and the like
suggest strongly that it was a Greek dialect. Macedonians institutes, both
secular and religious, had marked Hellenic characteristics, and legends
identify or link the people with the Dorians."
John V.A. Fine, "The Ancient Greeks a Critical History", Harvard University
Press, Massachusetts, 1983
"That the Macedonians and their kings did in fact
speak a dialect of Greek and bore Greek names
may be regarded nowadays as certain."
Malcolm Errington, "A History of Macedonia",
Univ. of California Press, LA, 1990 Pg 3
Who Are The Macedonians 1995
Pgs 15/16
"Also, following Alexander's death, the rapid spread of Koine
based on Attic Greek made any distinction between Greek
and the language of 'the Macedonians' an academic one which
opposing camps continue to fight over. That Greek so easily
subsumed the local Macedonian dialect would indicate that
the dialect in Philip's time was not far removed from Greek
after all."
A.B. Boworth, "Conquest and Empire", Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998,
Canto Edition
"Alexander ruled the world as his father had ruled Macedon, concentrating
power in his own hands and office to his Companions. In nationality the
Companions remained overwhemingly Hellenic."
---From Cambridge, Ancient Histories.
The evidence for the language of the Macedonians has been reviewed
and discussed by Kalleris and Hammond, Griffith, and many others, all
contending that it was a dialect of Greek. The increasing volume of
surviving public and private inscriptions makes it quite clear that there
was no written language but Greek. There may be room for argument
over spoken forms, or at least over local survivals of earlier occupancy,
but it is hard to imagine what kind of authority might sustain that. There
is no evidence for a different "Macedonian" language that cannot be
as easily explained in terms of dialect or accent.
"Ancient allegations that the Macedonians were non-Greeks all had their
origin in Athens at the time of the struggle with Philip II. Then as now,
political struggle created the prejudice. The orator Aischines once even
found it necessary, in order to counteract the prejudice vigorously fomented
by his opponents, to defend Philip on this issue and describe him at a
meeting of the Athenian Popular Assembly as being 'Entirely Greek'.
Demosthenes' allegations were lent on appearance of credibility by the fact,
apparent to every observer, that the life-style of the Macedonians, being
determined by specific geographical and historical conditions, was different
from that of a Greek city-state. This alien way of life was, however, common
to western Greeks of Epeiros, Akarnania and Aitolia, as well as to the
Macedonians, and their fundamental Greek nationality was never doubted.
Only as a consequence of the political disagreement with Macedonia was
the issue raised at all."
Malcolm Errington, "A History of Macedonia", Univ. of California Press,
LA, 1990
"The Molossians were the strongest and, decisive for Macedonia, most
easterly of the three most important Epeirot tribes, which, like Macedonia
but unlike the Thesprotians and the Chaonians, still retained their
monarchy. They were Greeks, spoke a similar dialect to that of Macedonia,
suffered just as much from the depredations of the Illyrians and were in
principle the natural partners of the Macedonian king who wished to tackle
the Illyrian problem at its roots."
Malcolm Errington, "A History of Macedonia", California University Press,
1990.
"A new force began to make itself felt on the northern fringe of Hellas,
the kingdom of Macedon. Some people -Macedonians for the most
part- claimed it to be a Greek state and part of the Greek world. The
Macedonians spoke Greek and attended Hellenic festivals; their kings claimed
to be descented from Greek families- from Achilles, the great Achaean hero
of the Iliad, no less."
J.M. Roberts, "A Short History of the World", Oxford University Press,
New York, 1993
"Philip was born a Greek of the most aristocratic, indeed of divine,
descent... Philip was both a Greek and a Macedonian, even as
Demosthenes was a Greek and an Athenian...The Macedonians
over whom Philip was to rule were an outlying family member
of the Greek-speaking peoples."
NGL Hammond, "Philip of Macedon", Duckworth & Co. Ltd.,
London, 1994
"As subjects of the king the Upper Macedonians were henceforth on the
same footing as the original Macedonians, in that they could qualify for
service in the King's Forces and thereby obtain the elite citizenship. At
one bound the territory, the population and wealth of the kingdom were
doubled. Moreover since the great majority of the new subjects were
speakers of the West Greek dialect, the enlarged army was
Greek-speaking throughout."
NGL Hammond, "Philip of Macedon", Gerald Duckword & Ltd, London,
1994
MACEDON
"Outlying Greek kingdom north of Thessaly, inland from the Thermaic Gulf,
on the northwest Aegean coast...Its name came from an ancient Greek
word meaning highlanders...Macedon was inhabited by various peoples
of Dorian-Greek, Illyrian, and Thracian descent, who spoke a Greek dialect
and worshipped Greek gods...Unification and modernization came gradually,
at the hands of kings of Dorian descent."
David Sacks, "A Dictionary of the Ancient Greek World.", Oxford, 1995
"Certainly the Thracians and the Illyrians were non-Greek speakers,
but in the northwest, the peoples of Molossis {Epirot province}, Orestis
and Lynkestis spoke West Greek. It is also accepted that the Macedonians
spoke a dialect of Greek and although they absorbed other groups into
their territory, they were essentially Greeks."
Robert Morkot, "The Penguin Historical Atlas of Ancient Greece",
Penguin Publ., 1996
moderno1
June R Harton
Bulgarian, have you heard of the Gordion Knot?
Here is his peoples original scam, folks:
The Name Macedonians
In a letter to Prof. Marin Drinov of May 25, 1888 Kuzman Shapkarev writes:
"But even stranger is the name Macedonians, which was imposed on us only 10
to 15 years ago by outsiders, and not as something by our own
intellectuals... Yet the people in Macedonia know nothing of that ancient
name, reintroduced today with a cunning aim on the one hand and a stupid one
on the other. They know the older word: "Bugari", although mispronounced:
they have even adopted it as peculiarly theirs, inapplicable to other
Bulgarians. You can find more about this in the introduction to the booklets
I am sending you. They call their own Macedono-Bulgarian dialect the
"Bugarski language", while the rest of the Bulgarian dialects they refer to
as the "Shopski language". (Makedonski pregled, IX, 2, 1934, p. 55; the
original letter is kept in the Marin Drinov Museum in Sofia, and it is
available for examination and study)
Here is the text in the original:
"No pochudno e imeto Makedonci, koeto naskoro, edvay predi 10-15 godini, ni
natrapiha i to otvqn, a ne kakto nyakoi mislyat ot samata nasha
inteligenciya... Narodqt obache v Makedoniya ne znae nishto za tova
arhaichesko, a dnes, s lukava cel ot edna strana, s glupeshka ot druga,
podnoveno prozvishte; toy si znae postaroto: Bugari, makar i nepravilno
proiznasyano, daje osvoyava si go kato sobstveno i preimushtestveno svoe,
nejeli za drugite Bqlgari. Za tova shte vidite i v predgovora na izpratenite
mi knijici. Toy naricha Bugarski ezik svoeto Makaedono-bqlgarsko narechie,
kogato drugite bqlgarski narechiya naricha Shopski."
moderno1
fairly complete account of Old Slavonic in its first form, as it is
taken as representing, save for a few peculiarities noticed in their
place, the Proto-Slavonic. The reasons are there given for believing
it to be the dialect of Slays settled somewhere between Thessalonica
and Constantinople and represented now by the Bulgarians and
Macedonians.
After the language had been fixed by the original translations of the
New Testament and other Church books it was no more consciously
adapted to the dialects of the various peoples, but was used equally
among the Croats (whose books were accommodated to the Roman use and
written in Glarolitic-). Serbs and
Russians. These insensibly altered them to n~ake the words easier and
allowed their native languages to show through; and the same was the
case with the Bulgarians, whose language soon began to lose some of
the characteristics of 0.S. Hence our earliest MSS. already show
departure from the norm which can be established by comparison; about
a dozen (8 Glagolitic) MSS. and fragments afford trustworthy material
dating from the 10th and If th centuries, but even then the S. Slays
were weak in distinguishing i and y, the Russians mixed up q with u, ē
with ja and so on; but in the actual texts great conservatism
prevailed, whereas any additions, such as colophons or marks of
ownership, betray the dialect of the writer more clearly, and such
scraps and a few deeds are our earliest authorities for Servian and
Russian. But the Church language as insensibly modified continued to
be the literary language of Croatia until the 16th century, of Russia
until 1700, and of Bulgaria, Servia and Rumania ‘until the early
part of the i9th century, and is still the liturgical language of
Dalmatia, the Balkans, Russia and the Ruthenian Uniates.
Its literature was enriched in the second generation by the works of
Clement, bishop of Ochrida, and John, exarch of Bulgaria, and other
writers of the time of Tsar Si,meon, but it is almost all
ecclesiastical in character. Perhaps the most interesting book in
Church Slavonic is the Russian chronicle, but that has many old
Russian forms. Otherwise certain translations of Greek Apocrypha are
of importance, especially when the Greek original is lost, e.g. the
Book of Enoch; other Apocrypha in Church Slavonic are said to have
been written by Jeremias, a Bogomil priest, but they are probably
derived from Eastern sources. The Slavonic text of the Bible is not of
importance for textual criticism, as the translation was made late,
and even so has never been studied from that point of view. The whole
Bible was not finished till the 1 5th century, some of the less
necessary books being translated from the Vulgate.
SLAVS. Judged by the language test, and no other is readily available,
the Slays are the most numerous race in Europe, amounting to some
140,000,000 souls. Outside Europe there are the Russians in Siberia, a
mere extension of the main body, and a large number of emigrants
settled in America, where, however, although most of the nationalities
have their own newspapers, the second generation of immigrants tends
to be assimilated.
Divisions and Distribution.—The Slays are divided geographically
into three main groups, Eastern, North-Western and Southern;
linguistically also the same division is convenient.
The Russians stand by themselves as the Eastern group. They hold all
the East European plain from the 27th meridian to the Urals, the
Finnish and Tatar tribes making up but a small proportion of the
population: beyond these limits to the east they stretch into central
Siberia and thence in narrow bands along the rivers all the way to the
Pacific; on the west the Ruthenians (q.v.) of Galicia form a wedge
between the Poles and the Magyars and almost touch the 20th meridian.
The Russians must number 100,000,000.
The North-Western group includes the Poles, about 15,000,000, in the
basin of the Vistula; the Kashubes (q.v.), about 200,000, on the coast
north,-west of Danzig; the High and Low Sorbs (qv.) or Wends in
Lusatia, 18o,ooo Slays completely surrounded by Germans; the Cechs
(Czech, q.v.) in the square of Bohemia, making up with theireastern
neighbours, the Moravians, a people of 6,ooo,ooo in northern Austria
surrounded on three sides by Germans. In the north of Hungary,
connecting up Ruthenians, Poles and Moravians, but most closely akin
to the latter, are 2,500,000 Slovaks (q.v.). With the Sorbs, Poles and
Kashubes are to be classed the now teutonized Slays of central
Germany, who once stretched as far to the north-west as Rugen and
Holstein and to the south-west to the Saale. They are gener. ally
called Polabs (q. v.), or Slays on the Elbe, as their last survivors
were found on that river in the eastern corner of Hanover.
The Southern Slays, Slovenes (q.v.), Serbo-Croats (see SERvIA) and
Bulgarians (see BtILGARIA), are cut off from the main body by the
Germans of Austria proper and the Magyars, botF
of whom occupy soil once Slavonic, and have absorbed much Slavonic
blood, and by the Rumanians of Transylvania and the Lower Danube, who
represent the original Dacians romanized. These Slays occupy the main
mass of the Balkan Peninsula downwards from the Julian Alps and the
line of the Muhr, Drave and Danube, North of this all three races have
considerable settlements in southern Hungary. Their southern boundary
is very ill-defined, various nationalities being closely intermingled.
To the south-west the Slays march with the Albanians, to the
south-east with the Turks, and to the south and along the Aegean
coasts they have the Greeks as neighbours.
Although the Southern Slays fall into these three divisions,
linguistically the separation is not sharp, nor does it coincide with
the political frontiers. Roughly speaking, the eastern half of the
peninsula is held by the Bulgarians, some 5,000,000 in number, the
western half by the Serbo-Croats, of whom there must be about
8,000,000. This is the most divided of the Slavonic races; its members
profess three forms of religion and use three alphabets—the
Serbs and Bosnians being mostly Orthodox and using the Cyrillic
alphabet, but including many Mussulmans; the Croats being Roman
Catholics, writing with Latin letters; and the Dalmatians also Roman
Catholics, but using, some of them, the ancient Glagolitic script for
their Slavonic liturgy. The language also falls into three dialects
independent of the religions, and across all these lines run the
frontiers of the political divisions—the kingdom of Servia (more
correctly written Serbia); the kingdom of Montenegro; the Turkish
provinces of Old Servia and Novibazar, still in Turkish hands; those
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, annexed by Austria; the coast-line and
islands of Istria and Dalmatia, which also form part of Austria; and
the kingdom of Croatia, which is included in the dominion of Hungary,
to say nothing of outlying colonies in Hungary itself and in Italy. In
the extreme north-west, in Carniola, in the southern parts of Styria
and Carinthia, and over the Italian border in the province of Udine
and the Vale of Resia live the Slovenes, something under 1,500,000,
much divided dialectically. Between the Slovenes and the Croats there
are transition dialects, and about 1840 there was an attempt
(Illyrism) to establish a common literary language. In Macedonia and
along the border are special varieties of Bulgarian, some of which
approach Servian. Akin to the Macedonians were the Slays, who once
occupied the whole of Greece and left traces in the placenames, though
they long ago disappeared among the older population. Akin to the
Slovenes were the old inhabitants of Austria and south-west Hungary
before the intrusion of the Germans and Magyars.
History—This distribution of the Slays can be accounted for
historically. In spite of traditions (e.g. the first Russian chronicle
of Pseudo-Nestor) which bring them from the basin of the Danube, most
evidence goes to show that when they formed one people they were
settled to the north-east of the Carpathians in the basins of the
Vistula, Pripet and Upper Dnėstr (Dniester). To the N. they had their
nearest relatives, the ancestors of the Baltic tribes, Prussians,
Lithuanians and Letts; to the E. Finns; to the S.E. the Iranian
population of the Steppes of Scythia (q.v.); to the S.W., on the other
side of the Carpathians, various Thracian tribes; to the N.W. the
Germans; between the Germans and Thracians they seem to have had some
contact with the Celts, but this was not the first state of things, as
the Illyrians, Greeks and Italians probably came between. This
location, arrived at by a comparison of the fragmentary accc~unts of
Slavonic migrations and their distribution in historic time, is
confirmed by its agreement with the place taken by the Slavonic
language among the other Indo-European languages (see below), and by
what we know of the place-names of eastern Europe, in that for this
area they seem exclusively Slavonic, outside it the oldest names
belong to other languages. The archaeological evidence is not yet
cleared up, as, for the period we have to consider the late neolithic
and early bronze age, the region above defined is divided between
three different cultures, represented by th~ fields of urns in Lusatia
and Silesia, cist graves with cremation iii Poland, and the poor and
little-known graves of the Dnčpz
(Dnieper) basin. This variety may to some extent be due to the various
cultural influences to which the same race was exposed, the western
division lying on the route between the Baltic and Mediterranean, the
central being quite inaccessible, the eastern part in time showing in
its graves the influence of the Steppe people and the Greek colonies
in Scythia. There is a gradual transition to cemeteries with Roman
objects which shade off into such as are certainly Slavonic.
The physical type of the Slays is not sufficiently clear to help in
throwing light upon the past o’ the race. Most of the modern
Slays are rather short-headed, the Balkan Slays being tall and dark,
those of central Europe dark and of medium height, the Russians on the
whole rather short though the White and Little Russians are of medium
height; in complexion the southern Russians are dark, the northern
light, but with less decided colour than fair western Europeans. In
spite of the prevalent brachycephaly of the modern Slays, measurements
of ‘skulls from cemeteries and ancient graves which are
certainly Slavonic have shown, against all expectation, that the
farther back we go the greater is the proportion of long heads, and
the race appears to have been originally dolichocephalic and
osteologically indistinguishable from its German, Baltic and Finnish
neighbours. In its present seats it must have assimilated foreign
elements, German and Celtic in central Europe, Finnish and Turkish in
Great and Little Russia, all these together with Thracian and Illyrian
in the Balkans; but how much the differences between the various
Slavonic nations are due to admixture, how much to their new homes,
has not been made clear.
In spite of the vast area which the Slays have occupied in historic
times there is no reason to claim for them before the migrations a
wider homeland than that above defined beyond the Carpathians; given
favourable circumstances a ‘nation multiplies so fast (e.g. the
Anglo-Saxons in the last hundred and twenty years) that we can set no
limits to the area that a cornparatively small race could cover in the
course of four centuries. Therefore the mere necessity of providing
them with ~scestors sufficiently numerous does not compel us to seek
for the’ Slays among any of the populous nations of the ancient
world. Various investigators have seen Slays in Scythians, Sarmatians,
Thracians, Illyrians, and in fact in almost all the barbarous tribes
which have been mentioned in the east of Europe, but we can refer most
of such tribes to their real affinities much better than the ancients,
and at any rate we can be sure that none of these were Slays.
There is no evidence that the Slays made any considerable migration
from their first home until the 1st century A.D. Their first
Transcarpathian seat lay singularly remote from the knowledge of the
Mediterranean peoples. Herodotus (iv. 17, 51, 105) does seem to
mention the Slays under the name of Neuri (qv), at least the Neuri on
the upper waters of the Dnčstr are in the right place for Slays, and
their lycanthropy suggests modern Slavonic superstitions; so we are
justified in equating Neuri and Slays, though we have no direct
statement of their identity. Other classical writers down to and
including Strabo tell us nothing of eastern Europe beyond the
immediate neighbourhood of the Euxine.
Pliny (N.H. iv. 97) is the first to give the Slays a name which can
leave us in no doubt. He speaks of the Vened-i (ci. Tacitus, Germania,
46, Veneti); Ptolemy (Geog. iii. 5. 7, 8) calls them Venedae and puts
them along the Vistula and by the Venedic gulf, by which he seems to
mean the Gulf of Danzig: he also speaks of the Venedic mountains to
the south of the sources of the Vistula, that is, probably the
northern Carpathians. The name Venedae is clearly Wend, the name that
the Germans have always applied to the Slays. Its meaning is unknown.
It has been the cause of much confusion because of the Armorican
Veneti, the Paphlagonian Enetae, and above all the EnetaeVenetae at
the head of the Adriatic. Enthusiasts have set all of these down as
Slays, and the last with some show of reason, as nowadays we have
Slovenes just north of Venice. However, inscriptions in the Venetian
language are sufficient to prove that it was not Slavonic. Other names
in Ptolemy which almost certainly denote Slavonic tribes are the
Veltae on the Baltic,
ancestors of the Wiltzi, a division of the Polabs (q.v.), the Sulani
and the Saboci, whose name is a Slavonic translation of the
Transmontani of another source.
Unless we are to conjecture Stlavani for Ptolemy’s Stavani, or
to insist on the resemblance of his Suobeni to Slovene, the name Slav
first occurs in Pseudo-Caesarius (Dialogues, ii. 110; Migne, P.G.
xxxviii. 985, early 6th century), but the earliest definite account of
them under that name is given by Jordanes (Getica, V. 34, 35, C. 550
A.D.): Dada . . . ad coronae speciem arduis Alpibus emunita, -iuxta
quorum sinistrum latus, qui in aquilone vergit, ab ortu Vistulae
fiuminis per immensa spatia Venetharum populosa natio consedit. Quorum
nomina licet nunc per varias familias et loca mutentur, principaliter
tamen Sciaveni el Antes nominantur. Sciaveni a civitate Novietunense
(Noviodunum, Isak~a on the Danube Delta) . . . usque ad Danastrum el
in boream Viscla tenus com-morantur . . . A flIes vero, qui
.s’unt eorum fortissi-mi, qua Ponlicum mare curvatur a Danastro
exienduntur usq-ue a4 Danaprum; ci. xxiii. 119, where these tribes are
said to form pitrt of the dominions of Hermanrich. Sclaveni, or
something like it, has been the regular name for the Slays from that
day to this. The native form is Slovéne; in some cases, &g. in modern
Russian under foreign influence, we have an a instead of the o. The
combination si was difficult to the Greeks and Romans and they
inserted t, th or most commonly c, which continues to crop up. So too
in Arabic Saqaliba, Saqldb. The name has been derived from slovo, a
word, or slava, glory, either directly or through the -slav which
forms the second element in so many Slavonic proper names, but no
explanation is satisfactory. The word “ slave “ and its
cognates in most European languages date from the timc when the
Germans supplied the slave-markets of Europe with Slavonic captives.
The name Antes we find applied to the Eastern Slays by Jordanes; it
may be another form of Wend. Antae is used by Procopius (B.G. iii.
14). He likewise distinguishes them from the Sclaveni, but says that
both spoke the same language and both were formerly called Spori,
which has been identified with Serb, the racial name now surviving in
Lusatia and Servia. Elsewhere he speaks of the measureless tribes of
the Antae; this appellation is used by the Byzantines until the middle
of the 7th century.
The sudden appearance in the 6th-century writers of definite names for
the Slays and their divisions means that by then the race had made
itself familiar to the Graeco-Roman world, that it had spread well
beyond its original narrow limits, and had some time before come into
contact with civilisation. This may have been going on since the 1st
century AD., and evidence of it has been seen in the southward
movement of the Costoboci into northern Dacia (Ptolemy) and of the
Carpi to the Danube (AD. 200), but their Slavonic character is not
established. A few ancient names on the Danube, notably that of the
river Tsierna (Cerna, black), have a Slavonic look, but a coincidence
is quite possible. The gradual spread of the Slays was masked by the
wholesale migrations of the Goths, who for two centuries lorded it
over the Slays, at first on the Vistula and then in south’
Russia. We hear more of their movements because they were more
immediately threatening for the Empire. In dealing with
Ptolemy’s location of the Goths and Slays we must regard the
former as superimposed upon the latter and occupying the same
territories. This dominatiOn of the Goths was of enormous importance
in the development of the Slays. By this we may explain the presence
of a large number of Germanic loan words common to all the Slavonic
languages, many of them words of cultural significance. “King,
penny, house, loaf, earring” all appear in Slavonic; the words
must have come from the Goths and prove their strong influence,
although the things must have been familiar before. On the other hand
“plough “is said to be Slavonic, but that is not certain.
When the Huns succeeded the Goths as masters of central Europe, they
probably made the Slays supply them with contingents. Indeed their
easy victory may have been due to the dissatisfaction of the Slays.
Priscbs (Muller, F.H.G. iy. p. 69, cf. Jord. Get. xlix. 258) in his
account of the camp of Attila mentions words which may be Slavonic,
but have also been explained from German. After the fall of
the flunnish power the Eastern Goths and Gepidae pressed southwards
and westwards to the conquest of the Empire, and the Lombards and
Heruli followed in their tracks. When next we get a view of northern
Germany we find it full of Slays, e.g. from Procopius (B.G. ii. 15) we
know that they held the Mark of Brandenburg by 512; but this
settlement was effected without attracting the attention of any
contemporary writer. Modern historians seem to adopt their attitude to
the process according to their vew of the Slays; German writers, in
their contempt for the Slays, mostly deny the possibility of their
having forced German tribes to leave their homes, and assume that the
riches of southern Europe attracted the latter so that they willingly
gave up their barren northern plains; most Slavonic authors have taken
the same view in accordance with the idealistic picture of the
peaceful, kindly, democratic Slays who ‘contrast so favourably
with the savage Germans and their war-lords; but of late they have
realised that their ancestors were no more peaceful than any one else,
and have wished to put down to warlike pressure from the Slays all the
southward movements of the German tribes, to whom no choice was left
but to try to break through the Roman defences. A reasonable view is
that the expansion of the Eastern Germans in the last centuries B.C.
was made at the expense of the Slays, who, while no more peaceful than
the Germans, were less capable than they of combining for successful
war, so that Goths and others were dwelling among them and lording it
over them; that the mutual competitions of the Germans drove some of
these against the Empire, and when this had become weakened, so that
it invited attack, some tribes and parts of tribes moved forward
without any pressure from behind; this took away the strength of the
German element, and the Slays, not improbably under German
organization, regained the upper hand in their own lands and could
even spread westwards at the expense of the German remnant.
Almost as uncertain is the exact time when the Southern Slays began to
move towards the Balkans. If already at the time of Trajan’s
conquests there were Slays in Dacia, it would account for the story in
Ps. Nestor that certain Volchi or Vlachi, i.e. Romance speakers, had
conquered the Slays upon the Danube and driven them to the Vistula,
for the place that the name of Trajan has in Slavonic tradition, and
for the presence of an agricultural population, the Sarmatae
Limigantes subject to the nomad Sarmatae (q.v), on the Theiss. In any
case, we cannot say that the Slays occupied any large parts of the
Balkan Peninsula before the beginning of the 6th century, when they
appear in Byzantine history as a new terror; there seems to have been
an invasion in the time of Justin, and another followed in 527
(Procopius, B.G. ~ 40 and HISt. Arc. 18). At the same time as the
Slays, the Huns, the Bulgars, and after 558 the Avars, were also
making invasions from the same direction, The first and last
disappeared like all nomads, but the Bulgars, making themselves lords
of one section of the Slays, gave it their own name. By 584 the Slays
had overrun all Greece, and were the worst western neighbours of the
Eastern Empire. Hence the directions how to deal with Slays in the
Strategicum of the emperor Maurice (c. 6oo) and the Tactics of Leo.
By the end of the following century they were permanently settled
throughout the whole of the Balkan Peninsula. (For their further
history see SERVIA, BULGARIA, BOSNIA, DALMATIA, CROATIA-SLAVONIA.)
These Southern Slays, though divided into nationalities, are closely
akin to one another. There is no reason to think the Serbo-Croats an
intrusive wedge, although Constantine Porphyrogenitus (De 0dm. Imp.
30-33) speaks of their coming from the north in the time of
Heraclius—the middle of the 7th century. Their dialects shade
in.to one another, and there is no trace of any influence of the
North-Western group. Constantine was probably led astray by the
occurrence of the same tribal names in different parts of the Slavonic
world. Meanwhile the Southern Slays were cut off from the rest of the
race by the foundation in the 6th century of the Avar kingdom in
Pannonia, and after its destruction in the 7th, by the spread of the
Germans south-eastwards, and finally by the incursion of
another Asiatic horde, that of the Magyars, who have maintained
themselves in the midst o~ Slays for a thousand years. Their conquests
were made chiefly at the expense of the Slovenes and the Slovaks, and
from their languages they have borrowed many words in forms which have
now disappeared.
