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Charise Scrivner

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Aug 4, 2024, 2:09:00 PM8/4/24
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Thebayan (Russian: бая́н, .mw-parser-output .IPA-label-smallfont-size:85%.mw-parser-output .references .IPA-label-small,.mw-parser-output .infobox .IPA-label-small,.mw-parser-output .navbox .IPA-label-smallfont-size:100%IPA: [bɐˈjan]) is a type of chromatic button accordion developed in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century and named after the 11th-century bard Boyan.[2]

The differences in internal construction give the bayan a different tone color from Western instruments, and the bass has a much fuller sound. Because of their range and purity of tone, bayans are often the instrument of choice for accordion virtuosi who perform classical and contemporary classical music. Two Soviet composers of note who wrote compositions for bayan are Vladislav Zolotaryov and Sofia Gubaidulina. Slovak composer Peter Machajdk composed Concerto for two Bayans and Orchestra,[3] which was premiered by Acco Duo (Miran Vaupotić & Ivana Levak-Vaupotić), with the Symphony Orchestra of the Pomeranian Philharmonic under Alexander Gref, at the Paderewski Philharmonic in Bydgoszcz, Poland on 4 June 2009. Russian Bayan virtuoso Stas Venglevski has premiered contemporary works by Yehuda Yannay, Anthony Galla-Rini and William Susman.[4]


Founded on the determination and strength of the majority of oppressed classes, Bayan is an alliance composed mainly of organizations of workers and peasants. Various sectors from the youth, women, indigenous peoples, government employees and professionals also account for many of our organizational members. Bayan counts as its members individual personages who serve in its leading bodies.


As an alliance of organizations, BAYAN promotes the unity of its participating organizations through the principle of consensus in decision-making, after a free and full discussions of issues and with due respect to the independence and initiative of each participating organization. BAYAN also promotes the principles of mutual support, cooperation and protection between and among its participating organizations.


Over the past 25 years, Bayan figured prominently in the ouster of the Marcos dictatorship and the Estrada regime. It has fought various repressive policies and campaigns, including the wave of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances under the Arroyo regime. The organization was at the forefront of the movement to oust the corrupt, fascist and puppet Arroyo government. Bayan continues to fight for justice for the human rights victims of the Marcos and Arroyo regimes.


BAYAN has regional, provincial and local chapters throughout the Philippines as well as overseas chapters in the United States and Canada. It has also established Information Desks in Hong Kong and Japan. It is currently developing its formation in Europe.


The Filipino people have long been enslaved and humiliated by foreign powers and by the local

exploiting classes of big comprador capitalists and landlords. But our history as a people has not only been one of oppression and exploitation. It has also been a history of struggle against foreign domination and for a liberating social order with independence, freedom, justice, equality and prosperity.


For more than three hundred fifty years, the Filipino people sustained their struggle against Spanish colonialism. There were numerous uprisings against the conquistadores, some lasting for more than fifty years, in various parts of the archipelago. The Moro and Cordillera peoples waged fierce resistance and preserved their cultural identities, In I896, the Philippine revolution led by the Katipunan broke out and succeeded in less than two years to overthrow Spanish colonial rule. The Philippines was the first colonial nation in Asia to proclaim its independence and establish a republic.


But the United States, then a rising imperialist power, intervened and launched a brutal war of aggression against the new republic. Our people fought bravely against the cruel and better armed veterans of the genocidal war against the native American-lndians, The aggressors killed nearly a million Filipinos out of a population of seven miIIion, and reconcentrated thousands of villages in the first case of strategic hamletting by the US in Asia. The ilustrado leadership

of the new republic capitulated, and the Philippines became a formal colony of the United States in 1902.


The Japanese occupation of the country during World War II pushed the people into spontaneous armed resistance. Guerrilla groups proliferated throughout the country. In Central and Southern Luzon, the Hukbong Bavan Laban sa Hapon (Hukbalahap) led by the merged Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the Socialist Party of the Philippines (SPP) was the biggest guerrilla force. It established local resistance governments and carried out land reform. But these gains were abandoned upon the return or American troops and the restoration of US colonial rule.


