I was in a real position of power and I felt very uneasy about it, especially as I saw plenty of examples of power being used in quite coercive, if not abusive, ways. I had to learn ways of being in authority that were consistent with my philosophy and approach.
Power over is how power is most commonly understood [1, 2]. This type of power is built on force, coercion, domination and control [1, 4], and motivates largely through fear [4]. This form of power is built on a belief that power is a finite resource that can be held by individuals, and that some people have power and some people do not.
It may rule with weapons that are physical or by controlling the resources we need to live: money, food, medical care or by controlling more subtle resources: information, approval, love. We are so accustomed to power over, so steeped in its language and its implicit threats, that we often become aware of its functioning only when we see its extreme manifestations [4] (p. 9).
Power is never static, for power is not a thing that we can hold or store, it is a movement, a relationship, a balance, fluid and changing. The power one person can wield over another is dependent on a myriad of external factors and subtle agreements (p. 268).
In working with families and communities, we want to nurture power with, power to and power within, not operating from a position of power-over. Our aim should not be to maximise our power over other people, but rather
Power is the ability to get things done and It allows us to influence people. We need power to stop injustice, to protect the environment and others, and to create change.
We can choose how we use power and not use it to harm others.
Thank you for the great article. Your personal experiences in wielding or sharing power were helpful. It was helpful to see the four types of power and to think about how I have utilized power in my own interactions as a teacher, mother, etc.
Thanks Vaughn. Yes I do agree. Mostly I just talk about power-over and power-with as I think it gets the concept across easily. In the context of Alternatives to Violence Project, power-within is probably also useful in terms of thinking about Transforming Power. Talk soon. Graeme
Power over others can be exercised in many ways. The most obvious is brute domination, where a person or institution controls or constrains what another is able to do. But power can also be exercised by influencing what others think they can do or even imagine as possible. It extends beyond physical or verbal domination to affecting the ways in which people view themselves, their rights and capabilities.
A widely used typology for analysing power in political decision-making and democratic participation identifies three faces or dimensions of power: the visible, the hidden and the invisible. The following summary, which draws on the theoretical work of Stephen Lukes and John Gaventa, is once again adapted from A New Weave of Power, People and Politics.
It is often easier to engage with visible and hidden power than with power that is embedded in cultural and social norms and practices. But ignoring invisible power is likely to lead to a misreading of the complex ways in which change happens and make it harder to identify which change strategies should be developed.
These three dimensions of power are not only exercised from above, as power over; they may also be exercised from below, as forms of resistance and as expressions of power to, power with or power within. Some citizen groups may be able to mobilise their own forms of hidden power or invisible power as strategies for empowerment and social change.
This framework is widely used in gender analysis to explore the way in which women and men experience power differently in the public, private or intimate spaces of their lives. These realms of power are frequently ignored in power analysis. As summarised by VeneKlasen and Miller,
Take the case of a young professional woman as an example. She may be respected in her place of work, but lack status in her home or community. Or the reverse may be true: she may have power in her household but be marginalised in the public domain. She may feel powerful in the public or private realms, but not in the intimate realm; or, conversely, her lack of power in the intimate or private realms may serve to undermine her sense of power in the public realm.
Much social theory focuses on less visible and culturally embedded forms of power to explain how social norms, hierarchies and behaviour are unconsciously reproduced and resist efforts to change them.
Perhaps the most important of these thinkers is influential philosopher and social theorist Michel Foucault, who sees power as everywhere, embedded in the very fabric of our daily lives and institutions. In his view, power is not monolithic or coercive but takes the form of multiple points of pressure and resistance, arising from all directions, and is in constant flux. Power is in the forms of truth and knowledge that we accept as given. It is internalised in our bodies, and we learn to discipline ourselves to conform to social norms. We are usually unconscious of these effects of power, because we take so much of what is around us for granted.
The Power Matrix was developed by Just Associates for use by social movement and NGO leaders using rights-based approaches to development and social change. It is a useful tool for assessing real examples of citizen engagement in terms of the visible, hidden and invisible dimensions of power and how they interact to define the possibilities for action. It can be used to identify possible responses and strategies in relation to each dimension of power, and to explore the sequence and synergies between them.
Powercube is a conceptual framework that can be used to understand and analyse how power works in processes of governance and citizen participation, in organizations and in social relationships. It uses a multi-faceted approach to explore the visible, hidden and invisible dimensions of power by mapping the various spaces and levels where actors experience and exercise these forms of power. It is best used as a strategic analytic framework and is helpful as a lens for analysing the context of an intervention, identifying entry points to support change, and for evaluation and learning.
Peeling the Onion explores different forms of power arising at different levels: the individual stakeholder, the group or collective, the organisation or institution, and the wider society or system. It can be used with participants and key informants in a power analysis to explore both the negative or dominating forms of power, and the positive or alternative forms of power that can be mobilised for social change or supported by development co-operation strategies. (NB The above link takes you to a book on Power: see Section 2 for Peeling the Onion).
Some of the best tools for observing and making sense of multiple forms of power have been developed by qualitative researchers, particularly anthropologists and sociologists. These can easily be applied within a power analysis process by including experienced, applied academics in the team. Methods like participant observation, visual tools, storytelling, oral testimonies, semi-structured interviews and focus groups can all shed light on forms of power and their interaction.
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Background: Identification of the physiologic factors most relevant to functional independence in the elderly population is critical for the design of effective interventions. It has been suggested that muscle power may be more directly related to impaired physical performance than muscle strength in elderly persons. We tested the hypothesis that peak muscle power is closely associated with self-reported functional status in sedentary elderly community-dwelling women.
Results: Functional status at baseline was related in univariate analyses to physiologic capacity, habitual physical activity level, neuropsychological status, and medical diagnoses. Leg power had the strongest univariate correlation to self-reported functional status (r = -.47, p < .0001) of any of the physiologic factors we tested. In a forward stepwise regression model, leg press power and habitual physical activity level were the only two factors that contributed independently to functional status (r = .64, p < .0001), accounting for 40% of the variance in functional status.
Disability theorists make this clear by making a subtle but significant distinction between disability and impairment. The state of being mentally or physically challenged is what they term being impaired; with impairment comes personal challenges and drawbacks in terms of mental processes and physical mobility. To be impaired is to be missing a limb or born with a birth defect; it is a state of embodiment. Being impaired is hard. Without a doubt, it makes things harder than if one is not impaired. However, more often than not, the individual accommodates for this impairment and adapts to the best of their ability. For example, I am impaired by arthrogryposis, which limits the use of my arms, but I make up for this in many ways by using my mouth.
This is not at all to say that disabled people should cease to be active or that they should retreat into their homes and do nothing (the main problem is already that we are too isolated). The right not to work is the right not to have your value determined by your productivity as a worker, by your employability or salary. Many disabled people, especially severely disabled individuals, do stay home and thus do not work or are held hostage in nursing homes and are denied gainful employment. What I mean by the right not to work is perhaps as much a shift in ideology or consciousness as it is a material shift. It is about our relation not only to labor but the significance of performing that labor, and to the idea that only through the performance of wage labor does the human being actually accrue value themselves. It is about cultivating a skeptical attitude regarding the significance of work, which should not be taken at face value as a sign of equality and enfranchisement, but should be analyzed more critically. Even in situations where enforcement of the ADA and government subsidies to corporations lead to the employment of the disabled, who tends to benefit, employers or employees?
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