Media Monitor 19 November 2009

CAPE TOWN - It is widely recognised that one of the biggest issues in post-apartheid South Africa has been the high unemployment levels experienced by our impoverished and "previously disadvantaged” populations. While much has changed in South Africa, the redistribution of wealth has hardly begun, with only the emergence of a small black elite partially integrating into the white minority elite.

The majority remain largely neglected. Even those who are employed are paid menial wages, while the unemployed are left dependent on meagre government grants—leaving neither group content. The frustration among the working class has been brewing for a while, as their wages are often equivalent to less than 1% of the wages paid to their CEOs and senior management. Worker dissatisfaction is clear: almost every labour union has held strikes striking in the past twelve months.
Recently the National Union of Metalworkers (NUMSA) went so far as to call for the nationalisation of South Africa’s billionaires’ fortunes. The order of the day has become unions demanding higher wages, civil society demanding more employment opportunities, and community members staging violent protests against politicians and their frivolous spending.

With all this tension, it is no coincidence that many South Africans, some of whom were involved in the horrific xenophobic violence in 2008, believe that immigrants have increased competition for the few jobs that remain. Indeed, "They are stealing our jobs!" was one of the more common allegations made by blood-hungry mobs as they searched for their victims—their neighbours, the "lesser" Africans, the foreigners.
Men and women, young and old, were killed, beaten, raped, and stolen from. The xenophobic violence made victim thousands of Zimbabweans, Congolese, Somalis, and other Africans from all over the continent.

The question that followed became the subject of hundreds of meetings, lectures, workshops and debates: could this have been avoided? What caused such great tension? Thoughtful investigation reveals that many factors came into play, that it was a complex and unfortunate combination of conditions. These included poor service delivery, poor education, crime, unemployment, poverty, a large undocumented population, police brutality towards immigrants, possibly “a third force”, and foreigners undercutting local markets.

The next question was centred on reintegration: how do you create a safe environment for immigrants and how do they return to their host communities? There was a focus on the tensions that existed in the impoverished township communities, with an overwhelming view that they could not easily be alleviated. This posed a great threat to reintegration, as it forced the realization that if the causes of xenophobia were not easily eliminated, there would be more violence and could be no true security for immigrants.

While I agree with many parts of the theory that community uprising is the culmination of tensions over service delivery issues, I cannot concede that this tension was the only cause, or even the main cause, of the xenophobic violence. It would not be possible for hate to have been directed at immigrants without a segregated population, where each insular community was equally ignorant and suspicious of the ‘other’—ignorant of the cultural practices and suffering faced by the ‘other’.
This can be seen by the attitude of foreigners towards locals, ignorant of the historical disadvantages faced by black and coloured South Africans, such as Bantu education (a system in which South Africa deliberately provided an inferior education to the oppressed majority). Many immigrants believe South Africans to be “stupid or lazy,” while also failing to take into account that Zimbabweans, for example, benefited from an education system widely recognised as being among the best in the world between 1980 and 1999.

Host communities do not realise what tragedies have led to the forced migration of thousands of people from other African countries, instead they largely believe that the migration was calculated and aimed to undermine South Africans, intercept jobs, and ‘steal’ opportunity. Another gross ignorance has been the belief by many South Africans that if someone has not got documents they are criminals, a belief which ignores the dire situation at refugee centres across the country.
The divide in civil society can be taken advantage of, for example, in the labour force, where a vast demographic of vulnerable groups are preyed on by opportunistic employers. Most undocumented immigrants are ill-informed about their rights, and are thus subjected to some of the greatest abuses.

This creates tension in the larger labour community, because the immigrants’ vulnerability brings down wages, living conditions, and rights for all labourers. It is a great injustice when people who are already victims of a desperate situation are further punished because of deliberate wrongdoing of the abusive employer.
It is thus important that Zimbabweans participate in demands for better wages and working conditions, and ultimately join unions. Probably the strongest allies to the Zimbabwean people in South Africa are the trade unions. This they have made clear with their continued public condemnation of the Mugabe regime, both in words and in action. In the midst of all the hostility and xenophobia, it is clear that Zimbabweans have a friend in the trade unions.

1.2 Taxi union demands probe into shooting

Eyewitness News , 19 November 2009

Transport union SATAWU was planning a march of taxi drivers to the Gauteng Community Safety Department and the province’s transport offices in the Johannesburg CBD on Thursday morning.