Of the history of the Eastern Slays, who were to become the Russian
people, we know little before the coming of the Swedish Rus, who gave
them their name and organization; we have but the mention ‘of
Antae acting in concert with the other Slays and the’ Avars
in’ attacking the Empire on ‘the lower Danube, and
scattered accounts of Mussulman travellers, which show that they had
reached the Don and Volga and stretched up northward to Lake Ilmen.
The more southerly tribes were~ tributary to the Khazars. An exact
definition of the territory occupied by each Slavonic people, and a
sketch of its history from the time that it settled in its permanent
abode, will be found either under its own name or under that of its
country. ‘ ‘ -
Culture and Religion.—’-For all the works’ treating
of Slavonic antiquities we cannot draw a portrait of the race and show
many distinguishing features. Savage nations as described by the
Greeks and~ Rom~ns are mostly very much alike, and the testimony of
language is not very easy to use. The general impression is one of a
people which lived in small communistic groups, and was so impatient
of authority that they scarcely combined for their own defence, and in
spite of individual bravery only became formidable to others when
cemented together by some alien element: hence they all at one time or
another fell under an alien yoke; the last survivals of Slavonic
licence being the ve~e of Novgorod, and’ the Polish diet with
its unpractical regard for any minority. The Slays were acquainted
with the beginnings of the domestic arts, and were probably more given
to agriculture t’han the ‘early Germans, though they
practised it after a fashion which did not long tie them to any
particular district—a--for all writers agree in telling of their
errant nature. They were specially given to the production of honey,
from which they brwed mead. They also appear to have been ~notab1e
swimmers and to have been skilled in’ the navigation of rivers,
and evCn to have indulged in maritime piracy on the Aegean, ‘the
Dalmatian coast and most of all the Baltic, where the island of Rugen
was a menace to the Scandinavian and’ German sea-power. The
Oriental sources also speak of some aptitude for commerce~ Their
talent for music and singing was already noticeable. Of their religion
it is strangely difficult to gain any real information. The word
Bogfi, “god,” is reckoned a loan word from the Iranian
Baga. The chief deity was the Thunderer Perfln (cf. Lith~ Perkflnas)
,with whom is identified Svarog, the god of heaven; other chief gods
were called’ sons of Svarog, Dafibog the sun, Chors and Veles,
the god ‘of cattle. The place of this latter was taken by St
Blasius. A hostile deity was Stribog, god of storms. There seem to
have been no priests, temples or images among the early Slays. In
Russia Vladimir set up idols and pulled them down uponhis conversion
to Christianity; only the Polabs had a highly developed cult with a
temple and statues and a definite priesthood. But this may have been
in imitation of Norse or even Christian institutions. Their chief
deity was called Triglav, or the three-headed; he was the same as
Svētovit, apparently a sky god in whose name the monks naturally
recognized Saint Vitus. The goddesses are colourless personifications,
such as Vesna, spring, and Morana, the goddess of death and winter.
The Slays also believed, and many still believe, in Vily and Rusalki,
nymphs of streams and woodlands; also in the BflbaJagft, a,kind of
man-eating witch, and in Bésy, evil spirits, as well as in vampires
and werewolves. They had a full belief in the immortality of the soul,
but no very dear ideas as to its fate. it was mostly supposed to go a
long journey to a paradise (raj) at the end of the world and had to be
equipped for this. Also the soul of the ancestor seems to have
developed into the house or hearth god (Domovój, KIet) who guarded the
family. The usual survivals of”pagan festivals at the soistices
and čquinoxes have ‘continued under the form of church
festivals.
Chrislianity antong the Slavs.—The means by which was effected
the conversion to Christianity of the various Slavonic
nations has probably had more influence upon their subsequent history
than racial distinctions or geographical conditiOns.
Wherever heathen Slavonic tribes met Christendom missionary effort
naturally came into being. This seems first to have been the case
along the Dalmatian coast, where the cities retained their Romance
population and their Christian faith. From the 7th century the Croats
were nominally Christian, and ‘subject to the archbishops of
Salona at Spalato and their suffraga,ns. Frpm the beginning of the 9th
century Merseburg, Salzburg and Passau were the centres for spreading
the Gospel among the Slavonic tribes on the south-eastern marches of
the Frankish empire, in Bohemia, Moravia, Pannonia and Carinthia.
Though we need not doubt the true zeal of these missionariea, it was
still a fact that as Germans they belonged to a nation which was once
more encroaching upon the Slays, and as Latins (though the Great
Schism had not yet taken place) they were not favourable to the use of
their converts’ native language. Still they were probably the
first to reduce the Slavonic,tongues to writing, naturally using Latin
letters and lacking the skill to adapt them satisfactorily. Traces of
such attempts are rare; the best are the Freisingen fragments of Old
Slovene now at Munich.
In the eastern half of the Balkan Peninsula the Slays had already
begun to turn to Christianity before their conquest by the Bulgars.
These latter were hostile until Boris, under the influence of his
sister ‘and of one Methodius (certainly not the famous one),
adopted the new faith and put to the sword those that resisted
conversion (AD. 865). Though his Christianity came from Byzantium,
Boris seems to have feared the influen.ce of ‘the Greek clergy
and applied to the Pope for teachers, submitting to him a whole series
of questions. The Pope sent clergy,.’but would not grant the
Bulgarians as much independence as they asked, and Boris seems to have
repented of his application to him. He raised the question at the
Council of Constantinople (A.D. 870), which decided that Bulgaria was
subject to the Eastern’ Church.
Cyril and Methodius.—In the same way Rostislav, prince of
Greater Moravia, fearing the influence of Latin missionaries, applied
to Byzantium for teachers who should preach in the vulgar tongue (A.D.
861). The emperor chose two brothers, sons of a Thessalonian Greek,
Methodius and Constantine (generally known as Cyril by the name he
adopted upon becoming a mofik). The former was an organizer, the
latter a scholar, a philosopher and a linguist. His gifts had been
already exercised in a mission to the Crimea; he had brought thence
the relics of S. Clement, which he finally laid in their resting-place
in Rome’.’ But’ the main reason for the choice was
that the Thessalonians, surrounded as they were by Slavonic tribes,
were ~Gell known to speak Slavonic perfectly. On their arrival in
Moravia the brothers began to teach letters and the Gospel, and also
to translate the necessary liturgical books and instruct the young in
them. But soon (in 864) Rostislav was attacked by Louis the German and
reduced to complete obedience, so that there could be no question of
setting up a hierarchy in opposition to the dominant Franks, and the
attempts to establish the Slavonic lit’urgy were strongly
opposed. Hearing of the brother’s work Pope Nicholas I. sent for
them to Rome. On their way they spent some time with Kocel, a Slavonic
prince of Pannonia, about Platten See, and he much favoured the”
Slavonic books. In Venice the brothers had disputes as to the use of
Slavonic servicebooks; perhaps at this time these found their way to
Croatia and Dalmatia. On their arrival in Rome Nicholas was dead, but
Adrian II. was favourable to them and their translations, and had the
pupils they brought with them ordained. In Rome Constantine fell ill,
took monastic vows and the name of Cyril, anti died on the 14th of
February 869. Methodius was consecrated archbishop of Pannonia and
Moravia, about 870, but Kocel could not help him much, and the German
bishops had him tried and thrown into prison; also in that very year
Rostislav was dethroned by Svatopluk, who, though he threw off the
Frankish yoke. was not steadfast in supporting the Slavonic liturgy.
In 873 Pope John VIII. commanded the liberation of Methodius and
allowed Slavonic services, and for the next ‘few years the work
of Methodius went well. In 879 he was again called to
Rome, and in 880 the Pope distinctly pronounced in his favour and
restored him to his archbishopric, but made a Germaq, Wiching, his
suifragan. Methodius died in 885, and Wiching, having a new pope,
Stephen V. (VI.), on his side, became his successor. So the Slavonic
service-books and those that used them were driven out by Svatopluk
and took refuge in Bulgaria, where the ground had been made ready for
them. Boris, having decided to abide by the Greek Church, welcomed
Clement, Gorazd and other disciples of Methodius. Clement, who was the
most active in literary work, laboured in Ochrida and others in
various parts of the kingdom.
In spite of the triumph of the Latino-German party, the Slavonic
liturgy was not quite stamped out in the west; it seems to have
survived in out-of-the-way corners of Great Moravia until that
principality was destroyed by the Magyars. Also during the life of
Methodius it appears to have penetrated into Bohemia, Poland and
Croatia, but all these countries finally accepted the Latin Church,
and so were permanently cut off from the Orthodox Servians, Bulgarians
and Russians.
These details of ecclesiastical history are of great importance for
understanding the fate of various Slavonic languages, scripts and even
literatures. From what has been said above it appears that Cyril
invented a Slavonic alphabet, translated at any rate a Gospel
lectionary, perhaps the Psalter and the chief servicebooks, into a
Slavonic dialect, and it seems that Methodius translated the Epistles,
some part of the Old Testament, a manual of canon law and further
liturgical matter. Clement continued the task and turned many works of
the Fathers into Slavonic, and is said to have made clearer the forms
of letters. What was the alphabet which Cyril invented, where were the
invention and the earliest translations made by him, and who were the
speakers of the dialect he used, the language we call Old Church
Slavonic (O.S.)? As to the alphabet we have the further testimony of
Chrabr, a Bulgarian monk of the next generation, who says that the
Slays at first practised divination by means of marks and cuts upon
wood; then after their baptism they were compelled to write ‘the
Slavonic tongue with Greek and Latin letters without proper rules;
finally, by God’s mercy Constantine the Philosopher, called
Cyril, made them an alphabet of 38 letters. He gives the date as 855,
six or seven years before the request of Rostislav. If we take this to
be exact Cyril must have been working at his translations before ever
he went to Moravia’, and the language was presumably that with
which he had been familiar at Thessalonica—that of southern
Macedonia, and this is on the whole the most satisfactory view.
At any rate the phonetic framework of the language is more near to
certain Bulgarian dialects than to any
other, but the vocabulary seems to have been modified in Moravia by
the inclusion of certain German and Latin words, especially those
touching things of the Church. These would appear to have been already
familiar to the Moravians through the work of the German missionaries.
Some of them were superseded when O.S~ became the language of Orthodox
Slays. Kopitar and Miklosich maintained that OS. was Old Slovene as
spoken by the subjects of Kocel, but in their decision much was due to
racial patriotism. Something indeed was done to adapt the language of
the TransL lations to the native Moravian; we have the Kiev
fragments’, prayers after the Roman use in, which occur
Moravisms, notably c and I where O.S. has ft and zd, and fragments at
Prague with Eastern ritual but Cech peculiarities. Further, the
Freisingen fragments, though their language is in the main. Old
Slovene and their alphabet Latin, have some connexion with the texts
of an O.S. Euchologium from Sinai.
Alphabets—Slavonic languages are written in three alphabets
according to religious dependence; Latin adapted to express Slavonic
sounds either by diacritical marks or else by conventional
combinations of letters among those who had Latin services; so-called
Cyrillic, which is the Greek Liturgical Uncial of the 9th century
enriched with special signs for Slavonic letters— this is used
by all Orthodox Slays; and Glagolitic, in the “spectacled”
form of which certain very early OS. documents were written, and which
in another, the “square,” form has survived
as a liturgical script in Dalmatia, where the Roman’ Church
still allows the Slavonic liturgy In. the dioceses of Veglia, Spalato,
Zara and Sebenico. and in Montenegro; the Croats now employ Latin
letters for civil purposes.
The annexed table gives these alphabets—the Glagolitic in both I
oxms with numerical values (columns 1-3); the Cyrillic in its fullest
development (4, 5), with the modern version of it made for Russian (6)
by Peter the Great’s orders; Bulgarian. uses more or less all
the Russian letters but the reversed e and the last two, while keeping
more old Cyrillic letters, but its orthography is in such a confused
state that it is difficult to say which letters may be regarded as
obsolete; Servian (7) was reformed by Karad~i~ (Karajich (qv.)) on the
model of Russian, with special letters and ligatures added and with
unnecessary signs omitted. The old ways of writing Slavonic with Latin
letters were so coIlfused and variable that none of them are given.
The Cechs first attained ‘to a satisfactory system, using
diacritical marks invented by Hus; their alphabet has served more or
less as a model for all the other Slavonic languages which use Latin
letters, and for that used in scientific grammars, not only of
Slavonic but of Oriental languages. Column 8 gives the system as
applied to Croat, and corresponding exactly to Karad~ié’s
reformed Cyrillic. Column 9 gives the Cech alphabet with the exception
of the long vowels, which are marked by an. accent; in brackets are
added further signs used in other Slavonic languages,
e.g. Slovene and Sorb, or in strict transliterations of Cyrillic.
Polish (ro) still offers a compromise between the old arbitrary
combinations of letters and the Cech principle of diacritical marks.
The last column shows a convenient system of transliterating Cyrillic
into Latin letters for the use of English readers without the use of
diacritical marks; it is used in most of the ionlinguistic articles in
the Encyclopaedia Britannica which deal with Slays. With regard to
Glagolitic (derived from Gla got, a word) and Cyrillic, it is clear
that they are closely connected. The language of the earliest
Glagolitic MSS. is earlier than that of the Cyrillic, though the
earliest dated Slavonic writing surviving isa Cyrillic inscription of
Tsar Samuel of Bulgaria (A.D. 993). On the whole Glagolitic is likely
to be the earlier, if only that no one would have made it who knew the
simpler Cyrillic. It certainly bears the impress of a definite mind,
which thought out very exactly the phonetics of the dialect it was to
express, but made its letters too uniformly complicated by a love for
little circles. A sufficiently large number of the letters can be
traced back to Greek minuscules to make it probable that all of them
derive thence, though agreement has not yet been reached as to the
particular combinations which were modified to make each letter. Of
course the modern Greek phonetic values alone form the basis. The
numerical values were set out according to the order of the letters.
Some subsequent improvement, especially in the pre-iotized vowels, can
be traced in later documents. The presumption is that this is the
alphabet invented by Cyril for the Slays who formerly used Greek and
Latin letters without system.
When brought or brought back to Bulgaria by Clement and the other
pupils of Methodius, Glagolitic took root in the west, but in the east
some one, probably at the court of Simepn, where everything Greek was
in favour, had the idea of taking the arrangement of the Glagglitic
alphabet, but making the signs like those of the Uncial Greek then in
use for liturgical books. using actual Greek letters as far as they
would serve, and for specifically Slavonic sounds the Glagolitic signs
simplified and made to match the rest. Where this was impossible in
the case of the complicated signs for the vowels, he seems to have
made variations on the letters A and B. With the uncials he took the
Greek numerical values, though his alphabet kept the Glagolitic order.
Probably the Glagolitic letters for .f and it have exchanged places,
and the value 8oo belonged to i, as the order in Cyrillic is ‘~,
~, w, LII. Who invented Cyrillic we know not; Clement has been said to
have made letters clearer, but only in a secondary source and he seems
to have been particularly devoted to the tradition of Methodius, and
he was bishop of Ochrida, just where Glagolitic survived longest.
GLAGOLITIC CYRILLIC LATIN PHONETIC
Old New Nun,. Old Nun,. If,,eu. Serb. croatcech&o,pofsh VALUES
2 3 4 s 6 7 8 9 10 II
,~ ~ Aa Aa a a a a
2 ~6 liob bb b
~P WI ~ 2 Ba Bs V VW V
% Yu ~ r j r1- T’rg gg g
d~b fl’.25 ~, 4 2I~II ]J..iid dd d
(Buig.Ee) e e
3. ~ 6 ~ 5 i~s Ee e ~ e. c Fe (je,c)je,Ie eorye
o~S 7 7~ē ~Krc )I~ ~ ~ zh-Fr.j
‘~ ~r 8 s 6 (dz) dz hard dz
(dz) dz uo~t
e. ųiI 9 Z3 31 ~3 Z Zhard
C~1OC~l~ 10 14 8 ~‘lH i
Ii J j j j j lt
20 10 Ii I i i i i j
A..~ J4j, 30 (‘~Se,bian) 1) b djEtd. d d ~ end,,,
40 K 20 Kit Kit k k k k
ź~ ~Jfj ~o A , .71 .‘i .71 .1 1 1,(orl) 1 hard I labialiund
~ (1) 1 rort 1 n,ooiiiź
1~ m 6o ‘ 1.1 40 Mit Mn m m m m
t~ Y 70 N 50 }IH Hil Ii fl 0 hard n
Ibis, nj,fl n n soft Span.S
~ 8o 0 7o00 000 00 0
1,1 1) U foroiderft
r JU 9011 8o1111 IirIp pp p
& b too j’~ too Pp Pp r (rj) r r
200 C ‘ 200 Cc Cc S S Sh,,rd S
- (s) i
U0 UI] 300 T 300 TT TT t t t,hard t
~‘ ~3 400 0~,~.400 Yy Yy u u ~ u
of&m 4soo4 o4~ ~f ff f
0 Jd 6oo ~ 6oo Xx Xx h ch ch kh-Germ.ch h h horgh
700 UI Roo 0 Gr~o
W 8oo 111 (BaIg. et~~.) wr It it sht
llJ~lif (sd szcz ehO, in A,,hchurd.
0V ¶1 900 q 900 1JI4 Ilif C C Chard ts
ii ii t (e) C sofi betwee,, o&1,t in
1,1 U ~,di (ds) di Eog.j oroatarel
~ 1000 ~ q ~ q ~ e, ~ ~ ~h in ~l,urch
UI hi Lii. urn ifimi liz sh
4 (0) UinboI
‘1,1, - mute
~°Y~88. ~1.’M1 bIbI Y of h.norh,,hm
4 I b (p
b 1, (i) mote, ,often~
.&.. ..~ ‘ t ‘ht je.nieė.Je ~ ic yeinyee.~erging
~ ,JJJ 10- lOro jy ju ju Iu.ju yu
ja ja ja ia~a ya
If, (Boig. i€) je je je ie.je ye
- A.A (ē) ē In isFr,iin
Ru i’.~ ya
(?) ~ On is Freon
(Buig,~.’) di
3.6 IA (jc) j~ ien inrr.sien
(ja) ja ion in Freon,.,
(BolgiM) ydi
E3 6o x ks XGr.i
700 PS pS psGr.~
.0. ~ Grehutpron.f
.400 Vv Grv end no
pron.i or,
1 2 3 4 ~ 6 f 8 9(0 Ii
Mention must be made of Bruckner’s theory that Cyril invented
Cyrillic first, but degraded it into Glagolitic to hide its Greek
origin from the Latin clergy, the whole object of his mission
being hostility to Rome, whereas in Orthodox countries this caution
was soon seen to be unnecessary. The Glagolitic alphabets in the table
are copied from Codex Marianus (If th century) and the Reims gospel,
an OS. MS. of the 14th century, on which the kings of France took
their coronation oath.
As to the special sounds which these various scripts expressed, we may
notice in the vocalism a tendency to broaden the short vowels and to
narrow the long ones, a process which has left results even where
distinctions of quantity no longer exist; further, the many changes
which can be followed in historic time and are due to the destruction
of the old rule of open syllables by the disappearance of the half
vcwels I and it, or to their developing into full vowels where
indispensable for pronunciation (No. I. inf.). But the ruling
principle which has determined the physiognomy of Slavonic speech is
the degree in which consonants have been affected by the following
vowel. Where this has been broad a, o, u, y, q, it, this has resulted
only in an occasional labialization most noticeable in the case of 1;
where it has been narrow, i, e, e, (once ea or ė), ē, I, and ~, the
result has been palatalization or” softening “in various
degrees, ranging from a’ slight change in the position of the
tongue producing a faint j sound in or just after the
consonant—expressed in column 9 by the sign’, and in
Cyrillic by the pre-iotizing of the following vowel—to the
development out of straightforward mutes and sibilants of the
sibilants, palato-sibilants and aifricates z, s, 5, ~, 1, dz, c, dS,
~, Ii, &c. (see No. 9 and V. inf.).
Slavon Ic Languages.—The Slavonic languages belong to the
Indo-European (I.E.) family. Within that family they are very closely
connected with the Baltic group, Old Prussian, Lithuanian (Lithu.) and
Lettish, and we must regard the linguistic ancestors of both groups as
having formed one for some time after they had become separated from
their neighbours. If the original home of the I.E. family is to be set
in Europe, we may take the Balto-Slavs to have represented the
north-eastern extension of it. The Balto-Slavs have much in common
with the northerly or German group, and with the easterly or Aryan
group, their next neighbours on each side. The Aryans likewise split
into two divisions, Iranian and Indian, whereof the former, in the
Sarmatians, remained in contact with the Slays until after the
Christian era, and gave them some loan words, e.g. Bogii—Pers.
Baga (god); Russian, Sobaka; Median, cpaka (dog). The southeastern or
Thracian group (Armenian) and beyond it the Illyrian (Albanian) made
up the four groups which have sibilants for I.E. non-velar gutturals
(see inf. No. 9), and in this stand apart from most European groups,
but in other respects the BaltoSlays were ‘quite European.
The Baltic group and the Slays were separated by the marshes of White
Russia, and after their early oneness did not have much communication
until the Slays began to spread. Since then the Baltic languages have
borrowed’ many Slavonic words. After the Aryans had moved
eastwards Slavonic was left in contact with Thracian, but we know so
little about it that we cannot measure their mutual influence. On the
other side the Germans, beginning as the next group to the
Balto-Slavs, and having thereby much in common with them (so much so
that Schleicher wanted to make a Germano-Slavo-Baltic group), have
never ceased to influence them, have given them loan words at every
stage and have received a few in return.
After the Baltic group had separated from the Slavonic,we must imagine
a long period when Slavonic (Sl.) was a bundle of dialects, showing
some of the peculiarities of the future languages, but on the whole so
much alike that we may say that such and such forms were common to
them all. This stage may be called Proto-Slavonic. Except for
‘the few cases where Old Church Slavonic (O.S.) has either
definitely South Slavonic characteristics or peculiar characteristics
of its own, as written down by Cyril it represents with wonderful
completeness ProtoSlavonic at the moment of its falling apart, and
words cited below may be taken to be OS. unless otherwise designated.
Some of the main characteristics of the Slavonic languages a~ a whole
in relation to I.E. are indicated below; restriction~ and secondary
factors are necessarily omitted. As a rule O.S
represents the Slavonic languages fairly well, while Latin or Greek
equivalents are given as the most familiar examples of I.E.
Hypothetical forms are starred.
I. I.E. i becomes (>) i, gosh: hoshis (acc. p1.); I.E. 1>1, vldova:
vidua; I.E. j >j, jucha : jus (broth).
- 2. I.E. e becomes ė, sėmē: semen; I.E. ~> ė. berg: fero.
3. I.E. a and ii are alike o in Sl., orati: arare; osnil: oclo; I.E. o
in end syllables, >zi; vozit: 6xos; I.E. a and ō are alike a, bralril:
fraher; dilva: duo.
4. I.E. it becomes y, ty: Lu; I.E. it>il, snitcha: nurus, Sanskr.
sszufć : I.E. u>v, vezg: veho.
5. I.E. r and 1 both long and short survived as vowels, *vlki~ written
vllkit, Sanskr. vtkas, “ wolf “; consonantal r and 1
survived unchanged.
6. I.E. sjs and ti both long and short: the former gave I or it; siUo:
centum; the latter ē or q, desētf: decem. Consonantal m and n mostly
survived before a vowel, after it they coalesced with it to make the
nasal vowels q and ē; pqti: ponhis; ptbit:
~r~u7rTOs.
7. I.E. Aspirates are represented by corresponding sonants, berg:
fero; medii (“ honey,” “ mead “): p.iOv;
migla: 6IZLXX?1.
8. I.E. s often becomes ch; vetitchii: veti.ss; not always, synii:
Lithu. sunits, “son “; otherwise ch generally renders
Gothic h in loan words; chlėbit: hlaibs, “loaf”; chyzfi:
lius, “ house.”
9. I.E. velar gutturals k, g, gh and labio-velars, q, g, gh become
‘in Sl. k, g, g, kljull: davis; ciglit: angulus; nilgla: butxXn;
kitto:
quis, govedo: f3oDs, Sanskr. gaits; snėgit: nix, nivem, but the
Palato-gutturals k, ~, ~‘h become Sl. s, z, z; desētl: decein;
zrfno:
granum; dma: hiems; Lithu. ‘5, 5, 5; desziintis, 55 mis, Sėma.
10. (a) Gutturals k, g, ch (for s) before e, C (for e), I, 5, ~ and 3
early in the Proto-Sl. period became C, 5, .5, vllCe, voc. of vllkz_i:
XCK€; Selgdi: glandis; pluS ē, 3rd p1. fr. pluchil: ~irXevoctv.
(b) Later k, g, c/i before C, i (for oi or ai), and sometimes after
-I, I, ē, > c, dz (1), s. VlIcC bc. cf. obcot; lt Ii, imperat. of
lcgKi, “lie “: X~yoc.r; dusi, dusCchfl, nom. bc. p1. of
duchii, “ spirit “; kiln ēz-I: Ger. kuning: “
king”
(c) I.E. or Proto-Sl. sj, zjbecame .5, 5, liii, Lithu. siuhi, Lat.
suo, sew “; noSi for *nozjo, knife.”
(d) Non-guttural consonants followed by j (If, dj, nf; pf, l~f, vj,
mj) gave different results (except nj) in different languages (see
below No. V.), but in Proto-Sl. there was already atendency for thej
to melt into and so change the consonant.
11. Proto-SI. gradually got rid of all its closed syllables,
hence—
(a) Final consonants were dropped.. Domit: donius.
(b) Diphthongs became simple vowels ai, 01 > C; leviS: laevus; vCdC:
otSa; ei > i; vidi_i: st&is; au, eu, ou > It; ucho: auris.
12. Proto-Slavonic had long, short and very short or half vowels
(those expressed above by -I and ii). It had a musical accent, free in
its position with different intonations when it fell upon long
syllables. (For the fate of these in different modern languages see
below, No. VIII.)
13. The phenomena of vowel gradation (Ablaut) as presented by Slavonic
are too complicated to be put shortly. In the main they answer to the
I.E., e.g. O.S. birati, berg, sit. boriS: &t-~poc, ~lpo.,, cl~hpo1.
In their morphology the Sl. languages have preserved or developed many
interesting forms. Nouns have three genders, three numbers in O.S.,
Sloyene, Serbo-Croat and Sorb (other tongues have more or less
numerous traces of the Dual), and, except Bulgarian, seven
cases—Nom., Voc. (not in Gt. Russian or Sbovene), Acc., Gen.,
Dat., Instrumental andLocative. The Abi. has coincided with the
Genitive.
