FW: [WTNN] World Tibet Network News -- January 10. 2011

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Jan 10, 2011, 8:00:55 AM1/10/11
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Monday, January 10, 2011
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Issue ID: 2011/01/11
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Contents
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1. The indispensable incarnation
2. 4-day Tengyur translation meet begins
3. Longest Court Case of Tibetan Youth Congress Deferred Once More
4. India better placed than China and Pak on corruption: Dalai Lama
5. Former TAR Official Endorses future Tibetan Prime Minister
6. A Review of Dr. Lobsang Sangay¹s Published Scholarly Works
7. Tibet supporter Yauch of Beastie Boys wins battle against cancer
8. An escape to Tibet - with the truth revealed half a century later
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1. The indispensable incarnation
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Talk of the Dalai Lama¹s ³retirement² shows how much Tibet still needs
him. Yet so does China

Banyan

Jan 6th 2011 | from PRINT EDITION

ENTHRONED in a maroon and saffron pavilion, the 14th Dalai Lama chuckled
often as he preached to the football stadium, though his text was not
taken from the jolly slogan behind him: ³Play soccer for world peace².
Ringed by snowcapped Himalayan peaks in Gangtok, capital of the Indian
state of Sikkim, which borders Tibet, tens of thousands basked in
midwinter sunshine-local Sikkimese of Nepali and ethnic-Tibetan descent,
visitors and, of course, Tibetan exiles. The Dalai Lama may exaggerate a
bit when he says that 99% of Tibetans trust him. But not by much. So his
recent talk of ³retirement² has unnerved many.

In November he said he was seriously thinking of retiring. An election
in 2001 for his government-in-exile had already ended the 400-year
tradition of Dalai Lamas as both spiritual and political leaders. After
an election in March this year, he would discuss with the new parliament
when to give up his remaining ³temporal² role. He expected to retire in
the ³next few months².

The Dalai Lama has long stressed his work not as a political leader but
as a scholar and guardian of the Buddhist tradition he embodies. In
Gangtok he attended a seminar on spirituality and science. His lecture
on the soccer pitch was on a rather abstruse commentary by a second- or
third-century Indian philosopher, Nagarjuna (³The form particle does not
produce sense-consciousness because it transcends the senses.²). The
Dalai Lama turned it into an accessible sermon on how to live your life.

Politics, however, will not let Tibet¹s spiritual leader go. His
presence in Sikkim was in itself a measured gesture of Indian defiance
towards China. India annexed the former kingdom in 1975. China long
refused to recognise Sikkim¹s incorporation into India, though since
2004 Chinese maps have shown it as an Indian state, and in 2006 a modest
border trade began. The Dalai Lama¹s eight-day tour of Sikkim was
pointedly timed to come just after Wen Jiabao, China¹s prime minister,
had been in Delhi, discussing how to improve ties. Tibet remains one of
the strains. The Dalai Lama, with some 100,000 followers, has made his
home in India since fleeing Lhasa, Tibet¹s capital, in 1959.

Those exiles, and another 6m Tibetans under Chinese rule, make it
impossible for the Dalai Lama to quit politics altogether. He remains
the only Tibetan they can trust to marshal the international sympathy
that keeps their cause alive. Yet China¹s refusal to talk seriously to
his representatives about the future of Tibet seems perverse. For over
20 years he has demanded not the independence many Tibetans crave, but
greater autonomy. Probably he alone could make many Tibetans accept
this. Moreover, he is a pacifist. China wrongly blamed him for the
ferocious ethnic attacks on Han Chinese in riots in Lhasa, in 2008.
Without his restraining influence, violence would have been far more
frequent.

For China, however, the solution to its Tibetan problem is the end of
the 14th Dalai Lama. It may be right that when he retires or dies-and
though in rude health, he will turn 76 this year-the Tibetan cause will
suffer a terminal blow. The Dalai Lama¹s reincarnation (if any, for the
14th says this is an open question) may well be contested, like that of
another senior lama, the Panchen. The tenth Panchen died in 1989. Two
children were identified as the 11th, one recognised by the Dalai Lama
and most Tibetans, the other by China. The ³Tibetan² Panchen vanished
from view.

Even an undisputed Dalai Lama would for decades be too young for a
political role. In the interim, many Tibetans expect much of another
incarnate Buddha, the Karmapa Lama. In this case there is a 17th
incarnation, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, who is recognised by both the Dalai
Lama and the Chinese government. The school of Tibetan Buddhism he heads
has just been celebrating its 900th anniversary in India at Bodh Gaya,
site of the bodhi tree under which the Buddha attained enlightenment. So
the Karmapas¹ lineage is even longer than the Dalai Lamas¹. Ogyen
Trinley, just 25, is an impressive and engaging figure, who has
inherited a big foreign following.