The grant of bogus independence was preceded by the signing into law by US President Truman of the Philippine Rehabilitation Act and the Philippine Trade Act. These legitimized the colonial pattern of production, trade and finance, and perpetuated the rule of the local big comprador and landlord classes after July 1946. The Parity Amendment was forcibly passed in the Philippine Congress. This was followed by the signing of other unequal treaties that allowed US military bases on Philippine soil and maintained US military control over the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). The Philippines was formally into a neocolony of the US.


The assassination of Benigno Aquino in 1983 saw the explosion of huge demonstrations against the dictatorship. At the core of these mass actions was the national democratic movement leading such broad alliances as the Justice for Aquino; Justice for All (JAJA), the Nationalist Alliance for Justice, Freedom and Denl0cracy (NAJFD), and the Coalition of Organizations for the Realization of Democracy (CORD).


In the snap polls of 1986, BAYAN tried to negotiate with the representatives of Mrs. Aquino to take a firm stand on the dismantling of the US bases. It decided to boycott the elections. But it put up a center to monitor the conduct of the polls and held nightly vigil at the Batasang Pambansa. After the elections, BAYAN was among the first organizations to call for massive civil disobedience. It joined the spontaneous gathering of people at EDSA and massed its forces before municipal buildings andll1ilitary camps in many parts of the country when the military mutiny began. On the night of the departure of the dictator, BAYAN was the main contingent in the mass of people gathered around Malacaang Palace.


BA YAN and its participating organizations became the targets of repression by the regime. KMU workers were killed and maimed in violent dispersals of picket Iines. KMP peasants were victims of massacres in Mendiola, Lupao and other places. KADENA, a youth organization was brutally suppressed in Metro Manila. Several national and regional leaders of BAYAN were assassinated with impunity to sow fear and paralyze the organization. These included Lean Alejandro, its founding secretary-general, Rolando Olalia, its founding vice-chairman, Dave Bueno, Ramon Cura, Noel Mendoza, Oscar Tunog and Vic Mirabueno, all regional leaders from Northern Luzon, Central Luzon. Metro Manila, Visayas and Mindanao, respectively. BAYAN survived the Aquino regime intact.


Philippine society remains semicolonial and semifeudal. It continues to be ruled by such local exploiting classes, as the big comprador bourgeoisie and the landlord class supported by US and Japanese monopoly capitalists. Its economy is based principally on the production or export crops and the extraction of raw materials for processing by foreign industries. There are no basic industries. All manufacturing is dependent on imported components, machinery, spare parts and fuel for production. The unequal exchange between cheap raw materials and reprocessed products, on the one hand, and expensive producer and consumer goods, on the Other, creates the conditions for the chronic crisis that afflicts the economy.


The introduction of packaging and export industries and the export of labor power have not solved the perennial balance of Ira de and payment deficits, nor the problem of accumulating surplus labor brought about by the lack of basic industries and the exhaustion of the land frontier. The resort to massive foreign borrowings has only compounded the situation with the money being spent on infrastructures and nonproductive ventures, non-viable mills and technology from foreign monopoly companies; and portions going to the pockets of bureaucrats. The economy has been in a state of recession for the last three years.


The economy is being managed by US imperialism through the extended fund facility and structural program of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank (IMF-WB). These have served to strengthen the semicolonial and semi feudal system through such devices as the deregulation of foreign exchange transactions, liberalization of investments and imports privatization and rationalization. The foreign debt stands at USD40B as of April 1993 (NEDA). Forty percent of the national budget is allocated for foreign debt servicing. This has prompted more local borrowings, the frequent printing of new money, and the persistence of hyperinflation. Yearly, new taxes are imposed and expenditures for social and public services are slashed. The socio-economic crisis just keeps worsening.


The Filipino people bear the brunt of the crisis. As of July 1993, 75 percent of the population or 7.8 million of the 10.5 million families live below the poverty level of P244/day that an average family of six needs in order to survive. The effective unemployment rate is about 44.2% of the total labor force of27.5 million (NEDA). While inflation keeps eroding the real income of wage-earners, the average minimum wage nationwide is pegged at P100l day as of December 1993. The gap between the rich and the poor is widening and is the worst in Southeast Asia.

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