The Filipino Saga History As Social Change
Elenio Guardado
Under conditions of Martial Law, Marcos had the monopoly to make decisions on government operations because there were hardly any democratic limits to his prerogatives. State power and resources were concentrated on Marcos as the de facto chief executive, chief legislator, chief justice, and chief commander of the armed forces all at the same time.
A substantial number of Filipinos instantly believe these stories, despite thorough fact-checking made by critics to prove many of them as falsehoods. No amount of logical reasoning, valid expos, or polemical counterargument about Marcos mythomania and pathological lying could have significantly prevented the process of turning a pro-Marcos voter into a loyalist.
Indeed, in order to more effectively fact-check and counter the historical denialism of the Marcos family, there is need for a counterfactual history analysis of the failings of the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution. This counterfactual reflection implies the contingency rather than inevitability of the Marcos Return phenomenon and the process of socio-political change. Some key propositions and presuppositions are put forward in the following discussions.
It is true that the Marcos family has been largely marginalized by the liberal media, progressive intelligentsia, and critical universities especially in urban cities. But it is also the reality that they have always been influential on politicians at the local and national levels, elite circles in arts and culture, sections of conservative blocs and religious groups, the institutions of the police and military, and top law firms and the whole court system.
In a plutocratic and highly unequal society, money is a renewable resource of energy for the elite political class. Because they have remained wealthy, the Marcos family never lost power and influence in the society. With their wealth intact, given the right timing and strategizing, the money of the Marcoses has easily regenerated into political power.
As has been manifested in the current political moment, the economically insecure and vulnerable population can be swayed easily by satirical videos and memes in social media. Ridiculing the anti-Marcos groups online about the blunders and failures of the EDSA republic is both affective and mind conditioning to many. This is because such mockery has a touch of truth.
Bonn Juego is a political economist and development researcher. Currently, he teaches issues on sustainability transitions and strategies at the Corporate Environmental Management unit of the Jyvskyl University School of Business and Economics, Finland.
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[13] Lynch, Owen J. Colonial Legacies in a Fragile Republic : Philippine Land Law and State Formation with Emphasis on the Early U.S. Regime(1898-1913)Quezon City: University of the Philippines College of Law.2011.pp.87
[24] Teodoro A. Agoncillo. History of the Filipino People 8th ed.Quezon City:C&E Publishing Inc.pp.80;see also Seccion Pangasinan. Tomo.2. Doc.10. Expediente sobre las erreciones de los Pueblos o sitios de Panlaguit y Telban, Provincia de Pangasinan 1766. Fols. 181-215 Don Juan Macaraeg was the gobernadorcillo of Pandoyocan in the year 1766-67.
[26] The budgetary request submitted by the head of the towns in Pangasinan to Manila on November 11 states that the gobernadorcillo of Villasis on September 28,1854 was Don Geronimo Evangelista; see Rosario M. Cortes,Pangasinan, 1801-1900: A Politico-Economic Social History, pp.47
[27] Rosario M Cortes,Pangasinan, 1801-1900: a politico-economic and social history,pp.84 notes that the list of top municipal officials in 1898 states that the municipal captain of Villasis in 1898 was Don Victoriano Rebosa .
[28] The list of the presidents of towns in Pangasinan that attended the Provincial Assembly which was held in Dagupan on February 15, 1901,states that the representative of Villasis was Don Ramon Olandaya. See; Rosario M. Cortes, Pangasinan 1901-1986: a political, socio-economic and cultural history .pp.12-15.
[32] The following table shows the Dominican Provincial Vicars assigned in Pangasinan. Those that were marked with asterisk were conflicting dates of tenure. For further inquiries about the lists, see Pananisia Heritage and Legacy. Pp.249
[35] It was the friars who manages the state of affairs of a proposed town. See Seccion Pangasinan. Varios .Tomo.2. Doc. 15.1776. Fols. 57-60. Presentacion de ternas para proveer de ministros de docrina a varios pueblos de Pangasinan.
