I make no apologies for the length of the following, because it's an
important topic, but of course you don't have to read it ...
In her book, which I am currently reading, "The Age Of Surveillance
Capitalism", Shoshana Zuboff describes social media's colonial
appropriation of first our on-line lives and then our real-life spaces,
using, as I suppose, a sort of quasi-economics jargon, 'behavioral
surplus', or sometimes just 'surplus', to describe the money-making
meta-data we give away, meaning *ALL* the meta-data from *ALL*
customer's interactions with their services, so that's not just, say,
the search terms you enter into Search, but also the contents of your
GMail address book and of your GMails themselves, and much more besides.
Still in my own words, in the interests of brevity, the first thing to
grasp is just how much this data is worth. When Google was formed in
the late 1990s, it had a sort of pact with the people it viewed then as
its clients, people searching online, that it was working on their
behalf, and Google's learning from data about previous searches and
recycling it into improved search performance found favour with the
online search community. However, by the time the dot-com bubble burst
in in the early 2000s, this wasn't yet making them money, and suddenly
making money had become very important indeed. In response, Google
silently dropped its pact with the users of its search engine, and
started to feed all sorts of metadata from their searches, that
previously been either ignored or used solely for improving searching
algorithms, into real money-making clients, the clients of AdSense. By
2004, AdSense was making a million dollars a day, by 2010 it was making
$10b pa. Flushed with this triumph, the quest for ever more
'behavioural surplus' began.
Continuing now in the authoress' words, she breaks the appropriation of
new areas of the metadata of our lives into four stages, calling the
first 'Incursion' and the second 'Habituation'. As an example of this
colonial process, she writes about Google Street View as follows ...
p140ff
"""
The theory and practice of dispossession were developed and refined as
the company learned how to counter and transform public resistance as an
essential condition for the protection and expansion of its behavioral
surplus franchise. Google's launch of Gmail on April Fool's Day, 2004,
provided an early occasion to climb this learning curve as the
corporation faced down public outrage over the automated scanning of
e-mail content intended as a fresh source of surplus for targeted ads.
Eventually, the dispossession cycle was refined as an explicit theory of
change that framed a tactical game plan which is by now regularly evoked
as the surveillance capitalist corporation's battle-tested response to
societal resistance.
The dispossession cycle at Google was so successful in facing down the
threats to Gmail that it was replicated and further elaborated in the
battles over Google Street View, the street-mapping operation launched
in 2007. Once again, the company did not ask permission. It simply
repeated the "original sin of simple robbery" and took what it wanted,
waiting for resistance to run its course as it devoured and datafied the
world's public spaces, streets, buildings, and homes.
Stage One: Incursion
Street View first entered public awareness with an apparently benign
blog post. Peter Fleischer, Google's "privacy counsel," helped launch
the new "service" by writing a paean celebrating America's "noble
tradition" of public spaces, where, he claimed, "people don't have the
same expectations of privacy as they do in their homes."
[...]
The blog post that accompanied Street View is a precise replica of the
invaders who once landed on that blameless Caribbean beach. Those
adelantados concealed the bare facts of invasion in elaborate gestures
of friendship and humility that made it impossible to discern the clear
and present danger implicit in their arrival. Fleischer similarly
assures his audience of friendly terms. Street View, which used
cartoonishly wrapped cars with a large 360-degree camera mount on the
roof to capture the imagery it sought, was designed to "respect the
privacy of people who happen to be walking down a public street,"
Fleischer wrote. "That's why we designed a simple process for anyone to
contact us and have their image removed," and he promised that it would
respect laws and customs "in other parts of the world."
[...]
In 2010 the German Federal Commission for Data Protection announced that
Google's Street View operation actually camouflaged a covert data sweep;
Street View cars were secretly collecting personal data from private
Wi-Fi networks.37 Google denied the charge, insisting that it was
gathering only publicly broadcast Wi-Fi network names and the
identifying addresses of Wi-Fi routers, but not personal information
sent over the network.38
Within days, an independent analysis by German security experts proved
decisively that Street View's cars were extracting unencrypted personal
information from homes. Google was forced to concede that it had
intercepted and stored "payload data," personal information grabbed from
unencrypted WiFi transmissions. As its apologetic blog post noted, "In
some instances entire emails and URLs were captured, as well as
passwords." Technical experts in Canada, France, and the Netherlands
discovered that the payload data included names, telephone numbers,
credit information, passwords, messages, e-mails, and chat transcripts,
as well as records of online dating, pornography, browsing behavior,
medical information, location data, photos, and video and audio files.
