FW: [WTNN] World Tibet Network News -- March 10, 2011

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Mar 10, 2011, 5:11:36 PM3/10/11
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Tibetan Uprising Day, Thursday, March 10th 2011
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Issue ID: 2011/03/10Compiled by Nima Dorjee
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Contents
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1. Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 52nd Anniversary of
the Tibetan National Uprising Day
2. The Statement of Kashag on the 52nd Anniversary of the Tibetan
People¹s National Uprising Day
3. What now for the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan cause?
4. Tibet's exiled Dalai Lama to devolve political role
5. China says Dalai Lama playing 'tricks' with resignation
6. 'Without Dalai Lama, legitimacy would be a problem'
7. Dalai Lama: Q&A
8. History Leading Up to March 10, 1959
9. The Dalai Lama's Statement issued at Tezpur 18th April, 1959
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1. Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 52nd Anniversary of
the Tibetan National Uprising Day
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March 10th 2011

Today marks the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people¹s peaceful
uprising of 1959 against Communist China¹s repression in the Tibetan
capital Lhasa, and the third anniversary of the non-violent
demonstrations that took place across Tibet in 2008. On this occasion, I
would like to pay tribute to and pray for those brave men and women who
sacrificed their lives for the just cause of Tibet. I express my
solidarity with those who continue to suffer repression and pray for the
well-being of all sentient beings.

For more than sixty years, Tibetans, despite being deprived of freedom
and living in fear and insecurity, have been able to maintain their
unique Tibetan identity and cultural values. More consequentially,
successive new generations, who have no experience of free Tibet, have
courageously taken responsibility in advancing the cause of Tibet. This
is admirable, for they exemplify the strength of Tibetan resilience.

This Earth belongs to humanity and the People¹s Republic of China (PRC)
belongs to its 1.3 billion citizens, who have the right to know the
truth about the state of affairs in their country and the world at
large. If citizens are fully informed, they have the ability to
distinguish right from wrong. Censorship and the restriction of
information violate basic human decency. For instance, China¹s leaders
consider the communist ideology and its policies to be correct. If this
were so, these policies should be made public with confidence and open
to scrutiny.

China, with the world¹s largest population, is an emerging world power
and I admire the economic development it has made. It also has huge
potential to contribute to human progress and world peace. But to do
that, China must earn the international community¹s respect and trust.
In order to earn such respect China¹s leaders must develop greater
transparency, their actions corresponding to their words. To ensure
this, freedom of expression and freedom of the press are essential.
Similarly, transparency in governance can help check corruption. In
recent years, China has seen an increasing number of intellectuals
calling for political reform and greater openness. Premier Wen Jiabao
has also expressed support for these concerns. These are significant
indications and I welcome them.

The PRC is a country comprising many nationalities, enriched by a
diversity of languages and cultures. Protection of the language and
culture of each nationality is a policy of the PRC, which is clearly
spelt out in its constitution. Tibetan is the only language to preserve
the entire range of the Buddha¹s teachings, including the texts on logic
and theories of knowledge (epistemology), which we inherited from
India¹s Nalanda University. This is a system of knowledge governed by
reason and logic that has the potential to contribute to the peace and
happiness of all beings. Therefore, the policy of undermining such a
culture, instead of protecting and developing it, will in the long run
amount to the destruction of humanity¹s common heritage.

The Chinese government frequently states that stability and development
in Tibet is the foundation for its long-term well-being. However, the
authorities still station large numbers of troops all across Tibet,
increasing restrictions on the Tibetan people. Tibetans live in constant
fear and anxiety. More recently, many Tibetan intellectuals, public
figures and environmentalists have been punished for articulating the
Tibetan people¹s basic aspirations. They have been imprisoned allegedly
for ³subverting state power² when actually they have been giving voice
to the Tibetan identity and cultural heritage. Such repressive measures
undermine unity and stability. Likewise, in China, lawyers defending
people¹s rights, independent writers and human rights activists have
been arrested. I strongly urge the Chinese leaders to review these
developments and release these prisoners of conscience forthwith.

The Chinese government claims there is no problem in Tibet other than
the personal privileges and status of the Dalai Lama. The reality is
that the ongoing oppression of the Tibetan people has provoked
widespread, deep resentment against current official policies. People
from all walks of life frequently express their discontentment. That
there is a problem in Tibet is reflected in the Chinese authorities¹
failure to trust Tibetans or win their loyalty. Instead, the Tibetan
people live under constant suspicion and surveillance. Chinese and
foreign visitors to Tibet corroborate this grim reality.

Therefore, just as we were able to send fact-finding delegations to
Tibet in the late 1970s and early 1980s from among Tibetans in exile, we
propose similar visits again. At the same time we would encourage the
sending of representatives of independent international bodies,
including parliamentarians. If they were to find that Tibetans in Tibet
are happy, we would readily accept it.

The spirit of realism that prevailed under Mao¹s leadership in the early
1950s led China to sign the 17-point agreement with Tibet. A similar
spirit of realism prevailed once more during Hu Yaobang¹s time in the
early 1980s. If there had been a continuation of such realism the
Tibetan issue, as well as several other problems, could easily have been
solved. Unfortunately, conservative views derailed these policies. The
result is that after more than six decades, the problem has become more
intractable.

The Tibetan Plateau is the source of the major rivers of Asia. Because
it has the largest concentration of glaciers apart from the two Poles,
it is considered to be the Third Pole. Environmental degradation in
Tibet will have a detrimental impact on large parts of Asia,
particularly on China and the Indian subcontinent. Both the central and
local governments, as well as the Chinese public, should realise the
degradation of the Tibetan environment and develop sustainable measures
to safeguard it. I appeal to China to take into account the survival of
people affected by what happens environmentally on the Tibetan Plateau.

