Then on Feb. 24, just before the launch, in another televised address, he would announce:
(I)n accordance with Article 51 (Chapter VII) of the UN Charter, with permission of Russia’s Federation Council, and in execution of the treaties of friendship and mutual assistance with the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Lugansk People’s Republic, ratified by the Federal Assembly on February 22, *I made a decision to carry out a special military operation* [emphasis added now].
To be followed up with:
The purpose of this operation is to protect people who, for eight years now, have been facing humiliation and genocide perpetrated by the Kiev regime. To this end, we will seek to demilitarise and denazify Ukraine, as well as bring to trial those who perpetrated numerous bloody crimes against civilians [i.e., at the very minimum, depose the incumbent leaders and put them to trial and install a puppet regime--if not annex Ukraine outright--and, also, destroy it's military infrastructure] including against citizens of the Russian Federation.
He also goes on to issue a, hardly veiled, nuclear threat:
I would now like to say something very important for those who may be tempted to interfere in these developments from the outside. No matter who tries to stand in our way or all the more so create threats for our country and our people, they must know that Russia will respond immediately, and the consequences will be such as you have never seen in your entire history [emphasis added now]. No matter how the events unfold, we are ready. All the necessary decisions in this regard have been taken. I hope that my words will be heard.
He and his minions would keep repeating such threats--even though only with waning effects--from that point onward.
And given the reports of widespread atrocities committed by the Russian troops, unearthing of mass graves in liberated territories and indiscriminate bombing of civilian targets, "We/I Support Putin!" is hardly a banner that can be used outside the Russian borders.
2. What's Putin's Cause?
Putin's cause is obviously to annex as much of Ukraine as possible.
The formal annexation declaration of four occupied--even if not entirely--regions, including two--over which Russia never had any special claim--clearly testifies.
3. How this cause can be served by outsiders in hostile foreign lands?
As the outright "support" banner cannot be used, some of these advocates--those belonging to the Left in particular--are trying to make use of the Peace banner.
However, in pursuance of a just and stable "peace", they don't ask for immediate vacation of the aggression--withdrawal of the invading forces to Feb. 24 position.
While a pro-forma condemnation of the brutal and massive invasion is issued--primarily to be used as the proverbial fig-leaf, all the practical demands are made only of the US and the NATO--in effect trying to force them to desist from aiding David in his life-and-death battle with the Goliath. With the sole aim of making the brave Ukrainians pushing back the far larger and much better equipped invaders helplessly submit to the giant predator.
That's what their campaign for this "peace" is all about.
4. Under the circumstances, the genuine fighters for peace and universal nuclear disarmament worldwide have no go but to tirelessly call out this elaborate game of deception and keep pursuing the goal of "peace" by forcefully asking the Russian invaders to go back to the positions on the ground as had obtained before the launch of the invasion on Feb..24.
The issues of paying reparation and war crimes etc may be settled later in due course.
The heroic resistance put up by Ukraine must be unequivocally solidarised with.
Sukla
P.S.: As regards the "provocations" bit--usually latched on to by Putin's apologists (in disguise)--here's a fairly comprehensive treatment of the arguments put forward by, understandably, the most eminent pusher of this line:
Mearsheimer portrays the conflict between Russia and Ukraine that broke out in 2014 as a civil war based on an ethnolinguistic divide between Russian and Ukrainian speakers. Yet, somehow, Ukraine’s fiercely anti-Russian president is a Russian speaker, and there are no major groups of Ukrainians in even the most predominately Russian enclaves welcoming the recent invasion. That’s because there is neither an equation in Ukraine between speaking Russian and being Russian, nor being Russian and wanting to unite with Russia.
The identities are actually in flux and have changed dramatically since 2004, when the maps for the video were made. The country was almost equally divided between people who identified themselves as Russian in 2004, but the identities were never definitive and the Russian identity has declined dramatically in recent years. According to a recent Morning Consult poll, a mere 9 percent of Ukrainian citizens identify themselves as Russian today. Even among Russian speakers, 42 percent identify with “Western interests” while only 18 percent identify with “Russian interests.”
Mearsheimer is clear that the West is mostly responsible for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, because the West has sought to peal Ukraine away from the “Russian sphere of influence.” According to Mearsheimer, the West has sought to do this through EU and Nato expansion, and by promoting democracy in Ukraine. But he neglects to mention that while Ukrainians have sought Nato membership since the end of the Cold War, there has been little stomach for it in Nato, precisely out of a respect for the “Russian sphere of influence.”