They concluded that such data packets could be stitched together for a
detailed profile of an identifiable person.39
Google's "Spy-Fi" scandal filled headlines around the world. Many
believed that the Street View revelations would inflict irreparable
damage to Google. In Germany, where the firm's actions were in clear
violation of privacy and data-protection laws, officials reacted angrily
and warned that Google would face EU investigations and consequences in
the German courts. A bill was introduced into the German Parliament
that proposed to fine Google for displaying personal property without
owners' consent. Google faced fresh litigation in Switzerland, Canada,
France, and the Netherlands. By 2012, there were multiple
investigations in twelve countries, including most of Europe, North
Atlantic, and Australia, and Google had been found guilty of violating
laws in at least nine countries.40
In the US, attorneys general from thirty-eight states launched a probe
into Google's Street View practices. Private citizens filed numerous
class-action suits, eight of which were consolidated in the Northern
California US District Court. The head of Privacy International said
that Google was being "Big Brother."' The Electronic Privacy
Information Center championed substantial legal resistance in the US
against Google's efforts to avoid repercussions in the wake of the
Spy-Fi scandal, and it maintained a detailed continuously updated online
overview of the worldwide outrage, protests, investigations, litigation,
and settlements in response to Google Street View and its extraction
tactics.42
Google characterized Street View's "privacy violations” as a "mistake"
made by a single engineer working on an "experimental" project, whose
code had inadvertently made it into Street View's software. The firm
refused to release the identity of the mystery engineer and insisted
that the project's leaders were unaware of the data capture and "had no
intention" of using those data. As Eric Schmidt told the Financial
Times, "We screwed up," noting that the engineer in question would face
an internal investigation for his clear "violation" of Google's
policies. Unbowed, Schmidt insisted on the validity of Google's mission
to index all the world's information.43
A 2012 investigation by the Federal Communications Commission described
the case as "a deliberate software-design decision by one of the Google
employees working on the Street View project."44 The engineer had been
selected for the team because of his unique expertise in Wi-Fi
"wardriving," the practice of driving around using equipment to locate
wireless networks.45 His design notes indicated that user traffic and
location data would be logged along with "information about what they
are doing" that would "be analysed offline for use in other
initiatives." The notes identified but then dismissed "privacy
considerations."46
The FCC found evidence that contradicted Google's scapegoating,
narrative. The records showed that the engineer had e-mailed links to
his software documentation to project leaders, who then shared them with
the entire Street View team. It also found evidence that on at least
two occasions, the engineer told his colleagues that Street View was
collecting personal data. Despite these facts along with evidence of
the company's exhaustive internal software reviews and testing
procedures and the regular transfer of payload data from Street View's
hard disks to Google's Oregon data center, Google engineers denied any
knowledge of personal data collection.47
Stage Two: Habituation
Hanke's bet that the "cycle" would eventually wear down resistance
reflects a key operational component of the extraction imperative,
discovered in Search, refined with Gmail, and elaborated with Street
View. The messages that come through are "Don't look back. Wait them
out. Step on them, if necessary."
The April 2012 FCC report is heart wrenching in its way, a melancholic
depiction of democracy's vulnerability in the face-off with a wealthy
determined, and audacious surveillance capitalist opponent. In November
2010 the FCC sent Google a letter of inquiry requesting necessary
information. Little was forthcoming. By March of the next year, a
second "supplemental" letter was sent. Google's response was incomplete
information and lack of cooperation, which produced another "demand
letter" in August. Google's continued lack of engagement required yet
another letter in late August. The FCC staff was burdened with
following up and chasing down evasive corporate executives and their
representatives for an entire year.
The document is a revelation of negative space and a saga of democracy
rebuffed. The FCC's detailed initial request produced "only five
documents" and no e-mails. The corporation said that it had no time to
undertake a comprehensive review, calling it "burdensome." Google
"failed" to identify relevant individuals. It "redacted" names. It
asserted that the information requested "serves no useful purpose." It
"failed" to verify information. When asked for specific submissions,
"Google did not do so." Google "argued" that it should "not be
required" to provide access to the payload data it had illicitly
collected. "Google waited...." The phrases "failed to respond" and
"failed to provide" are repeated throughout the account. "Google
violated Commission orders... delaying...." Affidavits were requested
five times, but the company did not provide any of these until September
2011, after the FCC threatened a subpoena. The mystery engineer simply
refused to speak with investigators, citing his Fifth Amendment right to
avoid self-incrimination. As the report concludes, "There is evidence
that Google's failure to cooperate with the Bureau was in many or all
cases deliberate."
"""
And in part that's how we got to now, but, as the book partly states
subsequently, and I have discovered elsewhere, there are consequences to
the above story that are deep, far-reaching, and threaten democracy.
Google had a very close relationship with Obama, he won. Google,
Facebook, and others had senior technical and analytical staff embedded
in Trump's offices during the 2018 election, and were, by his campaign
manager's own admission, essential to his success in that year. These
corporations have it in their power to swing elections, and, because it
is absolutely essential for Google, Facebook, and other surveillance
capital enterprises to prevent investigations into their excessive
incursions into people's privacy, some have started funding right-wing
organisations that they think will stand up for the "freedom of the
individual against the state", where the 'individual' here is actually
the corporation, not the common folk like you and me whose data gives
them that money and that power. You may have noticed, I certainly have
when debunking online fake news, that when you do a relevant search,
often you have to scroll past lots of obviously dodgy political sites
before you'll find something that looks likely to tell you something
truthful, relevant, and useful about the subject in hand. Now, in
general I'm not a fan of conspiracy theories, but I wonder why that
might be?
--
Fake news kills!
I may be contacted via the contact address given on my website:
www.macfh.co.uk