Save Goa | Save Western Ghats: Review four-lane highway, 400 KV transmission line and double tracking of Rly line through Bhagwan Mahavir Wildlife Sanctuary & Mollem National Park

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Jun 23, 2020, 12:30:47 AM6/23/20

National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
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SAVE GOA! SAVE WESTERN GHATS! STOP RECKLESS DESTRUCTION!

NAPM calls for review of the four-lane highway, 400 KV transmission line and double tracking of the railway line through the Bhagwan Mahavir Wildlife Sanctuary and Mollem National Park

Supreme Court must direct mandatory compliance of the recommendations in the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel Report

23^rd June, 2020: NAPM expresses serious concerns over the reckless issuance of ‘virtual clearances’ to multiple infrastructure projects in environmentally sensitive areas of Goa by the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC). Even as the country is reeling under a pandemic and grappling with a poorly planned lockdown, the National Board for Wildlife (NBWL) ‘video-approved’ a four-lane highway and a 400 kv transmission line in the eco-fragile Western Ghats on 7^th April. These projects are to be constructed right through the forests of Bhagwan Mahavir Wildlife Sanctuary and Mollem National Park!

As if this is not enough, a third project related to the double tracking of the railway line passing through the sanctuary and national park is also being considered by the Government. The three projects would require cutting down over 50,000 trees and diversion of 216 hectares of forest and private land. This venture would also put the water-security of over 16 lakh Goans in jeopardy as the projects would cut across the River Ragada, a tributary of Mhadei! It has become a practice for project proponents to obtain ‘piece meal clearances’, while these three linear projects, situated within the same protected area need a rigorous cumulative impact assessment. It is a sad reflection on the state of environmental governance that the MoEFCC and NBWL overlook these crucial statutory requirements.

Bhagwan Mahaveer Wildlife Sanctuary and Mollem National Park, part of a larger contiguous forest is a treasure trove of flora and fauna and is an important tiger corridor between Goa and the adjoining Kali Tiger Reserve in Karnataka. With an area of 240 sq. km, the Sanctuary and the National Park constitute the largest protected area in Goa. This forest is part of the Western Ghats, which is one of the 8 biodiversity hotspots of the world and part of the UNESCO World Heritage Site. All three projects require diversion of forest land from this single protected area.

It is learnt that the protected area is home to more than 721 plant species, 235 bird species, 219 butterfly species, 80 odonate species, 70 mammal species, 75 ant species, 45 reptile species, 44 fish species, 43 fungi species, 27 amphibian species, 24 orchid species, and 18 species of lichens. This list includes various endemic species as well as rare and vulnerable species such as the tiger, dhole, mouse deer, gaur and the Indian pangolin, amongst others. In addition, there are 18 bird species that are endemic to the Western Ghats and 7 bird species that are of high conservation concern found here (according to the State of India's Birds, 2020).

Besides the flora and fauna, these forests have fresh water streams that feed the main rivers including Goa’s lifeline, river Mandovi. This river is a major source of potable water and provides irrigation facilities, produces biotic and mineral resources and aids in travel of people and goods to different parts of the state. The ancestral livelihoods of people living in the villages, on the banks of these rivers will be severely affected by these projects. This area was marked as an Ecologically Sensitive Area by the Western Ghats Expert Ecology Panel (WGEEP) in 2011, that was appointed by the very same Ministry that has now given ‘permission’ to speed up its destruction! The WGEEP (Madhav Gadgil Committee) submitted an elaborate Report to MoEF, calling for restrictions on damaging activities like mining, quarrying and red-category industries in the Western Ghats. The forests in the Western Ghats also have many sacred groves that have been protected by locals for centuries because of their association with many deities and are, therefore, of tremendous cultural and conservation importance. No plans to secure the water reserves of the state have been made public by the MoEFCC or the Government of Goa.

Western Ghats are considered one of the most important tiger habitats in the world. Expanding highway on one side and then and then double tracking of the South Western Railways will leave the southern part of the Western Ghats disconnected from the northern part. This will lead to the death of not only tigers, but also of the other numerous animals that will die under the wheels of vehicles or on the railway tracks as they try to cross over. The Ghats are also topographically not suitable for such projects. The hills here are very steep and hence, the possibility of landslides increases exponentially putting both humans and nature at risk! The Western Ghats of Goa have already been decimated in a huge way, the Tillari dam has led to a loss of elephant habitats, relentless mining has also destroyed a significant part of the Ghats.

A recent petition filed in the Supreme Court by many environmental groups and young people, seeks implementation of the recommendations issued by the WGEEP. On 18^th June, the Apex Court took cognizance and issued notices to the Centre and the six states in the Western Ghats region i.e. Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu. The petition foregrounds the fact that the significant recommendations of the WGEEP remain un-implemented even a decade later and almost 250 million people are directly and indirectly bound to be affected by adverse ‘developmental’ interventions in the region.

These forests in the Western Ghats range that have existed for thousands of years are irreplaceable. If these projects are cleared, they will have severe repercussions on wildlife and for the livelihoods and ecological security of the people of Goa. It is extremely unfortunate that the decision to clear large parts of these forests are being taken without any comprehensive site-specific scrutiny to substantiate facts, examine documents in detail or consider the opinions and objections of all stakeholders, in a fully democratic manner. Instead, the Environment Ministry has been opting for a hasty ‘video conference mode’ and in the current case has granted approval for these ecologically destructive projects after just two such meetings!

Concerned citizens and environmental groups in Goa have taken strong objection to the fact that these projects have been given a ‘green’ by the NBWL, using poorly-done EIA (Highway Project) or no EIA (Power Transmission line). No thorough verification of the EIAs and project proposals have been done, showing the scant regard that regulatory bodies have towards such eco-sensitive zones. The NBWL and MoEFCC have completely undermined the very purpose of EIA, and rather than considering the evidence put forth by naturalists, conservationists and the people living in these forests for centuries, have reposed unquestioned trust in the project proponents, whose vested interests are not hidden.

NAPM urges the Centre, MoEFCC and the State Government to reconsider its model of ‘development’ and immediately re-assess the need for all such projects, which come at a huge environmental and human cost.

NAPM demands that the approvals granted for the four-lane highway and the 400 kv transmission line be immediately withdrawn and that no clearance be granted to the double tracking of the railway line passing through the Bhagwan Mahaveer Wildlife Sanctuary and the Mollem National Park.

NAPM demands that the State and Central Government re-assess all the infrastructure projects already underway in the Western Ghats and impose a moratorium on projects that are likely to jeopardize the environment, as per the WGEEP Report. We call for strict implementation of the recommendations by the Madhav Gadgil Committee (WGEEP Report) to protect this fragile region and hope the Supreme Court will direct the same at the earliest.

We demand that all the infrastructure projects cleared by the Environment Ministry, without any public participation and without conducting proper EIA, during the Corona lockdown, be immediately halted and their clearances withdrawn.

We strongly urge the Central Government to reconsider its environmental policy and withdraw the EIA Amendments, 2020 especially when our people are suffering due to Covid-19, a pandemic greatly tied to the environmental degradation.

Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;

Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;

Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;

Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh

P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;

Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;

Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka

Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;

Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;

Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;

Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;

Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;

Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh

Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Deavaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa

Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;

Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;

Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, NAPM Maharashtra;

Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;

Guruwant Singh, NAPM Punjab;

Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;

Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)

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NAPM Statement on Goan Ecological Concerns.docx

Goa Ecological Concerns - NAPM Poster.jpeg

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Jun 24, 2020, 8:52:07 AM6/24/20

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National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org

Revoke the Auction of 41 Coal Blocks for Commercial Mining

Stop Corporate Loot in Eco-Sensitive & V Schedule Adivasi Areas of Central & Eastern India

Objections by 3 State Governments & People’s Movements must be considered by PM

Urgent Rethink Needed on Anti-Climate ‘Coal-Centered’ Energy Economy!

24^th June, 2020: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) condemns the diabolical design of the current regime, led by the Prime Minister to ‘virtually auction’ 41 coal blocks for commercial mining in the bio-diverse rich, adivasi heartlands of Central and Eastern India. Opening up of these areas to profit-making domestic and foreign corporate mining entities will irreversibly jeopardize the pristine forest lands, increase environmental pollution and public health risk in Covid times and destroy the habitats of a major chunk of the adivasi population and wild-life.

This move is yet another hoax by the Prime Minister on the people of this nation couched in the deceitful jargon of “Atma Nirbhar Bharat” and infact takes away the constitutional rights of self-governance. Using Covid as a pretext for ‘economic revival’, the Govt is resorting to a severe transgression of the rights of the communities dependent on land and forests in these areas. After 47 years of public sector ownership by Coal India Limited, the sector is now being handed over to private players to exploit the fragile ‘no-go’ regions and rich resources.

It may be noted that the auctioning announcement was made pursuant to the recent Mineral Laws (Amendment) Act, 2020, passed in March, 2020 [promulgated as an ordinance in January], to amend the Coal Mines (Special Provisions) Act, 2015 and the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957, in order to ‘ease restrictions’ on end use and relax the eligibility criteria for participating in coal auctions, especially enabling FDI by global bidders. Infact, in Aug 2019, the Modi government approved 100% FDI via the ‘automatic route’ for coal mining, processing and sale.

The blatant manner in which this decision has been taken by the Govt exposes, once again, its scant regard for the law of the land, interests of marginalized communities and the ecology. In addition to violating the constitutional safeguards of adivasis in the V Schedule regions, this move is a blow to various protective and enabling laws including:

· The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (in short, FRA).

· The Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA)

· The Environment Protection Act, 1986 and EIA Notification, 2006.

· Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in. Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 (LARR Act)

The unilateral decision to auction is also violative of multiple judgements of the Supreme Court including:

· Judgement dt. 11^th July, 1997 in Samata vs State of Andhra Pradesh and Ors which held that all entities including the State are ‘non-adivasis’ and adivasi co-operatives alone have the right to undertake mining in their land, if they so wish.

· Judgement dt. 18^th April, 2013 in Orissa Mining Corporation Ltd vs Ministry of Environment & Forest (Niyamgiri Judgement) wherein a three-judge Bench upheld the constitutional right of the Gram Sabhas to consider and decide as to whether mining in their areas can be undertaken or not.

· Judgement dt. 8 July, 2013 in Thressiamma Jacob & Ors vs Geologist, Dept. of Mining, wherein a three-judge Bench headed by Jst R.M. Lodha held that ownership of minerals should be vested with the land owners.

· Judgement dt. 25^th August, 2014 in Manohar Lal Sharma vs The Principle Secretary & Others (Coalgate Case), wherein a three-judge Bench headed by the Chief Justice clearly held that coal is "national wealth" which should only be used for ‘common good’ and ‘public interest’.

Commercial Mining in the absence of the prior consent of and consultation with the Gram Sabhas, the primary decision-making body of a village in Scheduled Areas, is a clear constitutional and statutory violation. Further, the Forest Rights Act clearly defines forest as a community resource of the Gram Sabha. It is, therefore, no surprise that the declaration of 41 coal blocks being opened up for commercial mining, with 9 coal blocks each in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Odisha, 11 in Madhya Pradesh and 3 in Maharashtra, as part of the 11^th tranche of coal block auctions has evoked sharp reactions from many Gram Sabhas, people’s organizations and trade unions in the five states, along with three state governments.

· The decision has been vociferously opposed by the Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan. About 20 Gram Sabhas from Hasdeo Arand region in Chhattisgarh who have been resisting the coal mining since 2015 have written to the Prime Minister to stop the auctioning. Hasdeo Arand, is the longest forest stretch in Central India spread over 1,70,000 hectares, a valuable elephant corridor and home to the Gond adivasis. The State Forest Minister has written to the Union Environment Minister to exclude Hasdeo Arand, Mand river coal blocks and Lemru Elephant Reserve (1,995 sq km of forest area) located in the catchment area from the auction, in order to prevent loss of human lives and human-elephant conflict. The area already has four operational mines, five allotted mines and 12 coal reserves.

· Organizations in Jharkhand including coalitions like Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha have given mass protest calls against the decision of Centre. The Jharkhand Govt, after ‘conditionally welcoming’ the commercial mining and seeking a moratorium period of 6-9 months on the auction process to ensure ‘an equitable sustainable mineral-based development, has now approached the Supreme Court citing ‘need for fair assessment of social and environmental impact on the huge tribal population and vast tracts of forest lands which are likely to be adversely affected’. The petition in SC also states that the Mineral Laws Amendment Act, 2020 passed on 13^th March 2020, with a 60 days applicability period lapsed on 14^th May and thus the auction cannot take place amidst ‘legal vacuum’. The Chief Minister has also termed the auctioning a violation of the spirit of ‘co-operative federalism’.

· Of the 9 auctioned coal blocks in Odisha, 8 are in Angul District, spread over 30,000 hectares, where people’s resistance against destructive mining has been ongoing for years. Talcher-Angul and Ib Valley were declared as ‘Critically Polluted Areas’ by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), for 3 decades now with little ‘improvement’, rather deterioration in the environment, people’s health and more displacement. These coal blocks are located in densely populated areas, with thousands of families and in the proximity of important rivers like Brahmani. Commercial coal mining would lead to further ecological degradation, displacement and a complete decimation of the water streams and canals in the area.

· Despite opposition from conservationists and objections from the State Forest Dept in Maharashtra, Bander which is an 80 % forest zone and an eco-sensitive tiger corridor, even as per studies by agencies of Coal India Limited, has been auctioned for the coal block! Calling the move, ‘unprecedented’, the Environment Minister of Maharashtra has also written a strong-worded letter to the Union Environment Minster opposing auction of coal blocks in Bander and pointing out that the same, if permitted, would increase human-animal conflict in the bio-diverse rich region of Chandrapur.

· The Gotitoria East coal block in Narsinghpur, Madhya Pradesh is 80% forest and acts as drainage for Sitarewa river. Singrauli region, the notorious ‘energy capital of India’ is already heavily exploited to the hilt and the adivasis and other villagers over here have been struggling against reckless mining by companies, failed rehabilitation and severe pollution. There is already ongoing resistance to the WCL mining in Chhindwara as well. Many Gram Sabhas resolutions against coal mining and allocations of coal blocks have been passed in all these areas as well.

Impacts on Livelihoods, Displacement & Environment: In deciding to open up these areas for commercial mining, the Centre has clearly overlooked the staggering impact on the environment and on lives of the people in the region - land owners and agriculturalists, mostly adivasis, dalits and forest-dwellers. Mining, transportation and improper closure of coal mines has significant environmental and human costs. The fears expressed by communities are not at all unfounded, given the history of violations by corporates and private companies including non-compliance of clearance conditions, painful land alienation & displacement and poor rehabilitation, unabated pollution, aggressive human rights violations and unkept CSR promises. Further, in addition to the local people, thousands of coal workers have also been resisting the decision to commercialize coal mines and are many of them are facing repression and arbitrary charges for the same.

Central and Eastern India is rife with people’s struggles against such forceful land acquisition, illegal extension of mining leases, pollution and pathetic rehabilitation. It is no wonder that the three states with significant tribal population have raised objections to the coal auction because, adivasis have been the worst victims of coal mining and industrial development since independence. In the 1960s, on an average, the size of the coal mine was 150 acres which increased in 1980s to 800 acres and now even upto 3,500 acres with most of the mines being developed as open cast, requiring more land. Open cast mines not only cause more pollution but also destroy large chunks of forest, land, water bodies and biodiversity and cause immense social, environmental and health impacts in the areas nearby.

Since, independence an estimated 100 million people have been displaced due to development induced displacement, of which approximately 12%, 12 million have been affected by the coal mining alone, of which 70% is adivasi population. The record of ‘resettlement and rehabilitation’ has been a mere 25% of those affected who have either got compensation or some form of job with the mining companies. With the private companies bagging all the contracts, the only compensation which project-affected people can expect is ‘cash’. We have numerous examples of how meagre ‘cash-based R&R’ has destroyed lives of entire communities.

Assault on the Federal Spirit: The manner of auctioning of coal mines is a clear assault on the federal structure of the Constitution and powers of States to decide the course of development of their people and natural resources. This move further cements the project of the current regime to ‘centralize’ the power of decision-making to pursue its crony interests. The Chief Minister of Jharkhand has infact stated that the decision of the Union Coal Ministry and PM to go ahead with commercial mining & coal block auctions without acknowledging concerns of the state around the potential socio-economic and environmental costs & the impact on forests & tribal population is blatant disregard of co-operative federalism. The fact that 3 out of 5 states have raised objections within a week of the PM’s announcement clearly points to the fact that states have not been taken into confidence in this process.

Claims & Costs: Although the PM has claimed that the commercial mining would mean more revenue for states, create more than 2.8 lakh jobs, attract capital investment worth 33,000 crore over the next 7 years and Rs. 50,000 crores investment in creating infrastructure for coal extraction and transportation, the huge socio-environmental costs clearly offset these claims. Amongst other things, the Govt plans to ‘gassify’ 100 million tonnes of coal by 2030 for which an investment of ₹20,000 crore has been ear marked for 4 projects. The detrimental impact of the decision to allow commercial coal mining on the domestic coal industry and market is well-known. With no end use and pricing restrictions, the Govt. is literally giving up its crucial role of safeguarding public interest, environment and constitutional rights of people in the forested regions.

Coal Exports vis-à-vis End of Coal Era: Notwithstanding all rhetoric by the Prime Minister and Environment Minister on global fora, the numerous decisions including fast-paced clearances to many destructive projects, amendments to EIA and now commercial coal mining in dense forests, reflects poorly on the lack of commitment towards our national obligations under the Paris Agreement to reduce climate impact. India, as a signatory to the Paris Agreement at the International Convention on Climate Change in 2015 pledged a 33-35 % reduction in emissions intensity by 2030, compared to 2005 levels and agreed to a policy shift away from conventional energy to renewable energy forms.

Ironically, a day after the PM’s announcement on commercial coal auctions, the First Report on the ‘Assessment of Climate Change over the Indian Region’ was formally released by the Union Ministry of Earth Sciences. The Report notes that due to greenhouse gas emissions, the average temperature in the country has risen by around 0.7°C during 1901-2018 and is projected to rise by approximately 4.4°C by the end of the century. This implies an increase in the intensity and frequency of extreme weather events. Combustion of coal is a major contributor to greenhouse emissions. Coal, throughout its life-cycle of mining to transportation to fueling thermal power plants and disposal as fly-ash, is linked with ecological degradation, carbon emissions and climate change.

At a time when many countries are phasing out coal, dismantling and decommissioning thermal power plants, moving towards more renewable options and even banks are not in favour of financing coal and thermal projects, India's focus on coal exports would only mean more environmental impacts and displacement back home, without much demand on the international front. Government’s own documents including Coal India Limited Vision - 2030, Central Electricity Authority (CEA) Plans etc. project that there is no need to allocate additional mines for the coal needs of the country, at least for the next decade. Existing statistics in the public domain also reveal that India has enough coal deposits outside the ‘no-go areas’ and there is no reason or justification to mine dense forests and adivasi homelands, that too by way of commercial auctions !

What Real ‘Atma Nirbharta’ must mean: Extraction of natural resources like coal must be strictly for public interest, with due regard to the law of the land and judicial pronouncements pertaining to the rights of the land-owners and adivasis, the V Schedule protected areas as well as environmental regulations, with first rights of decision-making and consent to the adivasis and Gram Sabhas, fair share to their co-operatives and not to profiteering corporates. The decision and discretion of whether or not to ‘mine’ should strictly be with the local people and not corporates or politicians.

Wherever necessary and inevitable, the Government must obtain the free, prior and informed consent of the Gram Sabhas and support the formation and registration of cooperatives of land owners and villagers and extend adequate capital, technological assistance, managerial skills and marketing avenues to undertake mining and allied activities on their own. This would be in the true spirit of ‘Atma-Nirbharta’ and community ownership of natural resources.

While we resist this pro-corporate, anti-national commercial coal mining, what should also not be missed is that at the behest of powerful business lobbies and in the name of ‘reforms’ in multiple sectors including agriculture, MSME, coal, education, health etc, the Govt is moving towards complete privatization, giving up even the last vestiges of a ‘welfare state’. Towards this end, all protective legislations on electricity, labour, environment, land, forest rights, local governance etc are either diluted or thrown to the winds!

· We call upon the Union Government to immediately revoke the commercial auctioning of 41 Coal Blocks in the interest of the ecology, economy, rights of the people in the five states and India’s climate commitments. The Govt. must uphold constitutional rights of Gram Sabhas, not profiteering corporates.

· We welcome and endorse the concerns and objections raised by the Chief Ministers / Ministers of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra and call upon them and the CMs of Madhya Pradesh and Odisha to prioritize the interests of the people of their state, over the diktats of the Centre and fully oppose the devastation and destruction of the lives of adivasis and forest dwelling communities, implement legislations that protect people’s rights to natural resources and self-govern and enable alternative non-exploitative models of development.

· We express solidarity with the grassroots resistance against the decision of the Govt of India. We also call upon opposition parties, mass organizations and trade unions to stand in solidarity with the adivasis and forest dwellers in defending their lands and resources from forceful acquisition or mining without their consent.

· We call upon Gram Sabhas and Tribes Advisory Council in all these states to pass unanimous resolutions against these commercial coal auctions.

· We expect the Supreme Court will reverse the decision of commercial auction of mines, in the light of the grave constitutional and statutory violations.

· We will continue to amplify the struggle for implementation of enabling legislations like the Forest Rights Act and PESA Act in full letter and spirit.

· We declare our support to about 3 lakh coal workers affiliated with All India Coal Workers Federation and other Coal Unions who have given a 3-day Call for All India Strike from 2^nd July, against the proposed privatization, seeking higher wages for contract workers and jobs for family members of employees found medically unfit. We also condemn the state targeting of these protesting workers and demand that FIRs filed against them be withdrawn.

· We demand that the Govt come up with a comprehensive White Paper on the status of all existing coal mines, including details of permissions and production and need for more mines, especially in the dense forests.

· We appeal to all concerned citizens to resist the concerned attempt of this regime to destroy our public sector and day light loot of our natural resources by the corporate-state nexus.

NAPM Statement on Commercial Coal Mining.docx

Revoke Commercial Coal Mining - English Poster.jpeg

Revoke Commercial Coal Mining - Hindi Poster.jpeg

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Jun 29, 2020, 6:04:41 AM6/29/20

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End the Regime of Police Torture & Custodial Terror:

Radical Reform of the Institution of Police Need of the Hour

NAPM Strongly Condemns the Custodial Torture, Sexual Violence and

Subsequent Death of Jayaraj and Bennicks at the Hands of the Thoothukudi Police

29^th June: National Alliance for People’s Movements (NAPM) is shell-shocked at the incomprehensible physical, mental and sexual violence inflicted by the Santhankulam police on two Thoothukudi residents, Jayaraj and Bennicks, that led to their painful death in custody. This news has jolted Tamil Nadu and the nation in the past few days. Although the all-pervasive and routine culture of police violence and impunity in India and conflict areas is not something new, this particular incident demonstrates, in many ways, the grotesque nature of the institution that gives itself the licence to humiliate, violate and even take away lives of citizens!

As per news reports and eye-witness testimonies, the ‘altercation’ between the Sathankulam police and the father-son duo began on 18^th June, when policemen on patrol hauled up Bennicks for violating lockdown timings. In the argument that ensued, words were said by unidentified parties, that caused the policemen’s ire. The next day, Bennicks’s father, Jayaraj was picked up by the police. On hearing of his father’s arrest, Bennicks too went to the Santhankulam police station, only to be detained as well.

They were reportedly taken to Kovilpatti sub-jail and brutalized, and then taken to Kovilpatti Government Hospital in their friends’ car for a check-up before being presented in front of the Judicial Magistrate P. Saravanan, at his house, on 20^th June. Bennicks’s friend, whose car was used to transport the two, alleges that they had such severe rectal bleeding that they were forced to change lungis repeatedly, as each got soaked with blood. Despite this, they allege, that no medication was provided to them to stem the bleeding and the doctor at the hospital was pressurized into giving a ‘fitness’ certificate.

Bennicks’s friends and lawyers also allege that both Jayaraj and Bennicks had been threatened with dire consequences, should they speak of what was done to them before the Judicial Magistrate, and that they were kept a substantial distance away from the Magistrate at all points, rendering the entire process farcical. The Magistrate remanded them to judicial custody. Newspaper reports indicate that an entry made in the sub-jail register in Kovilpatti, on their being remanded to judicial custody, records bruises to the gluteal region and bleeding injuries sustained by them. This is confirmed by the medical report of the Kovilpati Govt Hospital.

On 22^nd June, Bennicks complained of chest pain, fainted and was rushed to the hospital where he died; his father died a day later in the same hospital. While report of the autopsy ordered by the Madras High Court is awaited, testimonies from those who saw their bodies, including Bennicks’s elder sister, indicate that both were severely sexually tortured. The FIR filed by the police indicates an obvious attempt at obfuscation, stating that on being asked to close their shop according to lockdown guidelines the father-son duo refused and ‘rolled’ on the ground, sustaining internal injuries! The facts of the case clearly establish that the police officials, the magistrate who ordered remand and medical officers have failing to discharge their legal mandate as well as in upholding judicial principles, such as those laid down in D.K. Basu versus State of West Bengal.

It is now being reported that suspended Sub Inspectors Balakrishnan and Raghu Ganesh, prime accused for the ‘death’ of Jayaraj and Bennicks have a history of torturing people in custody. That no FIR has been filed against the concerned police officials also points to the impunity their actions has from the superior authorities. In this particular instance, there are also claims about ‘infiltration’ by right-wing affiliated organizations into the local ‘friends of’ police force. There have been similar concerns in many states like Telangana, Uttar Pradesh etc and this aspect merits a detailed inquiry as well.

NAPM denounces, in the strongest possible terms, the unlawful and inhuman actions of the police personnel involved and demands:

a. An independent doctor’s presence during the autopsy;

b. An independent, time-bound judicial inquiry into the horrific incident with civil society involvement. Instead of CBI, an SIT constituted and monitored by the independent judicial commission would be appropriate in the circumstances.

c. Registration of FIR under Sec 302 and other sections of law against the police personnel involved, including those who witnessed but did not stop the incident.

d. Exemplary compensation to the family of the deceased.

e. An immediate public apology by the DGP and Chief Minister to the family and a clear assurance that the guilty will be brough to book at the earliest.

We note that such gruesome violence occasionally grabs public attention, but only forms a ‘tip of the horrendous iceberg’ of custodial violence across the country. Days after the Thoothukudi incident made headlines, information of ‘death’ of Mr. Kumaresan, an auto driver who was tortured by the Tenkasi (TN) police last month has surfaced now! A few months back, we all witnessed the gruesome police violence (leading to death) on 23-year-old Faizan in the national capital who was forced to sing the national anthem! Torture in the police force seems to have an institutional validation and guilty officers are rarely punished. In fact, in the (in)famous case of physical and sexual torture of adivasi social activist Soni Sori, IPS officer Ankit Garg was recommended by the State for Presidential award for ‘meritorious’ service! Such actions not only condone but also encourage the errant officials.

Each state has numerous examples of police torture and we know for a fact that religious minorities, adivasis, dalits, de-notified tribes, women, minors, transgender persons are particularly vulnerable to police excesses and custodial violence. As the India - Annual Torture Reports for 2018 and 2019 indicate, an average of 5 people ‘die’ in custody in India every single day of the year (1966 custodial deaths in 2018, 1731 in 2019), a vast majority in judicial custody indicating that they die after having been presented before a Magistrate. For every such case that is reported, the likelihood is that several go unreported. It is evident that major structural changes are required, to alter this culture of institutionalized violence and impunity. Sadly, the ‘Anti-Torture Bill’ passed by the Lok Sabha in 2010 never saw the light of the day in the last decade.

In this context, we call upon the Govt of Tamil Nadu and governments in general to:

a. Ensure that the State Police Complaints Authority is functional, and has the powers to make binding recommendations to the state government;

b. Invest heavily in training police personnel at all levels, on a yearly basis; centre human rights in police training and ensure civil society and activist involvement in the training process;

c. Implement the internationally recognized doctrine of command responsibility, to hold directing officers vicariously liable for the excesses of those under their direct command;

d. Press for the Indian state to ratify the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984 and fulfil commitments therein by passing a robust ‘Anti-Torture’ law;

e. Mandate that Judicial Magistrates be required to speak with arrested persons brought before them privately, before remanding them to custody;

f. Undertake in earnest the structural reforms required to detoxify the Indian police force; reforms including but not restricted to the recommendations of the Second Administrative Reforms Commission and the directives of the Supreme Court in Prakash Singh and others v Union of India and others (2006) 8 SCC 1, which have largely gone ignored in the 14 years, since the judgement was delivered.

The incident from Tamil Nadu has captured public imagination at a time when not just in the United States, but world over, the racist police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Tony McDade and many other Black people have sparked enormous outrage, leading to a new watershed in the Black Lives Matter movement as well as the stronger discourse and public consciousness around ‘abolition’ and ‘defunding’ of the police.

In India, we still have a long way to go to end the culture of state-sanctioned and structural violence and impunity. We call upon citizens, civil society and governments to recognize the imminent need for a sensitive and violence-free police force, in order to work towards the larger goal of a society sans violence, with respect for human rights, peace, dignity and justice.

For any further details, contact: Ph: 7337478993, 9869984803 or E-mail: napm...@gmail.com

पुलिस यातना, हिरासत में आतंक का शासन खत्म करें: पुलिस संस्था में सुधार समय की मांग

एन.ए.पी.एम तूतुकुडी पुलिस के हाथों जयराज व बेनिक्स की हिरासत में प्रताड़ना, यौन हिंसा और

मौत की तीव्र निंदा करती है

29 जून: जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय दो तूतुकुडी निवासियों जयराज और बेनिक्स पर शांतांकुलम पुलिस की तरफ से की गई नृशंस शारीरिक, मानसिक व यौन हिंसा, जिससे अंतत: उनकी हिरासत में दर्दनाक मौत हो गयी, से बुरी तरह व्यथित है। इस खबर ने तमिल नाडु समेत देश को हिलाकर रख दिया है। हालांकि पुलिस हिंसा की आम संस्कृति और बेखौफपना भारत में कोई नई बात नहीं है, पर इस घटना ने कई तरीकों से पुलिस नामक संस्था की उस प्रकृति को बेनकाब किया है जो नागरिकों को अपमानित करने, प्रताड़ित करने और उनकी जान तक लेने का लाइसेंस बन गई है।

खबरों और चश्मदीद गवाहियों के अनुसार शांतांकुलम पुलिस व पिता-पुत्र के बीच ‘विवाद‘ 18 जून को शुरू हुआ जब गश्ती पर पुलिसकर्मियों ने बेनिक्स को लॉकडाऊन टाइमिंग के उल्लंघन के लिए घेरा। उसके बाद हुए बहस व झगड़े में अज्ञात लोगों ने कुछ ऐसे शब्द कहे कि पुलिसकर्मी खफा हो गये। दूसरे दिन पुलिस ने बेनिक्स के पिता जयराज को उठा लिया। पिता की गिरफ्तारी की बात सुनकर बेनिक्स भी शांतांकुलम पुलिस थाने गये और उसे भी हिरासत में ले लिया गया।

दोनों को कोविलपट्टी उप जेल में ले जाया गया और उन पर हिंसा की गई और फिर उनके दोस्त की कार में न्यायिक दंडाधिकारी पी. सरवनन के घर पर उनके समक्ष 20 जून को पेश करने से पहले कोविलपट्टी अस्पताल ले जाया गया। बेनिक्स के दोस्त, जिनकी कार दोनों को ले जाने के लिए इस्तेमाल की गई, ने आरोप लगाया कि उनकी गुदा से इतना रक्तस्राव हो रहा था कि बार-बार लुंगी बदलनी पड़ रही थी। उनका आरोप है कि इसके बावजूद उन्हें रक्तस्राव रोकने के लिए कोई चिकित्सा सेवा नहीं मुहैया कराई गई और अस्पताल में डॉक्टर पर दबाव डाला गया कि वह ‘फिटनेस‘ प्रमाण-पत्र दे दे।

बेनिक्स के दोस्त और वकील यह भी आरोप लगाते हैं कि जयराज व बेनिक्स को धमकाया गया था कि न्यायिक दंडाधिकारी के समक्ष उन्होंने कुछ भी बोला तो अंजाम बुरा होगा और आरोप यह भी है कि उन्हें दंडाधिकारी से काफी दूरी पर रखा गया, जिससे लगभग पूरी प्रक्रिया एक ढोंग बनकर रह गई। मजिस्ट्रेट ने उन्हें न्यायिक हिरासत में भेजा। अखबारों में छपी खबरें संकेत देती हैं कि कोविलपट्टी में उप जेल के रजिस्टर में की गई एंट्री में उन्हें लगी चोटों और शरीर के निचले भाग में चोटों का जिक्र था। कोविलपट्टी सरकारी अस्पताल की चिकित्सीय रिपोर्ट ने इसकी पुष्टि की है।

22 जून को बेनिक्स ने छाती में दर्द की शिकायत की, बेहोश हो गये और उन्हें अस्पताल ले जाया गया जहां उन्होंने दम तोड़ दिया। उनके पिता की एक दिन बाद उसी अस्पताल में मौत हुई। मद्रास उच्च न्यायालय के आदेश पर हुए पोस्ट मार्टम की रिपोर्ट अभी आई नहीं है पर बेनिक्स की बड़ी बहन समेत जिन्होंने उनके शव देखे, संकेत देते हैं कि दोनों पर यौन हिंसा की गई थी। पुलिस की तरफ से दाखिल प्राथमिकी (FIR) लीपापोती करती दिखती है, जिसमें बताया गया है कि लॉकडाऊ निर्देशों के अनुसार जब उन्हें दुकान बंद करने को कहा गया तो पिता-पुत्र ने इंकार कर दिया और ‘जमीन पर लेट गये’, जिससे उन्हें अंदरूनी चोट आई। इस मामले के तथ्य स्पष्ट रूप से दर्शाते हैं कि पुलिस अधिकारी, रिमांड का आदेश देने वाले मजिस्ट्रेट और चिकित्सीय अधिकारी अपनी कानूनी ज़िम्मेदारी और न्यायिक मूल्यों की मर्यादा बनाये रखने में विफल रहे हैं, जैसे कि डी.के. बासु बनाम पश्चिम बंगाल सरकार के मामले में निर्धारित किये गए थे।

अब खबरें आ रही हैं कि इस जयराज और बेंनिक्स की 'मृत्यु' के लिए मुख्य आरोपी सब इन्सेप्क्टर बालाकृष्णन और रघु गणेश हिरासत में लोगों को प्रताड़ित करने का इतिहास रखते हैं। पुलिस अधिकारीयों के खिलाफ कोई एफ.आई.आर. दर्ज न होना इस बात की ओर इशारा करता है कि वरिष्ठ अधिकारीयों की ओर से उनके कृत्य के लिए दंड-मुक्ति है। इस मामले में, दक्षिण पंथी संस्थाओं की स्थानीय पुलिस अधिकारीयों के साथ घुसपैठ के भी दावे किये गए हैं। इस प्रकार की शिकायतें अन्य राज्यों, जैसे कि तेलंगाना, उत्तर प्रदेश आदि से भी प्राप्त हुई हैं और इस पहलू पर विस्तृत जांच की आवश्यकता है।

एन.ए.पी.एम संलिप्त पुलिसकर्मियों के गैरकानूनी और अमानवीय कृत्यों की तीव्रतम आलोचना करती है और निम्नलिखित मांगें करती है:

1) पोस्ट मार्टम के दौरान एक स्वतंत्र डॉक्टर की मौजूदगी हो।

2) सिविल सोसायटी को साथ लेते हुए इस भयावह घटना की स्वतंत्र, समयबद्ध न्यायिक जांच हो। इस स्थिति में. सी.बी.आई. की जांच के बजाए, एक स्वतंत्र न्यायिक आयोग की जांच में एस.आई.टी. का गठन किया जाना उचित होगा।

3) शामिल पुलिसकर्मियों व उनके खिलाफ, जो घटना देखते रहे पर इसे रोकने की कोशिश न की, धारा 302 व अन्य धाराओं के तहत प्राथमिकी दर्ज की जाए।

4) मृतकों के परिजनों को समुचित मुआवजा दिया जाए।

5) पुलिस महानिदेशक व मुख्यमंत्री परिवार से सार्वजनिक रूप से माफी मांगें और स्पष्ट आश्वासन दें कि दोषियों को जल्द से जल्द सजा दिलाई जाएगी।

हम मानते हैं कि लोगों का ध्यान खींचने वाली यह हिंसक घटना देश भर में हिरासत में होने वाली भयावह हिंसा का ‘छोटा हिस्सा’ मात्र है। तूतुकुडी घटना के सुर्ख़ियों में आने के कुछ दिन बाद, अब श्री.कुमरेसन, पिछले महीने तेनकासी पुलिस द्वारा प्रताड़ित एक ऑटो चालाक की जानकारी भी सामने आई है! कुछ महीने पहले, हम सबने राष्ट्रीय राजधानी में 23-वर्षीय फैज़ान पर भयानक पुलिस हिंसा देखी थी, जिसे वे राष्ट्रीय गान गाने पर मजबूर कर रहे थे! पुलिस महकमे में प्रताड़ना को शायद संस्थागत मान्यता प्राप्त है और इसके लिए ज़िम्मेदार पुलिस अधिकारीयों को शायद ही कभी सज़ा दी गयी हो। वास्तव में, जैसा कि हमने आदिवासी सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता सोनी सोरी के शारीरिक और यौनिक प्रताड़ना के कुख्यात मामले में देखा था, आई.पी.एस. अधिकारी अंकित गर्ग को राज्य सरकार ने 'सराहनीय' सेवा के लिए राष्ट्रपति पुरूस्कार दिए जाने की सिफारिश तक कर दी थी! इस तरह की कार्यवाहियां, न केवल गलत अधिकारीयों को दंड-मुक्ति देती हैं, बल्कि उन्हें प्रोत्साहन देती हैं।

हर राज्य में ऐसी पुलिस प्रताड़नाओं के अनगिनत उदाहरण हैं और हमें अच्छे तरह से पता है कि धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यक, आदिवासी, दलित, विमुक्त जनजातियाँ, औरतें, अल्पवयस्क, ट्रांसजेंडर लोग विशेष रूप से पुलिस द्वारा ज़्यादती और हिरासत में हिंसा के प्रति संवेदनशील हैं। 2018 और 2018 की भारत-वार्षिक ‘यातना रिपोर्ट’ के अनुसार देश में रोज हिरासत में औसत पांच लोगों की ‘मौत’ होती है। 2018 में 1966 लोगों की मौत हुई थी और 2019 में 1731 लोगों की और इनमें से अधिकांश की मौत न्यायिक हिरासत में हुई है जो बताता है कि उनकी मौत मजिस्ट्रेट के सामने पेश किये जाने के बाद हुई। संभावना है कि कई मामलों का तो पता ही नहीं चलता। जाहिर है इस सांस्थानिक हिंसा की संस्कृति को बदलने के लिए बड़े ढांचागत बदलावों की आवश्यकता है। बड़े अफसोस की बात है कि 2010 में लोक सभा ने जो 'प्रताड़ना विरोधी विधेयक' पारित किया था, पिछले दशक में उस पर कोई अग्रिम कार्यवाही नहीं हुई।

इस संदर्भ में हम तमिल नाडु सरकार समेत अन्य सरकारों से निम्नलिखित मांग करते हैं:

1. प्रदेश पुलिस शिकायत प्राधिकरण की कार्यशीलता सुनिश्चित की जाए और इसके पास इसकी सिफारिशें सरकार से लागू करवाने की ताकत हो |

2. सभी स्तरों पर पुलिस कर्मियों वार्षिक आधार पर प्रशिक्षण में निवेश किया जाए, पुलिस प्रशिक्षण में मानवाधिकारों को केंद्र में रखा जाए और सुनिश्चित किया जाए कि सिविल सोसायटी व सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता प्रशिक्षण प्रक्रिया में संलिप्त हैं।

3. अधिकारियों की जवाबदेही सुनिश्चित करने की अंतरराष्ट्रीय तौर पर स्वीकृत प्रणाली अपनाई जाए जिसमें अधिकारियों को उनके अधीन कार्य करने वालों के कृत्यों को जिम्मेदार माना जाता है।

4. भारत सरकार पर यातना और अन्य क्रूर, अमानवीय या अपमानजनक व्यवहार या सज़ा, 1984 के खिलाफ यू.एन कन्वेंशन को मानने व उसके तहत प्रतिबद्धताओं का पालन करने के लिए 'यातना विरोधी कानून' पारित करने के लिए दबाव डाला जाए।

5. गिरफ्तार लोगों को हिरासत में भेजने से पहले न्यायिक दंडाधिकारी का उनके समक्ष लाये गये लोगों से अलग से (पुलिस की अनुपास्थिती में) बात करना अनिवार्य किया जाए।

6. भारतीय पुलिस बल को सुधारने के लिए ढांचागत सुधार किये जाएं, जिनमें द्वीतीय प्रशासनिक संशोधन आयोग की संस्तुति में दी गई सिफारिशों और सुप्रीम कोर्ट की तरफ से प्रकाश सिंह एवं अन्य विरुद्ध केंद्र सरकार (2006) मामले में पारित आदेशों को अमल में लाया जाए, जिनकी अनदेखी आदेश आने के बाद 14 साल तक की गई है।

तमिल नाडू की इस घटना ने ऐसे समय में लोगों का ध्यान आकर्षित किया है जब केवल अमरीका में ही नहीं, बल्कि पूरे विश्व में पुलिस द्वारा जॉर्ज फ्लॉयड, ब्रेओंना टेलर, टोन म्क्दादे और कई अन्य काले व्यक्तियों पर नस्लवादी पुलिस हमलों ने लोगों के बीच आक्रोश पैदा किया है, जिसके परिणाम स्वरूप, ब्लैक लाइवस मैटर आन्दोलन को नयी ऊर्जा मिली और साथ ही, पुलिस के उन्मूलन और वित्तपोषण रोकने की मांग को भी।

भारत में राज्य-स्वीकृत, ढांचागत हिंसा तथा दंड-मुक्ति की संस्कृति समाप्त करने के लिए हमें लंबा सफर करना है। हम नागरिकों, सिविल सोसायटी व सरकारों से संवेदनशल व हिंसा मुक्त पुलिस बल की जरूरत को पहचानने का आह्वान करते हैं ताकि हिंसा मुक्त समाज और मानव अधिकारों, शांति, गरिमा और न्याय के सम्मान के बड़े लक्ष्य की दिशा में कार्य किया जा सके।

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