‘rhe -ō, -a and -i ddclensions have gained at the expense of the
consonantal stems, and phonetic change has caused many cases to
coincide especially in the -i decl. ‘The comparative of the Adj.
is formed on I.E. models with S < sj corresponding to Latin r < s,
mmli, gen. mInIS a, cf. minus, minoris. The pronominal declension is
less well preserved. There is no article, but i (51) has been added to
the adj. to make it definite; also in Bulgarian and in some dialects
of Russian ti_i is postfixed as a real article.
The SI. verb has lost most of the I.E. voices, moods and tenses
The passive only survives in the pres. and past participles; of the
finite moods there are but the ind~ and opt. (almost always I used as
an imperat.) left; its only old tenses are the pres. and the aor., to
which it has added an impf. of its own. ‘ There is an inf. (in
-ti, being an old dat.) and a supine in -ti’s, an accusative. Of
active partic~p1es there are a pres. and a past and a second past
part. used in making compound tenses. There are a solitary perfect
form, védé: oroa, and a solitary fut. part. b~ysg, gen. by.ltfta:
~n5o-wr, 4~rovros. The verb has two stems; from the pres. stem is
formed the md. pres. and impf., the imperat. and the act, and pass.
pres. participles. All other forms are based upon the infinitive stem.
Personal Endings:—
VRIMARY. SECONDARY.
Non-Thematic._- Thematic.
Sing. Du. Plur. Sing. Du. Plur~ Sing. Du. Plur.
I. -ml -v~ -mis -(m) -ye -mu -(m) -ye -mi~
2. -Si -to -te -il -Ia -le -(s) -ta -te
3. —tI -te -ētl —Il -te -(n)tl -(t) -te -(ni)
1st Sing. In thematic verbs the vowel + m has given q, but there has
been a tendency to replace it according to the nonthematic analogy,
which has necessitated changes in Ist plur.
2nd Sing. -fi has given -~ everywhere but in OS.
3rd Sing. -Il has been dropped everywhere but in Russian, where the
literary language has iü. The Dual only survives in Serb, Sorb,
Slovene and O.S., and in these the forms are confused.
1st plur. -mu has developed a:full vowel where the 1st sing. has
replaced the -in.
The secondary endings have lost their -m, -s, -t and-nt by phonetic
change.
Non-thematic presents are, jesmf, dut, sum; dami (redupi. for
*da4ml), &&oui; jami, edo; vémi, Sanskr. vedmi, “I wit “;
imami (new form of emo), “I have.”
The aorist has no augment; it is sigmatic and non-sigmatic. The latter
or 2nd aor. (cf. Horn. impf. ~pov, 4~p~) survived only in consonant
stems and that in O.S. and Old Cech, peku=~ir€crcrov. It was common in
the 2nd and 3rd sing. (where the -s- forms would not be clear) pele <
*peke..s,*peke4 ~ret1iser, freo-cre. The sigmatic aorist very rarely
and only in consonant stems in O.S. keeps its
-s-, vėsii <*vedsfS. In sterns ending in k, r or a, vowel, s > c/i;
bychu = ~cbVact and this c/i > .1 before ē. The ordinary later form
for consonant stems inserts a vowel, vedochii. The aorist has survived
in S. Slavonic and in. Sorb, and is found in, the older stages of the
other tongues. The same languages (except Slovene) have kept the impf.
which was present in Proto-Sl. but does not go back to I.E., being
formed on the analogy of the aor. With the aor. has coalesced the opt.
biml,” be,” used with the 2nd past part. to make a
conditional. Stem of pres. part. act, ends in -ni- but the consonant
decl. has become an -i~o- decl., so we have vezy Syntactical
peculiarities of the Slavonic languages that may be noted are a
tendency to use the genitive instead of the accusative (which has
often coincided in form with the nominative) in the case of living
beings, masculine -o- stems, and in the plur. the use of the genitive
for the accusative or even nominative iii negative clauses; the dative
absolute and the dative as subject to an infinitive; the instrumental
instead of the nominative as
a predicate, and’ in oratie obliqua the preservation of the
tense of the original statement instead of our way of throwing it into
the past. ‘ ‘
In the use of the verbs the development of “ aspects”
makes up for the few tenses. ~Actions (or.states) expressed by a
verbal form have a beginning, a continuance and an end. There are,
however, some (momentaneous) actions whose beginning and end come
together and allow no continuance. All verbs fall into two great
divisions, imperfective, which express the continuance of an action,
without regard to its beginning or end, and perfective, which express
the points of beginning or ending. The continuance of an action may be
unbroken or may consist of like acts which are repeated. , “So
imperfective verbs are divided in.to durative, as nesti, “ to be
carrying,” and iterative, as nosili, “ to be wont to carry
“; the, repeated acts of the iterative can either be each of
them momentaneous, e.g. Cech, slrileli, “ to shoot,” i.e.
“ be firing single shots,”,’ or each have some
continuance, e.g. nositi above, or we can even. express the occasional
repetition of groups of momentaneous actions, e.g. Cech. sti~ilivati,
“ to have the habit of going out shooting.”
Among perfective verbs we have (I) momentaneous, expressing action
which has no continuance, kriknqti, “to give a cry,”
sésti, ,“ to take a seat “; (2) finilive, expressing not
the continuance of the action, though that there has been, but its end
or completion, naplzlniti, “ to fill to the brim “; (3)
ingressive, expressing the moment of beginning an action, viizl’
ubiti, “to fall in love with.”
As perfective verbs do not express continuance, an idea implied in the
present, they cannot require a present form, so this i.s used for
perfective futures; e.g. sgdq (pres. form fro~n perfective sésti)
=“ I shaJ.1 take,a seat,” as opposed to imperfective b~dti
sidėti, “, I shall be sitting.”. If a preposition is
compounded with a clurative verb as nesli, “ to carry “
(in general), “to be carrying,” it makes it perfective, as
iznesti, “ to carry out “ (one single action
‘brought to a conclusion), so Eng. “sit” is usually
imperfective, “ sit down “perfective. If an iterative has
a preposition it is mostly used as a durative; iznositi can mean.
“habitually, to carry out” but more often=” to be
carrying out,” that is, it supplies the imperfective form to
iznesti. The development of this system has enabled some Slavonic
languages, ‘e.g. Russian, to do with only two tenses, pres. and
past, to each verb morphologically considered, perfective and
imperfective verbs supplementing each other; e.g. if we take a Greelt
‘verb, the pres. (md. and infln.) and irnperf, correspond to the
present, inf. and past of a Russian imperfective verb; the aor. indic.
and inf. are represented by the perfective past and infin., which has
also ‘to do duty for the Greek perfect and plup.; the future and
the future perfect in Greek do not express the same distinctions as
the imperfective future and perfective future (in form a
present)’ in Sl., the Greek giving chronolog~caI order of
action, but not giving the distinction of aspect, though th~ future
perfect is naturally perfective..
The prepositions are very much like those in other I.E. languages both
in actual forms and in use.
The formation of the sentence is not naturally complicated; but Si.
has in times past been largely influenced by Greek, Latin and German
with their involved periods; latterly there has been a tendency to
follow thesimpler models of French and English.
Such, being the Slavonic languages as a whole and regarded in their
relationship to I.E,,.,,~ they may now be considered in their
relationship to each other, and some of the principal characteristics
enumerated upon which their internal classification has been founded.
More or less ,complete accounts, of each languagc will be founcLunder
its name.
Distinct ~ve, Points of Different Si. Languages.t—I. (~, I). The
fate of the Proto-Sl. half vowels ii, 1, still preseived in. O.S., e.
g. sunu, “sleep,’,’, dIM, “ day,” is
various; as a rule they disapp~ar, I/ entirely (though when final
still written in R.), I leaves a tr,a~e by softening the preceding
consonant. But if needed to eke out
f Bulg. = Bulgarian; ~. = tech; Ka~. = Ka~ube; Lit. R. Little Russian;
P. = Polish;- R. = Russian, i.e. Great Russian; Ser. ~ Servian; Wh. R.
White Russian.
consonants, in Sorb, Slovak, Lit. R. and mostly in Gt. R., ü, I
develop into full vowels o, e—R. sonü, gen. sna; d’enl,
gen. dn’a. In. Polish and Cech both> e, but in P. 1 softens the
preceding cons., in C. it usually does not—P. sen, dzień; C.
sen, den; in Slovene and Ser. they are not distinguished, Slovene ü, a
or e, sun, dan or den==Ser. a, san, dan, gen. dana, Ser. keeping the
middle vowel which is elsewhere dropped. Bulgarian varies
dialectically.
II. (y.) y on.ly remains in ‘ Gt. Russian, Polish and Sorb
though still writ ten in Cech; it has elsewhere become i, but in
Polish it becomes i after k and g, in Sorb and R. after k, g,
c/i— O.S. kysnqli, “ go sour,” gybnq/i, “
perish,” chytrii, “ cunning “;
P. kisna~, gin ēic, chyter; R. kisnuti, gibnutl, chit’erIi.
III. (r, 1.) The treatment of the liquids varies greatly.
(a) r is always a lingual trill, never alveolar. In S. Slav. it is
only softened before j and ~—O.S. zorja,” dawn.” In
N.W. and E. Slav. r became r’ before 1, i,e, ē, ~ andj. Russian
and Slovak have remained at this stage, C., Polish, Kal. have made 1
into I~ (rz) in which r and 1 are run into one. (See Table I.) But
TABL
I i e
OS. . . . zvérl, “ beast “ yin/i, “believe “
remeni, “
Russian . . zvirl vir’i/I r’em’enl
Polish . . . zwierz wierzyi rzemień
P. ē for orig. q does not soften—P. rēka: O.S. r~ika,”
hand.” In Sorb such a change only happened after k, p, t, in
which case
High S. has I (written ,~), Low S. I, but in Low S., r after k, p,
becomes I even before hard vowels: Proto-Si. In, “three,”
High S./Ii, Low S.t~i; Proto-Sl. kraj, “edge,” HighS.
kraj, Low S. kIaf.
(b) 1 occurs in three varieties, t, 1, 1’, but each language has
geqerally either middle 1 alone or else I and 1’. Lit. R. and
Bulg. have all three. 1 has been arrived at in C. and Slovene by the
loss of the distinctions, perhaps under German intluence; Ser. has 1
and 1’, final l>o; but I occurs in dialects of all languages and
was no doubt in O.S., Proto-Sl. and even Balto-Slav. It has a velar
and a labial element and in most languages tends to appear as o, u, v
or w, though this is only written in , — Ser. and Lit. R. O.S.
dalii, Proto-Sl Stem “gave,” R. datif, Lit. R. day, Wh. R.
day, daw, P. dal *gord_ “ hortus,” “town “ g
(dialect daI~), C. dat, Ser. duo. *molt hammer “ . . 1’ is
very soft, like Fr. yule. *berg_ Ger.” berg,”
“shore” b
(c) N.W. Slav. keeps -Ii- -di- *mejk.. “ milk “ . . .
whereas S. Slav. (except some *helm_ “helm “ cases of
Slovene padi, pie/la, *gelb~ “groove” ... &c.) and R. drop
the / and
d—C. padi, “fell,” radio, “ aratrum,”
pie/i, “ plaited” ; OS. and R. paul, ralo, plelif, but R.
drops 1 of masc. sing. past,part. II. after other consonants. 0.S.
nest if, C. nest, R. n’esii, “ carried.”
(d) Proto-Sl. r, 1 or perhaps ür, Ir, Ill, 11 gave S. Slav., ~. and
Slovak t’, / written in OS. ni, ri, hi, ii indifferenily, though
soft
TAEL
Proto-Sl. O.S. Buig. usu. Ser. Slovene.
on, On; en, en. q; e. ~, or 0; e. U; c. 0, 0; e, I.
*m~~flha, “pain” mqka niifka infika mOka, monka,
*monkd, “flour” m(ika mifnka müka mOka, müka
*deS0~1, “ ten “ deseti desell desel desit tpen/I, “
five “ pc/I pc/I pci pit
and hard may once have been distinguished. Of this group Slovene and
Ser. later allowed the ~ to become 01,, ou or u. Sorb, Polish and R.
developed various vowels, partly according to the original quality,
partly according to other inffuences, e.g. O.S. snid Ice, “
heart,” tnifgif, “ market,” vllkfl, “
wolf,” slif nice, “sot “; Ser. srdce, Irg, vuk,
sunce; Slovene srdce, trg, yolk, .wlnce;
C. srdce, Irk, vTh, since; P. serce, tang, wilk, slonce; R.
s’erdce, tar gil, vo,lkü, solnce.
(e) Proto-Sl. nil, ri, hi, ii had in S. Slav. and partly in C. the
same fate as r, (; in Polish and R. the vowel comes after the liquid.
O.S. briiv-I, “brow,” krlstif, “cross,” piuti,
“flesh,” sllza, “ tear “; Ser. bnv, krst, put,
suza; Slovene, brv, krst, polt, soiza; C. bnv, but plet’; P.
brew, krzest, phi, (s)~za; R. brov-t, kr’estif, plo/I,
sl’eza.
(J) Proto-Sl. -or-, -ol-, -er-, -ci- before a consonant.
(i.) Type ort, oil (ert, cit are not certain) beginning a word.—
The liquid mostly comes first, sometimes the same vowel persists in
all languages, e.g. Proto-Sl. *ordlo (Lithu. Orkias, aratrum) , O.S.,
Buig., Ser., Slovene, R. tab, C. Polab. P., radio. But Proto-Sl.
*eldii (Lithu. eldija), 0.5. aliidiji, ladiji, “boat,”
Ser., Slovene, ladja, R. lodija, C. lodi, Polab, lüd’a and *orvn
(Pruss. arwis), O.S. ravlnil, “even,” Ser. rdvan, Bulg.
Slovene, rifven, R. rov’enil, C. rovn35,P. rO~ny show Russian
agreeing with N.W. Slav against S. Slav. The difference probably
depends on intonation.
(ii.) Type tort, tolt, tert, tell with a consonant before as well:
e I.
g j
itrap “ tnēsq lrēseii, “ tremo “ nika, “ river
“ zorja, “dawn”
tn’asu tr’as’ oil r’ika
tirzqsē trzgsiesz rzeka zorza
the various treatments of this combination are among the chief
criteria for classification, esp. the Russian speciality called full
vocalism (polnoglasie) torot, blot, tenet, telel (or.’ blot,
telot) which is probably archaic, is one of the chief reasons for
putting Russian in a separate division; Polish and Sorb come nearest
to it, with trot, tiot, fret, lid, but the N.W. division is not
uniform as Kalube and the extinct Polab have the interesting forms
tort, tuft, tnt, hat, which are partly archaic, partly a transition to
the most novel forms of the southern group to which Cech and Slovakin
this particular accede, trat, tiat, tniI, tlil, but after C and I Cech
has tlat for hit. Deviations due to intonation have not been set
forth. (See Table II.)
TABLE IL
R. P. Polab, Kal. Ci. S. Sl. e.g. O.S.
,rodf grOd gord knad grad if
obotü mtot miat inlat ml at if en’egil brzeg brig bieh brigü
oboko mieko miak— mléko miOko .iel’emü or Ielomf ilOrnif
lobff Slob (Ka~.) Slob Slab Slibil
IV. The Proto-Slavonic nasals q and ē could be either long or short.
This distribution is fairly kept in languages which have quantity
‘and governs the results in Polish in which the nasal sound is
preserved. The examples below show the main representatives. Traces of
nasal pronunciation survive in Bulgarian, Slovene and Kalube. (See
Table III.)
III.
- Ci. Sorb, High, Low. R. P. Kaiube. u, ou; C, 0. U; a,je; e, 0. u;ja.
c, a;jf,jq. q; i, I.
muka ‘muka nnf ha mēka mtika mouka muka mukd mqka mqka deset
diesac’, iaseb d’ei’ati dziesiēi d~esic
pit pjei, pi.t p’a/I piai>pifi plc or plinc
In KaSube ci remains; ē becomes nasalized i or i and this may lose the
nasal or restore it as a full n or m; it has also nasalized all the
other vowels and has the power of using~ nasals in loanwords, e.g.
testamqt, as did O.S. e.g. kolēda, kaiendae, sqdif=sund. Polab has q
and ē—ronka, OS. nczka, “hand,” mengsie=inēsa,
‘ carnis,” but swan/c— svēhii, “ holy.”
‘ -
V. Softening (Palatalization, &c.).—-Nothing has so much
affected Slavonic speech as the effect of 1, 1, e, ė, ē andj on
preceding consonants, and the variations produced are among the chief
points of difference between the languages.
(a) The gutturals felt this first of all, k, g, ch, become (I.) 1, 5,
.1 and (II.) c, dz(z), s, and these changes are universal (see 10,
A - a, b above) except that after the separation of the Slays
~. ~ the same process was continued in the S. and E. branches
even when a v intervened, whereas the N.W. branch remained untouched.
Proto-Sl. *kvetü, “flower,” *gvezda, “star
“(vuilchvi), magi; O.S. cvltü, dzvésda, (vliisvi); R. cvltif,
zvlzda; but Cech kvėt, hvėzda; P. kwiat, gwiazda.
(b) The action of j was the most general, influencing the dentals in
all languages and in some the labials as well, whereas
the narrow vowels act on the dentals only and that
- not in all languages. The results of Proto-Si. fj, dj in
O.S. and Bulg. are the most surprising, giving it’, Sd’,
by way of -~ and SdI (as is shown by their agreeing with the results
of Proto-Sl.
Proto-Slav. O.S. Bulg. Mac. S~
*svllja, “ candle “ . . svéft’a svi.ita svek’a
*~nedja,~ boundary” . me5d’a meSda meg’a
tpektj, “ stove “ . . peJtl peiti
*?noglj, “ power “ . .mo~if mogti’
stj, skj, e.g. prėlIst’en’ü, “ deceived,”
ift’q, “ I seek,” ci. R. lliienfl, iilu). Some
Macedonians have the strange result k’ and g’. Among the
Serbo-Croats we find every grade betweent’, d’, and
c’, dz’, or I, dS, the Slovenes having c’, j (our
y), the Cechs and Sorbs c, z, the Poles and Polabs c, dz, and the
Russians landS; the fate of ktj and g!j has been the same as that of
tj throughout.
(c) Before the narrow sounds f, i, e,’ C and the descendants of
ē there has resulted a later softening which has gone’ farthest
in
1- ~ Low Sorb, producing ~ and 5, and in High Sorb and
Polish, C and dS, not so far in Gt. R. where t’ d’
rethain,
Wh. R. is intermediate with nbw C, df, now t’, d’; in C.
even
1’ d’ only come before 1, i and C. In S. Slavonic this
effect is
dialectical. C. tClo, “ body,” dClati, “
make,” deset, “ ten “;
P. ciato, dzielo, dziesifC; High Sorb, dfesaC; Low Sorb, Sase5;
Wh. R. Cdo, dfelo, dSeSaC; Gt. R. t’ilo, d’llo,
d’es’atI.
(d) S, z, H, beforej gave 5, 5, n’ throughout (No. 10, C, d,
above).
Before the narrow vowels they give .t, i, ń in Sorb,
s• Z~ 11. Polish, Slovak and Russian, but Cech has no .c or S or
It
before e nor always before 1; S. Slavonic has n’ before j.
Otherwise in it such softening is only dialectical, but Bulgarian
forms a transition to Russian.
(e) In Polish and Sorb we have the labials p’, b’
(f’), v’, m’ softening before j and the narrow
vowels, in Cech only before C,
in Slovak nowhere. In S. Slavonic they only soften ~. b.I. V. before j
and then thej appears as 1’ (p1’, bl’, vl’,
ml’),
invariably in Serb, generally in Slovene, generally too
in Russian, but there before the narrow sounds of newer formation they
can all be softened in the ordinary way (p’, b’,f’,
v’, m’), in Bulgarian this 1 has disappeared and we have
p’, ii, v’, m’. But 0.S. followed the S. Slav. rule;
and the 1 was probably once present in NW. Slav. It remains everywhere
in one or two roots—O.S. pl’ujq (~rrimo for splu5o) , R.
pl’uju, P. plujē, otherwise O.S. zeml’a, R.
z’eml’a, P. ziemia, “ humus.”
On the whole the various languages do not differ much in principle in
the treatment of j, but softening before 1, i, e, C, ē, seems to have
its extreme point in P., Kal. and Polab, spreading from them to Sorb,
White Russia1~ and Gt. Russian; Cech, Slovak and Lit. Russian have it
in a far less degree, and in S. Slavonic it is very little developed.
VI. Right across the Slavonic world from W. to E. g has
become Ii, leaving the N. and the S. untouched. This change is found
in Cech, Slovak, High but not Low
Sorb, is traceable in Polish, and characteristic in White, South Gt.
Russian and Lit. Russian, also in the Russian pronunciation of Ch.
Slavonic. The h produced is rather the spirant gli than the true
aspirate. Low Sorb, R., 0.S., &c., gora, P. gdra,
“mountain.” ~., Slovak, High Sorb, Wh. and Lit. R. hora.
VII. Common Slav je and ju beginning a word appear in R. as o and u;
O.S. jedinIt, “one,” jucha, “broth “; R.
odinif, ucha.
VIII. Proto-SI., as we have seen, had long, short and veryshort or
half vowels and a musical accent with differing intonations. O.S. was
probably similar, but we have no sufficient
materials for determining its quantities or accents as systematic
writing of the latter only came in from the
14th century. The fate of the half vowels we have seen (I.). Traces of
former long vowels are very clearly to be seen in Sorb, Polish and
Lit. R., and less clearly in Bulg. and Gt. R., all of which have lost
distinctions of quantity; Slovene can have long vowels only under the
accent. In KaSube, C., Slovak and SerboCr. there are also unaccented
long syllables. Russian has kept the place of the original accent
best, next to it Bulgarian; consequently it seema very capricious,
appearing on different syllables in different flexions, but it has
become merely expiratory. In Slovene it is still musical, but is, so
to speak, steadier. For the
rbo-Croat and Slovene. ~. P. R.
svijet’u svjeCa svtia svice ~wieca svCla
med’a medIa meja meze miedza m’ela
peC pcI , pec piec p’elI
maC mac ‘ mac moe mall
intonations Serbo-Croat is the chief guide, but here the accent
intonation is spread over two syllables, in Croatian (Ca dialect), the
main stress is usually on the old place, in Servian (fto dialect) it
has shifted back one. In N.W. Slavonic, with the exception of KaSube
,in which it is free, the accent is fixed, in C., Slovak and Sorb on
the first syllable of the word, in Polish on the penultimate.
On the whole it may be said that the geographical classification of
the Slays into N.W., S. and E. Slays is justified linguistically,
though too much stress must not be laid upon it as the lines of
division ‘are made less definite by the approximation of the
languages which come ne~ct each other, the special characteristics of
each group are generally represented in dialects of the others if not
in the written languages; also some peculiarities (e.g. VI., g>h) run
right across all boundaries, ‘and secondary softening runs from
N. to S., becoming less as it goes away from Poland (V., c). In fact,
the triple division might be purely arbitrary but for the fact that
the belt of Germans, Magyars and Rumanians has made impossible the
survival of transitional dialects connecting up Cech with Slovene,
Slovak with Servian, Russian with Bulgarian. Slovak, as it were, just
fails to be a universal link:
in the north Russian and Polish have much in common, but Lithuania
made some sort of barrier and the difference of religion favoured
separate development.
In the north Polish is closely connected with Kalube, and this with
Polab, making the group of L’ach dialects in which the nasals
survived (IV.). The two Sorb dialects link the L’achs on to the
Cechs and Slovaks, the whole making the N.W. group with its preference
for c, 1, S as against 1, 5, .1 (which were perhaps unknown to Polab,
V. b), its b’ as against bi’ (V. e), its keeping kv’
and gv’ (V. a), tl and dl (III. c), its 1 (III. a, not in
Slovak) and the fixed accent (VIII. not in KaS.). The whole group
(except Sorb) agrees with R. in having lost the aor. and impf. Yet C.
and Slovak agree with S. Slav. in. trat, trCt (III.f, ii.) in survival
of r and ~ (III. d) and of quantity (VIII.). Again, Slovene has
occasional tl, dl (III. c), and its accent and quantity are not quite
southerly, but its many dialects shade across to Croat and Servian,
and they must all be classed together for the fate of tj, dj (V. b)
and 7, ē (IV.). The Sopcy and Macedonians, among their numerous
dialects, ‘make a bridge between Servian and Bulgarian. The
special mark of the latter is tj, dj>St, Id, which is the main
philological argument for making O.S. Bulgarian. In general S. Slav.
shows less soft letters than N.W. and E. ~V. c and d). It shares with
Russian bi 1(111. c), kv’, gv’>cs Iv (V. a) and the
general loss of q, ē (IV.), and is closer to it in the fate of tj, dj
(V. b). Bulgarian, especially in some dialects, is, asit were, a
transition to Russian, e.g. in accentuation.
Russian stands by itself by its torot, blot (III. f, ii.) and
‘its
V. Softening (Palatalization, &c.).—-Nothing has so much
affected Slavonic speech as the effect of 1, 1, e, ė, ē andj on
preceding consonants, and the variations produced are among the chief
points of difference between the languages.
(a) The gutturals felt this first of all, k, g, ch, become (I.) 1, 5,
.1 and (II.) c, dz(z), s, and these changes are universal (see 10,
A - a, b above) except that after the separation of the Slays
~. ~ the same process was continued in the S. and E. branches
even when a v intervened, whereas the N.W. branch remained untouched.
Proto-Sl. *kvetü, “flower,” *gvezda, “star
“(vuilchvi), magi; O.S. cvltü, dzvésda, (vliisvi); R. cvltif,
zvlzda; but Cech kvėt, hvėzda; P. kwiat, gwiazda.
(b) The action of j was the most general, influencing the dentals in
all languages and in some the labials as well, whereas
the narrow vowels act on the dentals only and that
- not in all languages. The results of Proto-Si. fj, dj in
O.S. and Bulg. are the most surprising, giving it’, Sd’,
by way of -~ and SdI (as is shown by their agreeing with the results
of Proto-Sl.
Proto-Slav. O.S. Bulg. Mac. S~
*svllja, “ candle “ . . svéft’a svi.ita svek’a
*~nedja,~ boundary” . me5d’a meSda meg’a
tpektj, “ stove “ . . peJtl peiti
*?noglj, “ power “ . .mo~if mogti’
stj, skj, e.g. prėlIst’en’ü, “ deceived,”
ift’q, “ I seek,” ci. R. lliienfl, iilu). Some
Macedonians have the strange result k’ and g’. Among the
Serbo-Croats we find every grade betweent’, d’, and
c’, dz’, or I, dS, the Slovenes having c’, j (our
y), the Cechs and Sorbs c, z, the Poles and Polabs c, dz, and the
Russians landS; the fate of ktj and g!j has been the same as that of
tj throughout.
