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UN Women India is committed to advancing gender equality and women's empowerment across the country, with a strategic presence in New Delhi and 14 states. Aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals, UN Women ensures that women and girls in India achieve their full potential in a safe and equal environment.
In partnership with the Government of India, UN agencies, civil society, and the private sector, UN Women drives initiatives that foster sustainable growth, improve livelihood opportunities, and ensure equitable participation in all spheres of society.
Our key focus areas include economic empowerment through skill development, entrepreneurship, and access to decent work, as well as advocating for gender-responsive policies and programs. During India's G20 Presidency in 2023, UN Women provided valued technical support. Moving forward with the Strategic vision for 2023-2027, UN Women is dedicated to promoting gender-responsive governance, reducing gender-based violence, and supporting the empowerment of women and girls across India.
As we move forward with our Strategic Note for 2023-2027, UN Women India remains committed to promoting gender-responsive governance, reducing gender-based violence, and supporting the empowerment of women and girls across the country. Join us as we work towards a society where gender equality is supported and celebrated.
The Generation Equality Forum convened by UN Women in 2021, kickstarted a five-year process of intergenerational, multi-stakeholder convergence to achieve irreversible gender equality. Through this project, Gender at Work India undertook the task of advancing the GEF mandate by creating a contextual programme around building feminist youth leadership in India.
The objective is to bring together people, knowledge, and pedagogy in a way that would lead to secondary and tertiary impacts and promote just, equitable, and intersectional feminist agendas across civil society.
FYLP follows a ground-up approach to understanding, operationalising, and building resources for feminist youth leadership in India, while simultaneously unpacking the context in which these are embedded.
Pakistan's acting high commissioner to India Aftab Hasan Khan visited the Nizamuddin Dargah in Delhi along with pilgrims from his country. He said people from India to should go to Pakistan and people from Pakistan should come to India.
Speaking to WION, the top Pakistani diplomat in India said, "its a good omen that people are interacting and more people should visit. People from India to should go to Pakistan and people from Pakistan should come to India. We are following a very liberal visa regime at the Pakistani high commission and issuing maximum number of visas to the Indian applicants desirous of visiting Pakistan. So hope, let's see in the future, it's a good omen for bilateral relationship."
Seen as pilgrimage diplomacy, the visit by Pakistani devotees comes even as Indian pilgrims are on a visit to Pakistan. Around 1,500 Indians are visiting Pakistan on November 17-26 via the Attari-Wagah border, coinciding with Gurupurab, the birth anniversary of first Sikh Guru Guru Nanak.
Aftab Hasan Khan remarked, "It is very heartening to see that pilgrims from Pakistan have arrived to pay obeisance at the Nizamuddin Dargah on the Urs and we hope that this will continue in the future also. Due to Covid restrictions, it was suspended and now it has started again and we hope it will continue in the future."
Both the visits are covered under the 1974 Bilateral Protocol between India and Pakistan on 'Visits to Religious Shrines'. The Indian pilgrims are visiting Gurudwara Shri Darbar Sahib, Gurudwara Shri Panja Sahib, Gurudwara Shri Dehra Sahib, Gurudwara Shri Nankana Sahib, Gurudwara Shri Kartarpur Sahib and Gurudwara Shri Sachha Sauda.
Asked about his visit at the holy place, he said, "We came here, we paid our obeisance, prayed for the peace and stability in the region and it was a wonderful and an auspicious occasion, Urs Mubarak of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya. We prayed here with all out pilgrims. Prayed for peace and stability in the region".
The movement globally and between India and Pakistan has been suspended amid the Covid pandemic. As the crisis abates, India is opening up. Earlier this month, New Delhi announced the process of giving tourist visas.
In Basque, yes/no questions require a modal particle. The most common one is al, which introduces no additional meaning. For tentative questions, ote is used. The related particle omen indicates hearsay, but it's not used to form direct questions. All these particles are placed immediately before (auxiliary) verb forms.
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This article explores the processes by which medieval Sufi masters and holy men established themselves through their physical and spatial settings and left their mark on the religious and sacred topography. Focusing on Damascus from the mid-6th/12th to mid-8th/14th centuries under the reign of the Zangids, Ayyubids and early Mamluks. The article offers observations on three parallel developments: the genesis and growth of a local space around masters of the Path, the spread of endowed establishments designed by their founders to support the mystics and their rituals, and the incorporation of venerated shaykhs' tombs and shrines into a growing inventory of regional and local sacred sites. Special emphasis is placed on the variations in the very nature of the local sites and spaces that came to be associated with Sufism, their patterns of development and geographical spread, the functions they served and their symbolic message. Through this investigation, the article casts light on the concrete signs of the creation of diverse Sufi spheres in pre-modern Damascus and develops an understanding of the tangible material manifestations of the overall prominent status that Sufism came to hold during a period of intense religious activity.
This article explores the historical writings of Rashid al-Din Tabib (d. 1318) as part of a programme of political legitimisation for the Mongol Ilkhans of Iran. By considering both volumes of the Jami` al-tawārikh alongside one another and in their political context, it reveals aspects of the text that get lost when the dynastic and world history are treated in isolation. Rashid al-Din's presentation of legendary figures of communal identity from Perso-Islamic and Turko-Mongol traditions responds to immediate political conflicts between his patrons and their neighbours, the Jochid Mongols of the Volga region and the Mamluks of Egypt. In the relative absence of documentary evidence, court-sponsored narrative chronicles can in this way inform our understanding of ruling ideology during the period.
This article is a historical study of maritime trade between Tang China and early Islamic Iraq, in the seventh to tenth centuries. While the existence, in this period, of merchant communities from the Arab-Persian Gulf in Chinese ports has been known for a long time, the present study seeks to contextualise their emergence, to articulate the socio-economic conditions of their trade, and to consider the extent to which these were conducive to transmissions of ideas. Building upon scholarly findings accumulated in different disciplines, it outlines patterns of exchange that, while limited in scope, were more systemic than has hitherto been assumed.
The sovereignty of God and related ideas have had a prominent place in Islamist discourses. Key figures like Mawdudi of Pakistan and Qutb of Egypt have argued that anything less than exclusive submission to God's law, and all that it necessitates in religious and political terms, is idolatry. Yet the idea of the sovereignty of God has been invoked by many more people than the Islamists, and it has meant quite different things in different quarters. Focusing on South Asia, this paper seeks to shed some new light on the provenance of this idea, on how and to what purpose it has been deployed in religious and political argument, and what the debates on it might tell us about rival conceptions of Islam.
Early Urdu poetry, at the time called Reḳhtah, forms a remarkable example of the circulation of ideas in early modern India. Scholars trace its modern form to the reception in early eighteenth-century Delhi of a Southern literary idiom, usually called Dakhanī that is itself the result of repeated waves of migration from North India to the Deccan. While the historical origins of Urdu occupy an arena of lively scholarly debate, its later historical and literary importance is quite clear. By the start of the nineteenth century a highly literary and Persian-inflected form of Urdu would swiftly replace Persian in elite circles. Thus we have a historically significant moment at which the confluence of the vernacular and the cosmopolitan created a new cosmopolitan vernacular, however this process remains understudied.
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