He has two problems, however. Yet again, the incarnation is contested,
with a rival candidate, also in India, and some fishiness about the
identification of the infant Ogyen Trinley. Second, India is suspicious
of him. Born in Tibet itself and feted in his youth by the Chinese
authorities, he made a dramatic flight to India 11 years ago. Some fear
China connived in his escape, hoping to sow discord among exiled
Tibetans. That has been the effect, if not the intention. The Karmapas¹
seat-in-exile, at Rumtek near Gangtok, has seen fisticuffs between
supporters of the rival claimants. And the Indian government¹s refusal
to allow Ogyen Trinley to enter Sikkim has become a political issue: the
state is littered with posters demanding he be allowed in.

In a ceremony for the winter solstice at the mountaintop monastery of
Rumtek itself, drums throb, horns and conches low mournfully, and monks
led by a cleric in elaborate robes and a huge black hat consign an
offering to the bonfire. But they are not many, and on hand to watch are
only a few tourists and the armed Indian soldiers who patrol the place.
The Karmapas¹ home in exile is in a depression.

A job for life

China may calculate that, after the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan exile
movement will lose itself in infighting. But that is all the more reason
to deal with him. China¹s control of Tibet is not in doubt. What it
lacks is the acquiescence of Tibetans. The Dalai Lama offers the best
chance of reconciliation. Three weeks after his ³retirement² remarks,
the simple monk clarified his position. He had only, he said, been
referring to some ceremonial functions-signing documents and so on. Like
every Tibetan, he has a responsibility he may not shirk. Talk of his
standing down, he said, had caused ³anxiety² and ³confusion², including
inside Tibet.

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2. 4-day Tengyur translation meet begins
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TNN, Jan 8, 2011, 10.05pm IST

VARANASI: The four-day Tengyur translation conference on 'In the
tradition of 17 pandits of Nalanda' began atCentral University of
Tibetan Studies(CUTS), Sarnath, on Saturday.

The conference is being jointly organised by the CUTS and American
Institute ofBuddhist Studiesat Columbia University.

The meet was inaugurated by Gaden Tri Rinpoche.

Addressing the inaugural function, Rinpoche said that Nalanda and Tibet
had a strong association in the ancient period. A number of Tibetan and
Chinese scholars had been allotted special rooms at Nalanda for studying
and teaching, he said.

Delivering the welcome address, CUTS vice-chancellor Geshe Nagwang
Samten said that the scholars of Nalanda and Tibet have enriched the
Buddhist philosophy by translating the text from Sanskrit to Tibetan
language.

Speaking on the occasion, Pobert Thurman, a professor of Buddhist
studies atColumbia University, highlighted the teachings of Buddha.

He said that in today's world, many problems like global warming are
emerging due to the greed of man. The solution to these problems is not
possible through science only, he said.

According to the organisers, the Tengyur or 'shastra section' contains
Tibetan translation of many important Sanskrit works from Indian
monastic universities like Nalanda and Vikramshila. When translated into
Tibetan, these works in turn inspired Tibet's own enlightenment
renaissance. Accordingly, the Dalai Lama and many other Tibetan masters
have termed the Buddhist teachings in these Tengyur texts as of very
high value.

The Indian works preserved meticulously in the Tibetan translations
represent the lost Indian heritage consisting of works not only related
to Buddhist philosophy but also on a variety of ancient Indian sciences
and arts like ayurveda, jyotish, grammar, lexicography, prosody,
iconography and sculpture. Translating these works from Tibetan into the
modern language is a commendable attempt to regain this heritage for the
benefit of future generations.

This conference is aimed at focusing on issues pertaining to the
translation not only into English, but also Sanskrit, Hindi, Chinese and
other languages, said the convener, Shrikant Bahulkar.

Participants from different countries like the US, Canada, Germany,
France, Switzerland, Denmark, the Netherlands, Russia, Taiwan, Japan and
Nepal are taking part in the conference.

The Dalai Lama, who will arrive here on January 10, would also address
the conference on January 11.


Read more:4-day Tengyur translation meet begins - The Times of
Indiahttp://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/varanasi/4-day-Tengyur-translat
ion-meet-begins/articleshow/7243749.cms#ixzz1Ab3GBx00

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3. Longest Court Case of Tibetan Youth Congress Deferred Once More
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Saturday, 08 January 2011 16:10 Tenzin Norsang, TYC, Tibet Post
International

Delhi: A "Valentine Date" at the New Delhi High Court is what was
decided on Friday, 7 January, by the High Court Judge in New Delhi.
Eight Tibetans were ordered to appear with affidavits and proof of
residence on 14 February 2011 for what is hoped will be the final
hearing of an outstanding court case.