In our efforts to solve the issue of Tibet, we have consistently pursued
the mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach, which seeks genuine
autonomy for the Tibetan people within the PRC. In our talks with
officials of the Chinese government¹s United Front Work Department we
have clearly explained in detail the Tibetan people¹s hopes and
aspirations. The lack of any positive response to our reasonable
proposals makes us wonder whether these were fully and accurately
conveyed to the higher authorities.

Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as
neighbours. It would be a mistake if our unresolved differences were to
affect this age-old friendship. Special efforts are being made to
promote good relations between Tibetans and Chinese living abroad and I
am happy that this has contributed to better understanding and
friendship between us. Tibetans inside Tibet should also cultivate good
relations with our Chinese brothers and sisters.

In recent weeks we have witnessed remarkable non-violent struggles for
freedom and democracy in various parts of North Africa and elsewhere. I
am a firm believer in non-violence and people-power and these events
have shown once again that determined non-violent action can indeed
bring about positive change. We must all hope that these inspiring
changes lead to genuine freedom, happiness and prosperity for the
peoples in these countries.

One of the aspirations I have cherished since childhood is the reform of
Tibet¹s political and social structure, and in the few years when I held
effective power in Tibet, I managed to make some fundamental changes.
Although I was unable to take this further in Tibet, I have made every
effort to do so since we came into exile. Today, within the framework of
the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, the Kalon Tripa, the political
leadership, and the people¹s representatives are directly elected by the
people. We have been able to implement democracy in exile that is in
keeping with the standards of an open society.

As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a
leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve
power. Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect.
During the forthcoming eleventh session of the fourteenth Tibetan
Parliament in Exile, which begins on 14th March, I will formally propose
that the necessary amendments be made to the Charter for Tibetans in
Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal authority to the
elected leader.

Since I made my intention clear I have received repeated and earnest
requests both from within Tibet and outside, to continue to provide
political leadership. My desire to devolve authority has nothing to do
with a wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in the
long run. It is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed
such faith and trust in me that as one among them I am committed to
playing my part in the just cause of Tibet. I trust that gradually
people will come to understand my intention, will support my decision
and accordingly let it take effect.

I would like to take this opportunity to remember the kindness of the
leaders of various nations that cherish justice, members of parliaments,
intellectuals and Tibet Support Groups, who have been steadfast in their
support for the Tibetan people. In particular, we will always remember
the kindness and consistent support of the people and Government of
India and State Governments for generously helping Tibetans preserve and
promote their religion and culture and ensuring the welfare of Tibetans
in exile. To all of them I offer my heartfelt gratitude.

With my prayers for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings.

10 March 2011

Dharamsala

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2. The Statement of Kashag on the 52nd Anniversary of the Tibetan
People¹s National Uprising Day
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Today is the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people¹s uprising against
the Chinese authorities in 1959 and the third anniversary of the
peaceful protests throughout Tibet in 2008. On this special occasion,
the Kashag would like to pay homage to all the martyrs, who sacrificed
their lives for the cause of Tibet, those who are still suffering and
particularly we would like to express our solidarity with Tibetan
intellectuals such as writers, poets, musicians and environmentalists,
who have been arrested and incarcerated in recent years. We praise their
courage and conviction.

During the last nine years, from 2002 to 2010, the twelfth and the
thirteenth Kashag considered the 10 March anniversary as the most
important occasion to inform the Tibetan people, both in and outside
Tibet, about issues concerning Tibetan politics and the administration.
The Kashag has transparently informed the Tibetans about developments,
policies, course of actions, principles and future plans regarding the
issue of Tibet and its origins, Tibetan people¹s strength and
weaknesses, opportunities and risks, achievements and failures, and the
status of Sino-Tibetan talks and the international situation.
Particularly, in 2009 during the 50th anniversary of our being in exile,
the Kashag commemorated and thanked the extraordinary achievements of
His Holiness the Dalai Lama, which spans across the globe and the great
accomplishments of the Tibetan people, in and outside Tibet.

Since this is the last 10th March statement of the present Kashag, we
would like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the
general public and reiterate some issues as a reminder. As it was
mentioned in our 10th March statement of 2009, for more than half a
century, Tibet has been subjected to a series of repressive campaigns
under various forms and names to annihilate the Tibetan people and its
culture. This has pushed Tibet to the brink of extinction. However, at
the same time, the strength of Tibetan people¹s unity and solidarity has
gone undiminished, which has enabled us to sustain our struggle from one
generation to the next.

Moreover, with the phenomenal accomplishments of His Holiness the Dalai
Lama throughout the world, Tibetan Buddhism, culture, tradition and
values have gained renewed recognition and interest. Consequently, the
number of Tibet supporters and followers of Tibetan Buddhism and
culture, both in the West and East, have grown many fold. Lately efforts
to translate Kangyur and Tengyur into various Western languages were
initiated, and the speed at which contact and discussions between
Tibetan Buddhism and science is taking place today are a matter of great
pride and constitute positive changes. Irrespective of the absence of
any concrete change in the political situation, the fact that Tibetan
religion, culture and tradition are developing paves great prospects for
the future. When future generations look back at our times, they may
consider our contemporary times as an era of expansion and spread of the
Tibetan culture.

Furthermore, the nonviolent struggle of the Tibetan people and the
transformation of the nature of Tibetan polity into a democratic system
are two achievements that are source of pride and the strength for the
Tibetan people. As a result, the issue of Tibet has been able to be
sustained around the world and these have become reasons why the
People¹s Republic of China is unable to ignore the issue of Tibet.

