Goldhagen verses Traub: A Refutation of Traub, e1.1
Linda Hayashi
English 101, Section 3226, Fall 2010
“Patterns of Genocide” by James Traub contains subtle distinctions,
avuncular nods and even a shiny distraction that take to task Daniel
Jonah Goldhagen’s plan to stop genocide in “Worse Than War.” With over
618,000 books on the subject in Google Books alone, it appears that
evil attracts scrutiny, accumulating in verbose heaps next to the 100
million corpses. By arguing a few of Traub’s comments, it becomes
evident that Goldhagen’s invocation of the categorical imperative
identifies eliminationism as a supreme moral problem and a basis of
contention for Traub. Goldhagen stands on pure practical reason and is
surrounded by consequentialists. Due to the Kantian precise maxims,
many slip into a compromised moral morass. Policy is a utilitarian
function. Considering that Traub’s “The Freedom Agenda: Why America
Must Spread Democracy (Just Not the Way George Bush Did)” chronicles
Wilsonian naiveté and hypocrisy, it stands as a contrast to
Goldhagen’s manifesto. Traub presents what has been and Goldhagen puts
forth what should be. In order to depart from the moral basis debate,
others act outside of academia or nation-states. Human rights NGOs are
attempting prevention of “our age’s greatest scourge” without parsing
maxims.
Traub mentions “structuralists,” is this sleight of hand so as not to
notice something later? Structural features pertain to function,
purpose or behaviors. “-Ism” pertains to a specific practice, system,
philosophy, doctrine, characteristic or condition. “Structural
accounts lead to structural solutions: new definitions of the national
interest recognizing the dangers of permitting unchecked mass violence
even half a world away, leading in turn to changes in policy designed
to single out those perpetrators of mass violence.” Okay, so
perpetrators of mass violence were off the hook before the changes?
Good thing those structural solutions occurred. Traub cites a
“structuralist” study, “Mobilizing the Will to Intervene” crediting it
to “leading Canadian and American figures” but is published by the
United States Institute of Peace, J. Robinson West (1) is their
Chairman of the Board of Directors. “Poverty and inequality,
population growth and the ‘youth bulge,’ ethnic nationalism and
climate change” as the chief “drivers of deadly violence” could be
accepted as contributing factors or, considering the source, an open
invitation to industrialists to get cozy. Goldhagen’s scorn of
“national interest” is due as they are comparable to concessions, they
create subjective considerations or bargaining chips that allow “the
ends justifying the means” consequences. The prevention of carnage is
the right moral action in and of itself. The predatory foreign
interests in the Congo’s minerals and oil, compromised prevention or
intervention and allowed procrastination during the seven-month
killing spree in Rwanda is the wrong thing. Eventually global
economics may justify the means of inaction by using
consequentialists’ algebra, even after factoring in the cost of human
life. Academic theorists with “absolutist formulations” condemned to
“political irrelevance” occur because they cease to influence policy
or public discourse, is not a sufficient argument against moral
certitude. Traub may be expressing a genuine concern for Goldhagen’s
tenure and future, because it sounds like the warnings a child gets
when they decide to remove the training wheels from their bicycle.
Traub may also be alluding to Noam Chomsky, who also asserted
categorical imperatives, rendered him irrelevant to policy makers.
Political systems want a docile and irrelevant public. Policies also
can become irrelevant. The archaic U.S. image as the world’s policeman
fell into “political irrelevance” until getting re-shuffled into the
musical deck chairs to include others as international coalitions.
“Intense moralism” is usually prevalent in calls to action, it incites
responsibly, but Goldhagen is using reason-based morals. Once again
Traub is pointing at Goldhagen’s moral basis, unwavering could be seen
as “intense.” The “greatest threat of our time” seems to be Traub’s
own hyperbolic paraphrasing. Goldhagen’s own descriptors are
“intractable, greatest scourge, systemic feature, widespread.” Traub’s
nuance here may be inaccurate.
As an alternative to moral basis debates, are popular discourse and
NGOs motivated by their own independent inclinations. Human
intervention attempts compassion at best, at worst it provides
propaganda. The Free Tibet movement that benefitted from “public
opinion” and “appeal to conscience” at least introduced the topic of
Olympic boycott. The Fellowship, the American evangelical movement is
the root of anti-gay persecutions in Uganda. By influencing local
legislation towards potential “proto-eliminationist” culture, they
exemplify the ugliness of judgment. Helsinki Watch, now known as Human
Rights Watch is receiving $100 million from George Soros who said,
“I’m afraid the United States has lost the moral high ground under the
Bush administration, but the principles that Human Rights Watch
promotes have not lost their universal applicability . . . So to be
more effective, I think the organization has to be seen as more
international, less an American organization.” This has the potential
for “Ending Our Age of Suffering.”
1. J. Robinson West is the chairman and founder of PFC Energy. He has
advised chief executives of leading international oil and gas
companies and national oil companies on corporate strategy, portfolio
management, acquisitions, divestitures, and investor relations.
Before founding PFC in 1984, Robin served in the Reagan Administration
as assistant secretary of the Interior for Policy, Budget and
Administration (1981-83), with responsibility for U.S. offshore oil
policy. Robin conceived and implemented the five-year Outer
Continental Shelf (OCS) Leasing Schedule and managed the $14 billion
per year OCS policy, the largest non-financial auction in the world at
that time. Between 1977 and 1980, he was a first vice president at
Blyth, Eastman, Dillon & Co., Inc., an investment banking firm and was
also a member of the firm’s operating committee. Prior to that, he
served in the Ford Administration as the deputy assistant secretary of
defense for International Economic Affairs (1976-77) and on the White
House staff (1974-76). In 1976, he received the Secretary of Defense
Medal for Outstanding Civilian Service. West is a member of the
Secretary of Energy Advisory Board, the National Petroleum Council,
and the Council on Foreign Relations. He is president of the Wyeth
Endowment for American Art. He has served as a trustee of the $3
billion Trans-Alaska Pipeline Liability Fund, as a member of the Chief
of Naval Operations Executive Advisory Panel, the Industry Policy
Advisory Committee on Multilateral Trade Negotiations of the U.S.
Trade Representative, and on the National Advisory Committee on
Handicapped Children. West was a presidential representative to the
Yemen Arab Republic in 1987 and was appointed by the president to the
National Advisory Committee on Oceans and Atmosphere in 1977. West
received a B.A. degree from the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill and a J.D. from Temple University. West is married to Eileen
Shields West, a journalist, and has four children, and resides in
Washington, D.C. (
http://www.usip.org/specialists/j-robinson-west)
This exhaustive bio doesn’t offer what the J stands for.
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