In Spring 1992, nine members of the Regional Tibetan Youth Congress of
Hunsur Rabgyaling settlement in South India embarked on a rally called
"Save Tibet Yatra". The group reached New Delhi on 9 March to coincide
with the major campaign activity organized by the Central Executive of
Tibetan Youth Congress for the 33rd commemoration of the 10th March
Tibetan National Uprising Day. The following day on 11 March 1992, the
nine Tibetans went to the Chinese Embassy in Chanakyapuri around 1 pm,
waved the Tibetan National flag and shouted slogans denouncing China's
illegal occupation of Tibet. The group also tried to enter into the
Embassy but was prevented by the Security personnel on duty. The nine
were arrested and later taken to Tihar Jail.

Almost two decades later and after sixty court hearings, the group is
once again summoned for hearing in New Delhi High Court. During this
time, one of the persons passed away. Following a series of unsuccessful
hearings and the last decision against TYC, the case was appealed to the
Delhi High Court on 25 January 2000. The eight are being tried under the
Indian Penal Code section 307, 436, 427, 148, 149, 186 and 353.

Mr. Tenzin Norsang, Joint Secretary of TYC, who was handling this case
appealed to the Judge along with lawyer Mr. Panday on behalf of all the
protesters, noting the difficulty of traveling repeatedly for this case
all the way from South India. The 14 February hearing will hope fully be
final. Following the decision to make this a final appearance, TYC
Centrex and RTYC Delhi organized are reception in Majnu-Ka-Tila on
January 7th to honor the protesters for their enduring spirit and
courage. Mr. Pema Dorjee spoke on behalf of the group and asserted that
their sacrifice is minuscule compared to the sacrifices made by Tibetans
inside Tibet. "We face problems coming again and again for the last 20
years for the hearings, but we never lose our spirit for Tibet's
Independence", he added.

The eight Tibetans are Tsering Thundup (74), Tsering Norbu (74), Namgyal
Dorjee(53), Tamding(55),N. Dorjee(54), Lobsang (58), Choegyal (56) and
Pema Dorjee(68). Choegyal could not appear for this hearing on medical
grounds.

This court case has started and remained pending since the time Mr.
Lhasang Tsering took office for the second time as President of TYC.
Since then seven Centrex teams have changed hands and every office has
continued to deal with this case. This maybe the longest court case in
TYC's history, but this is definitely not the only case in existence.
TYC has to consistently deal with numerous other court hearings of cases
that have been lodged over the years resulting from our various campaign
activities. The campaigns have been concluded but TYC has to continue to
follow up on the court procedures that require our attention.

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4. India better placed than China and Pak on corruption: Dalai Lama
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PTI[Saturday, January 08, 2011 13:43]

NEW DELHI: Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama today said India is
better placed than countries like China and Pakistan when it comes to
corruption in governance and asked the "free media" here to bring out
the misdeeds of politicians and officials.

He also said India has better mechanism than China to check corruption
and said the judiciary here is independent and not "controlled by a
party" as in the communist country.

"Corruption is there at all levels. Ultimately, self-discipline and
inner moral ethics only can root out this menace. But India is better
than countries like China and Pakistan," he said, after delivering the
16th Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial Lecture here.

The spirtual leader said the judiciary in India is "independent" and is
not controlled by the ruling "Congress party". "There is at least
transparency and accountability. There is a free press," he said in
response to a question how to tackle corruption in India.

He also said China does not have the kind of independent judiciary India
has and asked the media here to "check what is going on behind" the
scenes in government and other departments.

To a question on terrorism, he said is an "invisible and dangerous"
problem which threatens the world.

"To tackle this, we need to go to the root cause of the problem. The
emphasis should be given on fundamental values. It is kind of sin of the
past," he said.

The Dalai Lama also said only through education and awareness peace "can
be brought" to the world and not through prayers.

"I don't belive that only prayers can bring peace. It is hardwork and
awarness and education which can bring peace," he said.

He also regretted the absence of lessons on moral and ethical values in
the modern education system and pitched for its inclusion.