The union was demanding that police thoroughly investigate a 2008 shooting at a Kempton Park Taxi Rank in which eight people were killed.

To date no one has been arrested.

Among other things, the union was concerned about taxi violence in the province and was calling for ranks to be made safer.

“To the Department of Community Safety we are saying people were killed at the rank. There are witnesses and police are not doing anything,” said SATAWU’s Xolani Nyamezele.

1.3 Taximen march for ‘legitimacy’

Getrude Makhafola, Sowetan 19 November 2009

Members of the South African Transport and Allied Workers Union in the taxi sector will march again today to demand “recognition” as workers by government.

“We do not want to inconvenience commuters, so taxi rank marshals and shop stewards will march instead of taxi drivers. We want to be recognised. Our rights and employees should also be respected,” said Satawu general secretary in Gauteng Xolani Nyamezele yesterday.

Nyamezele said this was a follow-up to the march to the provincial department of community safety in July this year.

The taxi drivers then handed over a memorandum in which they demanded that they be registered, that taxi owners be scrutinised before a permit is issued, and the “in-depth” investigation into taxi violence in the province. “We marched to the MEC’s office, where we were told that our grievances should be directed to the (national) Department of Labour,” Nyamezele said.

He said they also wanted the department of transport to scrutinize taxi owners before issuing them with permits. “Owners exploit drivers. The drivers are not registered as employees at the Department of Labour.”

The workers will converge at Beyers Naude Square and march to the department of community safety.

1.4 'Don't dump 2010 workers'

Iafrica.com, 19 November 2009

The retrenchment of construction workers on 2010 projects now concluding must be avoided, the National Union of Mineworkers (Num) said on Wednesday.

"Employers must absorb these workers into other projects that are available other than just dumping them," said Num general secretary Frans Baleni after a three-day meeting of its national executive committee.

The Num cautioned employees in the construction sector not to treat workers like "condoms".

The union expressed concern over the planned retrenchments at Harmony Gold's Evander mines and retrenchments resulting from the liquidation of Pamodzi Gold.

It welcomed the ruling alliance's stance on the 45 percent power price hike over the next three years, proposed by Eskom. The ANC, SA Communist Party, Congress of SA Trade Unions and SA National Civics Organisation expressed concern over the proposal after an alliance summit on Sunday.

The union was concerned over the shock HIV/Aids statistics released by Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi earlier this month, calling on all companies to support people living with the virus.

On health and safety in mines, the Num said the "zero fatality" rate remained out of reach. It noted that the number of deaths for this year, up to 3 November stood at 145.

2. South Africa

2.1 Youth leader calls for ‘debate’ over prosecuting Mbeki

Wilson Johwa, Business Day, 19 November 2009

DISPUTE: Young Communist League president Buti Manamela disagrees with the ANC Youth League over the interpretation of former president Thabo Mbeki’s legacy.

THE Young Communist League (YCL) yesterday repeated its call that former president Thabo Mbeki be prosecuted for AIDS-related deaths, saying it sided with victims rather than critics of the proposed court action, including the African National Congress (ANC) Youth League.

The idea of prosecuting Mbeki for genocide was opposed on Monday by Youth League leader Julius Malema, who pledged to defend him and former health minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang . ANC secretary- general Gwede Mantashe expressed similar sentiments yesterday, saying: “There is no issue; it has not arisen, it will not arise.”

But the issue was set to accentuate tension in the ANC’s tripartite alliance, while marking a departure from Mbeki-era denialism over HIV/AIDS. The YCL and the Youth League have traded insults in the past, but this was the first time they were disagreeing on how to interpret the Mbeki legacy.

YCL president Buti Manamela said: “If we have to stand with the people who have been infected and affected (by HIV) at the expense of a relationship with the ANC Youth League then let it be because we are for those people.

“We believe that they are the ones who felt the wrath of a political administration that was not prepared to save their lives,” said Manamela speaking ahead of a YCL conference called to discuss policy issues including the financial crisis.

However, he called for a debate, saying common ground could be found. “Let’s have a principled debate on the whole issue of whether or not to prosecute; let’s look at the figures, let’s look at the implications,” he said.

In his defence of Mbeki, Malema said the ANC should not charge its own. But Manamela rejected this, saying: “What message are we sending? Are we saying let’s open the prison gates, because the prisoners in there are one of our own if they have committed crime against some of our own?” Manamela said the debate should deal with hard facts.

