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Virginie Fayad
Abstract: It is unlikely that additional quantifiable data found in Italian archives will alter significantly the conclusions reached by twentieth-century economic historians about slavery in Italy during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Historians of slavery must now ask new questions of old sources and new ones that continue to surface. As this study shows, the ways merchants in Italy differentiated along ethnic and religious lines among the slaves they dealt in sheds light more on how the people of Italy made distinctions among themselves than on the origins and religion of their captives.
Introduction: From the residence granted him by the Venetian Senate while he lived in Venice, Francesco Petrarch could watch the unloading of the cargo from the galleys moored along the waterfront beneath his window. At one point in the late 1360s, he witnessed a scene that he described in a letter to his friend the archbishop of Genoa:
Detailing their caked hair, rough faces, and, in a flourish of exaggeration, the grass stuck in their teeth, Petrarch presents an image of ragged, unclean men and women, boys and girls, subdued, perhaps defeated, huddled in a group on the riva after emerging from the hold of the cogs that had transported them there from the eastern Mediterranean. His contempt, typical of privileged people enured to the misery around them, seems familiar even today.
Less familiar is what he calls them: Scythians, the name given by the Romans to people who lived in the Central Asian steppes more than 1000 years before. Only someone as fond of classical literature as Petrarch would have called the wretched slaves Scythian. When merchants identified for customs officials the origins of the slaves, as most cities in Italy required them to do, they would not have called them Scythians. Instead, they used a number of other terms to distinguish slaves from one another: Tartar, Abkhazi, Circassian, Bulgarian, Russian, Turkish, Greek, Mingrelli,and other labels. Those are the ethnic terms most often used in the records of slave sales and importations during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
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Historian Prof. Tamar Herzig, Vice Dean for Research at Entin Faculty of Humanities, exposed previously unknown evidence of an organized gang rape of a group of enslaved Jewish girls and women from North Africa in the Italian city of Livorno at the beginning of the 17th century. The rape was organized by Dr. Bernardetto Buonromei, a high-ranking state official at Livorno's slave prison, who was also able to silence any complaints and effectively erase the memory of the victims' suffering.
According to the documents studied by Herzig, in the summer of 1610 Buonromei ordered the assignment of a group of enslaved female Jews, newly arrived from North Africa, to the men's quarters in the slave prison, contrary to the customary separation of women and men in different sections. This order resulted in the multiple perpetrator raping of the enslaved Jews by Muslim slaves and Christian forced laborers. One report notes that one of the victims lost her mind, and attempted to throw her young daughters out of the prison's window and commit suicide.
Representatives of Livorno's influential Jewish community sent protests decrying the unprecedented sexual abuse of their enslaved coreligionists to the Tuscan authorities, but all complaints and testimonies were soon silenced with the help of the Grand duke of Tuscany, who backed Dr. Buonromei. The Grand duke accepted the doctor's claims that his actions had been aimed at increasing the Tuscan state's profits from the slave trade, by ensuring the future payment of high ransom fees for enslaved foreign Jews by the local Jewish community in Livorno. Buonromei kept his job as the physician in charge of the slave prison, and when he died a few years later the Grand duke paid for his tombstone at Livorno's main church.
Livorno's Jewish community in the 17th century was one of the wealthiest and most influential Italian Jewish communities, and its relationship with the rulers of the Tuscan state was usually strong. According to the documents that Prof. Herzig uncovered, the affluent and well-connected members of Livorno's Jewish community were nonetheless subject to extortion by government officials like Buonromei. Prof. Herzig found that the rulers of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany employed the gang rape incident as a grand spectacle of violence, using it to exert pressure on the Jewish community so that they would agree to pay exorbitant ransom fees for Jews captured in North Africa and forcefully transported to Livorno.
Buonromei, who had served as Livorno's first Mayor before his appointment at the slave prison, is still honored today as one of the city's founding fathers. A street in Livorno is named after him, and a figure commemorating him is paraded in the annual processions celebrating Livorno's elevation to the status of a city.
Prof. Herzig's study was published in the journal The American Historical Review. Prof. Herzig hopes that exposure of her findings in the Italian media will lead to a change in the commemoration of Dr. Buonromei, a man who made his fortune from the slave trade and was personally responsible for the horrendous abuse of enslaved Jewish women and girls.