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5. Former TAR Official Endorses future Tibetan Prime Minister
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Saturday, 08 January 2011 16:00 Tsering Passang,London, 8th January 2010

London: As the Tibetan general election fever is on the full swing,
despite the chilling British wintry weather, members of the Tibetan
Community in Britain attended the public meeting with Kasur Tenzin
Namgyal Tethong, a leading prime minister candidate from the US, on
Thursday 6th January at The October Gallery in central London.

The public discussion with Kalon Tripa (Prime minister) was webcasted
Live and received online questions from Tibetans in Minnesota, Indiana,
Paris and Hunsur. To watch this full video, please visit:
http://www.londonney.com/Election2011.html

This public meeting, organised by the LondonNey Tibetan Productions and
the Tibetan Youth UK, is aimed at providing an independent platform for
the Tibetan electorates in the UK to interact with the Kalon Tripa
candidates. The organisers thanked The October Gallery for their support
in making this event possible.

The interactive session, which lasted just over two-hours, provided the
much needed public discussion forum for the Tibetan electorates with one
of the leading Candidates for the Prime Minister's post. A wide-range of
topics was covered with the enthusiastic audience.

During the course of the discussion, the public learned in depth
Tethong's early years of public service in the Tibetan Government in
Exile, his foreign mission roles in New York as His Holiness the Dalai
Lama's Representative and later in Washington as the Special
Representative. The audience also became aware of Tethong's ongoing
service to Tibet by promoting the works and ideals of His Holiness the
Dalai Lama through The Dalai Lama Foundation and general Tibetan cause
through one of his early initiatives - The US Committee of 100 for Tibet.

Tethong, who is regarded as the soft-spoke Tibetan gentleman, showed his
readiness to lead the Tibetan struggle, if he is elected the next Kalon
Tripa. During his dedicated public service in the Tibetan Government in
Exile for nearly thirty-years, Tethong had served in various capacities
including as a Kalon and as the Kalon Tripa from 1990 to 1995. The
potential future Prime Minister said, "I've always dedicated myself to
the service of the Tibetan cause under the leadership of His Holiness
the Dalai Lama. I've the confidence to serve as the next Kalon Tripa
based on the past contributions that I made through numerous pro-active
initiatives, which has brought a decent amount of benefits to our
society." Tethong also re-emphasised that the Kalon Tripa job is not an
easy one, especially considering the current situation of Tibet in the
geopolitical world, and added, "Without some kind of real leadership
experience, I'm not sure how one can effectively perform the Kalon Tripa
duties. This is not a position where one can gain experience."

The former Kalon Tripa said that the principal cause and his top
priority is the reclamation of Tibetan Nation and revival of the real
freedom for the Tibetan people both inside Tibet and as well as those in
exile.

When asked if he would make any attempts to change the current course of
?Middle-Way" Policy towards resolution of the Tibetan political struggle
and adopt a new direction, Tethong replied, "The next Kalon Tripa cannot
change the current course and formulate any new policy straightaway as
we have our own democratic process but the elected person can certainly
play a very important role by exploring any other possibilities and make
related suggestions or findings to the Tibetan Parliament and His
Holiness the Dalai Lama."

Amongst the audience were three London-based current and former
Representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and a defected senior
Tibetan official from the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). At the end of
the Q&A session, the former TAR government official expressed his full
support and trust in the Kalon Tripa candidate, whilst recalling his
days in Lhasa as an official in 1980, when Kasur Tenzin Namgyal Tethong,
then Representative in New York, headed the Second-Fact Finding
Delegation to Tibet. The emotional elderly gentleman said that Tibetans
in Tibet then saw a real leadership in Tethong, and he and other fellow
Tibetans back in Tibet really hope that Tethong would fulfil the wishes
of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the wider Tibetan cause in finding a
lasting political resolution to the Sino-Tibetan issue.

Following the discussion and light refreshments, Friends of Tenzin
Namgyal Tethong United Kingdom hosted a dinner in his honour. Thupten
Tenzin, who hosted the dinner in an Indian restaurant, expressed his
appreciation on behalf of the Tibetans and supporters of Tenzin Namgyal
Tethong in the UK, for his selfless community service over the past
forty years for Tibet and Tibetan people, and for his latest
determination to serve once more in the Tibetan Government in Exile as
the next Kalon Tripa.

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6. AReview of Dr. Lobsang Sangay¹s Published Scholarly Works
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By the Editorial Board ofThe Tibetan Political Review

Dr. Lobsang Sangayrecently stated to the Harvard student newspaperthat
³Who I am now, as a scholar and an activist and a diplomat, is mainly
because of Harvard. It seems that one of the main attractions of my
[Kalon Tripa] candidacy is because of my Harvard credentials and
credibility." Setting aside the Harvard label for a moment, Sangay¹s
campaign has placed special emphasis on his position as a legal scholar.
It has served as a response to criticism that he lacks experience or
judgment, and in radio interviews and the recent New York debate it has
allowed him to be introduced askhewang(learned one).