As this miracle the Tibetans have achieved in exile is a result of the
profound accomplishments of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. We express
our deepest gratitude to him.

Since the PRC occupied Tibet, the Tibetan people have had not even a
fleeting moment of peace and joy. Furthermore, policies were implemented
that aimed to annihilate not only Tibetan religion and culture and
natural resources, but even the trace of Tibetan identity as well. Since
repression across Tibet worsened in 2008, the Tibetan people have been
languishing in an environment of constant fear and suspicion. The recent
campaign, targeted at Tibetan intellectuals, scholars, writers, artists
and environmentalists, has resulted in their arbitrary incarceration on
concocted charges. This further validates the existence of a definite
objective to wipe out Tibetan identity and heritage. As Tibetan language
is the bedrock of Tibetan identity and culture, the recent move to phase
out Tibetan as the main medium of instruction in schools also constitute
an aspect of the strategy towards the objective of annihilation of
Tibetan identity. Under such circumstances, the people in Tibet have
been struggling for the preservation and promotion of Tibetan language
and culture by disregarding even at the risk of losing their lives. For
this, they deserve our heartfelt gratitude.

The Tibetan and the Chinese people are neighbours and share close
social, economic and commercial relations. However, if enmity between
the two people grows and the relationship is strained due to
manipulations by the Communist leaders then this is highly undesirable.
Tibetans living in exile are trying their best to create a good
relationship with the Chinese people. Likewise, the Kashag wish to
request the Tibetans inside Tibet to maintain friendly relations with
Chinese and other nationalities. Particularly, we would like to urge
Tibetans not to engage in any violent act with other nationalities.

A series of recent peaceful people¹s protests in the Middle East and
North Africa to move towards freedom and democracy is a source of
inspiration for us. We offer our solidarity for all those who take part
in these protests and extend our support and stand with them in unity as
long as their actions remain non-violent. These events prove the fact
that suppression by authoritarian regimes anywhere cannot last forever.

Presently, a major cause of concern for Tibetans in and outside Tibet is
that His Holiness the Dalai Lama will relinquish his role as the
political leader of Tibetan people, and transfer his political and
administrative responsibilities to the elected leadership. As a result,
a great number of Tibetans in exile from the various settlements,
organisations, monastic institutions and individuals and particularly
many Tibetans from inside Tibet collectively and individually have been
ardently supplicating His Holiness the Dalai Lama not to take such a
step. We, the Kashag, would like to make the same request in the
strongest terms. Since the institution of the Dalai Lama, as an
emanation of Avalokitesvara, and the inhabitants of the Land of Snows,
the spiritual domain of Avalokitesvara are intimately connected by a
pure karmic bond, the Tibetan people must make all efforts to ensure
that this relationship continues to last forever without change. The
Tibetan people need to make great efforts to keep this bond between the
successive Dalai Lamas and Tibet. In order for this to happen, we
request the Tibetan people to make even more efforts to increase their
collective merits.

To fulfil His Holiness the Dalai Lama¹s wish to relinquish the temporal
responsibilities, His Holiness will issue a message to the coming
session of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile. And all future course of
action will depend on how the members of the legislative body
intelligently formulate legislation regarding this. The Kashag would
like to urge the members of the exile parliament to consider this a
matter of utmost importance and accordingly think carefully to take the
right path.

Even though there are no major achievements during the tenure of the
Twelfth and Thirteenth Kashag for the last nearly 10 years, we have been
able to complete our tenure without any major failures and controversy.
This has been achieved because of the kind guidance of His Holiness the
Dalai Lama, and the sincere hardwork of the officials of the Central
Tibetan Administration, the cooperation and support of the general
public. I and all my fellow members of the Kashag deeply thank and
extend our gratitude to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. At the same time,
with deep regret we offer our sincere apology for our inability to work
in accordance with your vision during our tenure. We beseech His
Holiness to continue to lead us until we attain liberation. Similarly,
we wholeheartedly thank the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet for
their consistent cooperation and support. Likewise, we profusely thank
all the officials of the Central Tibetan Administration who have worked
with sincerity and devotion for the exile Tibetan administration only
because of their commitment to the cause inspite of inadequate salary
and facilities.

Taking this opportunity, we thank and extend our gratitude to all the
Tibet Support Groups, heads of the governments and members of
parliaments across the world who support the just struggle of the
Tibetan people, and especially the general public, the leadership of
central and state governments of India, for their unwavering support for
the welfare of Tibetans, the preservation and promotion of Tibet¹s
cultural and spiritual heritage and for the realization of the Tibetan
people¹s aspiration.

Finally, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai
Lama and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the truth of
the issue of Tibet prevail soon!

The Kashag

10 March 2011

NB: This is the English translation. Should any discrepancy arise, the
original Tibetan should be considered the final and authoritative.
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3. What now for the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan cause?
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The Dalai Lama has decided to relinquish his political duties ­ we ask
why and what this means for the future

Jason Burke guardian.co.uk, Thursday 10 March 2011 12.21 GMT

Does today's announcement mean Tenzin Gyatso is no longer theDalai Lama?
No. It means that his role now is spiritual leadership only. Any
political functions ­ effectively being the ultimate decision-maker in
any non-religious matters ­ will be devolved on an elected prime minister.

So what happens to the spiritual role?
Nothing in the short term. The Dalai Lama is regarded as the 14th
reincarnation of a famous Buddha who achieved enlightenment and as such
can't resign. Nor does anyone appear to want him to.

