Bhadralok (bhdrlok, literally 'gentleman', or 'well-mannered person') is Bengali for the new class of 'gentlefolk' who arose during British rule in India in the Bengal region in the eastern part of the Indian subcontinent.[1][2][3]
According to Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, the Bhadralok primarily, though not exclusively, belonged to "the three traditional upper castes of Bengal", the Brahmin, Baidya and Kayastha.[1][2][3] Wealth, English education, and high status in terms of administrative service were the factors which led to the rise of this 'new aristocracy' and since a large number of the three upper castes had administrative skills and economic advantages, they formed the majority of Bhadralok in 19th century Bengal. The Bhadralok "was never a closed status group", in practice it was an open social group.[4][5] A majority of the Brahmins and Kayasthas, being poor and illiterate, were not regarded as Bhadralok.[6] By the late 19th century many of the middle-ranking peasant and trading castes, who had gained affluency, had entered the ranks of Bhadralok .[7][8]
The polity and politics of West Bengal have been dominated by the bhadralok despite their lesser numerical presence in the state.[9] All Chief Ministers of West Bengal since 1947 have been from Bhadralok social groups.[10]
Among others, Joya Chatterji, Lecturer in History of Modern South Asia at Cambridge and Fellow of Trinity College, blames the Bhadralok class for the economic decline of the state of West Bengal after India's independence in 1947.[11] She writes in her book, titled The Spoils of Partition:
Bengal's partition frustrated the plans and purposes of the very groups who had demanded it. Why their strategy failed so disastrously is a question which will no doubt be debated by bhadralok Bengal long after the last vestiges of its influence have been swept away... But perhaps part of the explanation is this: for all their self-belief in their cultural superiority and their supposed talent for politics, the leaders of bhadralok Bengal misjudged matters so profoundly because, in point of fact, they were deeply inexperienced as a political class. Admittedly, they were highly educated and in some ways sophisticated, but they had never captured the commanding heights of Bengal's polity or its economy. They had been called upon to execute policy but not to make it. They had lived off the proceeds of the land, but had never organised the business of agriculture. Whether as theorists or practitioners, they understood little of the mechanics of production and exchange, whether on the shop-floor or in the fields. Above all, they had little or no experience in the delicate arts of ruling and taxing people. Far from being in the vanguard as they liked to believe, by 1947 Bengal's bhadralok had become a backward-looking group, living in the past, trapped in the aspic of outdated assumptions, and so single-mindedly focused upon their own narrow purposes that they were blind to the larger picture and the big changes that were taking place around them.[12]
The Bhadralok class appears frequently in popular Bengali literature, including in the novel and stories of Saratchandra Chattopadhyay and Rabindranath Tagore. Kaliprasanna Singha in his famous book Hootum Pyanchar Naksha sarcastically criticized the class's social attitude and hypocrisy during its ascension to prominence in the nineteenth century.
In the 1990s and 2000s, the band Chandrabindoo highlighted the class's hypocritical attitude and paradoxical social role in their lyrics to the songs "Sokale Uthiya Ami Mone Mone Boli", "Amar Modhyobitto Bheeru Prem", "Amra Bangali Jaati" and many more.
The site is secure.
The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely.
This article examines how Bengali masculinity has been negotiated between national and ethnic/local notions of identity and suggests a new way of understanding this issue. Within the specific historiography of Bengali masculinity, concerns regarding physical strength, courage and virility of the Bengali male have been central tropes, challenged by the colonially constructed stereotype of the effeminate Bengali. The present article maps mainly nineteenth century discourses regarding Bengali masculinity and focuses on one particular strategy of three, namely, construction of a mode of mythic-historical discourse to reclaim a supposedly more masculine past for Bengali men. This suggests the notion of national-masculine as a gendered materialisation of the compensatory agency of Bengali masculinity. Shown to occur through the articulation of buddhibal in contrast with bahubal that negotiates with the hegemonic national-masculine, this throws new light on the emerging prominence of the bhadralok concept of a sophisticated Bengali gentleman.
Nagpur, a city known for oranges, also happened to be the headquarters for the erstwhile state of C.P.& BERAR, located geographically at the centre of India. Since the British era, because of Bengal Nagpur Railways office and epicenter of mining and mineral activities, huge influx of outsiders arrived in this city for their livelihood; Bengalis also had been settling gradually in large numbers.