Last week, Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi released figures showing that the death rate in SA had risen between 1997 and last year , from 300000 to 756000 a year. He blamed the “shocking” statistics on the Mbeki administration.

2.2 Book Review: The Toxic Mix

By James Mitchell, Tonight November 19, 2009

If we don't get education right, we won't be able to get anything right, warns this education specialist at the Development Bank of Southern Africa.

No need here to repeat Bloch's figures on just how appalling our results are. Take it as read (if that isn't a bit of wishful thinking in a country that "is the worst performer ... in literacy, probably in the world"). Not that we are short of resources: huge amounts are devoted to education, and wasted.

The book is sub-titled "What's wrong with South Africa's schools and how to fix it".

There's plenty to consider in the first part of that sentence: the effects of a blowhard minister of education like Kader Asmal; a bossy school-marm like Naledi Pandor (Julius Malema wasn't so wrong about her) and now the threat to emasculate school governing bodies that top up the salaries of their better teachers.

As for "how to fix it", that's the difficult part. Nevertheless, Bloch offers a 10-point education roadmap, with such obvious basics as teachers actually teaching (shades of Polokwane); external testing and evaluation of both pupils and teachers; strengthening management; and involvement of communities as part of a "social compact for quality education".

When it comes to the "involvement of communities", Bloch is aware that there are prickly issues.

The Section 21 schools, or "former Model C schools", have heavy community involvement. But at the same time there is "a racial dimension in that the bulk of the children in the schools continue to be largely white suburban residents".

It follows that when schooling inequalities are cited, these schools become "a soft target".

"The bottom line is that the dynamic in these schools is little understood and subject to much prejudice and assumption".

Teaching itself, writes Bloch, continues to be held in low regard.

Where it was once an occupation of choice for aspirational blacks, this is no longer the case.

He notes that the teaching staff of the Section 21 schools "remains predominantly white".

"Can this easily be changed when the majority of teaching students at universities are still white females?

"Few black students want to enter teaching, underpaid and under-resourced as it is.

"One can only speculate as to the reasons. It is hard to say whether the opening up of career opportunities for blacks has moved teaching down the ladder of desirability for them. We also need to understand why so many of the teacher trainees are young white girls, clearly dedicated to the idea of teaching and willing to put up with lowish salaries."

He notes that these suburban schools are far from lily-white, with between 33 and 40 percent of the pupils being black.

However, he also worries whether the fact that the teaching staff remain largely white isn't a problem in itself.

Only race-based head-counting - to which we are as prone now as under the former regime - makes that a "problem". Although Bloch does call for the bona fides of suburban schools to be recognised, he doesn't go far enough. If young white females are willing to put up with poor conditions and salaries because they love the thought of being teachers, their contribution ought to be celebrated, not grudgingly accepted.

Unfortunately we suffer from a "tear down" mentality, one that would rather level the few peaks of excellence than undertake the far harder task of raising the surrounding lowlands of apathy and inadequacy.

Suburban whites, reading this, can easily shrug their shoulders: they aren't to blame for government inadequacies, half-baked curriculum changes, or the sheer bloody-mindedness of some teacher unions. All true, but they should also read this book in full, including such grisly topics as Bloch's description of the effect of worms and " why it is so hard for kids with worms to concentrate". The diseases of poverty are real, and their effects harsh.

Bloch rightly quotes some of the inanities of union leaders such as Ronald Nyathi of Sadtu, ready to spring to the defence of teachers convicted of child abuse. To "excuse" sexually abusive teachers on the grounds that the Department of Education didn't run enough "workshops to train the teachers" is malign idiocy. And to protest against "naming and shaming" convicted sexual abusers because it would "ruin their careers" shows that Nyathi "just does not get it".

No easy answers here. Perhaps we'll just stick to the style we know best: tear down the excellent, and throw money at the rubbish. Let's hope Graeme Bloch stimulates a better methodology.

2.3 Anthem mess was treason, says MP

By Caiphus Kgosana, IOL Political Bureau, 18 November 2009

An ANC MP has suggested that those who butcher South Africa's national anthem be charged with treason.

And the National Assembly's sports committee also wants to meet the Department of International Relations and Co-operation to voice its disapproval over the manner in which the South African embassy in France handled the matter when the Springboks played in Toulouse on Friday.

