Below a well written exchange between Geoists Roger Sandilands, Fred Foldvary and Alannah Hertzog. Frank
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Follwoing my post last week about the UN Habitat conference, Fred Foldvary wrote me thus:
This is an interesting snippet that ought to go out to all IU members as a
short briefing note; would you mind fleshing it out into just a half-dozen
paras, plugging your book in the process of explaining the significance of
the Vancouver declaration?
Here is my response:
Last week Alanna cited the following 1976 Vancouver UN Habitat Action Plan:
Social justice, urban renewal and development, the provision of decent dwellings and healthy conditions for the people can only be achieved if land is used in the interests of society as a whole…. Taxation should not be seen only as a source of revenue for the community but also a powerful tool to encourage development of desirable locations, to exercise a controlling effect on the land market and to redistribute to the public at large the benefits of the unearned increase in land values… The unearned increment resulting from the rise in land values resulting from change in use of land, from public investment or decision or due to the general growth of the community must be subject to appropriate recapture by public bodies.
I then noted that this was drafted by Lauchlin Currie (1902-93) with whom I worked for many years in Canada and Colombia. Fred has asked me to provide a few paragraphs to elaborate. The following is partly from my 1990 biography, _The Life and Political Economy of Lauchlin Currie_, Duke U.P., 1990:
The Secretary-General of the 1976 UN conference was Enrique Penalosa of Colombia and he asked Currie to prepare one of two main background papers (the other being from Barbara Ward who had a very different approach). Currie regretted that the conference did not focus more on urbanisation than on the much wider theme of “human settlements”, because the key challenge for the world was that the number of very large cities would multiply despite all efforts to restrain migration or encourage the growth of small cities under 100,000 inhabitants.
He noted the commonly cited disadvantages of larger cities, created by the threefold forces of the pricing system, inequality of income, and the private car. These forces have led to sprawling suburbs, highly congested centres, enormous sums spent on movement, high and rising land values in certain areas and blight in others, segregation, fragmentation of living, and intensification of the sense of deprivation and the loss of significance of the individual.
He urged a “cities-within-the city” design spearheaded by new public urban development corporations. Their plans for land use were to be guided not by present land values or values expected in the immediate future, for the type of building appropriate to these values – say in a new, sparsely built suburb – may be totally inappropriate to the type of building if a city of 400,000 is shortly to occupy the area. Instead, they should plan according to the land values expected to be created by the new cities-within-the-city. Ownership of land and buildings would be retained in order to recapture the socially created land value increments.
As Currie put it:
“It is a striking example of our economic illiteracy that we have more or less quietly acquiesced in the private appropriation of socially created gains, letting fortunate owners and their heirs levy tribute or claim a share of the national income to which they have contributed nothing… Generally, the case for capture of all or a large portion of the pure monopoly gain of rising urban land has been impaired by failure to distinguish between land and capital in general, between land and building, and between the rise reflecting inflation and that traceable to pure scarcity.” (Taming the Megalopolis , 1976, pp. 142-43)
Amidst great controversy the conference did eventually accept the principle of capturing unearned increment to land values but did not accept the key provision that the recapture be levied even when there is no transfer of title. This greatly restricted the transfer or development of real estate while owners waited for a new government to repeal the legislation.
Many delegates preferred an emphasis on “do-it-yourself” housing for the poor, or the “sites-and services” approach whereby the state provides infrastructure and the homeless then left to build their own homes, usually on low-value land which is cheap precisely because it is poorly located and serviced. Protracted debates then centred on whether the UN Center for Housing should be moved from its New York headquarters. Various countries pushed their claims. It was finally moved to Nairobi and renamed the UN Center for Human Settlements (Habitat).
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Frank de Jong