Israeli election gets American gloss

[Reuter / Robert Mahoney]

JERUSALEM, May 22 (Reuter) - From soaps to soundbites,
Israel loves America.
This has not been lost on campaign managers for Prime
Minister Shimon Peres and his challenger Benjamin Netanyahu who
face off in national elections on May 29.
Both have hired U.S. advertising consultants to make them
look and sound ``presidential.''
They believe they need to do so because some commentators
say the electoral system itself has succumbed to creeping
Americanisation.
For the first time Israelis will drop two ballots into the
box -- the traditional one for a party, a new one for prime
minister.
The candidates can thank Yitzhak Rabin for the change. The
late prime minister reformed the multi-party parliamentary
system to capitalise on his personal popularity.
For once he had an ally in Netanyahu, leader of the
right-wing Likud opposition.
Netanyahu, educated in the United States and coached in
camera technique, thought he would benefit too.
Peres is uncomfortable with the reform but he has not had
the opportunity to overturn it since taking office in November
after Rabin's assassination.
He is a consummate party politician and deal-maker but he
failed in four elections in the 1970s and 1980s to convince
Israelis to vote Labour into office.
From the advertising point of view the campaign is quite
simple. Labour is offering peace with security, Likud promises
security with peace.
Peres, 72, is portrayed as the elder statesman with vision.
Fearing his age might count against him, his media handlers have
him surrounded with young people in the nightly party political
broadcasts, the only television and radio coverage of candidates
allowed.
Netanyahu, 46, is a thrice-married former commando who has
admitted commiting adultery. He was once dubbed Israel's sexiest
poliltician and is known by his nickname ``Bibi'' (pronounced
bee bee).
His American consultant, Arthur Finkelstein, has tried to
make him look prime ministerial.
``Bibi looks more American in his propaganda broadcasts,''
said advertising consultant Rami Shalmor. ``He uses the
soundbite, talks direct to camera, full-frame,'' Shalmor said.
``They put him behind a heavy desk, with the flag, book-lined
shelves, very Americanised,'' he added.
Likud is targeting the crucial floating vote, telling
viewers only Netanyahu can guarantee their personal security and
that Labour would give back the Golan Heights to Syria, and East
Jerusalem to the Palestinians, Shalmor added.
``All the Likud spots push three issues -- security, the
Golan, Jerusalem,'' Shalmor said.
``They don't change the packaging, it's the same message
every night. Israelis find it boring,'' Shalmor said. ``From an
advertising point of view Labour's broadcasts are more
colourful, less heavy, with small sketches,'' Shalmor said.
Other public relations experts agree that while Israel is
imitating the U.S. model the spots are nowhere near the short,
punchy commericals seen on American television. One reason is
that air time here is free and spots overlong. In the United
States commercials are expensive and therefore to the point.
``The parties are using television but the television is not
playing such a major role. In the United States it works, but
not so much in Israel,'' said Michael Keren, a political science
professor at Tel Aviv University.
``Campaign funding laws are different than in the United
States. ``We don't have anything like a presidential campaign
because the prime minister will still have to build a
coalition,'' Keren said.
He was referring to the likely outcome of the election where
the directly-elected prime minister -- on present opinion poll
indications, Peres -- will not have an outright majority in the
Knesset whose 120 members are elected by proportional
representation.
``It's still a parliamentary system,'' said Gadi Wolfsfeld,
an analyst at Jerusalem's Hebrew University.
``The prime minister will have to do a deal with the smaller
parties,'' he said, noting that both candidates had already made
overtures to interest groups such as Israeli Arabs, Orthodox
Jews and Russian immigrants.
The new prime minister will have 45 days to assemble a
government from such disparate groups. If he fails to win a
confidence vote in parliament new elections are called within 60
days.
Peres thrives on such coaltion-buidling, Netanyahu is
largely untested in it.
Rabin disliked it. He built his 1992 campaign around his own
personality and brought in the direct election reform to weaken
the bargaining power of small parties, boost his own re-election
chances and go some way towards public demands for more radical
electoral change.
Political analysts say that beneath the American gloss still
lies gritty Israeli politics.
``The direct election of the prime minister was introduced
to eliminate bargaining after the election,'' Wolfsfeld said.
``Now we have bargaining before, during and after the election.''