Committee chairman Butana Komphela said they wanted to meet with Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane and departmental top brass to ensure that all South African embassies have the correct version of the national anthem, the correct flag and will be able to source credible singers for national events taking place outside the country.

This follows the "butchering" of the national anthem by Rasta singer Ras Dumisani when the Springboks played France.

Committee member Litho Suka (ANC) said it was a tragedy that Dumisani had been allowed to sing the anthem in the first place.

"In other countries, when a person flouts the national anthem, it's treason. That guy was not fit; he's fit to go to trial," he said.

Suka said the embassy official who was responsible for acquiring the services of Dumisani should also face the music.

"This thing of just apologising is not acceptable," he said, referring to Monday's statement in which the South African embassy in France distanced itself from being responsible for selecting or imposing Dumisani on organisers to sing at the event.

The embassy said it had provided the French Rugby Federation with Dumisani's agent's name as it was the only name it had of a South African singer living in France.

ANC MP Thandi Sunduza said it should be a requirement by law for all South African missions and embassies abroad to have the right anthem and flag.

Komphela said SA Rugby Union president Oregan Hoskins had assured him that the organisation was not at fault as the game had been staged by their French counterparts.

Meanwhile, Hoskins has accepted an apology from his French counterpart over the poorly sung anthem.

In a statement on Tuesday, Hoskins said Pierre Camou of the French Rugby Federation offered unreserved apologies.

Hoskins said he accepted that French rugby officials did not deliberately try to "sabotage the anthem and, as much as the performance still rankles, we regard the matter as now closed".

2.4 Malema says ANC must back Zanu PF

The Zimbabwean, 18 November 2009

JULIUS Malema, the controversial leader of the youth wing of South Africa’s ruling African National Congress says the party “must continue” to support Zanu PF but insist on leadership renewal.

Malema also warned South Africa’s white land owners against delaying land reforms, saying they were testing the patience of the ANC.

Speaking at a gala dinner of the Pan African Youth Union at Emperor's Palace in Boksburg on Monday, Malema also rejected calls by the Young Communist League (YCL) to have former President Thabo Mbeki charged with “genocide” over his Aids policies.

The YCL’s national secretary Buti Manamela claimed Mbeki and former health minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang had denied many HIV-positive people access to anti-retroviral drugs while they were in government.

"We must never surrender our leaders," said Malema. "Thabo Mbeki might have made mistakes but we can never charge him.

"We must not charge one of our own. If we allow that, the same thing would happen to [Zimbabwean President Robert] Mugabe, and the same would happen to [President Jacob] Zuma, and the next thing you know they will come for you.”

Malema said it was important for the ANCYL to support Mugabe’s Zanu PF, adding: "But we do not support only one individual.”

Speaking to the congregation of youth organisations of Southern Africa, Malema said the youth of Zimbabwe must stabilise the country.

He said while Mugabe did many good things, he must not use them to cling to his position.

"Those who have led for a long time must allow new leaders to come in," said Malema about African leaders' tendencies to cling to power.

"We have refused that in South Africa."

Malema said South Africa's struggle was not over.

"As long as we do not have economic power, our vote means nothing," he said.

South Africa's economic power was still in the hands of white males, who still controlled production in the country, he added.

"We must refuse to be slaves of those who want to control Africa with remote controls from their golf estates," Malema said.

Advocating nationalisation, Malema said the ANCYL did not plan to "grab land as they are doing next door".

He said while he supported the idea that land must be owned by Africans, "we have to respect the rights of the current owners".

2.5 Leave Mbeki alone, says Malema

IOL, 18 November 2009

The African National Congress Youth League would not allow former president Thabo Mbeki to be charged with genocide, ANCYL chief Julius Malema said on Monday.

This comes after Young Communist League national secretary Buti Manamela said Mbeki and former health minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang had denied many HIV-positive people access to anti-retroviral drugs while they were in government.

Manamela made a call for the two of them to be charged with genocide.

"We must never surrender our leaders," said Malema at a gala dinner of the Pan African Youth Union at Emperor's Palace in Boksburg on Monday evening.

"Thabo Mbeki might have made mistakes, but we can never charge him.

"We must not charge one of our own. If we allow that, the same thing would happen to [Zimbabwean President Robert] Mugabe, and the same would happen to Zuma, and the next thing you know they will come for you," Malema said. - Sapa

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