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The terms idiot, imbecile, moron, and their derivatives were formerly used as technical descriptors in medical, educational, and regulatory contexts. These uses were broadly rejected by the close of the 20th century and are now considered offensive.
The terms idiot, imbecile, moron, and their derivatives were formerly used as technical descriptors in medical, educational, and regulatory contexts. These uses were broady rejected by the close of the 20th century and are now considered offensive.
'Idiot' was formerly a technical term in legal and psychiatric contexts for some kinds of profound intellectual disability where the mental age is two years or less, and the person cannot guard themself against common physical dangers. The term was gradually replaced by 'profound mental retardation', which has since been replaced by other terms.[1] Along with terms like moron, imbecile, retard and cretin, its use to describe people with mental disabilities is considered archaic and offensive.[2] Moral idiocy refers to a moral disability.
The word "idiot" ultimately comes from the Greek noun ἰδιώτης idiōtēs 'a private person, individual' (as opposed to the state), 'a private citizen' (as opposed to someone with a political office), 'a common man', 'a person lacking professional skill, layman', later 'unskilled', 'ignorant', derived from the adjective ἴδιος idios 'personal' (not public, not shared).[3][4] In Latin, idiota was borrowed in the meaning 'uneducated', 'ignorant', 'common',[5] and in Late Latin came to mean 'crude, illiterate, ignorant'.[6] In French, it kept the meaning of 'illiterate', 'ignorant', and added the meaning 'stupid' in the 13th century.[7] In English, it added the meaning 'mentally deficient' in the 14th century.[2]
Many political commentators, starting as early as 1856, have interpreted the word "idiot" as reflecting the Ancient Athenians' attitudes to civic participation and private life, combining the ancient meaning of 'private citizen' with the modern meaning 'fool' to conclude that the Greeks used the word to say that it is selfish and foolish not to participate in public life.[8] But this is not how the Greeks used the word.
In 19th- and early 20th-century medicine and psychology, an "idiot" was a person with a very profound intellectual disability, being diagnosed with "idiocy". In the early 1900s, Dr. Henry H. Goddard proposed a classification system for intellectual disability based on the Binet-Simon concept of mental age. Individuals with the lowest mental age level (less than three years) were identified as idiots; imbeciles had a mental age of three to seven years, and morons had a mental age of seven to ten years.[12] The term "idiot" was used to refer to people having an IQ below 30[citation needed][13][14] IQ, or intelligence quotient, was originally determined by dividing a person's mental age, as determined by standardized tests, by their actual age. The concept of mental age has fallen into disfavor, though, and IQ is now determined on the basis of statistical distributions.[15]
Until 2007, the California Penal Code Section 26 stated that "Idiots" were one of six types of people who are not capable of committing crimes. In 2007 the code was amended to read "persons who are mentally incapacitated."[17] In 2008, Iowa voters passed a measure replacing "idiot, or insane person" in the State's constitution with "person adjudged mentally incompetent."[18]
The constitution of the state of Arkansas was amended in the general election of 2008 to, among other things, repeal a provision (Article 3, Section 5) which had until its repeal prohibited "idiots or insane persons" from voting.[22]
A few authors have used "idiot" characters in novels, plays and poetry. Often these characters are used to highlight or indicate something else (allegory). Examples of such usage are William Faulkner's The Sound and the Fury, Daphne du Maurier's Rebecca and William Wordsworth's The Idiot Boy. Idiot characters in literature are often confused with or subsumed within mad or lunatic characters. The most common intersection between these two categories of mental impairment occurs in the polemic surrounding Edmund from William Shakespeare's King Lear.
In Fyodor Dostoevsky's novel The Idiot the title refers to the central character Prince Myshkin, a man whose innocence, kindness and humility, combined with his occasional epileptic symptoms, cause many in the corrupt, egoistic culture around him to mistakenly assume that he lacks intelligence. In The Antichrist, Nietzsche applies the word 'idiot' to Jesus in a comparable fashion, almost certainly in an allusion to Dostoevsky's use of the word:[23] "One has to regret that no Dostoevsky lived in the neighbourhood of this most interesting dcadent; I mean someone who could feel the thrilling fascination of such a combination of the sublime, the sick and the childish."[24][25]
I still remember the day when that column got published. My new friends and I squished together on the suspiciously stained couches of the Emery-Woolley lounge while we cracked open our copies of the newspaper.