But he's 76, so Š ?
The question of who succeeds the Dalai Lama as spiritual leader will
come to a head when he dies. The actual process of choosing the most
senior leader in the diverse and complex world of Tibetan Buddhism
theoretically depends on a variety of omens and signs that lead senior
monk-scholars to the chosen child candidate. The process can take years
and is contentious. Chinese authorities will try to impose a candidate
who will follow their interests. The Tibetan community in exile will try
to make sure their own becomes leader. A compromise may be the young
monk known as the Karmapa, who fled into exile in India a decade ago as
a teenager but is seen as potentially acceptable to Beijing.

Who will take over the political role?
Whoever is elected by the Tibetan parliament next week. The
front-running candidate is currently Harvard law professor Lobsang
Sangay, 42. He will be known as the Kalon Tripa.

Will the announcement weaken the Tibetan exiles?
Not necessarily. The Dalai Lama would not have made his decision if he
did not think there was sufficient unity among the exiles and,
crucially, sufficient common ground between Tibetans inside and outside
Tibetitself, and inside and outside China, for the new system to work.
However, many are now very worried by the prospect of a future in which
he plays a lesser role.

Who will speak for the Tibetan cause now?
Still the Dalai Lama, though there will be someone else also speaking:
the elected prime minister. This may make it easier for western
governments in some ways. It means they could meet the Dalai Lama, as he
would be a purely religious figure, while snubbing the political
leadership and keeping Beijing happy.

Are there political reasons for standing down?
The Dalai Lama sees it as the culmination of many decades of edging the
exiled Tibetan community into democracy, while keeping an authentic
Tibetan identity. He has also said how he would like to return to being
"a simple monk".

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4. Tibet's exiled Dalai Lama to devolve political role
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BBC News
March 10, 2011

Tibet's exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, has announced a
long-awaited plan to devolve his political responsibilities to an
elected figure.

The Dalai Lama said he would begin the formal process of stepping down
at a meeting of the Tibetan parliament-in-exile next Monday.

He said the move would be to the long-term benefit of Tibetans.

The announcement came in a speech by the Dalai Lama marking the
anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan uprising.

"As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a
leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve
power," he said in Dharamsala, the Indian town that has become his base.

"Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect."

He added that his decision was not made because he wanted to "shirk
responsibility" or felt disheartened, emphasising that it was in the
best interests of the Tibetan people.

When parliament met next week, he would formally propose the
constitutional amendments necessary to devolve formal authority to an
elected leader, he said.

Correspondents says that whoever replaces the Dalai Lama faces a
daunting task, because no other Tibetan comes close to matching his
authority as a spiritual and political leader.

They say his move is part of a wider struggle between Dharamsala and
Beijing over who succeeds the Dalai Lama.

'Tricks'

The Dalai Lama, who heads Tibet's exiled government, has lived in
Dharamsala since fleeing across the Himalayas following the failed 1959
uprising against Chinese rule.

He has said he does not want independence for Tibet, only meaningful
autonomy.

The Dalai Lama is routinely vilified by the Chinese authorities - who he
called on in his speech to show more transparency and allow greater
freedom of expression.

In Beijing, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman described the Dalai
Lama's announcement as trickery.

"He has often talked about retirement in the past few years. I think
these are his tricks to deceive the international community," Jiang Yu
said.

"The government-in-exile is an illegal political organisation and no
country in the world recognises it."

Chinese officials have recently announced travel restrictions to Tibet
ahead of the third anniversary of riots there.

In March 2008, Tibet witnessed a wave of violent anti-China protests -
the worst unrest there for 20 years.

Beijing blamed the unrest on followers of the Dalai Lama, who it said
were seeking to separate Tibet from China.

China responded to the unrest with a massive military crackdown.

Many Tibetans have complained about the growing domination of China's
majority Han population in Tibet and accuse the government of trying to
dilute their culture.

In the run-up to the anniversary, police in the Indian capital Delhi
detained more than 30 Tibetan exiles protesting outside the Chinese
embassy on Wednesday.

The protesters wore yellow T-shirts and waved red and blue Tibetan
flags, chanting "Free Tibet" and "We want freedom".

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5. China says Dalai Lama playing 'tricks' with resignation
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Agence France-Presse
Beijing, March 10, 2011

China said on Thursday that the Dalai Lama was playing "tricks" on the
world, after the Tibetan spiritual leader announced plans to step down
as political head of the exiled Tibetan government.

"He has often talked about retirement in the past few years. I think
these are his tricks to deceive the international community," foreign
ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu told reporters.

Earlier, on Thursday The Dalai Lama announced his decision to retire
from active politics, saying the time had come to be succeeded by a
"freely elected" leader. The 76-year-old head of the exiled Tibetan
movement said he will formally propose to Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile
that necessary amendments be made to reflect his decision.

"As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a
leader elected freely by the Tibetan people to whom I can devolve power.
Now we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect," he said
speaking on the anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan uprising against Chinese
rule.

"During the forthcoming 11th session of the 14th Tibetan
Parliament-in-Exile which begins on March 14, I will formally propose
that the necessary amendments be made to the Charter for
Tibetans-in-Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal authority
to the elected leader," he said.

The Dalai Lama, who had come to India in 1959 after a failed uprising
against Chinese rule, said, "My desire to devolve authority has nothing
to do with a wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in
the long run. It is not because I feel disheartened."

The Nobel Peace Prize winner said he was committed to playing his part
in the "just cause" of Tibet.
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6. 'Without Dalai Lama, legitimacy would be a problem'
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Indo-Asian News Service
Dharamsala (Himachal Pradesh), March 10, 2011

The prime minister of Tibetan government-in-exile, Samdhong Rinpoche, on
Thursday said the announcement by the Dalai Lama that he was retiring
from public life could undermine the legitimacy of the
government-in-exile. "After Dalai Lama's resignation, legitimacy would
be the biggest issue before us. Without Dalai Lama, we (the
government-in-exile) will not have any legitimacy in the eyes of
Tibetans. It is a real question before us and we have to find a solution
to it," said Rinpoche.