[36] [36] The following table shows the Missionaries assigned in Binalatongan. Those that were marked with asterisk were conflicting dates of tenure. It is unclear whether the place was accepted by the Dominicans as a domus(house) or vicaria(vicarage). For further inquiries about the lists, see Pananisia Heritage and Legacy.pp. 238-239
[38] The following table shows the Missionaries assigned in Pandoyocan and Villasis. Those that were marked with asterisk were conflicting dates of tenure. It is unclear whether the place was accepted by the Dominicans as a domus(house) or vicaria(vicarage). For further inquiries about the lists, see Pananisia Heritage and Legacy.pp. 238-239
[42]Seccion Pangasinan. Tomo 3. Doc. 28.A solicitud de los naturales reunidos en el sitio de Pandoyocan, jurisdiccion de la Provincia de Pangasinan, he proviedo ( el governador general Folgueras ) este dia el decreto siguinte, que traslado a V.R. para su inteligencia y cumplimiento en la parte que le comprenda. Fols . 264-267.
[44] These were made from tree branches or bamboo strips woven together and formed like a mat panels. They were placed between the spaces of the wooden framework and then covered with a thick layer of mixed lime(palitada). It was also noted in the report made after the Palaris revolt that the walls of the churches , including that of Pandoyocan was made of wood. See item number 9 in Seccion Pangasinan. Tomo 2. Doc.13.Diligencias hechas en Pangasinan sobre el porte de los religiosos de nuestra orden en tiempo de la guerra. 1769. Fols. 329-419
[45] The following table shows the Missionaries assigned in Pandoyocan and Villasis. Those that were marked with asterisk were conflicting dates of tenure. It is unclear whether the place was accepted by the Dominicans as a domus(house) or vicaria(vicarage). For further inquiries about the lists, see Pananisia Heritage and Legacy.pp.248-249.
[56] A barrio of Alcala situated next to Amamperez, a barrio of Villasis. Macayo is nearer to Bayambang than Malasiqui. A note written by Governador general Mariano de Folgueras corresponds with the change of site of Pandoyocan. It was about the non availability of a Priest to administer the souls in Pandoyocan because Bayambang did not want to send missionaries to Pandoyocan. For further inquiries see also Seccion Pangasinan. Tomo 3. Doc. 29. Nota : Carta de Governador general Mariano Fernandez de Folgueras sobre sitio de Pandoyocan estan no ministro y sus hijos y hijas por tres meses no recibe el santo bautismo.
[59] . The following table shows the Missionaries assigned in Asingan while administering the affairs of the church in Pandoyocan and Villasis. Those that were marked with asterisk were conflicting dates of tenure. It is unclear whether the place was accepted by the Dominicans as a domus(house) or vicaria(vicarage). For further inquiries about the lists, see Pananisia Heritage and Legacy pp.238-239.
[60]Seccion Pangasinan. Tomo 3. Doc. 28.A solicitud de los naturales reunidos en el sitio de Pandoyocan, jurisdiccion de la Provincia de Pangasinan, he proviedo ( el governador general Folgueras ) este dia el decreto siguinte, que traslado a V.R. para su inteligencia y cumplimiento en la parte que le comprenda. Fols . 264-267.
[64]Seccion Pangasinan. Tomo 3. Doc. 28. A solicitud de los naturales reunidos en el sitio de Pandoyocan, jurisdiccion de la Provincia de Pangasinan, he proviedo ( el governador general Folgueras ) este dia el decreto siguinte, que traslado a V.R. para su inteligencia y cumplimiento en la parte que le comprenda. Fols . 264-267.;www.villasis.gov.ph, for further inquiries, see also and
[72] The date of the uprising were noted in Rosario Cortes, Pangasinan 1572-1800.pp.151 as December 15 and Renato Constantino in Vol. I The Philippines A Past Revisited pp.99 also noted the start of the rebellion was on Dec. 15 while Melquiades R. Serraon in Pananisia: Heritage and legacy Pangasinan: The Dawning of Christianity and the Early Quest for Freedom .pp.22 was noted as December 12 while Cortes,Boncan and Jose in The Filipino Saga History as Social Change it was noted as December 16.pp.79.
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