(c) Before the narrow sounds f, i, e,’ C and the descendants of
ē there has resulted a later softening which has gone’ farthest
in
1- ~ Low Sorb, producing ~ and 5, and in High Sorb and
Polish, C and dS, not so far in Gt. R. where t’ d’
rethain,
Wh. R. is intermediate with nbw C, df, now t’, d’; in C.
even
1’ d’ only come before 1, i and C. In S. Slavonic this
effect is
dialectical. C. tClo, “ body,” dClati, “
make,” deset, “ ten “;
P. ciato, dzielo, dziesifC; High Sorb, dfesaC; Low Sorb, Sase5;
Wh. R. Cdo, dfelo, dSeSaC; Gt. R. t’ilo, d’llo,
d’es’atI.
(d) S, z, H, beforej gave 5, 5, n’ throughout (No. 10, C, d,
above).
Before the narrow vowels they give .t, i, ń in Sorb,
s• Z~ 11. Polish, Slovak and Russian, but Cech has no .c or S or
It
before e nor always before 1; S. Slavonic has n’ before j.
Otherwise in it such softening is only dialectical, but Bulgarian
forms a transition to Russian.
(e) In Polish and Sorb we have the labials p’, b’
(f’), v’, m’ softening before j and the narrow
vowels, in Cech only before C,
in Slovak nowhere. In S. Slavonic they only soften ~. b.I. V. before j
and then thej appears as 1’ (p1’, bl’, vl’,
ml’),
invariably in Serb, generally in Slovene, generally too
in Russian, but there before the narrow sounds of newer formation they
can all be softened in the ordinary way (p’, b’,f’,
v’, m’), in Bulgarian this 1 has disappeared and we have
p’, ii, v’, m’. But 0.S. followed the S. Slav. rule;
and the 1 was probably once present in NW. Slav. It remains everywhere
in one or two roots—O.S. pl’ujq (~rrimo for splu5o) , R.
pl’uju, P. plujē, otherwise O.S. zeml’a, R.
z’eml’a, P. ziemia, “ humus.”
On the whole the various languages do not differ much in principle in
the treatment of j, but softening before 1, i, e, C, ē, seems to have
its extreme point in P., Kal. and Polab, spreading from them to Sorb,
White Russia1~ and Gt. Russian; Cech, Slovak and Lit. Russian have it
in a far less degree, and in S. Slavonic it is very little developed.
VI. Right across the Slavonic world from W. to E. g has
become Ii, leaving the N. and the S. untouched. This change is found
in Cech, Slovak, High but not Low
Sorb, is traceable in Polish, and characteristic in White, South Gt.
Russian and Lit. Russian, also in the Russian pronunciation of Ch.
Slavonic. The h produced is rather the spirant gli than the true
aspirate. Low Sorb, R., 0.S., &c., gora, P. gdra,
“mountain.” ~., Slovak, High Sorb, Wh. and Lit. R. hora.
VII. Common Slav je and ju beginning a word appear in R. as o and u;
O.S. jedinIt, “one,” jucha, “broth “; R.
odinif, ucha.
VIII. Proto-SI., as we have seen, had long, short and veryshort or
half vowels and a musical accent with differing intonations. O.S. was
probably similar, but we have no sufficient
materials for determining its quantities or accents as systematic
writing of the latter only came in from the
14th century. The fate of the half vowels we have seen (I.). Traces of
former long vowels are very clearly to be seen in Sorb, Polish and
Lit. R., and less clearly in Bulg. and Gt. R., all of which have lost
distinctions of quantity; Slovene can have long vowels only under the
accent. In KaSube, C., Slovak and SerboCr. there are also unaccented
long syllables. Russian has kept the place of the original accent
best, next to it Bulgarian; consequently it seema very capricious,
appearing on different syllables in different flexions, but it has
become merely expiratory. In Slovene it is still musical, but is, so
to speak, steadier. For the
rbo-Croat and Slovene. ~. P. R.
svijet’u svjeCa svtia svice ~wieca svCla
med’a medIa meja meze miedza m’ela
peC pcI , pec piec p’elI
maC mac ‘ mac moe mall
intonations Serbo-Croat is the chief guide, but here the accent
intonation is spread over two syllables, in Croatian (Ca dialect), the
main stress is usually on the old place, in Servian (fto dialect) it
has shifted back one. In N.W. Slavonic, with the exception of KaSube
,in which it is free, the accent is fixed, in C., Slovak and Sorb on
the first syllable of the word, in Polish on the penultimate.
On the whole it may be said that the geographical classification of
the Slays into N.W., S. and E. Slays is justified linguistically,
though too much stress must not be laid upon it as the lines of
division ‘are made less definite by the approximation of the
languages which come ne~ct each other, the special characteristics of
each group are generally represented in dialects of the others if not
in the written languages; also some peculiarities (e.g. VI., g>h) run
right across all boundaries, ‘and secondary softening runs from
N. to S., becoming less as it goes away from Poland (V., c). In fact,
the triple division might be purely arbitrary but for the fact that
the belt of Germans, Magyars and Rumanians has made impossible the
survival of transitional dialects connecting up Cech with Slovene,
Slovak with Servian, Russian with Bulgarian. Slovak, as it were, just
fails to be a universal link:
in the north Russian and Polish have much in common, but Lithuania
made some sort of barrier and the difference of religion favoured
separate development.
In the north Polish is closely connected with Kalube, and this with
Polab, making the group of L’ach dialects in which the nasals
survived (IV.). The two Sorb dialects link the L’achs on to the
Cechs and Slovaks, the whole making the N.W. group with its preference
for c, 1, S as against 1, 5, .1 (which were perhaps unknown to Polab,
V. b), its b’ as against bi’ (V. e), its keeping kv’
and gv’ (V. a), tl and dl (III. c), its 1 (III. a, not in
Slovak) and the fixed accent (VIII. not in KaS.). The whole group
(except Sorb) agrees with R. in having lost the aor. and impf. Yet C.
and Slovak agree with S. Slav. in. trat, trCt (III.f, ii.) in survival
of r and ~ (III. d) and of quantity (VIII.). Again, Slovene has
occasional tl, dl (III. c), and its accent and quantity are not quite
southerly, but its many dialects shade across to Croat and Servian,
and they must all be classed together for the fate of tj, dj (V. b)
and 7, ē (IV.). The Sopcy and Macedonians, among their numerous
dialects, ‘make a bridge between Servian and Bulgarian. The
special mark of the latter is tj, dj>St, Id, which is the main
philological argument for making O.S. Bulgarian. In general S. Slav.
shows less soft letters than N.W. and E. ~V. c and d). It shares with
Russian bi 1(111. c), kv’, gv’>cs Iv (V. a) and the
general loss of q, ē (IV.), and is closer to it in the fate of tj, dj
(V. b). Bulgarian, especially in some dialects, is, asit were, a
transition to Russian, e.g. in accentuation.
Russian stands by itself by its torot, blot (III. f, ii.) and
‘its
treatment of tj and dj (V. b) antI the place of its accent (VIII.) in
all of which it is rather archaic, while je>o, ju>u (VII.) is its own
innovation. In its secondary softenings Lit. R., Gt. R. and Wh. R.
make a gradual bridge between S. Slav and Polish (V-c-c). In common
with Polish, R. further has the retention of y (II.) and the loss of
the aor. and impf.
Finally, within historic time certain dialects have influenced others
through literary and political intercourse. 0.S. has influenced all
the Orthodox Slays and the Croats, so that Russian is full of words
with OS. forms pronounced a la Russe (q>u, ē>ja, ft’>f~, &c.).
Cech has almost overshadowed Slovak and early afforded literary models
to Polish. Polish has overshadowed Ka~ube and much influenced Little
and White Russian and Great Russian in a less degree. Russian has in
its turn supplied modern Bulgarian with a model. Again, other tongues
have contributed something; in common Slavonic there are already
German loan words, and others have followed in various periods,
especially in Cech and Polish, while the very structure of Slovene and
Sorb has been affected. Polish has adopted many Latin words. Bulgarian
and Servian received many Turkish words. Russian took over many
Eastern words in the Tatar period, and the common vocabulary of
Western civilization since the time of Peter the’ Great, but on
the whole, though the Slav easily takes to a fresh language, he has
kept his own free from great admixture.
BIBLIOGRAPHV.—I. Ethnography: M. F. Mirkovi~ and A. S.
Budilovi~, Etnografileskaja Karta Slavjanskich Narodnostej
(Ethnographical Map of SI. Peoples) (St Petersburg, 1875); Le Monnier,
Sprachenkarte von Osterreich- Ungarn (Vienna, 1888); OsterreichUngarn
im Wart und Bild (Vienna and Teschen). 2. Antiquities
and Early History: P. J. ~afa~ik, Slovanské Staroiitnosti (Slavonic
Antiquities: German and Russian Translations) (Prague, 1862—
1863); A. Th. Hilferding, Collected Works (St P., 1868); A.
I’Iarkavy, Skazania Musul’manskich Pisalelej o Slavjanach
i Russach
(Information of Musulman writers about the Sl. and Rus.) (St P.,
18’o); M. Drinov, Zaselenie Balkanskago J?oluostrova Slavjanami
(Occupation of the Balkan Peninsula by the SI.) (Moscow, 1873);
U. Krek, Einleitung in die slavische Liieraturgeschichte (Graz, 1886);
Th. Braun, Razyskania v oblasti Golo-Slavjanskich Oinosenij
(Investigations into the province of Gotho-Slavonic Relations) (St P.,
1899);
J. Marquart, Osteuropdische und ostas-iatische Sireifziige (Leipzig,
1903); L. Niederle,~ Lidstvo v dobh Ųedhistorické (Prague, 1893), Man
in Prehistoric Time,” Russian Trans. (St P., 1898), Slovanské
StaroSitnosti (Slavonic Antiquities, a splendid review of the whole
subject) (Prague, 1902——). 3. Proto-Slavonic and
Comparative Grammars, &c.: A. Schleicher, Vergleicfiende Grammatik der
indogermanischen Sprachen (Weimar, 1866): J. Schmidt, ,Die
Verwandschaftsverhaltnisse der I.-G. Sprachen (Weimar, 1872); 0.
Schrader, Reallexikon d. I.-G. Altertumskunde (Strassburg, 1907); V.
Jagi~, ‘ Einige Streitfragen: 3. Eine einheitliche slavische
Ursprache,” in Arch. f. slav. Phil. xxu. (1900); Fr. Miklosich,
Vergleiche,ule Grammatik der sI. Spr. (Vienna, 1875—1883); T.
Florinskij, Lekcii po Slavjanskomy JaIykoznaniu (Lectures on Slavonic
Linguistics. Both Miklosich and Florinskij give short grammars of each
language) (Kiev, 1895—1897); V. Vondrįk, Vergleichende slavische
Grammatik (a true comparative grammar) (Gottingen, 1906—1908);
F. Mikiosich, Etymologisches Wörierbuch der slavischen Sprachen
(Vienna, 1886); R. Th. Brandt, Nalertanie Slavjanskoj Akcentologii
(Outline of SI. Accentuation) (St P., 1880); E. Berneker, Slavische
Chrestomathie mit Glossaren (specimens of all SI. tongues)
(Strassburg, 1902). The central organ for Slavonic studies is A rchiv
fur slavische Philologie, conducted by V. Jagii (Berlin, 1876—).
4. Literary History: A. N. Pypin and Spasowicz, Istoria slavjanskkh
Literatur (2nd ed., St P., 1879); W. R. Morfill, Slavonic Literature
(S.P.C.K., London, 1883). 5. 0.S. Grammar, &c.: F. Miklosich,
Altslovenische Formenlehre in Paradigmen (\Jienna, 1874); A. Leskien,
Handbuch der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavischen) Sprache (with
Texts) (4th ed., Weimar, ‘905), Russian trans. with account of
Ostromir Gospel by S~epkin and ~achmatov (Moscow, 1890); V. Vondrįk,
Altkirchenslavische Gram matik (Berlin, 1900); F. Miklosich, Lexicon
PalaeoslovenicumGraeco-Latinum (Vienna, 1862—1865). 6. OS.
Texts; Evangeliun, Zographense (glag.), ed. Jagi~ (Berlin, 1879);
Evangelium Marianum (glag.), ed. Jagié (St P.,1883);EvangeliumAssemani
(glag.), ed.~rn~ié (Rome, 1878); Psalterium ci Euchologium Sinaitica
(glag.), ed. Geitler (Agram, 1882—1883); Glagolita Clozianus,
ed. Vondrįk (Prague, r893); “ Fragmenta Kieviana” (glag.),
ed. Jagi& Denkschr.
k. Akad. d. W., phil-lust. Kt. xxxviii. (Vienna, 1890); Codex
Suprasliensis (cyr.), ed. Miklosich (Vienna, 1851); Evangeliuni Savvae
(cyr.), ed. S&-pkin (St P., 1900); Evangelium Ostromiri (cyr.), ed.
Savvinkov (St P., 1889). 7. Alphabets: P. J. Safa~Ik, Uber den
Ursprung und Heimat des Glagolismus (Prague, 1858); I. Taylor, The
Alphabet, vol. ii. (London, 1883); L. Geitler, Die
olbanesischen und slavischen Sciuriften (facsimiles) (Vienna, 1883);
V. Jagii, Get yre Paleografileskia Statji (Four Palaeographical
Articles) (St P., 1884); Id. “ Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der
kirchenslavischen Sprache,” in Denkschr. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss.,
phil.-hist. Ki. xlvii. (Vienna, 1902); id. “ Einige Streitfragen
5.” (numerical value and nasals in glag.), in Arch. 1. sl. Phil.
XXiii. (1901); A. Leskien, “Zur glagolitrschen Schrift,”
lb. xxvi. (i~o5); A. Bruckner, “Thesen zur
Cyrillo-Methodianischen Frage,” lb. xxvii. (1906); E. Th.
Karskij, 0~erk Slavjanskoj KirilovskOj Palevgrafii (Outline of SI.
Cyrillic Palaeography) (Warsaw, 1901). (E. H. M.)
June R Harton
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BALKAN PENINSULA
The principal summits are Olympus (9794 ft.), overlooking the Gulf of
Salonica; Musall~ (9631) and Popova Shapka (8855), both in the Rhodope
system; Liubotrn in the Shar Dagh (8989); Elm, in the Penn Planina
(8794); Belmeken. in southern Bulgaria (chain of Dospat, 8562);
Smolika in the Pindus range (8445); . Dormitor in northern Montenegro
(8294); Kaimakchalan in central Macedonia (8255); and Kiona in Aetolia
(8235). Owing to the distribution of the mountain-chains, the
principal rivers flow in an easterly or southeasterly direction; the
Danube falls into the Black Sea, the Maritza, Mesta, Struma (Strymon),
Vardar and Salambria into the Aegean. The only considerable rivers
flowing into the Adriatic are the Narenta, Drin and Viossa.
MACEDONIAN EMPIRE, the name generally given to the empire founded by
Alexander the Great of Macedon in the countries now represented by
Greece and European Turkey, Asia Minor, Egypt, Syria, Persia and
eastwards as far as northern India-.1
This was achieved by the kings of Macedonia. The work, begun by his
predecessors, of consolidating the kingdom internally and making- its
army a fighting-machine of high power was completed by the genius of
Philip II. (359-336 B.C.), who at the same time by war and diplomacy
brought the Greek states of the Balkan peninsula generally to
recognize his single predominance.
Then came the invasion of the Persian empire by Alexander in 334 at
the head of an army composed both of Macedonians and contingents from
the allied Greek states.
The army of Alexander was an instrument which he inherited from his
father Philip. Its core was composed of the Macedonian peasantry who
served on foot in heavy armour (" the s Aemy Foot-companions
")ireferatpoi). They formed the phalanx, and were divided into 6
brigades (rd£«s), probably on the territorial system.
Alexander's gold coinage, indeed (possibly not struck till after the
invasion of Asia), follows in weight that of Philip's staters; but he
seems at once to have adopted for his silver coins (of a smaller
denomination than the tetradrachm) the Euboic-Attic standard, instead
of the Phoenician, which had been Philip's.
This imperial coinage was designed to break down the monetary
predominance of Athens (Beloch, Gr. Gesch. iii. [i.], 42)
Three solid kingdoms had thus emerged from all the fighting since
Alexander's death: the kingdom of the Antigonids in the original land
of the race, the kingdom of the Ptolemies in Egypt, and that of the
Seleucids, extending from the Aegean to India. For the next 100 years
these are the three great powers of the eastern Mediterranean.
Whilst the Antigonid kingdom remained practically whole till the Roman
conquest ended it in 168 B.C., and the house of Ptolemy ruled in Egypt
till the death of Cleopatra in 30 B.C., the Seleucid Empire perished
by a slow process of disruption.
The king's state dress was the same in principle as that worn by the
Macedonian or Thessalian horsemen, as the uniform of his own cavalry
officers.
There were other traces in the Hellenistic courts of the old
Macedonian tradition besides in dress. One was the honour given to
prowess in the chase (Polyb. xxii. 3, 8; Diod. xxxiv. 34). Another was
the fashion for the king to hold wassail with his courtiers, in which
he unbent to an extent scandalous to the Greeks, dancing or indulging
in routs and practical jokes.1
The prominent part taken by the women of the royal house was a
Macedonian characteristic. The history of these kingdoms furnishes a
long list of queens and princesses who were ambitious
1 Antiochus Epiphanes was an extreme case. For the Antigonid court see
Diog. Laert. vii. 13; Plut. Aral. 17; for the Seleucid, Athen. iy.
issb; v. 2iia; for the Ptolemaic, Diog. L. vii. 177; Athen. vi. 2460;
Plut. Cleom. 33; Just. xxx. I.
and masterful politicians, of which the great Cleopatra is the last
and the most famous.
It was customary, as in Persia and in old Macedonia, for the great men
of the realm to send their children to court to be brought up with the
children of the royal house.
Even Iranian kings in the last century B.C. found pleasure in
composing, or listening to, Greek tragedies, and Herod the Great
kept Greek men of letters beside him and had spasmodic ambitions to
make his mark as an orator or author (Nicol. Dam. frag. 4; F.H.G. III.
p. 350).
The Antigonid and Seleucid courts had much valuable material at hand
for their armies in the barbarian races under their sway. The Balkan
hill-peoples of Illyrian or Thracian stock, the hill-peoples of Asia
Minor and Iran, the chivalry of Media and Bactria, the mounted bowmen
of the Caspian steppes, the camel-riders of the Arabian desert, could
all be turned to account.
It was thus that when Rome became a world-empire, it found to some
extent the forms of government ready made, and took over from the
Hellenistic monarchies a tradition which it handed on to the later
world.
MACEDONIA
In modern Macedonia are included thevilayet of Salonica (Turk.
Selanik), the eastern and greater por- tion
of the vilayet of Monastir (sanjaks of Monastir, Servia[Turk.
Selfije], and part of that of Kortcha), and the south- eastern portion
of the
vilayet of Kossovo (sanjak of IJskllb).The greater part of Macedonia
is inhabited by a Slavonicpopulation, mainly Bulgarian in its
characteristics; the coast-lineand the southern districts west of the
Gulf of Salonica byGreeks, while Turkish, Vlach and Albanian
settlements existsporadically, or in groups, in many parts of the
country.
Population.-The population of Macedonia may perhaps be estimated at
2,200,000.
Races.-Macedonia is the principal theatre of the struggle of
nationalities in Eastern Europe. All the races which dispute the
reversion of the Turkish possessions in Europe 1t- T k are represented
within its borders. The Macedonian ur S~ probably may therefore he
described as the quintessence of the Near Eastern Question.
The Racial Pro paganda.-The embittered struggle of the rival
nationalities in Macedonia dates from the middle of the 19th century.
Until that period the Greeks, owing to their superior culture and
their privileged position, exercised an exclusive influence over the
whole population professing the Orthodox faith.
Languages-Until comparatively recent times Turkish and Greek were the
only languages systematically taught or officially recognized in the
Balkan lands subject to Turkish rule. The first, the speech of the
conquering race, was the official language; the second, owing to the
intellectual and literary superiority of the Greeks, their educational
zeal and the privileges acquired by their church, became the language
of the upper classes among the Christians. The Slavonic masses,
however, both Servian and Bulgarian, preserved their language, which
saved these nationalities from extinction.
Modern Greek has also a large number of Turkish words which are
rejected in the artificial literary language.
Among the Greeks, whose literature never suffered a complete eclipse,
a similar effort to restore the classical tongue resulted in a kind of
compromise; the conventional literary language, which is neither
ancient nor modern, differs widely from the vernacular.
The Macedonian dialect of the Rumanian language differs mainly from
that spoken north of the Danube in its vocabulary and certain phonetic
peculiarities: it contains a number of G'reek works which are often
replaced in the northern speech by Slavonic or Latin synonyms.
With the exception of the southern and western districts already
specified, the principal towns, and certain isolated tracts, the whole
of Macedonia is inhabited by a race or The races speaking a Slavonic
dialect. If language is Slavonic adopted as a test, the great bulk of
the rural popula- Population. tion must be described as Slavonic.
Antiquities.-The monarchs of Pella were enthusiastic admirers of
Hellenic culture, and their court was doubtless frequented by Greek
sculptors as well as men of letters, such as Herodotus and Euripides.
Unlike Greece, where each independent city had its acropolis,
Macedonia offers few remnants of ancient fortification; most of the
country towns appear to have been nothing more than open
market-centres.
The Slays, a primitive agricultural and pastoral people, were often
unsuccessful in their attacks on the fortified towns, which remained
centres of Hellenism.
The Roman inscriptions found in Macedonia are mainly funerary, but
include several ephebic lists. The funerary tablets afford convincing
proof of the persistence of the Thracian element, notwithstanding
hellenization and latinization; many of them, for instance, represent
the well-known Thracian horseman hunting the wild boar.
PHRYGIA
According to unvarying Greek tradition the Phrygians were most closely
akin to certain tribes of Macedonia and Thrace;
and their near relationship to the Hellenic stock is proved by all
that is known of their language and art, and is accepted by almost
every modern authority. The inference has been generally drawn that
the Phrygians belonged to a stock widespread in the countries which
lie round the Aegean Sea.
SLAVS.
Judged by the language test, and no other is readily available, the
Slays are the most numerous race in Europe, amounting to some
140,000,000 souls.
In Macedonia and along the border are special varieties of Bulgarian,
some of which approach Servian.
Akin to the Macedonians were the Slays, who once occupied the whole of
Greece and left traces in the placenames, though they long ago
disappeared among the older population.
There is no evidence that the Slays made any considerable migration
from their first home until the 1st century A.D.
Almost as uncertain is the exact time when the Southern Slays began to
move towards the Balkans.
In dealing with Ptolemy's location of the Goths and Slays we must
regard the former as superimposed upon the latter and occupying the
same territories.
There is no reason to think the Serbo-Croats an intrusive wedge,
although Constantine Porphyrogenitus (De 0dm. Imp. 30-33) speaks of
their coming from the north in the time of Heraclius - the middle of
the 7th century.
Of their religion it is strangely difficult to gain any real
information. The word Bogfi, "god," is reckoned a loan word from the
Iranian Baga. The chief deity was the Thunderer Perfln (cf. Lith~
Perkflnas) ,with whom is identified Svarog, the god of heaven; other
chief gods were called' sons of Svarog, Dafibog the sun, Chors and
Veles, the god 'of cattle. The place of this latter was taken by St
Blasius. A hostile deity was Stribog, god of storms.
From the 7th century the Croats were nominally Christian, and 'subject
to the archbishops of Salona at Spalato and their suffraga,ns.
Cyril and Methodius.
In the same way Rostislav, prince of Greater Moravia, fearing the
influence of Latin missionaries, applied to Byzantium for teachers who
should preach in the vulgar tongue (A.D. 861). The emperor chose two
brothers, sons of a Thessalonian Greek, Methodius and Constantine
(generally known as Cyril by the name he adopted upon becoming a
mofik). The former was an organizer, the latter a scholar, a
philosopher and a linguist. His gifts had been already exercised in a
mission to the Crimea; he had brought thence the relics of S. Clement,
which he finally laid in their resting-place in Rome'. ' But' the main
reason for the choice was that the Thessalonians, surrounded as they
were by Slavonic tribes, were ~Gell known to speak Slavonic perfectly.
Rostislav was attacked by Louis the German and reduced to complete
obedience, so that there could be no question of setting up a
hierarchy in opposition to the dominant Franks, and the attempts to
establish the Slavonic lit'urgy were strongly opposed.
In spite of the triumph of the Latino-German party, the Slavonic
liturgy was not quite stamped out in the west; it seems to have
survived in out-of-the-way corners of Great Moravia until that
principality was destroyed by the Magyars.
As to the alphabet we have the further testimony of Chrabr, a
Bulgarian monk of the next generation, who says that the Slays at
first practised divination by means of marks and cuts upon wood; then
after their baptism they were compelled to write 'the Slavonic tongue
with Greek and Latin letters without proper rules; finally, by God's
mercy Constantine the Philosopher, called Cyril, made them an alphabet
of 38 letters.
If we take this to be exact Cyril must have been working at his
translations before ever he went to Moravia', and the
Language was presumably that with which he had been familiar at
Thessalonica - that of southern Macedonia, and this is on the whole
the most satisfactory view.
Alphabets-Slavonic languages are written in three alphabets according
to religious dependence; Latin adapted to express Slavonic sounds
either by diacritical marks or else by conventional combinations of
letters among those who had Latin services; so-called Cyrillic, which
is the Greek Liturgical Uncial of the 9th century enriched with
special signs for Slavonic letters- this is used by all Orthodox
Slays; and Glagolitic, in the "spectacled" form of which certain very
early OS. documents were written, and which in another, the "square,"
form has survived as a liturgical script in Dalmatia, where the Roman'
Church still allows the Slavonic liturgy In. the dioceses of Veglia,
Spalato, Zara and Sebenico. and in Montenegro; the Croats now employ
Latin letters for civil purposes.
Who invented Cyrillic we know not; Clement has been said to have made
letters clearer, but only in a secondary source and he seems to have
been particularly devoted to the tradition of Methodius, and he was
bishop of Ochrida, just where Glagolitic survived longest.
Mention must be made of Bruckner's theory that Cyril invented Cyrillic
first, but degraded it into Glagolitic to hide its Greek origin from
the Latin clergy, the whole object of his mission being hostility to
Rome, whereas in Orthodox countries this caution was soon seen to be
unnecessary.