"However, status of Tibetans living in exile in India would not change.
We have no problem with India as we are very comfortable here," said
Rinpoche. The Tibetan government-in-exile is in Dharamshala in Himachal
Pradesh in northern India and it is not recognised by any country in the
world.
The Dalai Lama, 75, Thursday during his annual address to Tibetans and
the international community, announced his decision to retire and
devolve his "formal authority" to an elected leader while staying
committed to the cause of Tibet.

Rinpoche, who will be completing his second term as prime
minister-in-exile (Kalon Tripa) in May this year, has enjoyed full
confidence of the Dalai Lama. He has been a powerful political figure in
Tibetan community living in India.
"We do understand what his holiness is planning and he is asking people
to become independent of Dalai Lamas. Since 1960s, he has been trying to
educate people and guiding us. He thinks it could be the appropriate
time, therefore he is trying to transfer the entire power to the elected
leadership," said Rinpoche.

"But we still do not feel ourselves competent to take over and become
independent of the Dalai Lama. Therefore thousands of requests are
coming from various quarters to postpone his decision. We can reduce the
number of (his) ceremonial functions, but as a guardian and spiritual
leader he should continue."

Rinpoche said that the Dalai Lama wants to transfer all political
authority to elected leaders. He admitted that it would affect the
dialogues process, between Tibetans and others.

"Yes, it would certainly affect the dialogues going on about the Tibetan
cause but we shall find some way to continue these. We have to find some
innovative and constructive way to handle the situation. Although we do
not have any readymade solution to this," pointed out Rinpoche.

Rinpoche maintained that the Dalai Lama, despite his retirement plans,
continued to be the spiritual leader.

"Spiritual leadership does not come by appointment or by election, it's
all self-evident and it would not change. However, political leadership
should not be permanent and not confined to one person. Dalai Lama
believed in the principles of modern democracy system where people are
supreme," stated Rinpoche.

Talking about the violent protests by Tibetan youths, Rinpoche said,
"Tibet is committed to non-violence. Protest demonstration of some
youths outside the Chinese embassy does not prove that we are intending
to follow violent path. These youths do not represent our people.
Moreover they were not violent they were only aggressive."

------------------------------------------------------------------------
7. Dalai Lama: Q&A
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Who is the Dalai Lama and why does he fear Chinese interference?

By Dean Nelson, South Asia Editor 1:41PM GMT 10 Mar 2011

Who is the Dalai Lama?
Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, is Tibet's head of state and the
spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism. He was born in Tibet in 1935,
ruled briefly following China's 1949 invasion but took his government
into exile in India after Beijing's brutal suppression of the Tibetan
uprising in 1959.
He has been credited with spreading the appeal of Buddhism throughout
the world. He is the reincarnation of his predecessor and recognised as
the embodiment of compassion.

How is a Dalai Lama chosen?
After the death of a Dalai Lama, his 'midstream' transfers to his
'reincarnation.' A search then begins among his senior lamas to find the
reincarnation. Dreams, visions, the direction of cremation smoke can all
lead them in the right direction, but the current Dalai Lama has said
his reincarnation will not be born in China if Tibet is not free.

Why is he stepping down?
He has long stated his wish to retire one day to Tabo Monastery in the
Himalayan Spiti Valley, but fears a leadership vacuum following his
retirement and death will weaken the Tibetan cause and leave its people
more vulnerable to Chinese interference. China appointed its own
successor to the Panchen Lama, the second highest monk after the Dalai
Lama and is suspected of kidnapping the successor named by the Dalai
Lama. By encouraging the Tibetan people to choose a new leader, he hopes
to groom someone who can assume the high-profile role he has created and
retain the global influence he has won.

Who will succeed him as the spiritual head of Tibetan Buddhism?
He has reportedly told Indian officials he supports the Karmapa Lama to
succeed him as Tibetan Buddhism's next second most influential monk
living in freedom. He wants to build up the role of the Karmapa Lama to
keep the flame alive.

Who will lead the Tibetan movement in the interim?
In his speech to mark the anniversary of the Chinese suppression of the
1959 Tibetan rising, he said he believed his successor should be freely
elected by the Tibetan people. That will be put to the Tibetan
parliament in exile in Dharamsala next week. It is not clear whether the
parliament will accept his wish or whether his choice as successor, the
Karmapa Lama will be a candidate.

What is at stake in his succession for Tibetans?
The Dalai Lama has raised the profile of the Tibetan campaign for
autonomy within China throughout the world and has been a powerful voice
for peaceful resistance. His stature has given Tibetans living under
Chinese rule and those around the world, hope they will one day return
to live freely in Tibet. Without a leader of his stature, their cause
could lose its clout.

Why does the Dalai Lama fear Chinese interference?
He knows Beijing does not trust him and that it has weakened the
movement for Tibetan autonomy by influencing or hijacking the
'reincarnation' process for senior monks, like the Panchen Lama.

Why does China care who succeeds the Dalai Lama?
The Dalai Lama remains the most influential figure for the world's 5.6
million Tibetan people, who remain the dominant group within China's
Tibetan Autonomous Region and a large minority elsewhere in the country.
His persistent pressure for genuine autonomy for Tibet and democratic
reforms in China are seen as a threat to Beijing's authoritarian
government. If Beijing can manipulate the selection of the next Dalai
Lama or leader of the Tibetan movement, it may be able to silence an
influential enemy.

