Red Road (2006 Full Movie Watch Online)

[Carlito Roby]

TheRoad to Guantanamo (2006) is an American war-drama documentary. Directed by Mat Whitecross and Michael Winterbottom, the plot focuses on the wrongful imprisonment of three British Muslims by the American police in 2001 for more than two years at Guantanamo Bay. The film received incredible reviews from critics and audiences.

In 2001, four Muslim Briton lads, Ruhal Ahmed, Asif Iqbal, Shafiq Rasul, and Monir, traveled to Pakistan for a wedding. But, a string of unpleasant events turn their happy trip into a hellish nightmare.

Vrinda Mundara currently holds the position of an experienced Pop Culture and Entertainment writer at ComingSoon.net, where she blends her love for all things Hollywood and Pop Culture with her refined skills in creating content. In free time, Vrinda loves to write poems, watch films, and also indulges in candid photography. Check out her profile for reading latest trending Entertainment Content !

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In this report, Human Rights Watch examines militaryoperations by Israeli and Hezbollah forces in Lebanon during the armed conflictthat lasted from July 12 until August 14, 2006. Human Rights Watch issued anearlier report on the conflict, researched and published while the war wasongoing. Because of our concerns about the conduct of that conflict by bothsides and the difficulty of doing research in the midst of the fighting, HumanRights Watch conducted substantial additional research in the less difficultpost-war environment.

According to this new research, the conflict resulted in atleast 1,109 Lebanese deaths, the vast majority of whom were civilians, 4,399injured, and an estimated 1 million displaced. Hezbollah's indiscriminaterocket attacks on Israel,the subject of a separate Human Rights Watch report, Civilians under Assault: Hezbollah's Rocket Attacks on Israel duringthe 2006 War, resulted in the deaths of 43 Israeli civilians and 12 IsraelDefense Forces (IDF) soldiers, as well as the wounding of hundreds of Israelicivilians.

Israeli warplanes launched some 7,000 bomb and missilestrikes in Lebanon,which were supplemented by numerous artillery attacks and naval bombardment.[1] Israeliairstrikes destroyed or damaged tens of thousands of homes. In some villages,homes completely destroyed by Israeli forces numbered in the hundreds: 340homes completely destroyed in Srifa; 215 homes completely destroyed inSiddiquine; 180 homes completely destroyed in Yatar; 160 homes completelydestroyed in Zebqine; more than 750 homes completely destroyed in `Aitaal-Sha`ab; more than 800 homes completely destroyed in Bint Jbeil; and 140homes completely destroyed in Taibe. The list throughout southern Lebanonis extensive.

To answer these three questions, Human Rights Watch investigatedover 94 separate incidents of IDF air, artillery, and ground attacks thatclaimed 510 civilian lives and those of 51 Hezbollah combatants, or almost halfof the Lebanese deaths in the conflict.

Our research shows that the primary reason for the highLebanese civilian death toll was Israel's frequent failure to abideby a fundamental obligation of the laws of war: the duty to distinguish betweenmilitary targets, which can be legitimately attacked, and civilians, who arenot subject to attack. This was compounded by Israel's failure to take adequatesafeguards to prevent civilian casualties.

The occurrence of civilian casualties does not necessarilymean that there has been a violation of international humanitarian law, but itis a starting point for investigations. Human Rights Watch's extensive fieldinvestigations in Lebanonfound that Israeloften attacked targets that, under the laws of war, could not be consideredmilitary objectives subject to attack. In cases where a legitimate militaryobjective was evident, our investigations frequently found that the civilianloss incurred may have been excessive compared to the anticipated military gainfrom the attack. In critical respects, Israel conducted the war withreckless indifference to the fate of Lebanese civilians and violated the lawsof war.

Israeli officials contend that the reason for the highfatality rate was not indiscriminate targeting by Israeli forces, but theHezbollah military's allegedly routine practice of hiding among civilians andusing them as "shields" in the fighting. If Israeli attacks on Hezbollah forcesalso killed civilians and destroyed civilian homes, Israeli officials haveargued, the blame lies with Hezbollah. The evidence Human Rights Watchuncovered in its on-the-ground investigations refutes this argument.