[Reuter / Robert Mahoney]

JERUSALEM (Reuter) - From soaps to soundbites, Israel loves
America, and this has not been lost on campaign managers for
Prime Minister Shimon Peres and his hardline challenger Benjamin
Netanyahu in the campaign for next week's elections.

Both have hired U.S. advertising consultants to make them
look and sound ``presidential.''
They believe they need to do so because some commentators
say the electoral system itself has succumbed to creeping

Americanization.

For the first time Israelis will drop two ballots into the

box on May 29 -- the traditional one for a party and a new one
for prime minister.
But political analysts say Americanization only goes so far
and that beneath the American gloss there still lies Israel's
gritty politics with its backroom wheeling and drealing.
The candidates can thank Yitzhak Rabin for the electoral

change. The late prime minister reformed the multi-party

parliamentary system to capitalize on his personal popularity.

For once he had an ally in Netanyahu, leader of the
right-wing Likud opposition.
Netanyahu, educated in the United States and coached in
camera technique, thought he would benefit too.
Peres is uncomfortable with the reform but he has not had
the opportunity to overturn it since taking office in November
after Rabin's assassination.
He is a consummate party politician and deal-maker but he
failed in four elections in the 1970s and 1980s to convince

Israelis to vote Labor into office.

From the advertising point of view the campaign is quite

simple. Labor is offering peace with security, Likud promises

security with peace.
Peres, 72, is portrayed as the elder statesman with vision.
Fearing his age might count against him, his media handlers have
him surrounded with young people in the nightly party political
broadcasts, the only television and radio coverage of candidates
allowed.
Netanyahu, 46, is a thrice-married former commando who has
admitted commiting adultery. He was once dubbed Israel's sexiest
poliltician and is known by his nickname ``Bibi'' (pronounced
bee bee).
His American consultant, Arthur Finkelstein, has tried to
make him look prime ministerial.
``Bibi looks more American in his propaganda broadcasts,''
said advertising consultant Rami Shalmor. ``He uses the
soundbite, talks direct to camera, full-frame,'' Shalmor said.
``They put him behind a heavy desk, with the flag, book-lined

shelves, very Americanized,'' he added.

Likud is targeting the crucial floating vote, telling
viewers only Netanyahu can guarantee their personal security and

that Labor would give back the Golan Heights to Syria and East

Jerusalem to the Palestinians, Shalmor added.
``All the Likud spots push three issues -- security, the
Golan, Jerusalem,'' Shalmor said.
``They don't change the packaging, it's the same message
every night. Israelis find it boring,'' Shalmor said. ``From an

advertising point of view Labor's broadcasts are more colorful,

less heavy, with small sketches,'' Shalmor said.
Other public relations experts agree that while Israel is
imitating the U.S. model the spots are nowhere near the short,
punchy commericals seen on American television. One reason is
that air time here is free and spots overlong. In the United
States commercials are expensive and therefore to the point.
``The parties are using television but the television is not
playing such a major role. In the United States it works, but
not so much in Israel,'' said Michael Keren, a political science
professor at Tel Aviv University.
``Campaign funding laws are different than in the United
States. ``We don't have anything like a presidential campaign
because the prime minister will still have to build a
coalition,'' Keren said.
He was referring to the likely outcome of the election where
the directly-elected prime minister -- on present opinion poll
indications, Peres -- will not have an outright majority in the

Knesset, whose 120 members are elected by proportional

representation.
``It's still a parliamentary system,'' said Gadi Wolfsfeld,
an analyst at Jerusalem's Hebrew University.
``The prime minister will have to do a deal with the smaller
parties,'' he said, noting that both candidates had already made
overtures to interest groups such as Israeli Arabs, Orthodox
Jews and Russian immigrants.
The new prime minister will have 45 days to assemble a
government from such disparate groups. If he fails to win a
confidence vote in parliament new elections are called within 60
days.
Peres thrives on such coaltion-buidling, Netanyahu is
largely untested in it.
Rabin disliked it. He built his 1992 campaign around his own
personality and brought in the direct election reform to weaken
the bargaining power of small parties, boost his own re-election

chances and go some way toward public demands for more radical
electoral change.