Who is the Karmapa Lama?
He is the head of the Kama Kagyu sect, one of the four schools of
Tibetan Buddhism.

Which Karmapa Lama is the rightful heir?
There are however two claimants for the role: Ugyen Trinley Dorje, the
Dalai Lama's favoured successor who has the support of most Karmapa
monasteries and Trinley Thaye Dorje, who is backed by Shamar Rinpoche,
the most influential figure in recognising the reincarnation of a Karmapa.

Why is the Dalai Lama's Karmapa Lama controversial?
He is currently under investigation after more than a £600,000 in cash,
including Chinese Yuan, were discovered in police searches of his cars
and monasteries.

Why is India suspicious of him?
He has been suspected of being a Chinese spy since he fled Tibet for
Dharamsala 11 years ago at the age of 14. Some Indian security officials
fear Beijing may manipulate him to control and weaken the Tibetan
movement and influence the large Tibetan exile community in India.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
8. History Leading Up to March 10, 1959
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Compiled by: Tseten Samdup Chhoekyapa, WTN editor
www.savetibet.org


Immediately after the communist party took power in China in 1949 it
began asserting its claim that Tibet was part of Chinese territory and
its people were crying out for "liberation" from "imperialist forces"
and from the "reactionary feudal regime in Lhasa".

By October 1950 the People's Liberation Army had penetrated Tibet as far
as Chamdo the capital of Kham province and headquarters of the Tibetan
Army's Eastern Command. The region was routed and the Governor, Ngawang
Jigme Ngabo, taken prisoner. Chinese forces were also stealthily
infiltrating Tibet's north-eastern border Province, Amdo, but avoiding
military clashes which would alert international interest.

That year the 15-year-old Dalai Lama, his entourage and select
government officials, evacuated the capital and set up a provisional
administration near the Indian border at Yatung. In July 1951 they were
persuaded by Chinese Officials to return to Lhasa. On September 9, 1951,
a vanguard of 3,000 Chinese "liberation forces" marched into the capital.

By 1954, 222,000 members of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) were
stationed in Tibet and famine conditions became rampant as the country's
delicate subsistence agricultural system was stretched beyond its capacity.

In April 1956, the Chinese inaugurated the Preparatory Committee for the
Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART) in Lhasa, headed by His Holiness the
Dalai Lama and ostensibly convened to modernise the country. In effect,
it was a rubber stamp committee set up to validate Chinese claims.

In the later fifties, Lhasa became increasingly politicised and a
non-violent resistance evolved, organised by Mimang Tsongdu, a popular
and spontaneous citizens' group. Posters denouncing the occupation went
up. Stones and dried yak dung were hurled at Chinese street parades.
During that period, when the directive from Beijing was still to woo
Tibetans rather than oppress them, only the more extreme Mimang Tsongdu
leaders and orators faced arrest.

In February 1956, revolt broke out in several areas in Eastern Tibet and
heavy casualties were inflicted on the Chinese occupation army by local
Kham and Amdo guerrilla forces. Chinese troops were relocated from
Western to Eastern Tibet to strengthen their forces to 100,000 and
"clear up the rebels." Attempts to disarm the Khampas provoked such
violent resistance that the Chinese decided to take more militant
measures. The PLA then began bombing and pillaging monasteries in
Eastern Tibet, arresting nobles, senior monks and guerrilla leaders and
publicly torturing and executing them to discourage the large-scale and
punitive resistance they were facing.

In Lhasa, 30,000 PLA troops maintained a wary eye as refugees from the
fighting in distant Kham and Amdo swelled the population by around
10,000 and formed camps on the city's perimeter.

By December 1958, a revolt was simmering and the Chinese military
command was threatening to bomb Lhasa and His Holiness the Dalai Lama's
palace if the unrest was not contained. To Lhasa's south and north-east
20,000 guerrillas and several thousand civilians had been engaging with
Chinese troops.

On March 1, 1959, while His Holiness the Dalai Lama was preoccupied with
taking his Final Master of Metaphysics examination, two junior Chinese
army officers visited him at the sacred Jokhang cathedral and pressed
him to confirm a date on which he could attend a theatrical performance
and tea at the Chinese Army Headquarters in Lhasa. His Holiness replied
that he would fix a date once the ceremonies had been completed

This was an extraordinary occurrence for two reasons: one, the
invitation was not conveyed through the Kashag (the Cabinet) as it
should have been; and two, the party was not at the palace where such
functions would normally have been held, but at the military
headquarters - and His Holiness the Dalai Lama had been asked to attend
alone.

March 7, 1959. The interpreter of General Tan Kuan-sen - one of the
three military leaders in Lhasa rang the Chief Official Abbot demanding
the date His Holiness the Dalai Lama would attend their army camp. March
10 was confirmed.

March 8, 1959. This was Women's Day, and the Patriotic Women's
Association was treated to a harangue by General Tan Kuan-sen in which
he threatened to shell and destroy monasteries if the Khampa guerrillas
refused to surrender. "... we knew that the ordinary people of Lhasa
were being driven to open rebellion against the Chinese though they
would have to fight machine-gunners with their bare hands", writes Mrs.
Rinchen Dolma (Mary) Taring in her autobiography, Daughter of Tibet.

March 9, 1959. At 8.00 am two Chinese officers visited the commander of
His Holiness the Dalai Lama bodyguards' house and asked him to accompany
them to see Brigadier Fu at the Chinese military headquarters in Lhasa.
Brigadier Fu told him that on the following day there was to be no
customary ceremony as His Holiness the Dalai Lama moved from the
Norbulinka summer palace to the army headquarters, two miles beyond. No
armed bodyguard was to escort him and no Tibetan soldiers would be
allowed beyond the Stone Bridge - a landmark on the perimeter of the
sprawling army camp.