Understanding Sangay¹s candidacy therefore requires understanding his
position as a scholar/khewang. Unfortunately, there has been little
analysis of his actual scholarship among the Tibetan electorate so far
(in contrast to the other twoKatricandidates, whose past performance is
a matter of public record). Scholarship is measured primarily by
published output. Therefore, in order to help Tibetan voters better
evaluate Sangay¹s performance as a scholar, the Editorial Board ofThe
Tibetan Political Reviewsets out a brief review of Sangay¹s published
scholarly works.

This review is in two parts: general and specific. We first conduct a
general survey of Sangay¹s published scholarly works.Then, we conduct a
specific review of each of the works.To summarize, since Sangay¹s
graduation with his S.J.D. degree in 2004, he has published three
scholarly articles, although none in established legal journals.In those
three articles, one finds relatively more historical information and
advocacy, and relatively less legal or scholarly analysis.One also finds
a writer focused on democracy and seeking autonomy for Tibetans within
the People¹s Republic of China.


GENERAL: A SURVEY OF SANGAY¹S WORKS

We set out to locate all of Sangay¹s published scholarly works,
excluding non-scholarly pieces such as newspaper op-eds.Our search was
as comprehensive as possible.


We first consultedWestlaw, the standard legal research tool used by
legal scholars and practicing lawyers, containing40,000
databasescovering legal journals around the world. One would expect to
find in Westlaw all scholarly articles by any legal scholar at an
American university.A Westlaw search for scholarly works published by
Sangay returned zero (0) results.

Next, we broadened our search beyond legal journals by searching
theSocial Science Research Network, a database covering social science
publications. A search for scholarly works published by Sangay returned
zero (0) results.

Then, we searched in Google Scholar, resulting in the following two (2)
articles and one (1) chapter from a book, but all published while he was
a student prior to 2004:

1.Tibet: Exiles¹ Journey(2003), inJournal of Democracy. This journal is
not run by a university but rather by the National Endowment for
Democracy, which has given grants to various Tibetan organizations
including NDPT. That may explain why this journal does not show up in an
academic search.??2. One chapter inHuman Rights: Positive Policies in
Asia and the Pacific Rim, by J.D. Montgomery (2001). We have been unable
to obtain a copy of this book.??3.Human Rights and Buddhism: Cultural
Relativism, Individualism & Universalism(1996). It is unclear where, if
anywhere, this article was published.

Lastly, we consulted the autobiographical blurbs contained inSangay's
non-academic articles in Phayul, which led us to three (3) scholarly
works, all written after his graduation in 2004. The articles were not
published in established legal journals, but rather in two student
publications and a South Korean journal begun in 2008:

1.China in Tibet: Forty Years of Occupation or Liberation?(2004)
inHarvard Asia Quarterly.Thisstudent publication is affiliated with the
Harvard Asia Centerand covers diverse topics related to Asia. Articles
have ranged from Islamic education in China togirls¹ graffiti culture in
Japan.??2.China¹s National Autonomy Law and Tibet: A Paradox Between
Autonomy and Unity(2006), inHarvard South Asian Journal.This journal is
anundergraduate publicationrun by a South Asian student association.
??3.Legal Autonomy of Tibet: A Tibetan Lawyer¹s Perspective(2008),
inJournal of East Asian International Law. This journal, begun in 2008,
is run by a South Korean research organization called the YijunInstitute
of International Law.?

By comparison, Sangay¹s supervisor at Harvard Law School,Professor
William Alford, has written ten (10) articles or chapters and three (3)
books since 2004, and also teaches classes, directs the East Asian Legal
Studies Program, is vice dean, and chairs a project on disability. This
is not meant as criticism of Sangay, but rather as context. While
publication is the primary measure of an academic, there are other
scholarly pursuits beyond publication (teaching, directing research
centers, administration, speaking, organizing conferences, etc.). Sangay
has certainly spent time speaking and organizing conference; this other
work should be taken into consideration when evaluating his scholarly
output of 3 articles over six years.


SPECIFIC: OUR REVIEW OF SANGAY¹S PUBLISHED SCHOLARLY WORKS

1.China¹s National Autonomy Law and Tibet: A Paradox Between Autonomy
and Unity(2006)

This article had Sangay¹s best legal points.Sangay essentially takes a
close reading of China¹s National Regional Autonomy Law of 1984 (NRAL),
and concludes that ³when a conflict manifests between the supremacy of
either unity or autonomy? unity trumps autonomy.²What he means is that
Chinese autonomy law favors the requirements of Beijing over the
requirements of ³minorities² like Tibetans.