SLAVONIC, OLD. In. the article SLAyS (under Languages) will be found a
fairly complete account of Old Slavonic in its first form, as it is
taken as representing, save for a few peculiarities noticed in their
place, the Proto-Slavonic. The reasons are there given for believing
it to be the dialect of Slays settled somewhere between Thessalonica
and Constantinople and represented now by the Bulgarians and
Macedonians.
PELASGIANS
In the Homeric poems there are Pelasgians among the allies of Troy: in
the catalogue, Iliad, ii. 840-843, which is otherwise in strict
geographical order, they stand between the Hellespontine towns and the
Thracians of south-east Europe, i.e. on the Hellespontine border of
Thrace. Their town or district is called Larissa and is fertile, and
they are celebrated for their spearmanship.
Hesiod expands the Homeric phrase and calls Dodona “seat of
Pelasgians” (fr. 225); he speaks also of a personal Pelasgus as
father of Lycaon, the culture-hero of Arcadia; and a later epic poet,
Asius, describes Pelasgus as the first man, whom the earth threw up
that there might be a race of men.
PELLA, the capital of ancient Macedonia under Philip II. (who
transferred the seat of government hither from Edessa) and Alexander
the Great, who was born here.
Slavon Ic Languages.-The Slavonic languages belong to the
Indo-European (I.E.) family.
In their morphology the Sl. languages have preserved or developed many
interesting forms. Nouns have three genders, three numbers in O.S.,
Sloyene, Serbo-Croat and Sorb (other tongues have more or less
numerous traces of the Dual), and, except Bulgarian, seven cases-Nom.,
Voc. (not in Gt. Russian or Sbovene), Acc., Gen., Dat., Instrumental
andLocative. The Abi. has coincided with the Genitive.
Proto-Slav. O.S. Bulg. Mac. S~
*svllja, " candle " . . svéft'a svi.ita svek'a
*~nedja,~ boundary" . me5d'a meSda meg'a
tpektj, " stove " . . peJtl peiti
*?noglj, " power " . .mo~if mogti'
stj, skj, e.g. prëlIst'en'ü, " deceived," ift'q, " I seek," ci. R.
lliienfl, iilu).
Some Macedonians have the strange result k' and g'. Among the
Serbo-Croats we find every grade betweent', d', and c', dz', or I, dS,
the Slovenes having c', j (our y), the Cechs and Sorbs c, z, the Poles
and Polabs c, dz, and the Russians landS; the fate of ktj and g!j has
been the same as that of tj throughout.
Again, Slovene has occasional tl, dl (III. c), and its accent and
quantity are not quite southerly, but its many dialects shade across
to Croat and Servian, and they must all be classed together for the
fate of tj, dj (V. b) and 7, ç (IV.). The Sopcy and Macedonians, among
their numerous dialects, 'make a bridge between Servian and Bulgarian.
June R Harton
Didn't I tell you to keep your spam out of here, Bulgarian?
Your 'Macedonian' is Bulgarian, Bulgarian....look here:
In a letter to Prof. Marin Drinov of May 25, 1888 Kuzman Shapkarev writes:
"But even stranger is the name Macedonians, which was imposed on us only 10
to 15 years ago by outsiders, and not as something by our own
intellectuals... Yet the people in Macedonia know nothing of that ancient
name, reintroduced today with a cunning aim on the one hand and a stupid one
on the other. They know the older word: "Bugari", although mispronounced:
they have even adopted it as peculiarly theirs, inapplicable to other
Bulgarians. You can find more about this in the introduction to the booklets
I am sending you. They call their own Macedono-Bulgarian dialect the
"Bugarski language", while the rest of the Bulgarian dialects they refer to
as the "Shopski language". (Makedonski pregled, IX, 2, 1934, p. 55; the
original letter is kept in the Marin Drinov Museum in Sofia, and it is
available for examination and study)
Here is the text in the original:
"No pochudno e imeto Makedonci, koeto naskoro, edvay predi 10-15 godini, ni
natrapiha i to otvqn, a ne kakto nyakoi mislyat ot samata nasha
inteligenciya... Narodqt obache v Makedoniya ne znae nishto za tova
arhaichesko, a dnes, s lukava cel ot edna strana, s glupeshka ot druga,
podnoveno prozvishte; toy si znae postaroto: Bugari, makar i nepravilno
proiznasyano, daje osvoyava si go kato sobstveno i preimushtestveno svoe,
nejeli za drugite Bqlgari. Za tova shte vidite i v predgovora na izpratenite
mi knijici. Toy naricha Bugarski ezik svoeto Makaedono-bqlgarsko narechie,
kogato drugite bqlgarski narechiya naricha Shopski."
from: Spirit of Truth
moderno1
Well Greek revisionist, it's good you keep on coming back to the right
thread.
Searched Groups for author:JUNEH...@prodigy.net . Results 1 - 10
of about 24,100. Search took 0.42 seconds.
Thank you Google for the information. Great service.
Look below troll, the Macedonian LANGUAGE is in your face.
1911encyclopedia
SLAVS.
Judged by the language test, and no other is readily available, the
Slays are the most numerous race in Europe, amounting to some
140,000,000 souls.
In Macedonia and along the border are special varieties of Bulgarian,
some of which approach Servian.
Akin to the Macedonians were the Slays, who once occupied the whole of
Greece and left traces in the placenames, though they long ago
disappeared among the older population.
There is no evidence that the Slays made any considerable migration
from their first home until the 1st century A.D.
Almost as uncertain is the exact time when the Southern Slays began to
move towards the Balkans.
In dealing with Ptolemy's location of the Goths and Slays we must
regard the former as superimposed upon the latter and occupying the
same territories.
There is no reason to think the Serbo-Croats an intrusive wedge,
although Constantine Porphyrogenitus (De 0dm. Imp. 30-33) speaks of
their coming from the north in the time of Heraclius - the middle of
the 7th century.
Of their religion it is strangely difficult to gain any real
information. The word Bogfi, "god," is reckoned a loan word from the
Iranian Baga. The chief deity was the Thunderer Perfln (cf. Lith~
Perkflnas) ,with whom is identified Svarog, the god of heaven; other
chief gods were called' sons of Svarog, Dafibog the sun, Chors and
Veles, the god 'of cattle. The place of this latter was taken by St
Blasius. A hostile deity was Stribog, god of storms.
From the 7th century the Croats were nominally Christian, and 'subject
to the archbishops of Salona at Spalato and their suffraga,ns.
Cyril and Methodius.
In the same way Rostislav, prince of Greater Moravia, fearing the
influence of Latin missionaries, applied to Byzantium for teachers who
should preach in the vulgar tongue (A.D. 861). The emperor chose two
brothers, sons of a Thessalonian Greek, Methodius and Constantine
(generally known as Cyril by the name he adopted upon becoming a
mofik). The former was an organizer, the latter a scholar, a
philosopher and a linguist. His gifts had been already exercised in a
mission to the Crimea; he had brought thence the relics of S. Clement,
which he finally laid in their resting-place in Rome'. ' But' the main
reason for the choice was that the Thessalonians, surrounded as they
were by Slavonic tribes, were ~Gell known to speak Slavonic perfectly.
Rostislav was attacked by Louis the German and reduced to complete
obedience, so that there could be no question of setting up a
hierarchy in opposition to the dominant Franks, and the attempts to
establish the Slavonic lit'urgy were strongly opposed.
In spite of the triumph of the Latino-German party, the Slavonic
liturgy was not quite stamped out in the west; it seems to have
survived in out-of-the-way corners of Great Moravia until that
principality was destroyed by the Magyars.
As to the alphabet we have the further testimony of Chrabr, a
Bulgarian monk of the next generation, who says that the Slays at
first practised divination by means of marks and cuts upon wood; then
after their baptism they were compelled to write 'the Slavonic tongue
with Greek and Latin letters without proper rules; finally, by God's
mercy Constantine the Philosopher, called Cyril, made them an alphabet
of 38 letters.
If we take this to be exact Cyril must have been working at his
translations before ever he went to Moravia', and the
Language was presumably that with which he had been familiar at
Thessalonica - that of southern Macedonia, and this is on the whole
the most satisfactory view.
Alphabets-Slavonic languages are written in three alphabets according
to religious dependence; Latin adapted to express Slavonic sounds
either by diacritical marks or else by conventional combinations of
letters among those who had Latin services; so-called Cyrillic, which
is the Greek Liturgical Uncial of the 9th century enriched with
special signs for Slavonic letters- this is used by all Orthodox
Slays; and Glagolitic, in the "spectacled" form of which certain very
early OS. documents were written, and which in another, the "square,"
form has survived as a liturgical script in Dalmatia, where the Roman'
Church still allows the Slavonic liturgy In. the dioceses of Veglia,
Spalato, Zara and Sebenico. and in Montenegro; the Croats now employ
Latin letters for civil purposes.
Who invented Cyrillic we know not; Clement has been said to have made
letters clearer, but only in a secondary source and he seems to have
been particularly devoted to the tradition of Methodius, and he was
bishop of Ochrida, just where Glagolitic survived longest.
Mention must be made of Bruckner's theory that Cyril invented Cyrillic
first, but degraded it into Glagolitic to hide its Greek origin from
the Latin clergy, the whole object of his mission being hostility to
Rome, whereas in Orthodox countries this caution was soon seen to be
unnecessary.
SLAVONIC, OLD. In. the article SLAyS (under Languages) will be found a
fairly complete account of Old Slavonic in its first form, as it is
taken as representing, save for a few peculiarities noticed in their
place, the Proto-Slavonic. The reasons are there given for believing
it to be the dialect of Slays settled somewhere between Thessalonica
and Constantinople and represented now by the Bulgarians and
Macedonians.
PELASGIANS
In the Homeric poems there are Pelasgians among the allies of Troy: in
the catalogue, Iliad, ii. 840-843, which is otherwise in strict
geographical order, they stand between the Hellespontine towns and the
Thracians of south-east Europe, i.e. on the Hellespontine border of
Thrace. Their town or district is called Larissa and is fertile, and
they are celebrated for their spearmanship.
Hesiod expands the Homeric phrase and calls Dodona “seat of
Pelasgians” (fr. 225); he speaks also of a personal Pelasgus as
father of Lycaon, the culture-hero of Arcadia; and a later epic poet,
Asius, describes Pelasgus as the first man, whom the earth threw up
that there might be a race of men.
PELLA, the capital of ancient Macedonia under Philip II. (who
transferred the seat of government hither from Edessa) and Alexander
the Great, who was born here.
Slavon Ic Languages.-The Slavonic languages belong to the
Indo-European (I.E.) family.
In their morphology the Sl. languages have preserved or developed many
interesting forms. Nouns have three genders, three numbers in O.S.,
Sloyene, Serbo-Croat and Sorb (other tongues have more or less
numerous traces of the Dual), and, except Bulgarian, seven cases-Nom.,
Voc. (not in Gt. Russian or Sbovene), Acc., Gen., Dat., Instrumental
andLocative. The Abi. has coincided with the Genitive.
Proto-Slav. O.S. Bulg. Mac. S~
*svllja, " candle " . . svéft'a svi.ita svek'a
*~nedja,~ boundary" . me5d'a meSda meg'a
tpektj, " stove " . . peJtl peiti
*?noglj, " power " . .mo~if mogti'
stj, skj, e.g. prëlIst'en'ü, " deceived," ift'q, " I seek," ci. R.
lliienfl, iilu).
Some Macedonians have the strange result k' and g'. Among the
Serbo-Croats we find every grade betweent', d', and c', dz', or I, dS,
the Slovenes having c', j (our y), the Cechs and Sorbs c, z, the Poles
and Polabs c, dz, and the Russians landS; the fate of ktj and g!j has
been the same as that of tj throughout.
Again, Slovene has occasional tl, dl (III. c), and its accent and
quantity are not quite southerly, but its many dialects shade across
to Croat and Servian, and they must all be classed together for the
fate of tj, dj (V. b) and 7, ç (IV.). The Sopcy and Macedonians, among
their numerous dialects, 'make a bridge between Servian and Bulgarian.
++
What is the SOURCE for this antique dictionary like article? It is
hard to imagine a source less than a hundred years old that uses terms
like "Servian", does not know that Macedonians are NOT Serb or
Bulgarian, and that characterizes people as "souls".
Galina
moderno1
> Dear "moderno",
>
> What is the SOURCE for this antique dictionary like article? It is
> hard to imagine a source less than a hundred years old that uses terms
> like "Servian", does not know that Macedonians are NOT Serb or
> Bulgarian, and that characterizes people as "souls".
>
> Galina
>
> moderno1 wrote:
>
Dear Galina,
It's all here from A - Z.
http://1911encyclopedia.org/A/index.htm
Yes, the terminology then was primative in it's presentation.
June R Harton
What is the SOURCE for this antique dictionary like article? It is
hard to imagine a source less than a hundred years old that uses terms
like "Servian", does not know that Macedonians are NOT Serb or
Bulgarian, and that characterizes people as "souls".
Galina
Dear Gail, why do you continure to try to mislead people. Macedonians
is the term describing northern Greeks in Greece and the people of
Fyrom are indeed West Bulgarians as all their history shows:
http://www.historymuseum.org/items.php3?nid=199&name=ochrid
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/exarchy.htm
http://www.bulgaria.com/VMRO/documen3.htm
Here is the original scam, folks:
In a letter to Prof. Marin Drinov of May 25, 1888 Kuzman Shapkarev writes:
"But even stranger is the name Macedonians, which was imposed on us only 10
to 15 years ago by outsiders, and not as something by our own
intellectuals... Yet the people in Macedonia know nothing of that ancient
name, reintroduced today with a cunning aim on the one hand and a stupid one
on the other. They know the older word: "Bugari", although mispronounced:
they have even adopted it as peculiarly theirs, inapplicable to other
Bulgarians. You can find more about this in the introduction to the booklets
I am sending you. They call their own Macedono-Bulgarian dialect the
"Bugarski language", while the rest of the Bulgarian dialects they refer to
as the "Shopski language". (Makedonski pregled, IX, 2, 1934, p. 55; the
original letter is kept in the Marin Drinov Museum in Sofia, and it is
available for examination and study)
Here is the text in the original:
"No pochudno e imeto Makedonci, koeto naskoro, edvay predi 10-15 godini, ni
natrapiha i to otvqn, a ne kakto nyakoi mislyat ot samata nasha
inteligenciya... Narodqt obache v Makedoniya ne znae nishto za tova
arhaichesko, a dnes, s lukava cel ot edna strana, s glupeshka ot druga,
podnoveno prozvishte; toy si znae postaroto: Bugari, makar i nepravilno
proiznasyano, daje osvoyava si go kato sobstveno i preimushtestveno svoe,
nejeli za drugite Bqlgari. Za tova shte vidite i v predgovora na izpratenite
mi knijici. Toy naricha Bugarski ezik svoeto Makaedono-bqlgarsko narechie,
kogato drugite bqlgarski narechiya naricha Shopski."
from: Spirit of Truth
June R Harton
What is the SOURCE for this antique dictionary like article? It is
hard to imagine a source less than a hundred years old that uses terms
like "Servian", does not know that Macedonians are NOT Serb or
Bulgarian, and that characterizes people as "souls".
Galina
Let's have a recent source exposing the complete scam, shall we, Gail?
Macedonian Question,in all of its entire complexity,which is not the focal
theme of current web-site,but requires certain level of introductory notes
relevant to it,has exhibited enormous potentials to manifest itself as a
catalyst and a contributor to many complex patterns of infra-Balkan
political and military conflicts,all of them leading to general regression
defined as a destruction of social mechanisms supportive to structures vital
both to the Balkan nations as well of high importance to Europe and other
structures of West.
Under such circumstances it is important to outline some of the various
causal factors,defining what are more persistent patterns within the s.c.
"Macedonian Question",a phrase which requires synthetic definition ,which
is:"Macedonian Question" is an evolution from the tendency within Bulgarian
National Awakening in 19th century to impose the name "Macedonians" on part
of a Southwestern extension of the Bulgarian people,thus monopolizing that
name "Macedonia",which in that time had a much wider geographic
connotation,embracing a demographic majority of
non-Bulgarians:Greeks,Serbs,Aromanians,Jews,Turks,Roma etc.most of which not
only lived here centuries before Hunno-Bulgarian-Slavic amalgam touched the
soil of Macedonia,but one of them,Greeks,together with some local
Aromanians,being actually the descendants of ancient Macedonians,a Greek
ethnic formation that in Antiquity inhabited overall,if not exactly,the
modern Greek region of Makedonia,with only a small territories to the
North,embraced by modern day FYROM.
The flagrant falsifications of 19th century Bulgarian intelligentsia took an
official form after the creation of Bulgarian state,at all points-including
the creation in 1878 of the s.c. San-Stefano Bulgaria,a Megastate on the
Balkans that never saw a day under the sun,supported by Russian geostrategic
imperial ambitions at that time.Even the "Komiti",Bulgarian paramilitary
troops in Geographic Macedonia (then a region of Ottoman Empire) founded by
the so-called "Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization" (acronym
being VMRO,founded in 1893,with modern mode of existence as a major
political party in FYROM, VMRO-DPMNE,with the same "explicitly
Macedonian,implicitly Bulgarian" orientation) proclaimed their political
objective as being "a defense and liberation of the Macedonians",where in
fact they used primordial form of subliminal propaganda,masking the real
ethnic group to which they consciously and loyally belonged,the Bulgarians
in the region of Macedonia,the real goal of such naive propaganda was
persuasion of foreign politically influential factors that they owned
monopoly over entire Macedonia,and had no "spare fatherland",unlike other
ethnic groups,which like the self-called "Macedonians" fought a liberation
combats of their own,but unlike the "Macedonistic" Bulgar,with an explicit
emphasizing of their singular ethnicity. Certain rightist intelligentsia
circles in Vienna,Moscow and Belgrade at one point of time or another tried
to create "Macedonian" ethnicity,but their thoughts had no effects outside
of their cabinets
The History of Macedonian Question is complex,and again,analytical
contribution with pretension of high academic qualities is not the purpose
of this short essay,but providing a schematic program of Macedonian studies
with all ethnic perspectives included is intended future work on this site
In retrospective,closest to having a prolific impact on Macedonian affairs
as a current process,threatening the entire region of southern Balkan,is the
artificial creation of "Macedonian People" by Yugoslav Communists in 1944
from a patchwork of Bulgarians,Serbs,Greeks and Aromanians and contemporary
forceful and unlawful in relation to FYRO Macedonian Constitution,laws as
well human logic,attempts to homogenize once more the "Macedonian" people by
the ruling VMRO-DPMNE,using open forms of genocide against Serbs of FYROM
(c.300.000 of them out of c.2.100.000 citizens-the declared number in 1994
being c.45.000),with all the spirit-breaking instruments of social and
socio-economical pressure enforced upon them,which include:
-Proclamation of the enormous in quantity and sometimes held by art
historians worldwide as of high artistic values Serbian
architectural,pictorial and other forms of cultural heritage as being
"Macedonian"-i.e. originated as an idea,conceived and crafted by
"Macedonians",when in many instances inscriptions,the Serbian language and
other historical data found on,or commenting on them,together with the
chronological framework exclude every compensation by "liberal scholarly
opinion" as far as ubication of the ethnic group to whose heritage these
monument belong,a falsification,which sometimes includes physical
destruction,which is a crime toward civilized individuals worldwide whose
horizonts embrace will to find truth in other cultures,civilizations and
their quintessential features,of which the ethnic spirit which manifested in
them through materialization of creative impulses,is certainly the
superlative manifestation,having additional virtue that its existence is an
imperative,unlike other factors forming a cultural cluster.
-Expulsion of Serbian studies from the sponsorship by the FYROMian state
organization,obliged by legal automatism contained in its legislative and
state constitution to disperse funds and structure such programs for each
ethnic groups,thereby erasing the Serbian historical,ethnological and other
vestiges which contain their identity and have centuries of tradition, from
the modern scientific investigation and presentation.
-Finally-By direct,systematic,open and by far a too often statements of
official nature by the FYROMian government of full-non existence of Serbian
population within FYROMian borders,added by usage of the derogatory
terminology "Srboman,pl. Srbomani",literally"(Pro) Serbian Maniacs"-"wannabe
Serbs",recently Serbianized "Macedonians" (By implication:Serbianized
Bulgarians),Serbianized because of ignorance or treason.These attack,spoken
publicly,should be held formative in definition as a Genocidal practice,and
they do exist recorded on Audio and Video media carriers.
The silent Pogrom of FYRO Macedonian Serbs is an official practice of its
government,in whose uppermost strata Serbs are not represented at all.It may
be an initiation into their physical annihilation.
The abuses of other peoples within that state, which in each instance may
take rather different form,toward other
populations:Albanian,Turk,Roma,Aromanian,Greek by the already awakened
Bulgarians in FYROM,while not a subject of author's studies,are deemed by
him as desirable to mention.They can,especially in the light of 2001
Albanian-"Macedonian" conflict ("Macedonians"-or rather their more
Bulgarian-concious military and paramilitary systems are those being on the
combat theater),bring greater understanding of the dualistic mentality of
"Macedonians",Europe largest epitomization of failure proprietary to any
ethnic experimentation of integrative nature,based on false a priorisms of
extremely diverse origin,Bulgarian Nationalistic on one side and Soviet
Communistic in line of succession from Stalinist to Titiost concept on other
subsequent stage,brought by repression of both internal and exogene nature.
This site presents Serbian perspective by the virtue of Serb ethnicity of
its author,which is,integrated with his psychophysical form,his primary
identity manifestation.It is in initial development,and its purpose will be
the provision of content relevant to the scholars,with pretension of
scientific scrutiny formed by the broader inclusion of various aspect of the
Serbian Issues primarily related to FYROM.i.e.the heavily
manifesting"Macedonian Question"and its etiology relevant to current
politics.It is undoubtedly political,defined by the
"National-Libertarianist" ego of its author.The methods of contributions
shall be in form of essays,straightened by reference to multiple documentary
sources,preferably the most original ones.
Subject is morphologically small,but important in its nature,and a
functional anatomy of entropy,a rigidly analytical one,may provide few
lessons of relevance transcending from anthropogeographic point a very
unremarkable region,to expose of survival lessons to all those interested in
preservation of monolithic ethnostate's virility,the most effective-and
non-replaceable with nothing better-social organization known to
history.Every success from everywhere toward that goal,counts.
Finally,due to the fact that each of ethnic groups represented in FYROM has
its own state,it is desirable first to reeducate the citizens of that state
on plural basis,after which a knowledge augmenting their freedom of self
determination,would be taken to the next logical step,namely the preferably
voluntarily abolishment of FYROMian state,reshaping state borders of
Bulgaria,Serbia,Greece and Albania,rescuing the anthropogeographic human
biomass from its flotant existence,and consequently bringing it into the
refreshing mainstream of their Ethnostates.
Igor Malinovski,
Skoplje,FYROM,May 23, 2002
June R Harton
> > from: Spirit of Truth
> > (using June's e-mail to communicate to you)!
> Well Greek revisionist, it's good you keep on coming back to the right
> thread.
> Searched Groups for author:JUNEH...@prodigy.net . Results 1 - 10
> of about 24,100. Search took 0.42 seconds.
> Thank you Google for the information. Great service.
> Look below troll, the Macedonian LANGUAGE is in your face.
Yep, here it is:
1911encyclopedia:
"The Slavonic masses, however, both Servian and Bulgarian, preserved
their language, which saved these nationalities from extinction."
And, Bulgarian, didn't I tell you to keep your spam out of here?
Your 'Macedonian' is Bulgarian, Bulgarian....look here:
In a letter to Prof. Marin Drinov of May 25, 1888 Kuzman Shapkarev writes:
"But even stranger is the name Macedonians, which was imposed on us only 10
to 15 years ago by outsiders, and not as something by our own
intellectuals... Yet the people in Macedonia know nothing of that ancient
name, reintroduced today with a cunning aim on the one hand and a stupid one
on the other. They know the older word: "Bugari", although mispronounced:
they have even adopted it as peculiarly theirs, inapplicable to other
Bulgarians. You can find more about this in the introduction to the booklets
I am sending you. They call their own Macedono-Bulgarian dialect the
"Bugarski language", while the rest of the Bulgarian dialects they refer to
as the "Shopski language". (Makedonski pregled, IX, 2, 1934, p. 55; the
original letter is kept in the Marin Drinov Museum in Sofia, and it is
available for examination and study)
Here is the text in the original:
"No pochudno e imeto Makedonci, koeto naskoro, edvay predi 10-15 godini, ni
natrapiha i to otvqn, a ne kakto nyakoi mislyat ot samata nasha
inteligenciya... Narodqt obache v Makedoniya ne znae nishto za tova
arhaichesko, a dnes, s lukava cel ot edna strana, s glupeshka ot druga,
podnoveno prozvishte; toy si znae postaroto: Bugari, makar i nepravilno
proiznasyano, daje osvoyava si go kato sobstveno i preimushtestveno svoe,
nejeli za drugite Bqlgari. Za tova shte vidite i v predgovora na izpratenite
mi knijici. Toy naricha Bugarski ezik svoeto Makaedono-bqlgarsko narechie,
kogato drugite bqlgarski narechiya naricha Shopski."
from: Spirit of Truth
Ilinden
Subject: Harilaos Trikoupis
Harilaos Trikoupis, Greek Prime Minister from 1882 to 1895, said: "If we
take part of Macedonia, we will make them all Greeks". If Macedonia
was
really Greek, Trikoupis would not have made this comment This is one
more piece of proof that Macedonia and Macedonians were never and will
never be Greek!
Ilinden
moderno1
> > thread.
> > Searched Groups for author:JUNEH...@prodigy.net . Results 1 - 10
> > of about 24,100. Search took 0.42 seconds.
> > Thank you Google for the information. Great service.
> > Look below troll, the Macedonian LANGUAGE is in your face.
>
> Yep, here it is:
>
> 1911encyclopedia:
>
> "The Slavonic masses, however, both Servian and Bulgarian, preserved
> their language, which saved these nationalities from extinction."
Hey revisionist, you deliberatly left out this revelation about the
Macedonian language and the Macedonians:
1911encyclopedia:
The Sopcy and Macedonians, among their numerous dialects, 'make a
bridge between Servian and Bulgarian.
GREECE,i an ancient geographical area, and a modern kingdom more or
less corresponding thereto, situated at the south-eastern extremity of
Europe and forming the most southerly portion of the Balkan Peninsula.
