[Ls Island Ls Models Ls Land Issue Ism 003 37

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Amancio Mccrae

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Jun 10, 2024, 6:45:51 PM6/10/24
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Using interactive maps, students will identify and describe the relationship between land cover classification and surface temperature as it relates to the urban heat island effect. Students will also identify patterns between population density and the locations of urban heat islands in order to describe how urbanization has contributed to the urban heat island effect.

This interactive model is one of a three-part sequence of learning experiences related to the Creation of Urban Heat Islands. To maximize optimal learning outcomes, it is suggested to complete the series in the following order:

ls island ls models ls land issue ism 003 37


Download ===> https://t.co/vJulOCr2rr



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Feature papers represent the most advanced research with significant potential for high impact in the field. A FeaturePaper should be a substantial original Article that involves several techniques or approaches, provides an outlook forfuture research directions and describes possible research applications.

Abstract:This study examines the spatial and temporal patterns of the surface urban heat island (SUHI) intensity in the Phoenix metropolitan area and the relationship with land use land cover (LULC) change between 2000 and 2014. The objective is to identify specific regions in Phoenix that have been increasingly heated and cooled to further understand how LULC change influences the SUHI intensity. The data employed include MODerate-resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) land surface temperature (LST) 8-day composite June imagery, and classified LULC maps generated using 2000 and 2014 Landsat imagery. Results show that the regions that experienced the most significant LST changes during the study period are primarily on the outskirts of the Phoenix metropolitan area for both daytime and nighttime. The conversion to urban, residential, and impervious surfaces from all other LULC types has been identified as the primary cause of the UHI effect in Phoenix. Vegetation cover has been shown to significantly lower LST for both daytime and nighttime due to its strong cooling effect by producing more latent heat flux and less sensible heat flux. We suggest that urban planners, decision-makers, and city managers formulate new policies and regulations that encourage residential, commercial, and industrial developers to include more vegetation when planning new construction.Keywords: urban heat island; spatio-temporal pattern; land surface temperature; land use land cover change; urbanization

Wang, Chuyuan, Soe W. Myint, Zhihua Wang, and Jiyun Song.2016. "Spatio-Temporal Modeling of the Urban Heat Island in the Phoenix Metropolitan Area: Land Use Change Implications" Remote Sensing 8, no. 3: 185.

It is tempting to assume that across all Pacific Islands, potential climate change-induced migration (PCCIM) due to sea-level rise can be approached in a unified manner. However, the diversity of the Pacific Islands requires an in-depth analysis in order to establish culturally coherent migration models. The possibilities and limits that customary land tenure can offer in this context on islands of the three Pacific French overseas territories Wallis & Futuna (Wallis, Futuna), French Polynesia (Rangiroa) and New Caledonia (Lifou) are analysed through four lenses: the intergenerational transfer of land rights, the distribution of land plots (geographically and between families), the extent of power exercised by customary authorities, and the different types of ownership or usufruct. The examination of common threads and variations shows that guiding principles (access to land in the interior of a respective island, strength of land rights on a certain plot, infrastructure issues, concepts of mobility, importance of primary land ownership, importance of primogeniture, and potential inter-island access) are shared to different degrees across the islands. The fourfold matrix allows a robust analysis of the possibilities in the context of PCCIM in different locations through examining parallels, differences, advantages, and disadvantages of the different systems.

The French Republic is present to varying degrees in daily life on the three inhabited French overseas territories in the Pacific Ocean. New Caledonia, French Polynesia, and Wallis and Futuna often evoke an idea of paradise or of a very exotic place at the other side of the planet. However, taking a closer look at the three French Pacific territories, differences between them become apparent. Island size, island type, geomorphology, culture, economy, demography, history, relations to other countries, and mobility patterns vary between them. The degree of presence of the French Republic (in the form of the presence of administrative bodies and their local competences) varies considerably among these entities: from a type of administration like in metropolitan France where laws are executed by elected representatives and the population is used to and agrees largely with this process (e.g., in the case of spatial planning, flood risk area, etc.), to practices of customary land tenure, which may follow completely different rules. Without a land register or written law, where oral knowledge and genealogical ties are decisive in land tenure issues, the administration is not allowed to interfere. In practice, the situation on each of the islands in this article is located somewhere between these two contrasting configurations.

For this contribution, islands across the three French Pacific territories are compared, all of them are part of the French Republic, yet they are different from each other. Additionally, land tenure and customary implication are heterogeneous within each of the three territories, especially in New Caledonia and in French Polynesia.

The data presented in this contribution was retrieved through participant observation and qualitative interviews of more than 108 hours that were analysed. The collection of data took place between 2009 and 2016, partly during extended fields stays for the completion of a PhD (Wallis and Rangiroa, see Worliczek, 2013), partly in the context of follow-up projects (Futuna and Lifou), adding up to approximately ten months of field research.

The Territory of the Wallis and Futuna Islands is the last official French overseas territory in the Pacific. Wallis has 8,333 inhabitants and a surface area of 78 km, whereas Futuna has 3,225 inhabitants across 64 km (STSEE, 2018). Wallis ('Uvea) consists of hills with the highest peak at 151m, and a protective coral barrier around the lagoon. Due to its relatively high elevation, Wallis is not a flagship case for islands being threatened by sea level rise. However, the majority of the population lives on the east coast at almost sea level. Futuna, with a very mountainous interior (highest peak: 522m), is inhabited almost exclusively on the coast, which is a rather small strip between the ocean and the mountains. There is no coral barrier and the inhabitants are very exposed to the ocean including climate change induced sea level rise and tsunamis.

Rangiroa is the biggest atoll in French Polynesia and is the administrative centre of the municipality of Rangiroa. It has 2,709 inhabitants (ISPF, 2017) living mainly in two villages and a surface of 79 km with a lagoon of more than 200 km in circumference. Being a typical flat atoll, most of the land surface is just above sea level. There is a lot of mobility between Rangiroa and the main island Tahiti.

In French Polynesia, the customary structure has been replaced by the French administration since the 19th century. The creation of the French Pacific Nuclear Test Centre in the south of the Tuamotu Archipelago in the 1960s and the nuclear testing profoundly changed Tuamotu society. Currently, Rangiroa is known as a tourist destination for diving.

Missionaries defined the current division of three districts each with its own customary authority (CA). In pre-Christian times areas of influence varied. CA consists of a Grand Chef and a number of other people with well-defined places in the social hierarchy. CA is based on a system of checks and balances with different roles and responsibilities. The guiding principle is the dualism between oldest and youngest, which penetrates all aspects of life in the social sphere, especially relationships between siblings, lineages, and clans. Life in Lifou revolves around this customary system despite the strong presence of the French administration and frequent mobility between the New Caledonian capital Nouma and Lifou.

In the past, the concept of selling land did not exist. Across the Pacific Islands, this has partly changed. On the islands analysed in this article, land can only be sold to foreigners on Rangiroa. On the other islands, traditionally owned land cannot leave the family through a financial transaction. However, there are different types of leases usually applied to foreigners and commercial purposes. Even in Rangiroa, inhabitants try in general to keep their family land together.

In the islands investigated, the existence of a land register and land tenure under customary authority are mutually exclusive. In Lifou, and Wallis and Futuna, there is only land tenure under CA. In Rangiroa, administrative procedures and a land register replaced CA, which had elaborate practices of customary land distribution before the arrival of the Europeans. These two systems vary greatly in regards to their flexibility and adaptability.

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