The best example that Sangay gives is that under the NRAL, any
modification of a national law made by an Autonomous Region must be
³reported² to and ³approved² by the National People¹s Congress (NPC),
whereas a province can make a modification by only ³reporting² it to the
NPC.Sangay also spends time looking at ethnicity statistics for
legislators and officials in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR),
concluding that non-Tibetans are dominant.

There are, however, several areas in which Sangay¹s article falls
short.For instance, he bases his legal arguments on reading merely the
text (or English translation) of the NRAL.Sangay could have shown how
laws such as the NRAL are actually enforced, understood, and debated in
China itself (where any implementation necessarily must take
place).Looking at the text is a good first step but not enough.By
analogy, a non-American can read the ³free speech² provision of the U.S.
Constitution¹s First Amendment, but they would miss the entire body of
First Amendment case-law that deals with subtleties and interpretations
not present in the words on the page.

Moreover, Sangay could have situated his arguments within the debate
taking place in the larger field of Chinese legal studies.This includes
scholars looking at Chinas' "minority" policy generally.In effect,
Sangay¹s article stands alone.Good scholarship does not simply make a
point, but adds to an ongoing discourse of knowledge and ideas among
many scholars.

Lastly, we understand that Sangay cannot cover everything in a four page
article, but he should be careful about using the percentage of Tibetan
officials in the TAR as a proxy for genuine Tibetan self-rule.What
matters is how those Tibetans are chosen and how much freedom they have
to design policies to benefit their constituents.A 100% ethnic Tibetan
TAR government full of Chinese collaborators like Ragdi, Legchok, and
Pema Choling is not the goal.Even if the TAR legislature were granted
the power to simply ³report² to the NPC, there would be no real change
unless Tibetans can choose their own legislators.

2.China in Tibet: Forty Years of Occupation or Liberation?(2004)

In this article, Sangay presents clearly and concisely many of the
arguments that the Tibetan movement makes about Tibet.While we fully
agree with most of this article, it is basically a clear, well-written
repackaging of what many Tibetans and supporters have already said.

He summarizes his article as follows: ³I will focus on ? the Communist
Chinese government¹s justification for their occupation of Tibet, and
show how Tibetans view themselves as distinct from Chinese.I will also
show how Tibetans and Chinese hold widely divergent perspectives on the
Chinese government¹s claim that they have improved religious,
educational, and economic conditions in Tibet.²

It is not possible to call this article a piece of legal scholarship --
or scholarship more broadly -- since it is basically an advocacy
piece.Advocacy is absolutely valuable.However, advocacy and scholarship
are two different things: one is passionate and opinionated, and one is
dispassionate and objective.

Sangay does make a prominent argument, but it is one that is
questionable.He writes of the Sino-Tibetan ³harmony² that reigned during
the marriage of Emperor Songtsen Gampo and Princess Wencheng, which
harmony he says should be ³revived² in spirt.He also states that Tibetan
prostration before a statute of Emperor Songtsen Gampo and Princess
Wencheng in the Tsuklhakhang show that ³there is no inherent hatred
among Tibetans towards the Chinese per se.²

In our view, it is problematic to portray Princess Wencheng as a symbol
of unfettered harmony.Tang Emperor Taizong reluctantly gave Princess
Wencheng in marriage only because of Emperor Songtsen Gampo¹s military
strength, not through feelings of Sino-Tibetan friendship.And ³harmony²
between Tibet and Tang China was short-lived, as Songtsen Gampo¹s
successors frequently battled Chinese forces.

Nor do we think Sangay¹s prostration argument works.Perhaps Sangay aimed
his argument to a Chinese audience, who tend toglorify Wencheng as the
selfless Han princess who ³civilized² the ³barbaric² Tibetansand brought
them into the ³family of the Motherland.²However, we caution Sangay
against using an argument that is based on buying into China¹s
barbarian/civilization dichotomy.It may seem clever at first, but any
sophisticated Chinese will see what is going on.It would be better to
argue for a Sino-Tibetan resolution based on a confident assertion of
Tibetan rights and identity.China respects strength and confidence, not
weakness and obsequiousness.


3.Tibet: Exiles¹ Journey(2003)

Although this article was published in 2003 while Sangay was still a
student, we include a review of it because Sangay cites it in his
autobiographical blurbs.This piece does not propose new academic ideas
or broader theories of law or democracy generally, as many legal
scholars might do.Rather, Sangay presents observations on the specific
case at hand based on a historical summary.

Sangay¹s focus is on the efforts of His Holiness to bring about
democratization, while also touching upon sectarian squabbles and the
so-called ³Taiwan affair² (which Sangay blames on the Chitue and Kashag
creating ³a factional football²).Sangay describes how, in the aftermath
of such scandals, ³the [Dalai] Lama made his most dramatic moves on
behalf of democratization² by dissolving Parliament and calling new
elections in 1990.

Sangay concludes that, while ³nothing is a given,² a secular
democratically-elected leader might ³help guide Tibetans politically
while the next Dalai Lama fulfills a spiritual role.²This vision of a
role for His Holiness akin to a constitutional monarch, with the Kalon
Tripa acting as the head of government, is a common progressive thought
in Tibetan society, and it is apparent that Sangay shares it.

Sangay also makes some curious statements about the Tibetan aristocracy
and monastic community.For example, he makes the assertion that the
³overwhelming majority of these [Tibetan government] employees are from
?commoner¹ backgrounds; only about one out of a hundred has ties to the
traditional hereditary aristocracy.²We are unclear why Sangay felt that
a point about ³commoners² versus ³aristocracy² needed making.We also
noted Sangay¹s question whether ³the conservative Buddhist monastic
community will accept secular democracy.²This is a good question, and we
wonder whether thetime Sangay has recently spent in the monasteries of
South Indiahas provided any answers.

Taking a more critical view, we disagree with Sangay¹s description of
pre-1959 Tibet as a ³feudal realm² that was ³shackled to feudalism,²
with ³monks and grandees² displaying ³reactionary² anti-modern
attitudes.Feudalism is a term specific to the political and social
system in Europe during the Middle Ages. Pre-1959 Tibetan society had
many substantive differences from European feudalism. It is grossly
inaccurate to refer to pre-1959 Tibet as being a ³feudal realm.²As
Sangay should know, one does not need to parrot phrases from Chinese
propaganda to show that one is a serious scholar of Tibet.

Lastly, we can only assume that Sangay¹s 15 references to ³the Lama²
rather than ³the Dalai Lama² must have been an editing mistake.


4.Legal Autonomy of Tibet: A Tibetan Lawyer¹s Perspective(2008)

Unfortunately there is little that one can tell from three
pages.Clearly, Sangay is arguing for Tibet¹s autonomy within the
People¹s Republic of China, but unfortunately the details are unavailable.


CONCLUSION

Judging from an output of three articles since his graduation six years
ago, it appears that Sangay¹s position as a scholar is not yet firmly
established.Moreover, Sangay has yet to publish the type of lengthy and
rigorous article in an established legal journal, complete with legal
citations, that one would expect of a legal scholar. This is not a
criticism of Sangay¹s capabilities, but rather a judgment of his
performance to date.

As to the content of Sangay¹s published articles, he generally shows a
concern for democracy and to seeking a resolution to the Sino-Tibetan
conflict that should be applauded.While we see some of his positions as
simplistic or underdeveloped, and while we do not necessarily share his
specific views on autonomy, we also applaud his willingness to set out
his positions on some critical issues facing Tibet.We can only hope that
more Tibetans do so in the future, and that such discussions incorporate
a greater knowledge of international and Chinese law.

These are the opinions of the TPR editors, who are all lawyers (J.D. or
J.D./LL.M.) with some degree of experience in evaluating legal
scholarship.We welcome other perspectives.We also warmly invite Dr.
Sangay to respond if he feels we have made any errors or omissions.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------
7. Tibet supporter Yauch of Beastie Boys wins battle against cancer
-----------------------------------------------------------------------

Phayul[Friday, January 07, 2011 11:45]
By Kalsang Rinchen

Yauch, seen here at a religious discourse by His Holiness the Dalai
Lama, September 15, 2009. Phayul/File Photo/Abhishek Madhukar
Dharamsala, January 7 ? A longtime supporter of Tibet and member of
Beastie Boys, Adam Yauch, has won his eighteen month long battle against
cancer. The singer, also known as MCA, was diagnosed with cancer in July
2009 after which the band¹s album "Hot Sauce Committee, Part 1" was
delayed indefinitely.