The modern kingdom is bounded on the N. by European Turkey and on the
E., S. and W. by the Aegean, Mediterranean and lonian seas. The name
Graecia, which was more or less vaguely given to the ancient country
by the Romans, seems not to have been employed by any native writer
before Aristotle; it was apparently derived
1 See also GREEK ART, GREEK LANGUAGE, GREEK LAw, GREE~ LITERATVaE.
GREEK R~LIGJO1~.
by the Romans from the Illyrians, who applied the name of an Epirote
tribe (I’paiKo’(, Graeci) to all their southern
neighbours. The names Hellas, Hellenes (“EXXas,
“EX)u~ees), by which the ancient Greeks called their country and
their race, and which are still employed by the modern Greeks,
originally designated a small district in Phthiotis in Thessaly and
its inhabitants, who gradually spread over the lands south of the
Cambunian mountains. The name Hellenes was not universally applied to
the Greek race until the post-Homeric epoch (Thucyd. i. 3).
I. GEOGRAPHY AND STATISTICS
The ancient Greeks had a somewhat vague conception of the northern
limits of Hellas. Thessaly was generally included and Epirus excluded;
some writers included some of the southern cantons of Epirus, while
others excluded not only all that country but Aetolia and Acarnania. ~
Generally speaking, the confines of Hellas in the age of its greatest
distinction were represented by a line drawn from the northern shore
of the Ambracian Gulf on the W. to the mouth of the Peneus on the E.
Macedonia and Thrace were regarded as outside the pale of Hellenic
civilization till 386 B.C., when after his conquest of Thessaly and
Phocis, Philip of Macedon obtained a seat in the Amphictyonic Council.
In another sense, however, the name Hellas expressed an ethnological
rather than a geographical unity; it denoted every country inhabited
by Hellenes. It thus embraced all the Greek settlements on the coasts
and islands of the Mediterranean, on the shores of the Hellespont, the
Bosporus and the Black Sea. Nevertheless, the Greek peninsula within
the limits described above, together with the adjacent islands, was
always regarded as Hellas par excellence. The continental area of
Hellas proper was no greater than that of the modern Greek kingdom,
which comprises but a small portion of the territories actually
occupied by the Greek race. The Greeks have always been a maritime
people, and the real centre of the national life is now, as in
antiquity, the Aegean Sea or Archipelago. Thickly studded with islands
and bordered by deeply indented coasts with sheltered creeks and
harbours, the Aegean in the earliest days of navigation invited the
enterprise of the mariner; its shores, both European and Asiatic,
became covered with Greek settlements and its islands, together with
Crete and Cyprus, became Greek. True to their maritime instincts, the
Greeks rarely advanced inland to any distance from the sea; the coasts
of Macedonia, Thrace and Asia Minor are still mainly Greek, but,
except for some isolated colonies, the hinterland in each case lies
outside the limits of the race.
HELLENISM (from Or. iXX~p’L~ew, to imitate the Greeks, who were
known as “EXXfpies, after ‘EXXi~1’, the son of
Deucalion). The term” Hellenism “is ambiguous. It may be
used to denote ancient Greek culture in all its phases, and even those
elements in modern civilization which are Greek in origin or in
spirit; but, while Matthew Arnold made the term popular in the latter
connexion as the antithesis of” Hebraism,” the German
historian
1 For the microscopical characters and for figures of transverse
sections of the rhizome, see Lanessan, Hist. des drogues, i. 6 (1878).
J. G. Droysen introduced the fashion (1836) of using it to describe
particularly the latter phases of Greek culture from the conquests of
Alexander to the end of the ancient world, when those over whom this
culture extended were largely not Greek in blood, i.e. Hellenes, but
peoples who had adopted the Greek speech and way of life, Hellenistai.
AEGEAN CIVILIZATION, the general term for the prehistoric
civilization, previously called "Mycenaean" because its existence was
first brought to popular notice by Heinrich Schliemann's excavations
at Mycenae in 1876. Subsequent discoveries, however, have made it
clear that Mycenae was not its chief centre in its earlier stages, or,
perhaps, at any period; and, accordingly, it is more usual now to
adopt a wider geographical title.
But the " Burnt City " of his second stratum, revealed in 1873, with
its fortifications and vases, and a hoard of gold, silver and bronze
objects, which the discoverer connected with it, began to arouse a
curiosity which was destined presently to spread far outside the
narrow circle of scholars. As soon as Schliemann came on the Mycenae
graves three years later, light poured from all sides on the
prehistoric period of Greece. It was recognized that the character of
both the fabric and the decoration of the Mycenaean objects was not
that of any well-known art. A wide range in space was proved by the
identification of the Inselsteine and the lalysus vases with the new
style, and a wide range in time by collation of the earlier Theraean
and Hissarlik discoveries. A relation between objects of art described
by Homer and the Mycenaean treasure was generally allowed, and a
correct opinion prevailed that, while certainly posterior, the
civilization of the Iliad was reminiscent of the Mycenaean.
A map of Cyprus in the later Bronze Age (such as is given by J. L.
Myres and M. O. Richter in Catalogue of the Cyprus Museum) shows more
than five-and-twenty settlements in and about the Mesaor6a district
alone, of which one, that at Enkomi, near the site of Salamis, has
yielded the richest Aegean treasure in precious metal found outside
Mycenae. E. Chantre in 1894 picked up lustreless ware, like that of
Hissarlik, in central Phrygia and at Pteria (q.v), and the English
archaeological expeditions, sent subsequently into north-western
Anatolia, have never failed to bring back ceramic specimens of Aegean
appearance from the valleys of the Rhyn-dacus, Sangarius and Halys.
The revolution of 1897-98 opened the door to wider knowledge, and much
exploration has ensued, for which see CRETE. Thus the " Aegean Area "
has now come to mean the Archipelago with Crete and Cyprus, the
Hellenic peninsula with the Ionian isles, and Western Anatolia.
Evidence is still wanting for the Macedonian and Thracian coasts.
Offshoots are found in the W. Mediterranean, in Sicily, Italy,
Sardinia and Spain, and in the E. in Syria and Egypt. About the
Cyrenaica we are still insufficiently informed.
The most representative site explored up to now is Cnossus (see CRETE,
sect. Archaeology), which has yielded not only the most various but
the most continuous evidence from the Neolithic age to the twilight of
classical civilization. Next in importance come Hissarlik, Mycenae,
Phaestus, Hagia, Triada, Tiryns, Phylakope, Palai-kastro and Gournia.
A. The internal evidence at present available comprises—
(1) Structures (2) Structural, Decoration (3) Furniture (4) Artistic
fabrics (5) Weapons (6) Articles of personal use (7) Written
documents, e.g. clay tablets and discs (so far in Crete only), but
nothing of more perishable nature, such as skin, papyrus, &c.;
engraved gems and gem impressions; legends written with pigment on
pottery (rare); characters incised on stone or pottery. These show two
main systems of script (see CRETE).
(8) Excavated tombs, of either the pit or the grotto kind, in which
the dead were laid, together with various objects of use and luxury,
without cremation, and in either coffins or loculi or simple
wrappings.
(9) Public works, such as paved and stepped roadways, bridges, systems
of drainage, &c.
B. There-is also a certain amount of external evidence to be gathered
from—
(1) Monuments and records of other contemporary civilizations, e.g.
representations of alien peoples in Egyptian frescoes; imitation of
Aegean fabrics and style in non-Aegean lands; allusions to
Mediterranean peoples in Egyptian, Semitic or Babylonian records.
(2) Literary traditions of subsequent civilizations, especially the
Hellenic, such as, e.g., those embodied in the Homeric poems, the
legends concerning Crete, Mycenae, &c.; statements as to the origin of
gods, cults and so forth, transmitted to us by Hellenic antiquarians
such as Strabo, Pausanias, Diodorus Siculus, &c«
(3) Traces of customs, creeds, rituals, &c., in the Aegean area at a
later time, discordant with the civilization in which they were
practised and indicating survival from earlier systems. There are also
possible linguistic and even physical survivals to be considered.
(2) Religion.—The fact'that shrines have so far been found
within palaces and not certainly anywhere else indicates that the
kings kept religious power in their own hands; perhaps they were
themselves high-priests. Religion in the area seems to have been
essentially the same everywhere from the earliest period, viz. the
cult of a Divine Principle, resident in dominant features of nature
(sun, stars, mountains, trees, &c.) and controlling fertility. This
cult passed through an aniconic stage, from which fetishes survived to
the last, these being rocks or pillars, trees, weapons (e.g. bipennis,
or double war-axe, shield), &c. When the iconic stage was reached,
about 2000 B.C., we find the Divine Spirit represented as a goddess
with a subordinate young god, as in many other E. Mediterranean lands.
There was evidently olive- and vine-culture on a large scale in Crete
at any rate. Chariots were in use in the later period, as is proved by
the pictures of them on Cretan tablets, and therefore, probably, the
horse also was known. Indeed a horse appears on a gem impression. Main
ways were paved. Sports, probably more or less religious, are often
represented, e.g. bull-fighting, dancing, boxing, armed combats.
After 1600 B.C. there is very close intercourse with Egypt, and Aegean
things find their way to all coasts of the Mediterranean (see below).
There are, however, in certain respects at certain periods, evidences
of such changes as might be due to the intrusion of small conquering
castes, which adopted the superior civilization of the conquered
people and became assimilated to the latter.
An old race was conquered by a new, even if, in matters of
civilization, the former capta victorem cepit. For these races
respectively Dorpfeld suggests the names " Lycian " and " Carian, "
the latter coming in from the north Aegean, where Greek tradition
remembered its fornwr dominance. These names do not greatly help us.
If we are to accept and profit by Dorpfeld's nomenclature, we must be
satisfied that, in their later historic habitats, both Lycians and
Carians showed unmistakable signs of having formerly possessed the
civilizations attributed to them in prehistoric times—signs
which research has hitherto wholly failed to find. The most that can
be said to be capable of proof is the infiltration of some northern
influence into Crete at- the end of Minoan Period II.; but it probably
brought about no change of dynasty and certainly no change in the
prevailing race.
A good deal of anthropometric investigation has been devoted to human
remains of the Aegean epoch, especially to skulls and bones found in
Crete in tombs of Period II. The result of this, however, has not so
far established more than the fact that the Aegean races, as a whole,
belonged to the dark, long-headed
Homo Mediterranetts, whose probable origin lay in mid-eastern
Africa—a fact only valuable in the present connexion in so far
as it tends to discredit an Asiatic source for Aegean civilization.
Not enough evidence has been collected to affect the question of
racial change during the Aegean period. From the skull-forms studied,
it would appear, as we should expect, that the Aegean race was by no
means pure even in the earlier Minoan periods. It only remains to be
added that there is some ground for supposing that the language spoken
in Crete before the later Doric was non-Hellenic, but Indo-European.
This inference rests on three inscriptions in Greek characters but
non-Greek language found in E. Crete. The language has some apparent
affinities with Phrygian. The inscriptions are post-Aegean by many
centuries, but they occur in the part of the island known to Homer as
that inhabited by the Eteo-Cretans, or aborigines. Their language may
prove to be that of the Linear tablets.
(2) Annals.—From these and other data the outlines of primitive
history in the Aegean may be sketched thus. A people, agreeing in its
prevailing skull-forms with the Mediterranean race of N. Africa, was
settled in the Aegean area from a remote Neolithic antiquity, but,
except in Crete, where insular security was combined with great
natural fertility, remained in a savage and unproductive condition
until far into the 4th millennium B.C. In Crete, however, it had long
been developing a certain civilization, and at a period more or less
contemporary with Dynasties XI. and XII. (2500 B.C. ?) the scattered
communities of the centre of the island coalesced into a strong
monarchical state, whose capital was at Cnossus. There the king,
probably also high priest of the prevailing nature-cult, built a great
stone palace, and received the tribute of feudatories, of whom,
probably, the prince of Phaestus, who commanded the Messara plain, was
chief. The Cnossian monarch had maritime relations with Egypt, and
presently sent his wares all over the S. Aegean (e.g. to Melos in the
earlier Second City Period of Phylakope) and to Cyprus, receiving in
return such commodities as Melian obsidian knives. A system of
pictographic writing came into use early in this Palace period, but
only a few documents, made of durable material, have survived.
Pictorial art of a purely indigenous character, whether on ceramic
material or plaster, made great strides, and from ceramic forms we may
legitimately infer also a high skill in metallurgy. The absence of
fortifications both at Cnossus and Phaestus suggest that at this time
Crete was internally peaceful and externally secure. Small
settlements, in very close relation with the capital, were founded in
the east of the island to command fertile districts and assist
maritime commerce. Gournia and Palaikastro fulfilled both these ends:
Zakro must have had mainly a commercial purpose, as the starting-point
for the African coast. The acme of this dominion was reached about the
end of the 3rd millennium B.C., and thereafter there ensued a certain,
though not very serious, decline. Meanwhile, at other favourable spots
in the Aegean, but chiefly, it appears, on sites in easy relation to
maritime commerce, e.g. Tiryns and Hissarlik, other communities of the
early race began to arrive at civilization, but were naturally
influenced by the more advanced culture of Crete, in proportion to
their nearness of vicinity. Early Hissarlik shows less Cretan
influence and more external (i.e. Asiatic) than early Melos, The inner
Greek mainland remained still'in a backward state. Five hundred years
later—about 1600 B.C.—we observe that certain striking
changes have taken place. The Aegean remains have become astonishingly
uniform over the whole area; the local ceramic developments have
almost ceased and been replaced by ware of one general type both of
fabric and decoration. The Cretans have stayed their previous
decadence, and are once more possessors of a progressive civilization.
They have developed a more convenient and expressive written character
by stages of which one is best represented by the tablets of Hagia
Triada. The art of all the area gives evidence of one spirit and
common models ; in religious representations it shows the same
anthropomorphic personification and the same ritual furniture. Objects
produced in one locality are found in others. The area of Aegean
intercourse has widened and become more busy. Commerce with Egypt, for
example, has increased in a marked degree, and Aegean objects or
imitations of them are found to have begun to penetrate -into Syria,
inland Asia Minor, and the central and western Mediterranean lands,
e.g. Sicily, Sardinia and Spain. There can be little doubt that a
strong power was now fixed in one Aegean centre, and that all the area
had come under its political, social and artistic influence.
How was this brought about, and what was the imperial centre? Some
change seems to have come from the north; and there are those who go
so far as to say that the centre henceforward was the Argolid, and
especially " golden " Mycenae, whose lords imposed a new type of
palace and a modification of Aegean art on all other Aegean lands.
Others again cite the old-established power and productivity of Crete;
the immense advantage it derived from insularity, natural fertility
and geographical relation to the wider area of east Mediterranean
civilizations; and the absence of evidence elsewhere for the gradual
growth of a culture powerful enough to dominate the Aegean. They point
to the fact that, even in the new period, the palm for wealth and
variety of civilized production still remained with Crete. There alone
we have proof that the art of writing was commonly practised, and
there tribute-tallies suggest an imperial organization; there the arts
of painting and sculpture in stone were most highly developed ; there
the royal residences, which had never been violently destroyed, though
remodelled, continued unfortified; whereas on the Greek mainland they
required strong protective works. The golden treasure of the Mycenae
graves, these critics urge, is not more splendid than would have been
found at Cnossus had royal burials been spared by plunderers, or been
happened upon intact by modern explorers. It is not impossible to
combine these views, and place the seat of power still in Crete, but
ascribe the Renascence there to an influx of new blood from the north,
large enough to instil fresh vigour, but too small to change the
civilization in its essential character.
If this dominance was Cretan, it was short-lived. The security of the
island was apparently violated not long after 1500 B.C., the Cnossian
palace was sacked and burned, and Cretan art suffered an irreparable
blow. As the comparatively lifeless character which it possesses in
the succeeding period (III. 3) is coincident with a similar decadence
all over the Aegean area, we can hardly escape from the conclusion
that it was due to the invasion of all the Aegean lands (or at least
the Greek mainland and isles) by some less civilized conquerors, who
remained politically dominant, but, like their forerunners, having no
culture of their own, adopted, while they spoiled, that which they
found. Who these were we cannot say; but the probability is that they
too came from the north, and were precursors of the later " Hellenes."
SLAVS.
There is no evidence that the Slays made any considerable migration
from their first home until the 1st century A.D.
Almost as uncertain is the exact time when the Southern Slays began to
move towards the Balkans.
SLAVONIC, OLD. In. the article SLAyS (under Languages) will be found a
fairly complete account of Old Slavonic in its first form, as it is
taken as representing, save for a few peculiarities noticed in their
place, the Proto-Slavonic. The reasons are there given for believing
it to be the dialect of Slays settled somewhere between Thessalonica
and Constantinople and represented now by the Bulgarians and
Macedonians.
Slavon Ic Languages.-The Slavonic languages belong to the
Indo-European (I.E.) family.
PHRYGIA
According to unvarying Greek tradition the Phrygians were most closely
akin to certain tribes of Macedonia and Thrace; and their near
relationship to the Hellenic stock is proved by all that is known of
their language and art, and is accepted by almost every modern
authority. The inference has been generally drawn that the Phrygians
belonged to a stock widespread in the countries which lie round the
Aegean Sea.
PELASGIANS
In the Homeric poems there are Pelasgians among the allies of Troy: in
the catalogue, Iliad, ii. 840-843, which is otherwise in strict
geographical order, they stand between the Hellespontine towns and the
Thracians of south-east Europe, i.e. on the Hellespontine border of
Thrace. Their town or district is called Larissa and is fertile, and
they are celebrated for their spearmanship.
Hesiod expands the Homeric phrase and calls Dodona "seat of
Pelasgians" (fr. 225); he speaks also of a personal Pelasgus as father
of Lycaon, the culture-hero of Arcadia; and a later epic poet, Asius,
describes Pelasgus as the first man, whom the earth threw up that
there might be a race of men.
PAEONIA, in anciert geography, the land of the Paeonians, the
boundaries of which, like the early history of its inhabitants, are
very obscure. ‘The Paeonians are regarded as descendants of the
Phrygians of Asia Minor, large numbers of whom in early times crossed
over to Europe.
According to the national legend (Herodotus v. 16), they were Teucrian
colonists from Troy, and Homei (Iliad, Ii. 848) speaks of Paeonians
from the Axius fighting on the side of their Trojan kinsmen. Before
the reign of Darius Hystaspes, they had made their way as far east as
Perinthus in Thrace on the Propontis. At one time all Mygdonia,
together with CrestonIcë, was subject to them. When Xerxes crossed
Chalcidicë on his way to Therma (Thessalonica) he is said to have
marched “through Paeonian territory.” They occupied the
entire valley of the Axius (Vardar) as far inland as Stobi, the
valleys to the east of it as far as the Strymon (Struma), and the
country round Astibus and the river of the same name, with the water
of which they anointed their kings. Emathia, the district between the
Haliacmon (Bistritza) and Axius, was once called Paeonia; and Pieria
and Pelagonia were inhabited by Paeonians. In consequence of the
growth of Macedonian power, and under pressure from their Thracian
neighbours, their territory was considerably diminished, and in
historical times was limited to the N. of Macedonia from Illyria to
the Strymon.
A passage in Athenaeus (ix. p. 398) seems to indicate the affinity of
their language with Mysian. They drank barley beer and various
decoctions made from plants and herbs. The country was rich in gold
and a bituminous kind of wood (or stone, which burst into a blaze when
in contact with water) called t-nrivoc (or ts,rivos). The women were
famous for their industry. In this connexion Herodotus (v. I 2) tells
the story that Darius, having seen at Sardis a beautiful Paeonian
woman carrying a pitcher on her head, leading a horse to drink, and
spinning flax, all at the same time, inquired who she was. Having been
informed that she was a Paeonian, he sent instructions to Megabyzus,
commander in Thrace, to deport two tribes of the nation without delay
to Asia. At the time of the Persian invasion, the Paeonians on the
lower Strymon had lost, while those in the north maintained, their
independence. They frequently nade inroads into Macedonian territory,
until they were finally subdued by Philip, who permitted them to
retain their government by kings. The daughter of Audoleon, one of
these kings, was the wife of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, and Alexander
the Great wished to bestow the hand of his sister Cynane upon
Langarus, who had shown himself loyal to Philip.
An inscription, discovered in 1877 at Olympia on the base of a statue,
states that it was set up by the community of the Paeonians in honour
of their king and founder Dropion. Another king, whose name appears as
Lyppeius on a fragment of an inscription found at Athens relating to a
treaty of alliance is no doubt identical with the Lycceius or Lycpeius
of Paeonian coins (see B. V. Head, Historia numorum, 1887, p. 207). In
280 the Gallic invaders under Brennus ravaged the land of the
Paeonians, who, being further hard pressed by the Dardani, had no
alternative but to join the Macedonians. whose downfall they shared.
After the Roman conquest, Paeonia east and west of the Axius formed
the second and third districts respectively of Macedonia (Livy xlv.
29). Under Diocletian Paeonia and Pelagonia formed a province called
Macedonia secunda or salutaris, belonging to the prefecture of
Illyricum.
See W. Tomaschek, “ Die alten Thraker” in Sitzungsberichte
der k. A/hid. der Wissenschaften, xxviii. (Vienna, 1893); Fl. F. 0.
Abel, Makedonien vor KOnig Phil’ipp (Leipzig, 1847); C. 0.
Muller, Uber die Wohnsitze, die A bstammung und die altere Geschichte
des makedonischen Volkes (Berlin, 1825); T. Desdevises-u-Dezert,
Geographie ancienne de la Macédoine (Paris, 1863); see also MACEDONIA.
PAEAN (Gr. llat&v, epic llao~icov), in Homer (Ii. v. 401, 899), the
physician of the gods. In other writers the word is a mere epithet of
Apollo (q.v.) in his capacity as a god of healing (cf. IaTP&LIaVTLS
o6Xtor), but it is not known whether Paean was originally a separate
deity or merely an aspect of Apollo. Homer leaves the question
unanswered; Hesiod (ci. schol. Horn. Od. iv. 432) definitely separates
the two, and in later poetry Paean is invoked independently as a
health god. It is equally difficult to discover the relation between
Paean or Paeon in the sense of “healer” and Paean in the
sense of “song.” Farnell refers to the ancient association
between the healing craft and the singing of spells, and says that it
is impossible to decide which is the original sense. At all events the
meaning of “healer” gradually gave place to that of
“hymn,” from the phrase ‘Ii~ llafiu’. Such
songs were originally addressed to Apollo (cf. the Homeric Hymn to
Apollo 272, and notes in ed. by Sikes and Allen), and afterwards to
other gods, Dionysus, Helios, Asclepius.
PELLA, the capital of ancient Macedonia under Philip II. (who
transferred the seat of government hither from Edessa) and Alexander
the Great, who was born here.
MACEDONIA, the name generally given to that portion of European Turkey
which is bounded on the N. by the Kara-Dagh mountain range and the
frontier of Bulgaria, on the E.by the river Mesta, on the S. by the
Aegean Sea and the frontierof Greece, and on the W. by an ill-defined
line coinciding withthe mountain chains of Shar (ancient Scardus)
Grammus and Pindus.
The process of hellenization made greater progress in the towns than
in the rural districts of the interior, where the non-Hellenic
populations preserved their languages, which alone saved the several
nationalities from extinction.
With the exception of the southern and western districts already
specified, the principal towns, and certain isolated tracts, the whole
of Macedonia is inhabited by a race or The races speaking a Slavonic
dialect. If language is Slavonic adopted as a test, the great bulk of
the rural popula- Population. tion must be described as Slavonic.
Again, Slovene has occasional tl, dl (III. c), and its accent and
quantity are not quite southerly, but its many dialects shade across
to Croat and Servian, and they must all be classed together for the
fate of tj, dj (V. b) and 7, ç (IV.). The Sopcy and Macedonians, among
their numerous dialects, 'make a bridge between Servian and Bulgarian.
The Racial Pro paganda.—The embittered struggle of the rival
nationalities in Macedonia dates from the middle of the 19th century.
OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER
FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
______________________________
BUREAU DU COMMISSAIRE
AUX DROITS DE L´HOMME
Strasbourg, 17 July 2002 CommDH(2002)5
Original version in French
REPORT BY
MR ALVARO GIL-ROBLES,
COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
ON HIS VISIT TO THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC
2- 5 JUNE 2002
for the attention of the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary
Assembly
Introduction
In accordance with Article 3 e) of Resolution (99) 50 of the Committee
of Ministers on the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, I
accepted the invitation adressed by te the Foreign Affairs Minister
for an official visit from the 2nd to the 5th of June 2002 and
travelled to Athens with the Director of my Office, Mr C.
Giakoumopoulos and Mr G. Mathieu, a member of my staff. Thanks are
due firstly to the Minister for Foreign Affairs Mr George Papandreou
and his colleague the Alternate Minister for Foreign Affairs Mr Tassos
Giannitsis, as well as the Secretary General for European Affairs, M.
Ilias Plaskovitis, for the kind reception, the openmind attitude and
the arrangements made to ensure the success of my visit.
During my visit, I was given the opportunity to meet the Speaker of
the Parliament, the Alternate Minister for Foreign Affairs, the
Ministers of Justice and Public Order, the Secretary General of the
Ministry of National Education responsible for religious affairs, the
Secretary General of the Interior Ministry, the President of the Court
of Cassation, the President of the Council of State, the Ombudsman,
the Chairperson of the National Commission for Human Rights, the
representative of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees,
representatives of civil society and many dignitaries and
representatives of religious groups. In addition to these contacts, I
went on my own initiative to the Roma/Gypsy district of Aspropyrgos on
the outskirts of Athens and made a point of visiting the premises of
the Attica General Police Directorate in Alexandras Avenue where
unsuccessful foreigners awaiting expulsion are detained on the 7th
floor.
General remarks
1. Greece joined the Council of Europe very shortly after it was
founded, on 9 August 1949. On 28 November 1950 it signed the
Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms
which it promptly ratified. It has signed and ratified Protocols
Nos.1 and 7 together with the Protocol No.6 (abolition of capital
punishment), and has signed Protocols Nos.12 (non-discrimination) and
13 (abolition of capital punishment in all circumstances). Greece, a
European Union Member State since 1981 which will assume the
Presidency of the European Union for the third time in January 2003,
has embarked on major economic and institutional reforms in recent
years, particularly with the revision of its Constitution in 2001.