As traditionally not savoury to trading activities, Bengalis in general, took to office jobs, few others independently started medical as well as legal practices. Unfortunately, educational institutions were not too many, other than vernacular schools and a handful of colleges. Nagpur did not have a university until the later part of the year 1923.
One Bengali gentleman, Sri Bipin Krishna Bose (born in 1851), and an alumnus of Presidency College, Kolkata, after completing M.A,B.L joined around 1872 the bar of Jabalpur High Court. After a short stint there, he shifted to Nagpur, where he soon earned immense reputation as a leading legal practitioner. He had been inducted as government pleader. Meanwhile, he became an eminent personality within the distinguished circle at Nagpur. He continued to be secretary of city high school and was key person for founding Morris College in the year 1885, the college boasting notable alumni-ex vice president Md Hidayatullah, dramatist Habib Tanvir, actor Asoke Kumar. Simultaneously, sensing a need of a school for Bengali children to learn in the mother tongue he donated land and money to establish in 1918 Dinanath High School in his father`s name.
The school is celebrating centenary this year. Incidentally, the alumni includes actor Basanta Choudhury and actress Jaya Bhaduri. B.K. Bose was awarded knighthood for his social service in 1920. In those days, few colleges running at Nagpur required to shuttle its students for higher education at far off place like Kolkata. At the strike of WorldWar II, with growing aspiration and public demand, the unified voice of the mass took shape to introduce Nagpur University Bill and the same was enacted on August 4, 1923.Immediately, Sir B.K. Bose was appointed Vice Chancellor of the newly decreed university,the post he held for the next five years. It was not an easy task for a Bengali to earn so much admiration and respect in a far-off place.Incidentally, Justice Vivian Bose of Supreme Court was his grandson.
Kazi Nazrul Islam is the national poet of Bangladesh who spoke out in support of the downtrodden masses and opposed all bigotry, including religious and gender-based. He certainly had many characteristics of a Bengali Gentleman.
I certainly admire people of their generation and aspire to be like them but our society has changed and this makes it very hard for anyone wanting to follow those footsteps. Living in the UK with modern comforts of life and social barriers it is even harder to be a gentleman but we can all follow some of the behaviours and good manners portrayed by our previous generation and hope the next generation learn and follow by observing us.
Opposition leaders pointed out that he was more of a Bengali gentleman than a doctrinaire Communist, and his going against his party line in 2008 and refusing to resign as the Lok Sabha speaker was the outcome of the former identity.
But going against the CPI(M) line was the second dramatic act of defiance of Chatterjee. He had started his political career by going against his father, Nirmal Chandra Chatterjee, a famous advocate and a Hindu Mahasabha ideologue, by joining Left politics.
Like most Bengalis, he loved Tagore and football. The student of Mitra Institution, a school in Kolkata, who used to play football in childhood, became an enthusiastic fan later in life, going to watch the FIFA World Cup in 2002.
For 24 years (1985 to 2009) Chatterjee represented Bolpur constituency in the Lok Sabha and worked for the improvement of communications to Santiniketan. In 2001-02, he collaborated with his daughter Anushila Basu on an album of Tagore songs.
It is this big heart that was recalled by all leaders from opposition parties who emphasised that his long association with the CPI(M) did not come in the way of warm relations with leaders of other parties.
People such as cricket coach Sambaran Banerjee and entrepreneur Sukrity Mukherjee pointed out that with his rich baritone and portly frame, Chatterjee appeared more like the patriarch in a big Bengali family. Others said despite his popularity among a big section of the educated Bengalis, he did not join any other camp after his controversial expulsion from the CPI(M) in 2008.
The keyboard uses the ISCII layout developed by the Government of India. It is also used in Windows, Apple and other systems. There is a base layout, and an alternative layout when the Shift key is pressed. If you have any questions about it, please contact us.
Gentleman is a term for a chivalrous, courteous, or honorable man. Originally, gentleman was the lowest rank of the landed gentry of England, ranking below an esquire and above a yeoman; by definition, the rank of gentleman comprised the younger sons of the younger sons of peers, and the younger sons of a baronet, a knight, and an esquire, in perpetual succession. As such, the connotation of the term gentleman captures the common denominator of gentility ; a right shared by the peerage and the gentry, the constituent classes of the British nobility.
b37509886e