Sixty
years after the Supreme Court ruled in favor of school integration, a
review by the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) found that “Schools remain
segregated today because neighborhoods in which they are located are
segregated.” EPI’s Richard Rothstein
found that
“raising (the educational) achievement of low-income black children
requires residential integration, from which school integration can
follow.”
“Education policy is housing policy,” Rothstein concludes.
That’s
one of many reasons why New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio’s
recently-announced housing plan is so important. Our nation has largely
abandoned the affordable-housing initiatives that marked the New
Frontier and Great Society years. And yet, in an era when The New York
Times un-ironically runs articles about the difficulty of finding
Manhattan apartments on a
million-dollar budget, initiatives like de Blasio’s are met with skeptical questioning where they should be finding support.
Instead
of questioning the ambition of a program like de Blasio’s, we should be
asking ourselves how we can justify calling ourselves an egalitarian
society without many such programs.
U.S. Housing and Urban Development Secretary Shaun Donovan
said, “I
have a lot of admiration for (de Blasio) for making this an area of
focus. I think it’s great that he’s focused on this issue.” But if that
sounds like Donovan is backing the New York Mayor’s efforts, think
again. In the two-step that has become all too familiar in Washington,
Donovan embraced the plan’s goals while resisting the initiative itself.
The housing secretary called de Blasio’s plan “close to impossible” to
achieve and “a very tall order.” That kind of “endorsement” is the
political equivalent of the mobster’s “kiss of death.”
![](https://groups.google.com/group/common-ground-nyc/attach/a79256ad8a0840ac/BilldeBlasioAffordableHousingCivilRight051214.jpg?part=0.0.1.1&view=1)
At
first glance, it’s hard to understand why de Blasio’s plan got the back
of Donovan’s hand. As the housing secretary noted, this issue was a
“priority” for de Blasio’s predecessor, Michael Bloomberg, whose
administration created or preserved 175,000 affordable housing units. If
a Republican mayor can achieve that goal, why is a Democratic cabinet
member saying that a plan that involves only 25,000 more units is “close
to impossible”?
As
John Cassidy noted
in The New Yorker, de Blasio’s housing plan is a moderate one that
doesn’t represent a sharp break from past practices. (Nor is the mayor
leading a radical insurgency: Deputy Mayor Alicia Glen, who is
responsible for housing and economic development, is a former executive
at Goldman Sachs.)
The
idea that de Blasio’s plan is a “tall order” may stem from the overall
rightward shift in American politics – and, perhaps, from a loyalty to
New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo, a Wall Street-friendly Democrat
who openly undercut de Blasio’s plan for a modest educational tax on
very high earners.
Some
special interests may also reject de Blasio’s plan for “inclusionary
zoning.” This feature would require any developer receiving city funds
to set aside a number of housing units at below-market prices. In
return, de Blasio is offering $8 billion in city tax breaks as well as
other funding, and is proposing to speed up the zoning approval process.
The mandatory inclusion of mandatory low-income housing is something
many developers won’t like. That, and the $1.9 billion the plan expects
from federal and state sources, may leave some less than enthusiastic
about the plan.
That’s
unfortunate. Mayor de Blasio’s plan could help decelerate the seemingly
irreversible social segregation that is plaguing New York. In a city
that increasingly appears divided by age and wealth levels – rich young
hipsters here, poor minority seniors there – it would provide housing
for older citizens, lower-income families, “middle income” households –
which in New York City can include up to $138,000 in income – and other
diverse groups.
Is
it ambitious? Deputy Mayor Glen acknowledges that it is. The best parts
of the plan, including its systematic approach to the problem, conflict
with a number of other vested interests. But the housing problem runs
deep and requires a systematic solution.
What happens if this plan isn’t carried
out? Manhattan and parts of Brooklyn will increasingly become white,
wealthy enclaves. Gentrification will drive lower-income families out of
even the outermost boroughs. Service workers and other lower-earning
workers could soon face commute times that rival those of apartheid-era
South Africa. The rich cultural diversity that has been New York City’s
hallmark will disappear, and the school desegregation called for in
Brown v. Board of Education will become impossible to achieve.
The
record on segregation, whether in education or in housing, is clear:
“separate but equal” is a myth. It is impossible to achieve a fair,
equal-opportunity society when communities are separated by economically
or racially defined geographical barriers.
Instead
of condemning the de Blasio plan because it is ambitious, federal
officials should be working to replicate it in cities and towns all
across the country. Without fair and affordable housing in the heart of
our urban centers, we can never become the egalitarian and democratic
society that should be our destiny and our legacy.