Final remarks and Recommendations
37. Greece is fully entitled to rate as a country with a long-standing
commitment to the values of human rights observance and the Greek
authorities are aware of the fundamental role of human rights in the
building of Europe today. The exchange of view I had during my stay
with the Speaker of the Parliament, M. Apostolos Kaklamanis, and
withother greek officials convinced me that the challenges which Greek
society faces today are being resolutely met by the authorities. In
order to assist them in their action, and in accordance with Article 8
of Resolution (99)50, the Commissioner recommends :
1) Continuing efforts in order to apply in its entirety the scheme for
the 17 new prisons;
2) accepting the proposal by the National Commission for Human Rights
to repeal the applicable provisions in force on proselytism (laws
1363/1938 and 1672/1939);
3) amending the legislation in force concerning permission to set up
places of worship and speeding the procedure to build a mosque and
attributing a cemetary reserved for the Athens Muslims worshippers;
4) amending the legislation on alternative civilian service in order
to remidy to the disproportionate character of the legislation and
considering the possibility to transfer the competences for granting
conscientious objector status from the Defence Ministry to a civilian
department;
5) continuing the implemention forthwith the programme of the Joint
Ministerial Committee for Roma/Gypsies with the dual priority of
ensuring conditions consistent with human dignity in localities such
as Aspropyrgos and ensuring that the Roma/Gypsies families possibly
moved are going to be relocated properly;
6) ratifying the Framework Convention for the Protection of National
Minorities, and signing and ratifying of the European Charter for
Regional or Minority Languages;
7) implementing the 2002-2006 government programme to improve the
conditions of immigrants’ reception and integration and taking
legislative measures in order to define as an aggravating circumstance
the possible racist or xenophob motivation of an offence;
8) discontinuing use of the detention facilities of the Attica General
Police Directorate for long-term detention of aliens awaiting
expulsion; in more general terms, giving a positive follow up to the
proposals of the National Commission for Human Rights regarding the
reception of asylum seekers and forfully enforcing Recommendation
(2001)1 of the Commissioner for Human Rights concerning the rights of
aliens wishing to enter a Council of Europe member state, and
Recommendation (99)12 of the Committee of Ministers on the return of
rejected asylum seekers.
38. In accordance with Article 3.f of Resolution (99)50, this report
is addressed to the Committee of Ministers and to the Parliamentary
Assembly.
June R Harton
"Ilinden" <ili...@sympatico.ca> wrote in message news:3D905E32...@sympatico.ca...
To the male Junebug!
Subject: Harilaos Trikoupis
Harilaos Trikoupis, Greek Prime Minister from 1882 to 1895, said: "If wetake part of Macedonia, we will make them all Greeks". If Macedonia was
really Greek, Trikoupis would not have made this comment This is one
more piece of proof that Macedonia and Macedonians were never and will
never be Greek!
Ilinden
Not at all, Bulgarian....read the following:
Encyclopedia Britania 1911
© 2002 by PageWise, Inc.
MACEDONIA
BIBLI0GRAPHY.—Jewitt and Hope, Corporation Plaic and Insignia of
Office,
&c. (2 vols., 1895); J. R. Garstin, Irish State and Civic Maces, &c.
(1898); J. Paton, Scottish Historyand Life (1902); J. H. Buck, Old
Plate
(1903), pp. 124—140; Cripps, Old English Plate (9th ed., 1906),
pp.
394—404; E. Alfred Jones, Old Plate at the Tower of London
(1908); ed., “
Some Historic Silver Maces,” Burlington Magazine (Dec. 1908).
(E. A. J.)
snip
In Salonica, Serres, Kavala, Castoria, and
other towns in southern Macedonia the Hellenic element is strong; in
the northern towns it is insignIficant, except at Melnik, which is
almost exclusively Greek. The Greek rural population extends from the
Thessalian frontier to Castoria and Verria (Beroea); it occupies the
whole Chalcidian peninsula and both banks of the lower Strymon from
Serres to the sea, and from Nigrita on the west to Pravishta on the
east; there are also numerous Greek villages in the Kavala district.
The Mahommedan Greeks, known as Valachides, occupy a
considerable tract in the upper Bistritza valley near Grevena and
Liapsista.
Also
The Slavs ...., but their great immigration took place in the 6th and
7th centuries. They overran .........driving ....the latinized population
of Macedonia into the highland districts, such as Pindus, Agrapha
and Olympus.
The Latinized real Upper Macedonians are the Vlach then!
And remember the real area of ancient Macedonia:
And here, Bulgarian, real Macedonia;
June R Harton
> "June R Harton" <JUNEH...@prodigy.net> wrote in message
news:<QGUj9.481$K72.36...@newssvr15.news.prodigy.com>...
> > "moderno1" <mode...@hotmail.com> wrote in message
> > news:91c2bf58.0209...@posting.google.com...
> > > Well Greek revisionist, it's good you keep on coming back to the right
> > > thread.
> > > Searched Groups for author:JUNEH...@prodigy.net . Results 1 - 10
> > > of about 24,100. Search took 0.42 seconds.
> > > Thank you Google for the information. Great service.
> > > Look below troll, the Macedonian LANGUAGE is in your face.
> >
> > Yep, here it is:
> >
> > 1911encyclopedia:
> >
> > "The Slavonic masses, however, both Servian and Bulgarian, preserved
> > their language, which saved these nationalities from extinction."
>
> Hey revisionist, you deliberatly left out this revelation about the
> Macedonian language and the Macedonians:
>
> 1911encyclopedia:
>
> The Sopcy and Macedonians, among their numerous dialects, 'make a
> bridge between Servian and Bulgarian.
What nonsense, Bulgarian, who do you think you are kidding:
For fair use only
http://knigi.topcities.com/en/other/mkslavs.html
"WHAT IS THE NATIONAL CHARACTER OF THE MACEDONIAN SLAVS
(Prof. Heinrich A.Stammler , IMRO - Union of The Macedonian Brotherhoods in
Bulgaria, Sofia, 1991)
This is the first issue in the series of "Macedonia: and the Macedonian
Question".
Throughout the series, we will be inviting emminent academics and political
figures from around the world to view, examine and comment on this most
difficult of socio-political problems.
The series will deal at length with all aspects of the question, from the
ancient movements and settlements of peoples to the most up-to-date polls
and censuses; from the manipulation of people by the use of force and terror
to the more insidious techniques of modern propaganda; and from the
development of early slavic languages to the present, unprecedented
accusations of the creation of a new, "literary standard language", all of
which have been used to convince a people of who they are and what they are
not!
Ultimately, this publication hopes to help the efforts being made to set
straight the problems within the region known as Macedonia and to
disentangle the knot of misinformation, hidden facts and lies, all of which
has resulted in particular interpretations (or misinterpretations) of
history. This is the legacy of many periods of instability, dating back to
the 1877 - 78 Russo-Turkish War and the Bulgarian liberation, the Berlin
Treaty of 1879 and decades of Serbianization and of the far more protracted
and subtle Hellenization of the Southsrn region of Macedonia. Of course, the
last 45 years of totalitarian rule has done more to bury the truth than any
other single force, but this series will endeavour to confront the
expantionist nationalism that presently seeks to continue its history of
falsification and oppression of the Bulgarian character of Macedonia.
By presenting the views of outside observers and "innocent bystanders", we
feel sure that this series will help to give the clearest and most objective
view of the problems and their best solutions and will serve as an essential
companion to the other publications, concerning this problem, which have
more "involved" contributors.
We are certain that, in the end, by careful work and study, the truth will
out and real and, above all, just solutions will be found and adopted.
Andy Barrett
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
Mr. President, Dear friends. Ladies and gentlemen,
First of all please allow me to express my sinccrcsl gratitude to the
President of this Organization and to the Committee for having afforded me
the precious opportunity of addressing this Conference. Time is short and I
do not want to claim your attention longer than is absolutely necessary. I
honestly feel that perhaps my justification for speaking to you about the
problems of Macedonia is somewhat flimsy. What are my credentials? It is
true, I am a professor of Slavic and East European Studies, but as far as my
teaching and writing is concerned, Russia and, more recently, Poland have
come more closely under my observation. I hope , nevertheless, that you
might forgive me my boldness to appear here before you when I refer to a
point of saving grace in my favour: I love the Southeast of Europe, and five
wonderful years of my life were spent in Bulgaria in the capacities of an
academic teacher and a public servant. There I had the opportunity of
meeting people from all walks of life, of making myself familiar with the
history, the culture and living conditions of the country and last but not
least, of striking up close and firm friendships, some of which have
survived the trials and tribulations of the catastrophic events which living
through has been our common lot. I also availed myself of the possibility of
making a trip to Macedonia and, although the journey was short, places like
Kratovo, Skopic, Veles, Shtip and Goma Dzumaya are for me not merely names,
geographic nomenclature or statistical data, but I can say: I was there; I
saw, I listened and heard; I have not forgotten!
I will not go into a presentation of the manifold facts of history,
ethnography, linguistics, folklore and statistics which bear testimony - and
I think this testimony is incontrovertible - of the Bulgarian character of
the Slavic-speaking population settled in Macedonia. Whole libraries, have
been written to establish the Bulgarianism of the Macedonian Slavs and I
believe that many of you are much more intimately familiar with this vast
literature than I could ever be. And, Indeed, it would be absurd if I, a
mere outside observer, and only an occasional one at that, would presume to
teach you things which you not only know, but live.
Let me, however, point out one circumstance which in my eyes, has profoundly
changed the whole situation. Up to the Second World War the Bulgarian
Macedonians, after the retreat of Turkey from Europe, had to struggle
incessantly for the preservation of their heritage against the encroachment
and machinations of the Pan-Serbian circles, carried under the slogan that
Macedonia is nothing but Southern Serbia; and on the other hand they had to
fight the absurd notion propounded by Athens, that the Bulgarian-speaking
Macedonians are but "Slavophone Greeks". That would be the same as if the
English would assert that the French-Canadians are but "Francophone" English
people! Recent events have taught us what reactions to expect from the
French-Canadians if such insinuations were to be made.
I believe, however, that it was easier to counter the Pan-Serbian claims,
even though they were dressed in the political scholarship of men like
A.Belie and Jovan Cvijic, because here was only the matter of a spirited and
well-reasoned defense against the illegitimate ambitions of expansionists,
which was, at bottom, still old fashioned nationalism. And this is still the
situation in which the Macedo-Bulgarians find themselves under Greek rule.
I wish,however, to call your attention to a much more sinister device
concocted in Belgrade under the sign of the Red Star, the Hammer and the
Sickle. That the invention of a separate Macedonian nation, a Macedonian
literary language and even a Macedonian history, is divorced from all the
evidences of historical research and scholarship. By sophistry and the
distortion of the historical facts it is said, for example, that St.Clement
of Ochrid was a member of some separate Macedonian people which has never
exited, and that the language used by the apostles and teachers of the Slavs
for the christianization and the enlightenment of the Slavonic world was a
separate Macedonian idiom, which has nothing or only very little to do with
the Bulgarian language as such. In order to find some historical foundation
for these unproven and undemonslrable allegations, historians of this school
have even restyled the West-Bulgarian Kingdom of Tsar Samuel as a state run
for the benefit of the mythical separate Macedonian people. Let me quote
only one authority, the eminent Russian byzaniologist, A. A. Vassilijev,
whose monumcnted history of the Byzantine Empire is generally considered a
standard work in this field. What has he to say about the national character
of Samuels Kingdom?"Afler the death of John Tzimisoes the Bulgarians took
advantage of the internal complications in the Empire and rebelled against
Byzantine domination. The outstanding leader of this period was Samuel, the
energetic ruler of Western independent Bulgaria, and probably the founder of
a new dynasty, one of the most prominent rulers of the First Bulgarian
Empire." In the entire passage dealing with this heroic, as well as tragic
episode in Bulgarian history, Vassiljev consistently uses the term
"Bulgaria". In a footnote, it is true, he mentions the hypothesis put
forward by the Serbian historian D.Anastasijevich that Samuel's Kingdom was
not lawfully Bulgarian, but a "Sloveno-macedonian Empire". But quite
obviously he does not make this hypothesis his own. I think that in the
market of international historical scholarship the authority of Professor
Vassiljev rates considerably higher than that of Mr.Anaslasijevich. Another
noteworthy fact that is such attempts to deprive the Bulgarians of their
history and heritage by declaring that they were not Bulgarians at all, had
already been made in the years soon after the First World War. This shows
that the recent creation of a separate non-Bulgarian Macedonian nation,
complete with history, literary language, folklore, etc., by fiat from
above, does have its precedent.
It goes without saying that the endeavors to divest the Macedo-Bulgarians of
their national identity were accompanied in recent times by violent measures
designed to lend force to the arguments set forth by Pan-Serbian propaganda,
no matter whether this propaganda appeared disguised as scholarship or
downright indoctrination. Let me quote from a symposium entitled," The case
for an Autonomous Macedonia" compiled and edited in 1945 by Mr.Christ
Atanasoff. One of the crown witnesses summoned to testify was the well-known
British Balkan expert. Miss Edith Durham. In 1931, she wrote the following
in the paper La Macedonian, published in Geneva: "During the Balkan War
there was a Serbian schoolmaster - an Austrian subject - at Cetinje, who
taught German in the boy's school. He rejoiced greatly over the conquest the
Serbian army was making in Macedonia. It would add much valuable land to
Serbia. An Englishman said to him: "Oh, but Serbia cannot annex these
places, they are all Bulgar". The inhabitants put the article after the
noun. This is well known as a Bulgar peculiarity. The Serb replied: "That
does not matter. When our army has been there for two years, you will find
no articles after nouns there, I can assure you". But, in spite of torture,
murder, imprisonment, the Bulgai article still lives on at the end of the
noun."
Since it was not possible to do away with that stubborn post posited article
by administrative matters, comprising the whole gamut from violent
suppression to persistent persuasion and bribery, a new tack had to be
tried. The article was declared not to be a peculiarity of the Bulgarian
language, but also a characteristic of a hitherto non-existent separate
Macedonian language.
In parenthesis let me say this: Since the disappearance of the classical,
semi-Hellenic Macedonian Kingdom of Philip, Alexander and Perseus in Roman
limes, the terms "Macedonian" and the "Macedonia" have been used as
geographic terms for that area in Southeastern Europe, which is still known
under this name. Since the middle ages it has been inhabited predominantly
by Slavo-Bulgarians and by minorities of Albanians, Valachians, Turks,
Greeks, Gypsies, Jews and, as the statistics of the 19th and 20th Centuries
show, surprisingly few Serbians. For more than a thousand years the Slavs
living in this area have been considered Bulgarians, or to be more precise.
Western Bulgarians whose idiom is distinguished by certain dialectical
peculiarities, without thereby losing its general Bulgarian character. This
clearly recognized fact, incidentally, caused the great 19th century
philologists, who laid the groundwork for a systematic study of this
language to call it, in the early stages of its development, Old Bulgarian.
The language employed by Sts.Cyril and Metodi, St.Klement and St.Naum and a
host of other medieval writers and teachers is an old Bulgarian idiom.
Please allow me to make a personal remark in this context. When I, in the
spring "of 1931, began to study Slavic philology at the University of
Munich, we used the famous handbooks and grammar of this language written by
the celebrated German Slavist, August Leskich. These books described and
analyzed the phonology, morphology, vocabulary syntax of a language which
unequivocally was designated as Old Bulgarian :Handbuch or Grammatik der
Altbulgarichen Sprache. It is also true that the term "Old Church Slavonic",
most frequently used nowadays,was sometimes applied to this language, but
one should keep in mind that this term is basically meaningless, at least up
to the times of Peter the Great. In the course of his secularizing
transformations and reforms, Peter favored the introduction of the Russian
vernacular into common usage, relegating the then library language of the
Muscovite Tsardom, still based as it were on Old Bulgarian, to purely
liturgical and ecclesiastical purposes. This practice was later followed by
other awakening Slavic nations, especially those of the Orthodox
faith.profoundly. Nevertheless may it be said here, in parenthesis only,
that the Old Bulgarian imprint on the native language of the Russians was so
strong that even nowadays authoritative scholars in the field of Slavic
linguistics and philology, such as Boris Unbegaun, speak with good reason
about the partially Old Bulgarian character of the Russian standard literary
language.
Thus, the fiction of Macedonia as "Southern Serbia" could not be maintained
in the long run because it really held no water. Even responsible Serbian
leaders could not close their eyes to this fact. Even the Yugoslav
Ambassador in Sofia, Mr.Milanovich, in a moment of deep crisis for the
Yugoslav State, that is in the summer of 1940, saw fit to forward to his
master in Belgrade the Prime Minister Slojadinovich, a statement from
Macedonia received in Bulgaria on the situation in this region. Here we
read: "Everybody has to know that today Macedonia is not lost for Bulgaria,
but on the contrary, there exists a healthy Bulgarian spirit more than ever.
Some call themselves Macedonians, but this is due to the terrible reaction
which the name Bulgarian provokes in the Serbians. It is well known that all
injustices, robbery and violence create reaction and disgust. This is
exactly what the Serbians have achieved in Macedonia. When they came to
Macedonia they knew that Bulgarians lived in this country. That is why they
thought, by crude measures and lawlessness, to frighten the people and to
win them over for the Serbian cause. But all was in vain. And now they are
surprised at the anti-Serbian feelings in the hearts of the majority of
people. The common wish of the people is : Let Gypsy come, only let this
one, the Serbian, go away. Anathema to any Bulgarian who will forget his own
brothers.".
The war and its aftermath did away with the Pan-Serbian military-bourgeois
monarchy. Overboard went what Marxists call Bourgeois nationalism and
chauvinism. But let no man be deceived that the substitution of the old
order by the dictatorship of a Communist party and its leader spelt the
disappearance of an expansionist Greater Serbian nationalism. Had the means
employed between 1912 and 1940 been crude and brutal, and therefore in the
end unsuccessful, new devices had to be invented, this time more clever,
more insidious, in order to attain the same goal. This time under the banner
of a Yugoslav Communist Revolution! If we have failed so far wean away the
Macedonians from their Bulgarianism, because we tried so hard to make them
into Serbians, well, then let us now try to insinuate that they arc neither
Serbians nor Bulgarians, but a separate national entity, for instance,
Macedonians with their own history, language and culture; but let us also
make it perfectly clear to them that only we here in Belgrade are willing
and able to guarantee this artificial nationality concocted in the test
tubes of Serbian Communists and their non-Communist predecessors. The whole
Macedonian nation and the so called language -this I wish to affirm here
before you- is not a philologicum, but a polilicum designed according to the
well tried maxim of old: divide et impcra - divide and rule. History teaches
that a ruler, a parly or a leading group which enjoys unlimited power and
has the will to use this power ruthlessly for the attainment of its goal,
has always found partisans, advocates and adherents prepared to do the
bidding of those at the helm of the state, sometimes against their own
belter knowledge. Wasn't it one of the great cynics on the throne. Henry the
VIII of England, who said when planning something particularly outrageous
and arbitrary "let me first carry out this measure, afterwards I shall
always find professors at Oxford to justify it". So it is no wonder that in
Skopie and elsewhere the Belgrade government should have found learned
collaborators who fell for their line. I think that under the circumstances
prevailing one should not judge them and their zealous efforts too harshly.
But it is deplorable that scholars abroad with solid academic reputations
and achievements, who are not exposed to the pressures of the intellectual
under totalitarian regimes, should also swallow this latest Belgrade bait
hook, line and sinker. Can they really accept the thesis that, contrary to
their own testimony and conviction, people like the Miladinoff brothers,
Gregory Perlicerr, Alexander Todoroff, Damjan Gruev, Gotse Delceff, Peju
Javoroff, Anion Strashimirof, Dimitr Taleff are Macedonians in the sense of
the word bestowed upon it with the blessings of the Belgrade party bosses?
And what about men who figure so prominently in the Pantheon of Bulgarian
letters like Ivan Vazoff and Teodor Trajanoff who lived and worked in
Bulgaria proper, but whose family background is Macedonian,
Bulgaro-Macedonian that is. What about such a significant figure of the
Bulgarian Renaissance like Raiko Zhinzifoff from Veles, who declared in 1963
in his Novobulgarska sbirka - or did he, perhaps, call it Novo-Makedonska
sbirka? "As Bulgarian language we regard that language which is spoken in
all Macedonia, Thrace and Bulgaria proper. The differences between the
dialects are negligible. Every Bulgarian who does not suffer from
nearsighteness cannot designate a certain expression as "Macedonian" or
"Thracian"., for there are no "Macedonians" or "Thracians" as individual
nations, but only Slavo-Bulgarians - in short, one Bulgarian people and one
Bulgarian language".
One could object here that this is a voice from the long forgotten depth of
the 19th century. One could also maintain that Zhinzifoff, with all his
linguistic and folklore erudition, was not up to par with regard to the
achievements of philological science, that is that we in the 20th century
know better now. Let us then examine a few testimonies belonging to our
century.
Let us first listen to the voice of practical common sense, the voice of a
man who would never lay claim to the reputation of a learned academic
linguist. The opinions of this man, however, deserve to be listened to
attentively and carefully because they are based on the profound national
experience of a statesman and a leader of his people, Ivan Mihailoff.In his
book, Makedonia: A Switzerland of the Balkans, edited and translated by
Christ Anastasoff, he makes the following observations pertinent to the
linguistic problem: "Like the scholars of different countries who were
familiar with Macedonia, so also did the Turkish authorities and all the
rest of the objective observers consider the Macedonian Slavs as Bulgarians.
This was not only upon the basis of the logically had introduced in their
schools, but on the basis of all other ethnic features by which a given
nationality is judged. The local dialects of the Macedonian Slavs arc
basically considered by all as Bulgarian language. Every nationality employs
its own common literary language, while in every nationality meets different
dialects. As far as the Bulgarian dialects in Macedonia arc concirned they
do not vary very much from the rest of the Bulgarian dialects as, for
instance, do dialects among the Germans, Italians and other nationalities.
The dialects of the Germans in Switzerland is, perhaps, the most difficult
for all the rest of the Germans.
But that did not prevent the Swiss of German origin to consider as their own
the common German literary language. Precisely so, before the appearance of
the regimes of national oppression in Macedonia after 1912, the native
Bulgarians officially used that literary language which is common for all
the Bulgarians of the world and to the formation of which the cultural
workers of Macedonia have contributed a great deal." This point of view
deserves to be firmly kept in mind, especially in view of the artificial
construction of a new "Macedonian" nation and language as commanded from
above. For this purpose the chief perpetrators of this dubious enterprise
now take great pains to smuggle into this newfangled synthetic idiom all
sorts of Serbanianist and other foreign ingredients so as to alienate the
Macedo-Bulgarians from their historical, cultural and linguistic matrix.
But what has the linguistic science of the 20-th century to say about these
attempts to deny the Bulgarian character of the Slavic idiom spoken in
Macedonia? Here I cannot go into the details of the lingiustic argument
adduced by international scholars, to refute the claims. To note that
Professor A.M.Selishchev, the eminent Russian philologist, in his article
entitled "Macedonian Dialectology and Serbian Linguistics" already in 1935
destroyed the claims of Serbian scholars like Velich, Djordjevich, Pavlovich
and others that the idiom spoken in Macedonia is closer to Serbian than to
Bulgaria should be enough. This task he performed in a thorough scholary
way, basing himself upon the findings and achievements of modern linguistic
research in the field of Slavic philology. Whoever is interested in the
course of his irrefutable reasonic can study this article in a volume
recently published by the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences under the title
L'histoire Bulgare dans les Ouvrages des Savants Europeens. Professor
Selishchev cannot be suspected of any sort of polilicing. He has worked in
Russia under the old as well as the new regime; following nothing, to the
best of his abilities, but the dictates of his scientific conscience. It is
remarkable to see how to this pure scholar and cabinet savant, far as he was
from the passionate turmoil of the political motives behind the scientific
smokescreen spread by the named Serbian scholars. He said: "The aim of all
these books is the same: namely, to furnish an historical, ethnographic and
linguistic justification for Serbian domination in Macedonia - to furnish
this justification by means of true scholarship. The arrogance in the style,
the irony with which the Bulgarian people are treated is another common
feature of the books of Belgrade professors. In the case of Professor
Georgevich this irony borders upon downright rudeness. On the other hand,
everything Serbian is idealized. The attempts of the authors of such books
to clothe their products in a science-like garb must be unmasked. The true
character of their content, harmful to all science, must be demonstrated".
The results of the linguistic and ethnographic research in the field of
Macedo-Bulgarian studies undertaken by Professor Selishchev not so long ago
match the findings not only of the Bulgaro-Macedonian philologist Krusle
Misirkoff, which he published in 1910-1911, but also of a number of 19th
century Serbian scholars like Stefan Verkovich, Tuminski, A.Hadzic, Vasa
Peladic and others. That authors like Selishchev, Misirkoff and Verkovic
working at different times and under completely different circumstances
should have arrived at the same results, with regard to the Bulgarian
character of the dialects spoken in Macedonia and their geographic
extensions points to two noteworthy qualities of their research Its
exactitude and its factual and logical consistency, in view of which all the
counter-arguments of Serbian and Pseudo-Macedonian opponents take on the
suspect colouring of sophisty and political expediency. More proof was
recently given for the Bulgarianism of the Macedonian dialects by the
Bulgarian philologist Blagoi Shklifoff in a paper about the idiom spoken in
the area of Kostur. From the evidence he is able to muster, it becomes
perfectly clear that the Kostur dialect cannot be used to buttress the
hypothetical existence of a separate and individual Slavic language called
Macedonian, but that here, as elsewhere, we deal with but another variant of
the Bulgarian language as spoken by the Western half of the nation.If
indeed, this is the conclusion at which Mr.Shklifoff arrives, the dialects
in Macedonia are by their character intrinsically different from those
spoken in Moesia and Thrace, then these differences would have to show more
than anywhere else in the dialect of Kostur, the area of which borders on
two non-Slavic linguistic regions, located geographically distant from the
other Bulgarian dialects. A strictly scholary approach to this idiom,
however, cannot but establish its basically Bulgarian character. The paper
by Mr.Blagoi Shklifoff was published in 1968. Sclishches's analysis and
demolition of the claims raised in 1935. But the same position and results
are visible in the book about Macedonia by the Czech Balkaniologic Vladimir
Sis which was printed in Prague in 1914 and came out in Zurich, Switzerland
in 1981 in a German translation. After Sis enumerates all the factors which
effect the closest mutual correspondence between Old Bulgarian and the Modem
Bulgarian language as spoken also in Macedonia, he points to certain
philological peculiarities by means of which the Bulgarian language is
distinguished from all other Slavic language, Serbian included. After a
painstaking comparison between the Bulgarian standard literary language and
various dialects spoken in Macedonia, he arrives at the following conclusion
which I shall quote here verbatim "Whoever is familiar with the basic
structural principles of the two neighboring languages must, even though he
may not be a philologist, arrive, on the basis of the examples cited here,
at the same conclusion to which also the French slavicist, Louis Leger,
came, and I repeat his words: The Macedonian Slavs are Bulgarians and speak
a Bulgarian dialect. Indeed, even the Serbian Vuk Karadzic, who was the
first to publish some Macedonian folksongs, selected them in order to
determine with their help the basic characteristics of the Bulgarian
language. That there occur Serbanianisms in some North Macedonian dialects
does not prove anything. It is inevitable that in border areas between two
linguistically kindred groups a certain inlcrminigling of vocabulary lakes
place. If the fin Serbianisms in the regions of Tetovo or Kumanovo, we also
find Bulgarianisms in the Prizren dialect behind the Shar Planina, a purely
Serbian area. The Russian scholar Hilferding says in his book An Excursion
Into Hersegovina And Old Serbia:" In the language of the Serbians around
Prizren it is clearly noticeable how much it tends to resemble the Bulgarian
dialects. It would be interesting to investigate how this blend of the
Serbian language with the Macedo-Bulgarian has come about. "That authorities
marshalled here in such an imposing array would be sufficient to support and
prove the point I wish make here, namely, that the language spoken by the
Slavs between Skopie and Salonica, Kostur and Kustandil is neither Serbian
nor "Macedonian", but Bulgarian. Please allow me to invite one more witness
to make his deposition. The man and scholar I am refering to is a former
countryman. Professor Guslav Wcigand, the eminent German Balkanologist,
cthnographer, linguist and lexicographer. Wcigang ordinarily was no Slavist.