Hezbollah at times violated the laws of war in itsdeployment of forces in Lebanon.It also frequently violated the laws of war in its rocket attacks on Israel,which is the subject of a separate Human Rights Watch report, Civilians under Assault. On someoccasions, our research shows, Hezbollah fired rockets from within populatedareas, allowed its combatants to mix with the Lebanese civilian population, orstored weapons in populated civilian areas in ways that violated internationalhumanitarian law. Such violations, however, were not widespread:we found strong evidence that Hezbollah stored most of its rockets in bunkersand weapon storage facilities located in uninhabited fields and valleys, thatin the vast majority of cases Hezbollah fighters left populated civilian areasas soon as the fighting started, and that Hezbollah fired the vast majority ofits rockets from pre-prepared positions outside villages. On thequestion of whether Hezbollah intentionally used civilians as "shields"-thatis, whether Hezbollah forces not only endangered civilians in violation of theduty to take all feasible precautions to spare civilians the hazards of armedconflict but also deliberately deployed among civilians with the aim ofprotecting themselves from attack-a serious laws of war violation, we found ahandful of instances but nothing to suggest a widespread practice.

For the reasons set forth below, Human Rights Watch'sassessment of Hezbollah's practices does not support the Israeli contentionthat Hezbollah violations were the principal cause of Lebanese civiliancasualties. Responsibility for the high civilian death toll of the war in Lebanonlies squarely with Israeli policies and targeting decisions in the conduct ofits military operations.

In the vast majority of cases documented in this report,Israeli air strikes hit near or on civilian objects, killing numerous civiliansin their homes or vehicles. While there were instances in which civilian deathswere "collateral damage" from legitimate attacks on military targets, duringthe vast majority of the deadly air strikes we investigated, we found noevidence of Hezbollah military presence, weaponry or any other military objectivethat would have justified the strike. Human Rights Watch visits to thegraveyards in the villages found that the victims of these strikes were buriedas civilians, and not honored as "fighters" or "martyrs" by Hezbollah or othermilitant groups, despite the pride that Hezbollah takes in these labels. Womenand children account for a large majority of the victims of Israeli air strikesthat we documented. Out of the 499 Lebanese civilian casualties of whom HumanRights Watch was able to confirm the age and gender, 302 were women orchildren.

This repeated failure to distinguish between civilians andcombatants cannot be explained as mere mismanagement of the war or a collectionof mistakes. Our case studies show that Israeli policy was primarily responsiblefor this deadly failure. Israel assumedthat all Lebanese civilians had observed its warnings to evacuate villagessouth of the Litani River, and thus that anyone who remained was a combatant.Reflecting that assumption, it labeled any visible person, or movement ofpersons or vehicles south of the LitaniRiver or in the Beka`Valley as a Hezbollah military operation which could be targeted. Similarly, itcarried out widespread bombardment of southern Lebanon, including the massive useof cluster munitions prior to the expected ceasefire, in a manner that did notdiscriminate between military objectives and civilians.

During the war, Israelrepeatedly sent warnings to the population in southern Lebanon to evacuate the area south of the LitaniRiver.It issued such warnings by Arabic-language flyers dropped from airplanes,Arabic radio messages broadcast into southern Lebanon, recorded voice messagessent to some Lebanese cellphones, and loudspeakers along the Israel-Lebaneseborder. Following the release of the messages, many Israeli officials madestatements (see below) suggesting that everyone who remained behind was linkedto Hezbollah, and therefore a legitimate target of attack. In subsequent daysand weeks, Israelintensified its bombardment of southern Lebanon, hitting thousands of homesin the south.

It is questionable whether Israeli officials really believedthe assumption that there were no Lebanese civilians left in southern Lebanon,or simply announced this to defend their actions. Certainly, there is evidenceto suggest that Israeli officials knew that their assumption was erroneous. Atthe time of the Israeli attacks in southern Lebanon, stories about Lebanesecivilians dying in Israeli strikes or trapped in southern Lebanon filled the Israeliand international media. In addition, foreign embassies were in regular contactwith Israeli diplomats to request assistance with the evacuation of theirnationals caught in the fighting in the south. And in some instances, Israelseemed to know exactly how many people remained in a village. For instance, onJuly 24, Dan Halutz, the IDF chief of staff, estimated that 500 residentsremained in Bint Jbeil despite IDF warnings to leave.[2]

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