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Mateos Weinzapfel
Netflix's The Trial of the Chicago 7 is a very good movie, and likely would've been received as such had it been released at any time in the previous fifteen years. That's when writer/director Aaron Sorkin began collaborating on the project with Steven Spielberg, who expressed interest in making a film about the conspiracy trial that followed the 1968 Democratic Convention. A writers' strike and budgetary concerns delayed production, and Sorkin took ownership of the project in 2018. It's neither his foresight nor his fault that The Trial of the Chicago 7 premiered at a political and cultural moment not so dissimilar from 1968. In that way, Netflix is right to market it as timely and relevant, but as a piece of protest art, it already feels past its sell-by date.
That doesn't mean it isn't worth watching, especially for audiences who didn't live through the social upheaval of the late '60s and early '70s, or for those who were too young to remember. Even for boomers who vaguely recollect the headlines, Sorkin's mostly accurate retelling puts the story's main bullet points in a meaningful context. The public's appetite for continued involvement in the Vietnam War was souring, and in the wake of the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy, protests and riots broke out in the streets. In the summer of '68, several disparate groups on the left sought permits to demonstrate outside the Convention, including the more establishment and academic SDS or Students for a Democratic Society, the more radically counterculture Youth International Party and the National Mobilization Committee to End the Vietnam War.
Consequently, Bobby Seale (Yahya Abdul-Mateen II) -- co-founder of the Black Panther Party -- was also in Chicago to give a speech on the day in question. The like-minded organizers were loosely associated at best, and some had never even met before. Tensions were already high; the city refused to issue permits and Mayor Richard Daley ordered 12 thousand police officers to strategic locations, with the National Guard standing by. When the fighting (Sorkin insinuates, inevitably) started, hundreds were injured, and coverage of the incident had profound effects, political and otherwise, that reverberate to this day.
Nixon used the violence to exploit fears of more unrest, winning a narrow victory that fall. But public opinion about the war and the tactics of government forces in Chicago began to favor the viewpoints of the protestors. The Trial of the Chicago 7 illustrates all of that in mere minutes of flashback. Harrowing as those scenes are, Sorkin is more interested in the abuses of power that came next. Though the Johnson administration felt no need to pursue federal charges, Nixon's justice department charged eight men with conspiracy to incite violence, among them Seale. It's clear from Sorkin's skillful framing, and from the way the real trial played out, that justice was never the point.
Though Vietnam was the catalyst in 1968, Netflix can advertise the film's unfortunate relevance because of two impossible-to-miss similarities. First, those who can no longer endure injustice (this time, it's police brutality toward Black men and, more broadly, economic disparity) are again finding themselves in the streets, and are, again, finding that their cries for resolution fall on too many deaf ears. After a few weeks of promising progress earlier in the summer, old and now more obvious divisions seem to have taken root, and momentum has stalled. Second, ideological differences on the left make it hard to devise a cohesive strategy to confront the problem. In 2020, there's still an Abbie Hoffmann (Sacha Baron Cohen) for every Tom Hayden(Eddie Redmayne), and many, many more Americans sitting somewhat uncomfortably at home, waiting to see what happens.
The Trial of the Chicago 7 is expertly made in every sense. It's brilliantly cast, even more brilliantly written, and the final product radiates sleek professionalism. It's funny, important and it holds the audience's interest even though it's 90 percent white men talking in a room. Sorkin should even get credit for doing an admirable job of showing how the stakes were (and are) higher -- and more dire -- for Black men. For most of the movie's runtime, sympathetic audiences will either be nodding their heads in agreement or enraged exactly when Sorkin wants them to be. He says everything he wants to say about that moment 50 plus years ago in American history: that Hoffman and Hayden were both right. It's a rigged and corrupted system, but it's the only one we've got -- unless enough of us truly believe it's time for a new one, through any means necessary. The problem is, he doesn't have anything new to contribute about what comes next.
Only in the stirring, final scene do the limitations of The Trial of the Chicago 7 become clear. Grandiose, end-of-the movie music swells as the protagonist puts on some uplifting political theater. Title cards inform us that the defendants were found guilty, but appealed and never faced trial again. Sorkin wrote what sure feels like a happy resolution, when in reality there wasn't on -- at least not for the larger protest movement. Many viewers will recognize and appreciate the serious problems Sorkin brings to light, but as good as the movie is as a movie, it isn't very good as instruction. To be fair, it was never its job to be; Sorkin wrote the first draft in 2007. Still, any piece of art that takes up the mantle of social justice will, from now on and probably (sadly) for a long time to come, have to add to, or at least acknowledge, the work left to do.
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