When he began his career, his research interests were centered in Rumania
and Albania. He is one of the very few Western Scholars to give the world a
grammar and reader of the Albanian languagc. But in the course of his
studies he became convinced that he would have to embrace with his research
also the Slavic groups settling in this, as Christ Atanasoff has called it,
tragic peninsula. This extension of his studies had the effect that Wcigang
became also a linguistic expert in the Modern Bulgarian language, a field in
which again he proved himself as grammarian and lexicographer. In 1924, he
published in Leipzig his fundamental work Ethnographic von Maccdonicn, a
chapter of which is devoted under the headline "The Bulgarian Language As
Spoken In Macedonia" (Das Makedonische Bulgarisch) to linguistic issues. The
result of Weigand's meticulous observations do not essentially diverge from
the findings of the other students of these affairs, quoted in this context.
But in one point, at least as far as I can sec on the basis of the limited
number of documents available to me, Weigang had an intuition which had not
occured, at least in so many words, to other scholars. He was , of course,
fully aware of what was going on at that time in Macedonia, a period which
Ivan Michailov, as we have seen, so aptly called "The Regimes Of National
Oppression". He must have speculated which devices, apart from brute force,
the oppressors might yet use to achieve their goal - the denationalization
of the Macedo-Bulgarians. As a well-trained experienced linguist and
ethnographcr it was, in all probability, clear to him that all the attempts
at Serbanization would end in futility and frustration. But then - what
other means could the enemy of the Bulgarian nationality propose to
undermine and destroy Macedonian Bugarianism? And here he hit intuilively
what was to happen 20 years later. The artificial, test tube creation of a
separate Macedonian History, literary language and nation. Here are the
conclusions at which Weigang arrived after a conscientious examination of
the linguistic and ethnographic facts: "Whatever segment of this language we
analyze, again and again it becomes evident that we deal here not with the
Serbian, but the Bulgarian language. All attempts of Serbian chauvinists to
design the Bulgarian language as spoken in Macedonia as a Serbian dialect or
as a mixed language of indefinite character will therefore end in failure.
One could pose the question whether, perhaps, the Macedonian Slavs haven't
their own language, something in between Serbian and Bulgarian. Such an
assumption, however, would be absolutely unjustified, for, as we have seen,
in phonology, morphology and syntax Macedonian Bulgarian and Bulgarian
proper harmonize in every respect. Certain exclusively Macedonian
peculiarities cannot essentially change this picture. In the lexicon there
occurs a number of words of Greek or Turkish origin which do not exist in
the Serbian or Bulgarian vocabulary. In proportion to the overall lexicon,
however, their number is quite insignificant, as can be seen from the
linguistic samples adduced here, which clearly demonstrate that Macedonian
can only be considered a Bulgarian Dialect".
In the 1926, the Russian journalist L.Nemanov, a representative of the
respectable emigre newspaper Poslednie Novosti, edited in Paris, travelled
in what then was officially called "Southern Serbia". He published a report
about his impressions and experiences under the title, "What I Saw in
Macedonia". His findings are those of a man who was probably a good
practical linguist, but certainly not a learned professor of linguistics.
They felicitously supplement the results of strict academic research, in his
own trend of observant impressionism, he relates: "The Serbian authorities
insist that the language spoken by the population in Macedonia is not
Bulgarian, but a Macedonian dialect of the Serbian language. This reminds me
of a case when a Serbian man of science was trying to prove to me that in
general there was no Bulgarian language, but that it was a Shop dialect of
the Serbian, to which I seriously retorted that Russian as an independent
language was nonexistent to except as a Moscow dialect of the Serbian
language. That is why whatever the Serbian politicians cail the language in
Macedonia, it is a fact that this local language is comprehensible to me, a
man knowing a bit of Bulgarian, while it is difficult for me to understand
Serbian". This statement, not devoid of humor as it is, may furnish some
comic relief after all the dry seriousness of philological research and
linguistic inquiry. But one should not forget that it is the question of
depriving a people of its national identity, the first blows are invariably
directed at its language, because a common language, a common heritage and a
common destiny are the chief characteristics of historical nationality. And
the pride in just this heritage and the hopes and aspirations of a common
destiny, in rcturn,arc expressed in just this common language. So the best
way to emasculate a national group is to rob it of its native tongue or to
corrupt it. If it should turn oul impossible to extirpate the language of a
group one desires to oppress and destroy - well, then let's try to persuade
them and the world that their language docs not exist at all, that in
reality it is quite another language they arc speaking, a language of whose
existence they had not even dreamed before, which, however, exists because
we tell them so. You do not speak Bulgarian, you have never spoken
Bulgarian, neither have St.Cyril, St.Methodius, St-Clemens, Tsar Simeon or
Tsar Samuel. They have all spoken Macedonian only, ignorant and
unenlightened as they were, they didn't notice. The same is true of the
Miladinoff, Gotse Delchev, Peju Javoroff or Teodor Trajanoff. They did not
know, but now they are better informed because we tell them so.
A nation which will not surrender its own national identity and national
heritage, will not give up its native tongue, the treasure house of all its
achievements and aspirations. When the Israelis and the Irish succeeded in
re-establishing their own state, it was the first legitimate, and natural
endeavor of their leading minds to recapture their lost or half-lost native
idioms and restore them to their rightful glory. When, before the First
World War, the Prussian government undertook to ban instruction in Polish in
the schools in the eastern provinces of Prussia these decrees were bitterly
and resolutely resisted by the Polish minority. In the end, all these
measures proved futile, but they have contributed to poisoning the
atmosphere between Germans and Poles down to our own day. The press tells us
what undesirable things happened in the Southern Tyrol where the Italian
government shows but scant regard for the cultural rights of the
German-speaking minority. Alas, these examples, spread all over the globe,
could be multiplied ad infinitum. It also shows that even at a lime when
many of the more advanced nations are making great moral efforts to overcome
a narrow-minded, self-centered and often aggressive nationalism there
persists the feeling that questions of language and national identity cannot
and must not be resolved by cither brute force or cunning persuasion, or by
distortion and falsification of the historical and statistical facts. In his
attempts to explain the origins of human language, the great German
humanist, statesman and linguist Wilhelm von Humboldt once declared that all
research in this problem leads to a point where further explanation avails
nothing, where even the keenest, most critical intelligence will have lo
admit that human language in its deepest well-springs is a divine miracle.
From the limes of the ancient Helenes on, the nations have delighted in
their own languages, have recorded them not only with the intelligent
curiosity of science and scholarship, but also with a sense of awe and
wonder. At bottom, their languages have always appeared to them as a
precious vessel, a national possession cherished above all other things, a
sacred covenant with their inscrutable destiny. As long as there is one
living soul also among the Macedo-Bulgarians who remembers this deep in his
heart and acts accordingly, the Macedo-Bulgarian cause is not lost. Keep the
banner of your language flying, then the hope for a free Macedonia for the
Macedo-Bulgarians will be resurrected again and again, and in the end, if
Heaven wills it so, Macedonia's goal will be fulfilled."
[ Index ]
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moderno1
> > > > thread.
> > > > Searched Groups for author:JUNEH...@prodigy.net . Results 1 - 10
> > > > of about 24,100. Search took 0.42 seconds.
> > > > Thank you Google for the information. Great service.
> > > > Look below troll, the Macedonian LANGUAGE is in your face.
> > >
> > > Yep, here it is:
> > >
> > > 1911encyclopedia:
> > >
> > > "The Slavonic masses, however, both Servian and Bulgarian, preserved
> > > their language, which saved these nationalities from extinction."
> >
> > Hey revisionist, you deliberatly left out this revelation about the
> > Macedonian language and the Macedonians:
> >
> > 1911encyclopedia:
> >
> > The Sopcy and Macedonians, among their numerous dialects, 'make a
> > bridge between Servian and Bulgarian.
>
> What nonsense
Your nefarious Greek revisionism is obvious.
If you cannot come to terms with the fact that Macedonians are
Macedonians you should take it up with the EU or the British
Government:
SECRET
SFU/107/1
REPORT ON THE FREE MACEDONIA MOVEMENT
IN AREA FLORINA 1944
-------------------------------------
(By Capt. P. H. Evans, Force 133)
Ref map: GREECE 1/100,000, Sheets, D. IV and D.V
CONTENTS OF REPORT
1. Area under review.
2. The SLAV-MACEDONIAN population.
3. Leftism among the MACEDONIANS.
4. BULGAR influence among the MACEDONIANS.
5. The MACEDONIAN movement now:
(a) Personalities
(b) Military Forces
(c) Relations between Andartes and Partisans
(d) The failure of SNOF
(e) Communist Party role
6. The future.
7. Obtaining information.
NOTE: Throughout this report the term 'MACEDONIANS' or 'SLAV-
MACEDONIANS' is used as meaning the Slavophone inhabitants
of GREECE and in certain cases indicated by the context, the
MACEDONIAN minorities of BULGARIA, YUGOSLAVIA and ALBANIA.
1. AREA UNDER REVIEW
All information in this report was obtained at first hand, during the
period March - October, 1944. During that time I lived successively at
VAPSORI [BABCOR] [33] 5256, [34] on VITSI [VIC] 5754, near DHASERI
[DROBITISTA] 3268 (i.e. on the WEST bank of LITTLE PRESPA LAKE); at
KORIFI [TURJE] 5061 and finally in FLORINA [LERIN] 6068. During part
of September and the whole of October there was an outstation at BOUFI
[BUF] 5173. Besides these places I have visited or passed through a
large number of villages in the general area EAST side of FLORINA
[LERIN] plain - GREEK/YUGOSLAV frontier - PRESPA - KASTORIA [KOSTUR]
4640 - AMYNTAION [SOROVIC] 8257. I never went more than a few yards
into YUGOSLAVIA or ALBANIA, nor was I at any time SOTH of the road
KASTORIA - AMYNTAION.
My knowledge is consequently fairly intimate as far as it goes, but I
must stress that it does not go further than the area above defined. I
have never been, for instance, to EASTERN MACEDONIA or THRACE, and
some of the generalisations I have drawn from experience in my own
area may not be applicable elsewhere.
2. THE SLAV-MACEDONIAN POPULATIONS
The one salient fact about the area in question is very rarely
grasped. Englishmen, even those who know GREECE, fail to grasp it
because few of them ever go so far NORTH. GREEKS fail to grasp it for
two reasons. First, they do not want to. It is to their advantage to
believe that all places which are marked 'GREECE' on the map are, or
ought to be, GREEK in sympathy and in every other way; GREEK by nature
as it were; they do not wish to realize that many of the inhabitants
of MACEDONIA-in-GREECE have almost as good reasons for considering
themselves MACEDONIANS as they themselves have for considering
themselves GREEK. It is a slight case of wishful thinking, a sort of
hoodwinking which is an inseparable part of the Great Idea. [35] The
second reason is that, or so at least I am told, successive GREEK
Governments since the liberation of Slavophone GREECE from the TURKS
have been, despite their various political complexions, alike in one
thing, that they have carefully fostered this delusion, as if to give
the impression both to their own people and to the world that there
was no SLAV minority in GREECE at all; whereas, if a foreigner who did
not know GREECE were to visit the FLORINA region and from that to form
his idea of the country as a whole, he could conclude that it was the
GREEKS who were the minority. It is predominantly a SLAV region not a
GREEK one. The language of the home, and usually also of the fields,
the village street, the market, is MACEDONIAN, a SLAV language. (Not
knowing any SLAV languages myself I cannot comment much on it, but it
seems to be closer to BULGARIAN than to SERBO-CROAT. It is however,
corrupt and debased, without a literature or a fixed grammar, and with
a large number of borrowings from TURKISH, GREEK, ALBANIAN and VLACH,
and even a few from ROMANY. But in any case it is a SLAV tongue.
POLES, for instance, get along with it quite easily, though not as
easily as they do with SERBO-CROAT, which is purer and more fixed.)
Many of the
women, particularly the old women, many of the old men and nearly all
the children born about 1939 or later have NO GREEK. Even those who
know GREEK prefer to speak MACEDONIAN when they can. A stranger who
says 'Good Morning' in GREEK will get the same reply, but if he says
it in MACEDONIAN he will get a flood of welcoming phrases in addition.
The place names as given on the map are GREEK; KALLITHEA, TRIGNON,
DHROSOPYI and so on, but the names which are mostly used, though the
map prints them in small type and in brackets, if at all, are ROUDARI,
OSTINA, BELKAMENI - all SLAV names. The GREEK ones are merely a bit of
varnish put on by METAXAS (but are, however, universally understood).
GREEK is regarded as almost a foreign language and the GREEKS are
distrusted as something alien, even if not, in the full sense of the
word, as foreigners. This obvious fact, almost too obvious to be
stated, that the region is SLAV by nature and not GREEK cannot be
overemphasized!! It is after all the start of the whole problem, and
it is only by bearing it in mind that a satisfactory solution may be
reached, instead of some botched-up remedy which will invite trouble
later.
It is also important to emphasise that the inhabitants, just as they
are not GREEKS, are also not BULARIANS or SERBS or CROATS. They are
MACEDONIANS. Here I cannot dogmatise, as I do not know the history and
particularly the ethnology of the MACEDONIANS. The GREEKS always call
them BULGARS and damn them accordingly, except for EAM/ELAS, who for
once in a way have shown some wisdom and who call these people
'SLAV-MACEDONIANS'. If they were BULGARS, how is it that while they
spread over part of four countries, one of which is BULGARIA, they
consider themselves a single entity and for the most part describe
themselves as 'MACEDONIANS'? Those, moreover, who do claim to be
BULGARS are proved in every case I have been able to verify to have
been under the direct influence of BULGARIAN propaganda (during the
war, that spread by KALTCHEF and GELEF from KASTORIA and FLORINA). The
MACEDONIAN notion as well might, it is true, be something artificial,
a result of propaganda. But it does not seem so. It appears to me
correct to consider the MACEDONIANS an entity, even though a loose
one, which has for a long time been subjected to partition.
The MACEDONIANS are actuated by strong but mixed feelings of
patriotism. In GREECE this seems to be of three kinds, usually
coexisting in the same person. There is a certain loyalty to the GREEK
State; and a thriving and at times fervent local patriotism; and a
feeling, hard to assess because rarely uttered before strangers, and
because it fluctuates with the turn of events and of propaganda, for
MACEDONIA as such, regardless of present frontier-lines, which are
looked upon as usurpation. The loyalty to GREECE broke down to some
extent when the GREEK State broke down, and the BULGAR propaganda and
coercion organisation started working hard, and the MACEDONIAN
Partisans of TITO did a fair amount of proselytising on the quiet; and
it was unprofitable anyway, except in villages permanently garrisoned
by Andartes, [36] to display GREEK sympathies. Moreover, when the
country was over-run by the enemy, the anti-SLAV repression exercised
by METAXAS began to rebound in the form of indignation against the
GREEKS. But a fair degree of loyalty did once exist, even under
METAXAS. That is quite clear from the way in which the regiments from
the SLAV areas fought in the ALBANIAN WAR, when they distinguished
themselves not only be their fighting spirit but also by their
endurance of fatigue and cold, in which they surpassed most other
units; and it does not seem that they contained a higher proportion of
traitors, in relation to the size of the respective minorities, than
say the VLACH element in the GREEK army
And stop getting drunk on spirits and take note:
June R Harton
> If you cannot come to terms with the fact that Macedonians are
> Macedonians you should take it up with the EU or the British
> Government:
> SECRET
> SFU/107/1
> REPORT ON THE FREE MACEDONIA MOVEMENT
> IN AREA FLORINA 1944
> -------------------------------------
> (By Capt. P. H. Evans, Force 133)
> Ref map: GREECE 1/100,000, Sheets, D. IV and D.V
> GREEK one. The language of the home, and usually also of the fields,
> the village street, the market, is MACEDONIAN, a SLAV language. (Not
> knowing any SLAV languages myself I cannot comment much on it, but it
> seems to be closer to BULGARIAN than to SERBO-CROAT.
Why don't you read what you post? Obviously there it clearly says it
is a bulgarian dialect and since Macedonians are only Greek incorrectly
refers to that dialect as 'Macedonian'.
Here is proof that cannot be disputed regarding the fact that you are
nothing but a Bulgarian, Bulgarian:
In a letter to Prof. Marin Drinov of May 25, 1888 Kuzman Shapkarev writes:
"But even stranger is the name Macedonians, which was imposed on us only 10
to 15 years ago by outsiders, and not as something by our own
intellectuals... Yet the people in Macedonia know nothing of that ancient
name, reintroduced today with a cunning aim on the one hand and a stupid one
on the other. They know the older word: "Bugari", although mispronounced:
they have even adopted it as peculiarly theirs, inapplicable to other
Bulgarians. You can find more about this in the introduction to the booklets
I am sending you. They call their own Macedono-Bulgarian dialect the
"Bugarski language", while the rest of the Bulgarian dialects they refer to
as the "Shopski language". (Makedonski pregled, IX, 2, 1934, p. 55; the
original letter is kept in the Marin Drinov Museum in Sofia, and it is
available for examination and study)
Here is the text in the original:
"No pochudno e imeto Makedonci, koeto naskoro, edvay predi 10-15 godini, ni
natrapiha i to otvqn, a ne kakto nyakoi mislyat ot samata nasha
inteligenciya... Narodqt obache v Makedoniya ne znae nishto za tova
arhaichesko, a dnes, s lukava cel ot edna strana, s glupeshka ot druga,
podnoveno prozvishte; toy si znae postaroto: Bugari, makar i nepravilno
proiznasyano, daje osvoyava si go kato sobstveno i preimushtestveno svoe,
nejeli za drugite Bqlgari. Za tova shte vidite i v predgovora na izpratenite
mi knijici. Toy naricha Bugarski ezik svoeto Makaedono-bqlgarsko narechie,
kogato drugite bqlgarski narechiya naricha Shopski."
moderno1
qualifies that he doesn't know any of those languages, NOR DO YOU and
that should also be stated. He spent time with Macedonians he is more
enlightened on this subject than you will ever be. His report is
accurate read it again for it to sink in.
Here is some more of the Macedonian Language for you all (TAKE NOTE):
Plutarch, Lives (ed. Bernadotte Perrin)
Periklês
XVI. kaitoi tên dunamin autou saphôs men ho Thoukudidês diêgeitai,
kakoêthôs de paremphainousin hoi kômikoi, Peisistratidas men neous
tous peri auton hetairous kalountes, auton d' apomosai mê turannêsein
keleuontes, hôs asummetrou pros dêmokratian kai baruteras peri auton
ousês huperochês: [2] ho de Têlekleidês paradedôkenai phêsin autôi
tous Athênaious
poleôn te phorous autas te poleis, tas men dein, tas d'
analuein, laïna teichê,
THESE THREE WORDS ABOVE DESCRIBE YOU ALL 100%!
WHAT WAS PLUTARCH DOING WRITING MODERN MACEDONIAN WORDS QUOTING A
FRAGMENT? IT’S TOO BAD FOR YOU THAT THESE WORDS ARE PURE
MACEDONIAN AND NOT GREACIANO OR BULGARIAN. YOU HAVE BEEN FED LIES,
THAT IS WHY YOU ARE ANALUEIN AND LAINA TEICHE WHENEVER YOU POST.
ta men oikodomein, ta d' epeita palin kataballein,
spondas, dunamin, kratos, eirênên, plouton t' eudaimonian te.
Telecleides; Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 220
mode...@hotmail.com (moderno1) wrote in message news:<91c2bf58.02092...@posting.google.com>...
Yannis
..........................................
> Here is some more of the Macedonian Language for you all (TAKE NOTE):
>
> Plutarch, Lives (ed. Bernadotte Perrin)
> Periklês
> XVI. kaitoi tên dunamin autou saphôs men ho Thoukudidês diêgeitai,
> kakoêthôs de paremphainousin hoi kômikoi, Peisistratidas men neous
> tous peri auton hetairous kalountes, auton d' apomosai mê turannêsein
> keleuontes, hôs asummetrou pros dêmokratian kai baruteras peri auton
> ousês huperochês: [2] ho de Têlekleidês paradedôkenai phêsin autôi
> tous Athênaious
>
> poleôn te phorous autas te poleis, tas men dein, tas d'
> analuein, laïna teichê,
> THESE THREE WORDS ABOVE DESCRIBE YOU ALL 100%!
> WHAT WAS PLUTARCH DOING WRITING MODERN MACEDONIAN WORDS QUOTING A
> FRAGMENT? IT’S TOO BAD FOR YOU THAT THESE WORDS ARE PURE
> MACEDONIAN AND NOT GREACIANO OR BULGARIAN. YOU HAVE BEEN FED LIES,
> THAT IS WHY YOU ARE ANALUEIN AND LAINA TEICHE WHENEVER YOU POST.
> ta men oikodomein, ta d' epeita palin kataballein,
> spondas, dunamin, kratos, eirênên, plouton t' eudaimonian te.
> Telecleides; Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 220
What do you say bre bezeveng ?
All words above are Macedonian because they are Greek! Macedonians were always
Greeks.
What analuein, laina or teiche mean in your SlavoSkopian Bulgarian dialect bre
drvo ??
In Macedonian these words mean destroy, stone and wall ( that encloses a city)
Yannis
Macedonia, Greece
June R Harton
> Do not smear Captain P. H. Evans' report writing abilities. He simply
> qualifies that he doesn't know any of those languages, NOR DO YOU and
> that should also be stated. He spent time with Macedonians
Stop spreading falsehoods here, Bulgarian.
Why don't you read what you post? Obviously there it clearly says it
is a Bulgarian dialect and, since Macedonians are only Greek, incorrectly
refers to that dialect as 'Macedonian'.
Here is proof that cannot be disputed regarding the fact that you are
nothing but a Bulgarian, Bulgarian and the language is a Bulgarian dialect:
In a letter to Prof. Marin Drinov of May 25, 1888 Kuzman Shapkarev writes:
"But even stranger is the name Macedonians, which was imposed on us only 10
to 15 years ago by outsiders, and not as something by our own
intellectuals... Yet the people in Macedonia know nothing of that ancient
name, reintroduced today with a cunning aim on the one hand and a stupid one
on the other. They know the older word: "Bugari", although mispronounced:
they have even adopted it as peculiarly theirs, inapplicable to other
Bulgarians. You can find more about this in the introduction to the booklets
I am sending you. They call their own Macedono-Bulgarian dialect the
"Bugarski language", while the rest of the Bulgarian dialects they refer to
as the "Shopski language". (Makedonski pregled, IX, 2, 1934, p. 55; the
original letter is kept in the Marin Drinov Museum in Sofia, and it is
available for examination and study)
Here is the text in the original:
"No pochudno e imeto Makedonci, koeto naskoro, edvay predi 10-15 godini, ni
natrapiha i to otvqn, a ne kakto nyakoi mislyat ot samata nasha
inteligenciya... Narodqt obache v Makedoniya ne znae nishto za tova
arhaichesko, a dnes, s lukava cel ot edna strana, s glupeshka ot druga,
podnoveno prozvishte; toy si znae postaroto: Bugari, makar i nepravilno
proiznasyano, daje osvoyava si go kato sobstveno i preimushtestveno svoe,
nejeli za drugite Bqlgari. Za tova shte vidite i v predgovora na izpratenite
mi knijici. Toy naricha Bugarski ezik svoeto Makaedono-bqlgarsko narechie,
kogato drugite bqlgarski narechiya naricha Shopski."
moderno1
> "moderno1" <mode...@hotmail.com> wrote in message
> news:91c2bf58.02100...@posting.google.com...
> > Do not smear Captain P. H. Evans' report writing abilities. He simply
> > qualifies that he doesn't know any of those languages, NOR DO YOU and
> > that should also be stated. He spent time with Macedonians
>
> Stop spreading falsehoods here, Bulgarian.
>
> Why don't you read what you post? Obviously there it clearly says it
> is a Bulgarian dialect and, since Macedonians are only Greek, incorrectly
> refers to that dialect as 'Macedonian'.
Take it up with the British.
This is what i posted so you read it. Macedonians are not Greeks or
Bulgarians and you better respect that.
CONTENTS OF REPORT
1. AREA UNDER REVIEW
2. THE SLAV-MACEDONIAN POPULATIONS
TAKE NOTE:
June R Harton
> "June R Harton" <JUNEH...@prodigy.net> wrote in message
news:<ksLn9.607$Pn...@newssvr19.news.prodigy.com>...
> > "moderno1" <mode...@hotmail.com> wrote in message
> > news:91c2bf58.02100...@posting.google.com...
> > > Do not smear Captain P. H. Evans' report writing abilities. He simply
> > > qualifies that he doesn't know any of those languages, NOR DO YOU and
> > > that should also be stated. He spent time with Macedonians
> > Stop spreading falsehoods here, Bulgarian.
> > Why don't you read what you post? Obviously there it clearly says it
> > is a Bulgarian dialect and, since Macedonians are only Greek,
incorrectly
> > refers to that dialect as 'Macedonian'.
> Take it up with the British.
> This is what i posted so you read it. Macedonians are not Greeks or
> Bulgarians and you better respect that.
Here, Bulgarian, respect truth:
Sure, Bulgarian: