Napoleon Total War Mac M1

[Astryd Boschee]

Hello, I've been working on a mod for a while that will completely change the game Napoleon total war.
Among other things, I have revised the behavior of the BAI and the CAI, the campaigns will now be much more difficult, the CAI is much more aggressive and all nations have earlier access to strong units.
The BAi will now form nice lines and fire heavily at you instead of blindly running into melee combat
The big nations and a few smaller ones get new uniforms from the NM_Texture mod, since I can't find the developer of the mod anywhere, I hope he doesn't mind if I use his models, he's welcome to contact me and I'll put him here mention and possibly pay him money for the models he has created.
I also reworked some of his models a bit, as some were a bit buggy or didn't have distance models.
In addition, the mod contains some graphic effects from other mods.
I buffed Austria/spain&more;, they now has a powerful army
I will have this mod tested by a few people and then I will publish it

whenever i start loading up napoleon its stuck on the loading screen
and also when i replace the ntw game file with the one on the 4.0 folder it wont even load it just crashes when i start playing it

Hello, I'm looking for recordings of marching drums and the like, which musicians in Napoleon were totally into. Unfortunately you can only find monotone recordings on YouTube etc. The authenticity of the sound is missing, the drums have to rattle. Maybe someone here has some recordings of drums and bass and can make them available to me

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For want of something better, the totals estimated (no-one knows how) in the 19th century have been accepted as gospel, and yet they can for the most part be challenged. The French historian, Hippolyte Taine proposed, for example, a figure of 3.1 million French deaths in the wars of the Revolution and Empire, 1.7 million of which during the Napoleonic period alone. But if you compare these numbers with the number of men actually mobilised (1.35 million during the Revolution, 1.47 million during the Empire, plus 0.8 million recalled), the conclusion would be that almost all French soldiers were killed. Now, we know from the preliminary census performed to establish the number of surviving veteran recipients of the St Helena medal, that nearly 450,000 old soldiers were still alive in the 1850s, more than forty years after Waterloo.

Whilst this is not a consoling statistic, demographers have shown how the continent overcame the setback caused by the Revolutionary and Imperial wars, given medical progress (notably in terms of perinatal advances) and given the modification of legal conditions related to marriage, divorce and inheritance. France in 1801 had 900,000 more inhabitants than it had had ten years earlier and in 1815 more than 1.5 million more than in 1790. Europewide, populations increased: growth was even slightly higher for the period 1790-1816 than it had been for that from 1740 to the Revolution.

The result was a steady escalation of horror that did not stop even after the high point of revolutionary radicalism had passed in France itself, and after Napoleon took power there in 1799. The figures speak for themselves: More than one-fifth of all the major battles fought in Europe between 1490 and 1815 took place in the 25 years after 1790. Before 1790 only a handful of battles had involved more than 100,000 combatants; in the 1809 Battle of Wagram, largest in the gunpowder age to date, involved 300,000. Just four years later the Battle of Leipzig drew 500,000, with fully 150,000 of them killed or wounded. During the wars, France alone counted close to a million war deaths. In the process, France carved out for itself the greatest empire seen in Europe since the days of the Caesars, but lost it again in a stunningly short time.

Godoy was meanwhile seeking to placate his French patron. The same day Fernando was arrested, Spain and France signed the Treaty of Fontainebleau, under whose secret terms a French army could cross Spanish territory en route to its invasion of Portugal, which had defied the Continental Blockade that Napoleon had imposed in an attempt to strangle British trade. In November General Jean-Andoche Junot crossed the Pyrenees with 28,000 troops, which overcame weak Portuguese resistance and stumbled into Lisbon in early December. The Portuguese ruling family fled to its colony of Brazil.

Meanwhile in Bayonne, just over the French border, Napoleon insisted that both Carlos and his son abdicate in his favor, alternately cajoling, threatening and bursting into fits of sheer rage. Napoleon had utter contempt for Fernando in particular. He is so stupid I have not been able to get a word out of him, he wrote to his counselor Talleyrand. Whether you scold him or praise him, his face remains blank.

In the short term, the threats worked. Father and son both surrendered their rights and departed for exile in France. The emperor then played a game of musical thrones, ordering his brother Joseph to trade Naples for Madrid and giving Murat, a former grocer and army private, the lesser but nonetheless royal reward of southern Italy.

This was rebellion on a massive scale. There were uprisings across the country: Barcelona, Saragossa, Oviedo, Seville, Valencia, Madrid and many more. The so-called Peninsular War would follow a twisting and complex course for more than five years. At times the French faced little opposition from regular armies, but the guerrillas were a different matter, and the number of troops Napoleon had to maintain in the peninsula testify eloquently to their importance: from 165,000 in June 1808 to more than 300,000 in October and to well over 350,000 in July 1811. Only when the Russian campaign greedily sucked men away did the number shrink, falling below 100,000 by July 1813, with catastrophic consequences. Estimates of total French military deaths in Spain vary widely, but they may have amounted to as many as 180,000.

The most concentrated horror of the war, meanwhile, did not involve the guerrillas at all but uniformed troops involved in that classic form of Old Regime warfare, a siege. In the spring of 1808, Saragossa, a city on the banks of the Ebro River whose people had particular devotion to a basilica where the Virgin Mary had allegedly appeared on a pillar of marble, declared itself in revolt against the intruder king (el rey intruso). Saragossa was poorly fortified, with only 1,000 regular Spanish troops available to protect it, and on June 15 French General Charles Lefebvre-Desnouettes attempted to storm it. But the population of Saragossa offered unexpectedly fierce resistance, spurred on by the supposed miraculous appearance of a palm tree topped by a crown in the sky above the basilica. Thousands of men and women rushed to the walls, eager to serve the virgin of the pillar. The French retreated in disorder.

An uncannily similar situation unfolded in Iraq after the American victory in 2003. American and allied forces engaged in a protracted, frustrating attempt to move Iraq toward peace and stability, and a part of the Iraqi population, led by the titular government, sided with them. Another part, probably larger, remained aloof, focusing principally on its own safety and well-being. A third part viewed the foreign forces with open hostility, while a fourth part, probably quite small, engaged in active resistance. Since these insurgents had no chance of successfully confronting the American army in pitched battles, they instead engaged in sneak attacks on small detachments or civilians, after which they immediately melted back into the population at large. Their actions made it nearly impossible for Americans to leave heavily fortified bases except in heavily fortified convoys. American soldiers complained in private about being unable to secure any territory other than that within immediate range of their guns, with the result that they needed, in the words of one Marine, repeatedly to sweep the same insurgents, or other insurgents, out of these same towns without being able to hold them.

In Spain, the equivalent of the new Iraqi government was the fragile regime of Joseph Bonaparte, supported by the self-proclaimed enlightened Spaniards known as the afrancesados (literally, the Frenchified). A large segment of the population remained aloof from the conflict entirely. Another large segment greeted the French with hostility. The guerrillas themselves probably never numbered more than 40,000.

What confirmed the guerrillas in their stance of absolute enmity toward the French was religion. The massive presence of the clergy on Spanish soil noticed by French observers had a very real effect. In 1808 a full quarter of Spanish land revenue went to the Church. The population of 10 million included 30,000 parish priests and another 120,000 monks, nuns and other clergy. These men and women preached against the invaders without respite and even promised remission from divine punishment for those who fought against them. A much-used Spanish Catechism of 1808 called the French former Christians and modern heretics and insisted that it was no more a sin to kill them than it would be to kill a wild animal.

The distinction for beating the French in the field, however, belonged above all to the British and their meticulous, stern commander, Wellington. Commanding his relatively small, well-disciplined professional force but aided by troops from the old Spanish army and the Portuguese one reorganized by his associate Sir William Beresford, he carried out a brilliant series of victories: Talavera, Busaco, Badajoz, Salamanca, Vitoria.

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