Contra 007 Trainer 89
Savage Doherty
hi Fling, im one the best fas of u and mr anti fun, do u not interest in make trainer for TheyAreBillions game ? i have the version TheyAreBillions 1.0.14 64 bits and are vey hard to beat the game ? please make a trainer.
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The rest of the coaching staff consists of former Mitty teammates Iman Scott (Santa Clara) and Julia Alexander (Southern University at New Orleans), former Harvard teammate Melissa Mullins, plus Larisa Nakasone, head trainer at UPBtraining.
Positive reinforcement training methods which reward desired behaviour, have become a valuable tool for the humane care and use of laboratory animals. Positive reinforcement training is based on providing a pleasant action or event to an animal, immediately after the animal shows the behaviour that the trainer wants to increase in frequency. Positive reinforcement training (PRT) is a refinement in animal handling methods that can improve animal welfare, animal husbandry, veterinary care, and the value of animals as research subjects. Accordingly, animal training is recommended as good practice by legislative and professional guidelines on laboratory animal care, and is an important element of comprehensive behavioural management programmes. Maintaining personnel safety is essential as these programmes are implemented.
Based in Honduras, Nicaragua's northern neighbor, under the command of former National Guard Colonel Enrique Bermúdez, the new FDN commenced to draw in other smaller insurgent forces in the north.[citation needed] Largely financed, trained, equipped, armed and organized by the U.S.,[25] it emerged as the largest and most active contra group.[26]
In front of the International Court of Justice, Nicaragua claimed that the contras were altogether a creation of the U.S.[33] This claim was rejected.[33] However, the evidence of a very close relationship between the contras and the United States was considered overwhelming and incontrovertible.[34] The U.S. played a very large role in financing, training, arming, and advising the contras over a long period, and it is unlikely that the contras would have been capable of carrying out significant military operations without this support, given the large amount of training and weapons shipments that the Sandinistas had received from Havana and Moscow.[35]
On 4 January 1982, Reagan signed the top secret National Security Decision Directive 17 (NSDD-17),[41] giving the CIA the authority to recruit and support the contras with $19 million in military aid. The effort to support the contras was one component of the Reagan Doctrine, which called for providing military support to movements opposing Soviet-supported, communist governments.
By December 1981, however, the United States had already begun to support armed opponents of the Sandinista government. From the beginning, the CIA was in charge.[46] The arming, clothing, feeding and supervision of the contras[47] became the most ambitious paramilitary and political action operation mounted by the agency in nearly a decade.[48]
In the fiscal year 1984, the U.S. Congress approved $24 million in contra aid.[47] However, since the contras failed to win widespread popular support or military victories within Nicaragua,[47] opinion polls indicated that a majority of the U.S. public was not supportive of the contras,[49] the Reagan administration lost much of its support regarding its contra policy within Congress after disclosure of CIA mining of Nicaraguan ports,[50] and a report of the Bureau of Intelligence and Research commissioned by the State Department found Reagan's allegations about Soviet influence in Nicaragua "exaggerated",[51] Congress cut off all funds for the contras in 1985 by the third Boland Amendment.[47] The Boland Amendment had first been passed by Congress in December 1982. At this time, it only outlawed U.S. assistance to the contras "for the purpose of overthrowing the Nicaraguan government", while allowing assistance for other purposes.[52] In October 1984, it was amended to forbid action by not only the Defense Department and the Central Intelligence Agency but all U.S. government agencies.
Nevertheless, the case for support of the contras continued to be made in Washington, D.C., by both the Reagan administration and the Heritage Foundation, which argued that support for the contras would counter Soviet influence in Nicaragua.[53][54]
According to the National Security Archive, Oliver North had been in contact with Manuel Noriega, the military leader of Panama later convicted on drug charges, whom he personally met. The issue of drug money and its importance in funding the Nicaraguan conflict was the subject of various reports and publications. The contras were funded by drug trafficking, of which the United States was aware.[74] Senator John Kerry's 1988 Committee on Foreign Relations report on Contra drug links concluded that "senior U.S. policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras' funding problems".[75]
The Reagan administration's support for the Contras continued to stir controversy well into the 1990s. In August 1996, San Jose Mercury News reporter Gary Webb published a series titled Dark Alliance, alleging that the contras contributed to the rise of crack cocaine in California.[76]
On top of that, Oliver North helped Carl Channell's tax-exempt organization, the National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty, to raise $10 million, by arranging numerous briefings for groups of potential contributors at the premises of the White House and by facilitating private visits and photo sessions with President Reagan for major contributors.[83] Channell in turn, used part of that money to run a series of television advertisements directed at home districts of Congressmen considered swing votes on contra aid.[83] Out of the $10 million raised, more than $1 million was spent on pro-contra publicity.[83]
In 1984 the Sandinista government filed a suit in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against the United States (Nicaragua v. United States), which resulted in a 1986 judgment against the United States. The ICJ held that the U.S. had violated international law by supporting the contras in their rebellion against the Nicaraguan government and by mining Nicaragua's harbors. Regarding the alleged human rights violations by the contras, however, the ICJ took the view that the United States could be held accountable for them only if it would have been proven that the U.S. had effective control of the contra operations resulting in these alleged violations.[84] Nevertheless, the ICJ found that the U.S. encouraged acts contrary to general principles of humanitarian law by producing the manual Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare (Operaciones sicológicas en guerra de guerrillas) and disseminating it to the contras.[85] The manual, amongst other things, advised on how to rationalize killings of civilians[86] and recommended to hire professional killers for specific selective tasks.[87]
The United States, which did not participate in the merits phase of the proceedings, maintained that the ICJ's power did not supersede the Constitution of the United States and argued that the court did not seriously consider the Nicaraguan role in El Salvador, while it accused Nicaragua of actively supporting armed groups there, specifically in the form of supply of arms.[88] The ICJ had found that evidence of a responsibility of the Nicaraguan government in this matter was insufficient.[89] The U.S. argument was affirmed, however, by the dissenting opinion of ICJ member U.S. Judge Schwebel,[90] who concluded that in supporting the contras, the United States acted lawfully in collective self-defence in El Salvador's support.[91] The U.S. blocked enforcement of the ICJ judgment by the United Nations Security Council and thereby prevented Nicaragua from obtaining any actual compensation.[92] The Nicaraguan government finally withdrew the complaint from the court in September 1992 (under the later, post-FSLN, government of Violeta Chamorro), following a repeal of the law requiring the country to seek compensation.[93]
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