Though in the interest of not making my past (or present) self cry, I want to offer him some compassion too. Like most other tragic characters, my younger self was probably doomed to deny his fate. My younger self, who did not hear the message so obvious it was written in the title of the book, or at least, did not want to believe it: We were all idiots.
When a response to my first column appeared in the paper the week after, written by two student members of the first-year reading committee who noted respectfully that I had missed the point of the book entirely, I dismissed the writers as bitter. In the end, of course, they were right.
This Policy Research Brief reviews U.S. laws that impact, and present barriers to, the exercise of voting rights by persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities. It is authored by Kay Schriner, Ph.D., and Lisa Ochs, Ph.D., J.D. Dr. Schriner is Research Professor, Department of Political Science, and Research Fellow, Fulbright Institute of International Relations, at the University of Arkansas, Fayetteville; she is also principal investigator of The Empowerment Project, a research project on registration and voting laws affecting people with disabilities, funded by the National Institute on Disability and Rehabilitation Research, U.S. Department of Education (H133G990188). Dr. Ochs is Assistant Professor in the Department of Counseling and Psychology, Arkansas State University, Jonesboro. For further information contact Dr. Schriner at (501) 575-6417 or by e-mail at ka...@comp.uark.edu. The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the U.S. Department of Education.
The self-determination philosophy calls for the active participation of people with intellectual and developmental disabilities in the civic life of their communities and country. They are being encouraged to help their preferred candidates run for office, communicate their opinions to elected officials, take part in disability advocacy organizations and vote. At times, however, election laws present obstacles to voting. In many parts of this nation, state law permits some individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities to lose their right to vote because they have been adjudicated mentally incompetent or are under guardianship. These laws not only prevent them from voting, but present a powerful symbolic barrier to full citizenship for people with disabilities.
In this review, we will first briefly describe the state laws that disenfranchise individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities. This information should be of use to those who are interested in promoting opportunities for the involvement of this population in democratic governance. Second, we will put these laws into historical context to underscore their similarities to voting prohibitions based on gender, race, and other historically devalued statuses. Finally, we will discuss the legal and political implications of the laws.
The voting rights laws affecting people with intellectual and developmental disabilities are found in state constitutions and in state statutes governing electoral qualifications, mental retardation and developmental disabilities rights and services, mental health law, and guardianship/conservatorship. Forty-four states have disenfranchisement provisions in either their constitutions or their statutes. Only Colorado, Indiana, Kansas, Michigan, New Hampshire, and Pennsylvania do not have disenfranchising provisions in either their constitutions or statutes.
1In this article, we will focus on state constitutions. Because of space constraints, we will not describe in more detail the statutory provisions that limit voting rights in some states. It is important to note, however, that while 36 states disenfranchise some individuals with disabilities in their constitutions, other states do so in their statutes (see table in Appendix A).
American history is rife with debates and conflicts over voting rights. When the colonies were established, it was common to specify the qualifications for electors in terms of property ownership. This practice obviated the need for more specificity. As Porter notes, [s]uch undesirable persons as paupers, idiots, the insane, etc., were practically excluded by the property test, and the need for specifically disqualifying them did not appear until the property test was gone (Porter, 1918, pp. 20-21). Women, African Americans, and other persons considered inferior were not typically addressed in electoral qualification law, since social convention was so strong that these individuals rarely appeared at the polls even if they owned the required amount of property (McKinley, 1905, pp. 35-37). Over time, the colonies (and later, states) began to use a tax-paying qualification either in addition to, or as a substitute for, the property-owning qualification. Adult males who had paid taxes voted freely, and generally others did not even try (Rogers, 1992, p. 3).
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