If Ukraine’s membership were so important to Nato, they might have been expected to invite Ukraine to join when they possessed over four thousand nuclear warheads and were clamoring to be admitted in the early nineties. They might have been expected to invite Ukraine to join after they held mass peaceful protests calling for democracy and an end to corruption in the 2004 Orange Revolution. They might have been expected to invite Ukraine after citizens overwhelmingly voted in pro-Europe candidates in a series of elections following the Euro Maidan Protests in 2014. And they might have been expected to start the admissions process when Ukrainians overwhelmingly voted for a president who made joining Nato a central plank in his campaign in 2019.
Mearsheimer neglects to mention that Ukraine was not slated to join Nato when Putin invaded it in 2014, and there was no serious talk of it when he invaded in 2022. In fact, Putin made sure that Ukraine could not enter Nato by maintaining an ongoing war in the Donbass, for no states with ongoing border disputes can join Nato. Mearsheimer definitively negates the argument that Putin recently invaded Ukraine because of Nato expansion in stating that he has “talked to countless policy makers about it” and “Nato expansion is dead.”
But if Mearsheimer was positive that Nato expansion was dead in 2015, why are people sharing his videos as proof that Nato is to blame for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022?
Mearsheimer blames Nato for welcoming Georgia into its alliance on April 3, 2008, claiming that it got “uppity,” and that this justified Russia's invasion of it. However, Georgia and Ukraine were not invited to the conference. Meanwhile, Angela Merkel and several other heads of state vetoed their membership request at the meeting, noting Mearsheimer’s own argument that it encroached on the “Russian sphere of influence.” Thus, when Russia invaded Georgia later in 2008, and peeled away its province of South Ossetia, they were invading a country that had actually just been rejected from Nato.
Mearsheimer’s disingenuousness is on full display when he digs into the details.
He gives a day by day account of what happened in the so-called Euromaidan “coup” of 2014. Yet, in a striking act of intellectual dishonesty, he conveniently leaves out the date in which a quorum of every voting member of every major political party in parliament voted to remove Yanukovych from the presidency. He says “there is killing on the Maidan,” and he lists the number of people killed, while emphasizing the “fascist elements” engaged in violence. But he fails to mention that the police started the killing, killed dozens before protesters started fighting back, and killed roughly eight protesters for every officer downed.
He gives a day by day recounting of Russia’s annexation of the Crimea, mentioning that Crimea’s parliament voted to join Russia. Yet, he neglects to mention they literally did so at gunpoint, with Russian troops surrounding the voting chamber. He mentions that Crimeans voted to join Russia in a referendum but neglects to mention that surveys prior to the vote suggested only 20 to 40 percent supported joining Russia while an absurd 97 percent purportedly voted for it in the referendum. Of course, the referendum was fraudulent. It occurred ten days after the invasion, was overseen by a pro-Russian extremist party, involved no international observers, and took place amid numerous disappearances of politicians and activists.
Mearsheimer has a more general point to make about the expansion of Nato stoking Russian fears. Yet, as we have seen, the wider argument is rooted in a series of misleading claims. Meanwhile, he overlooks his own role in influencing policy makers. For decades, he has argued that Russia will strike back if Nato expands into its “sphere of influence.” And ever since the Berlin Wall fell, western heads of state have heeded the warning, delaying and rejecting the pleas of Eastern European states to be let into the organization.
And at the end of the day, he turned out to be wrong. It was the states that Nato admitted which remained safe and only those that remained on the outside, when they were not being seriously considered for membership, that were invaded. In this way, Mearsheimer helped invite Russian imperialism by seeking to placate it. And he completely misjudged Putin, who not only invaded the whole of Ukraine, but did so when it was not slated for Nato membership. Meanwhile, he did so when Nato was not expanding but rather at its weakest, following the controversial withdrawal from Afganistan [emphasis added now].
Arguably, the most significant point is that a country whose desperate appeals for the NATO membership remained unattended has become the first country in Europe to be invaded-- that too in a very big way--since the WWII. Not the other way round. In fact, despite shrill threats, Finland and Sweden have not been attacked on their joining the NATO--finally shedding their traditional neutral status--under the traumatic impact of the Ukraine invasion.