By custom, an escort of twenty-five armed guards always accompanied His
Holiness the Dalai Lama and the entire city of Lhasa would line up
whenever he went. Brigadier Fu told the commander of His Holiness the
Dalai Lama's bodyguards that under no circumstances should the Tibetan
army cross the Stone bridge and the entire procedure must be kept
strictly secret.

The Chinese camp had always been an eyesore for the Tibetans and the
fact that His Holiness the Dalai Lama was now to visit it would surely
create greater anxiety amongst the Tibetans.

March 10, 1959. The invitation provoked 300,000 loyal Tibetans to
surround the Norbulinka palace, forming an human sea of protection for
their Yeshe Norbu (nickname for His Holiness the Dalai Lama, meaning
"Precious Jewel"). They feared he would be abducted to Beijing to attend
the upcoming Chinese National Assembly. This mobilisation forced His
Holiness the Dalai Lama to turn down the army leader's invitation.
Instead he was held a prisoner of devotion.

March 12, 1959. 5,000 Tibetan women marched through the streets of Lhasa
carrying banners demanding "Tibet for Tibetans" and shouting "From today
Tibet is Independent". They presented an appeal for help to the Indian
Consulate-General in Lhasa.

Mimang Tsongdu members and their supporters had erected barricades in
Lhasa's narrow streets while the Chinese militia had positioned sandbag
fortifications for machine guns on the city's flat rooftops. 3000
Tibetans in Lhasa signed their willingness to join the rebels manning
the valley's ring of mountains.

On March 15, 3000 of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's bodyguards left Lhasa
to position themselves along an anticipated escape route. Khampa rebel
leaders moved their most trusted men to strategic points. Stalwarts of
the Tibetan Army merged with civilians to cover the chosen route. By
this time the Tibetans were out-numbered 25 to 2. An estimated 30,000 to
50,000 Chinese troops wielded modern weapons and had 17 heavy guns
surrounding the city. While the Chinese manned swivelling howitzers, the
Tibetans were wielding cannons into position with mules.

March 16, 1959. Chinese heavy artillery was seen being moved to sites
within range of Lhasa and particularly the Norbulinka. Rumours were rife
of more troops being flown in from China. By nightfall Lhasa was certain
that His Holiness the Dalai Lama's palace was about to be shelled.

March 17, 1959 4 pm. The Chinese fired two mortar shells at the
Norbulinka. They landed short of the palace walls in a marsh. This event
triggered His Holiness the Dalai Lama to finally decide to leave his
homeland.

"... when the Chinese guns sounded that warning of death, the first
thought in the mind of every official within the Palace, and every
humble member of the vast concourse around it, was that my life must be
saved and I must leave the Palace and leave the city at once", recalls
His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in his autobiography, My Land and My
People "There was no certainty that escape was physically possible at
all - Ngabo had assured us it was not.. If I did escape from Lhasa,
where was I to go, and how could I reach asylum? Everything was
uncertain, except the compelling anxiety of all my people to get me away
before the orgy of Chinese destruction and massacre began".

At 10 pm. on the night of March 17, wearing a soldier's uniform with a
gun slung over his shoulder, His Holiness the Dalai Lama marched out of
the Norbulinka and onto the danger-filled road to India and freedom His
mother and elder sister had preceded him.

March 19, 1959. Fighting broke out in Lhasa late that night and raged
for two days of hand-to-hand combat with odds stacked hopelessly against
the Tibetan resistance.

At 2.00 am the Chinese started shelling NorbuLingka. The Norbulinka was
bombarded by 800 shells on March 21 Thousands of men, women and children
camped around the palace wall were slaughtered and the homes of about
300 officials within the walls destroyed. In the aftermath 200 members
of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's bodyguard were disarmed and publicly
machine-gunned. Lhasa's major monasteries, Gaden, Sera and Drepung were
shelled -the latter two beyond repair - and monastic treasures and
precious scriptures destroyed. Thousands of their monks were either
killed on the spot, transported to the city to work as slave labour, or
deported. In house-to-house searches the residents of any homes
harbouring arms were dragged out and shot on the spot. Over 86,000
Tibetans in central Tibet were killed by the Chinese during this period.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his party crossed the Indian border at
Khenzimane Pass on March 31. Pandit Nehru announced on April 3 in the
Indian Parliament (Lok Sabha) that the Government of India had granted
asylum to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The party took a couple of days
to reach Tawang the headquarters of the West Kameng Frontier Division of
the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA), now known as the Tawang District
of Arunachal Pradesh.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama stayed four days in Tawang and then spent
about ten days there recovering from dysentery. In Bomdila His Holiness
the Dalai Lama was officially received by an envoy of the Indian
Government a welcome message from Nehru.

On April 18, 1959 morning, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, his mother,
sister, brother, three ministers and around 80 other Tibetans left for
Tezpur, Assam. There he was greeted by Indian officials and a Press
corps of nearly 200 correspondents, all eager for what they called "The
Story of the Century".

From Tezpur His Holiness made His famous statement known as the Tezpur
Statement in which he repudiated the 17 Point Agreement signed "under
duress" in May 1951 in Beijing.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
9. The Dalai Lama's Statement issued at Tezpur 18th April, 1959
------------------------------------------------------------------------

http://www.claudearpi.net

1- It has always been accepted that the Tibetan people are different
from the
Han people of China. There has always been a strong desire for independence
on the part of the Tibetan people. Throughout history this has been
asserted
on numerous occasions. Sometimes, the Chinese Government have imposed
their suzerainty on Tibet and, at other times, Tibet has functioned as an
independent country. In any event, at all times, even when the
suzerainty of
China was imposed, Tibet remained autonomous in control of its internal
affairs.