Yauch underwent a surgery in July 2009 to remove a cancerous tumor from
his left parotid gland. In September 2009, he visited Dharamsala, the
headquarters of the exile Tibetan government and the home to the Tibetan
leader the Dalai Lama. During his visit, Yauch consulted Tibetan doctors
of traditional Tibetan medicine. In an email update to the Beastie Boys'
official fan list in 2009, Yauch said, "I'm taking Tibetan medicine and
at the recommendation of the Tibetan doctors I've been eating a
vegan/organic diet." He was spotted at a teaching of His Holiness the
Dalai Lama during the same trip.

A Buddhist and supporter of Tibetan cause, Yauch has lent his popularity
to raise awareness about the Tibet issue.

Yauch performing at Freedom Concert for Tibet, file photo
Adam Yauch co-founded the Tibetan Freedom Concert which helped bring
worldwide awareness to the Tibetan situation through music. Compiling
some of the most talented and influential artists from around the world,
the Tibetan Freedom Concert was participated by U2, REM, The Smashing
Pumpkins, Patti Smith, Alanis Morissette, Pearl Jam, Blur, Radiohead,
Red Hot Chili Peppers, John Lee Hooker, Sonic Youth, Porno For Pyros,
among many others.

The Beastie Boys got their start in the 1970s as a punk rock band, but
made a move to rap in the late 1980s becoming the world's first
successful white rap band.

And his bandmate Mike D revealed the trio's plans to release the second
part of "Hot Sauce Committee" this spring are back on track now that
Yauch has overcome his illness. In an interview on BBC Radio 1, Mike D
calls the news of the all-clear "a good thing", adding, "We're really
happy about it."

The rapper claimed the Beastie Boys were "open" to touring to promote
the upcoming release, but admitted it will all depend on how 46-year-old
Yauch's health holds up. Mike D continues, "We're still going to have to
see how he's doing."


------------------------------------------------------------------------
8. An escape to Tibet - with the truth revealed half a century later
------------------------------------------------------------------------

January 8, 2011

FRANK BESSAC- SCHOLAR, ADVENTURER, SPY
13-1-1922 - 6-12-2010

ByT. REES SHAPIRO

IN 1949, as the Chinese revolution extended its grip to the western part
of the country, Frank Bessac escaped through deserts and mountains to
Tibet, a journey of almost 3000 kilometres. Doing so, he became one of
the last Westerners to meet the Dalai Lama in his summer palace in the
Tibetan capital, Lhasa.

The trek was shrouded in Cold War era secrecy and its leader, Douglas
Mackiernan, who was shot and beheaded by Tibetan border guards, became
the first Central Intelligence Agency operative killed in the line of
duty, a fact only revealed in 2006.

At the time of the revolution Bessac was a Fulbright scholar studying in
nationalist-controlled Inner Mongolia when communist forces began
organising raids.

He knew what was coming and, fleeing for his life, he embarked on an
11-month journey to seek asylum in Tibet.

Before the journey ended, three men in his party including Mackiernan,
would be shot, beheaded and buried in shallow graves.

When the student made it back to the US, the story of his safe return
made national headlines. His autobiographical account of the trip
appeared inLifemagazine and vividly portrayed his harrowing tale of
survival.

But many details of the epic sojourn remained hidden for a half century,
including the CIA status of Mackiernan.

For the rest of his life, Bessac retreated into obscurity and spent most
of his career as a professor at the University of Montana.

He first became interested in Mongolian culture during World War II and
served in China with the Office of Strategic Services, the forerunner of
the CIA. Expertly trained, he was part of a commando unit that
parachuted behind enemy lines to rescue downed American pilots.

When the war ended, he studied Mongolian and Chinese languages at a
university in Beijing.

In the summer of 1949, he lived among isolated nomads in a small village
in Inner Mongolia until communists attacked.

Fleeing, he met a State Department vice consul - Mackiernan - who he
identified with a secret CIA code. Mackiernan was a high-ranking spy
with secrets on the Russian nuclear bomb.

After near starvation, they approached the Tibetan border in April 1950
but they were fired on by Tibetan guards. Mackiernan and two
anti-communist Russian allies with them were killed, mistaken for
marauders.

Bessac and another man wounded in the melee were tied to horses by six
guards and led towards Lhasa.

Later, Bessac learnt that the three round objects in sacks dangling from
a camel had been the heads of their dead.

During the trip to Lhasa, the caravan was met by two official couriers
who had entry papers granting Mackiernan and Bessac safe passage. The
documents - requested directly from the State Department in Washington -
had arrived five days too late.

Before setting off for the last leg of his journey, a 27-day,
500-kilometre mule ride over the Himalayas to India, Bessac received a
Buddhist blessing from Tenzin Gyatso, who would become the 14th Dalai Lama.

WASHINGTON POST
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