2-In 1951, under pressure of the Chinese Government, a 17-Point Agreement
was made between China and Tibet. In that Agreement, the suzerainty of
China was accepted as there was no alternative left to the Tibetans. But
even
in the Agreement, it was stated that Tibet would enjoy full autonomy.
Though
the control of External Affairs and Defence were to be in the hands of the
Chinese Government, it was agreed that there would be no interference by
the
Chinese Government with the Tibetan religion and customs and her internal
administration. In fact, after the occupation of Tibet by the Chinese
armies, the Tibetan Government did not enjoy any measure of autonomy
even in internal
matters, and the Chinese Government exercised full powers in Tibet's
affairs.
In 1956, a Preparatory Committee was set up for Tibet with the Dalai
Lama as
Chairman, the Panchen Lama as Vice-Chairman and General Chang Kuo Hun as
the Representative of the Chinese Government. In practice, even this
body had
little power, and decisions in all important matters were taken by the
Chinese
authorities. The Dalai Lama and his Government tried their best to
adhere to
the 17 Point Agreement, but the interference of the Chinese authorities
persisted.

3- By the end of 1955 a struggle had started in the Kham Province and this
assumed serious proportions in 1956. In the consequential struggle, the
Chinese Armed Forces destroyed a large number of monasteries. Many Lamas
were killed and a large number of monks and officials were taken and
employed on the construction of roads in China, and the interference in the
exercise of religious freedom increased.

4- The relations of Tibetans with China became openly strained from the
early
part of February, 1959. The Dalai Lama had agreed a month in advance to
attend a cultural show in the Chinese headquarters and the date was
suddenly
fixed for the 10th of March. The people of Lhasa became apprehensive that
some harm might be done to the Dalai Lama and as a result about ten
thousand people gathered round the Dalai Lama's summer palace,
Norbulingka, and physically prevented the Dalai Lama from attending the
function. Thereafter, the people themselves decided to raise a bodyguard
for
the protection of the Dalai Lama. Large crowds of Tibetans went about the
streets of Lhasa demonstrating against the Chinese rule in Tibet. Two days
later, thousands of Tibetan women held demonstrations protesting against
Chinese authority. In spite of this demonstration from the people, the
Dalai
Lama and his Government endeavoured to maintain friendly relations with the
Chinese and tried to carry out negotiations with the Chinese
representatives as
to how best to bring about peace in Tibet and assuage the people's anxiety.
While these negotiations were being carried out, reinforcements arrived to
strengthen the Chinese garrisons in Lhasa and Tibet. On the 17th March, two
or three mortar shells were fired in the direction of the Norbulingka
Palace.
Fortunately, the shells fell in a nearby pond. After this, the Advisers
became
alive to the danger to the person of the Dalai Lama and in those difficult
circumstances it became imperative for the Dalai Lama, the members of his
family and his high officials to leave Lhasa. The Dalai Lama would like
to state
categorically that he left Lhasa and Tibet and came to India of his own
free will
and not under duress.

5- It was due to the loyalty and affectionate support of his people that
the
Dalai Lama was able to find his way through a route which is quite arduous.
The route which the Dalai Lama took involved the Kyichu and the Tsangpo
rivers and making his way through Lhoka area, Yarlung Valley and Tsona
Dzong before reaching the Indian Frontier at Kanzey Mane near Chuthangmu. I

6- On the 29th March, 1959, the Dalai Lama sent two emissaries across the
Indo-Tibetan border requesting Government of India's permission to enter
India and seek asylum there. The Dalai Lama is extremely grateful to the
people and Government of India for their spontaneous and generous welcome
as welt as the asylum granted to hint and his followers. India and Tibet
have
religious, cultural and trade links extending over a thousand years and for
Tibetans it has always been the land of enlightenment, having given
birth to
Lord Buddha. The Dalai Lama is deeply touched by the kind greeting extended
to him on his safe arrival in India by the Prime Minister Shri
Jawaharlal Nehru,
and his colleagues in the Government of India. The Dalai Lama has already
sent reply to this message of greetings.

7- Ever since the Dalai Lama entered India at Kanzey Mane, near Chuthangmu,
he has experienced in full measure the respect and hospitality extended
to him
by the people of the Kameng Frontier Division of the North East Frontier
Agency and the Dalai Lama would like to state how the Government of India's
officers posted there had spared no efforts in making his stay and journey
through this extremely well administered part of India as comfortable as
possible.

8- The Dalai Lama will now be proceeding to Mussoorie which he hopes to
reach in the next few days. The Dalai Lama will give thought to his
future plans
and, if necessary, give expression to them as soon as he has had a
chance to
rest and reflect on recent events. His country and people have passed
through
an extremely difficult period and all that the Dalai Lama wishes to say
at the
moment is to express his sincere regrets at the tragedy which has overtaken
Tibet and to fervently hope that these troubles would be over soon
without any
more, bloodshed. 9- As the Dalai Lama and the spiritual head of all the
Buddhists in Tibet, his foremost concern is the well-being of his people
and in ensuring the perpetual flourishing of his sacred religion and
freedom of his country.

10- While expressing once again thankfulness at his safe arrival in
India, the
Dalai Lama would like to take this opportunity to communicate to all his
friends, well-wishers and devotees in India and abroad his sincere
gratitude for
the many messages of sympathies and concern with which they have flooded
him.
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