Prof. Herzig says that "unveiling the female and Jewish aspects of the Italian slave trade is very important, because these topics have largely been neglected in historical scholarship on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. I hope that by raising awareness about the phenomenon of Jewish women's enslavement, my research will lead to a reconsideration of the current commemoration of slavers such as Bernardetto Buonromei, thereby attaining some historical justice for the victims."
Entitled: 'In the 1870's New Yorkers became aware that young Italian boys were being kidnapped or purchased in Italy and brought to new york to make a living for their masters by begging on the streets.' There were thousands of Italian street urchins, playing musical instruments and begging for pennies in America during the winter of 1873. Between 7,000 and 8,000 children were kidnapped from Italy and kept as slaves in America's biggest cities. The children were sold at private auctions for $100 to $300 for boys; and $100 to $500 for girls. Enslaved by their masters, they were given rudimentary lessons on the triangle, violin or harp and then sent out daily as street musicians. The children lived in dreary quarters, under the rule of their padroni. They would be given a small piece of black bread or some pasta; sent out into the streets and ordered not to return home until their quota of fifty to eighty cents was met-or they would be beaten.
The father of the great artist and scientist, Leonardo da Vinci, was a Florentine notary named Ser Piero da Vinci from the Tuscan city of Florence. However, apart from her name, Caterina, nothing is known about his mother, and her identity has remained shrouded in mystery.
Viacheslav Chirikba is an Abkhazian linguist and politician, from October 11, 2011 to September 20, 2016, he held the post of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Abkhazia. He has a doctorate in philology, title of professor; he is a full member of the Academy of Sciences of Abkhazia, an extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassador of the Republic of Abkhazia, the author of books and articles devoted to languages, history and mythology of the peoples of the Caucasus. He is also the author of the book "Abkhazia and Italian city-states of the XIII-XV centuries."
This hypothesis by Chirikba has been confirmed by Italian Professor Carlo Vecce who has spent decades studying da Vinci and curating his works. The renowned scholar found the deed of liberation in the State Archives of Florence, which was signed by Piero da Vinci, the notary and father of Leonardo.
According to the newly discovered document, Catherine was born a princess in the Caucasus Mountains but was later enslaved and sold by merchants from the Black Sea to Venice before being eventually freed. Who knows if she will go down in history as the "key" to Leonardo's mother? Even the family members of the great Tuscan genius seem like an enigmatic puzzle, with Catherine being the central protagonist. Professor Carlo Vecce, a philologist and historian of the Renaissance, who is one of the leading experts on the artist, has discovered this unpublished document among the folders of the historical archive of Florence, which attests to the notary Piero da Vinci's deed of liberating Caterina from slavery.
A paper that lends substance to the reconstruction of the historical profile of the woman in the new book by the scholar "The Smile of Catherine" (Giunti) was presented in Florence. If this biographical story is true, it would definitively silence the recent and somewhat "phantasmagorical" version of the story in which Leonardo's mother was said to have been of Chinese origins. The importance of the discovery of the document has attracted the attention of the academic world and art historians. It provides a background that sheds new light on the woman's character, but more importantly, on the incredible fate of little Leonardo da Vinci, who, despite being the illegitimate son of Caterina and Piero (who would never marry), was recognized and welcomed by the da Vinci family.
The notary who freed Caterina is the same person who loved her when she was still a slave and with whom she had this child, Leonardo," explained Vecce. The document, dated "Florence 2 November 1452," is the deed of liberation of the slave Caterina by her mistress, a certain Ginevra d'Antonio Redditi, wife of Donato di Filippo di Salvestro Nati. Two years earlier, Nati had leased Caterina as a nurse to a Florentine knight. In the deed, we read that Caterina was described as "filia Jacobi eius schiava seu serva de partibus Circassie." The document is signed by the notary Piero da Vinci, who was Leonardo's father. Leonardo was only six months old at the time, having been born on April 15, 1452. The particularity of the story is not so much that Piero, a member of the upper social class, had a relationship with a woman of lower rank, even a slave, but rather that the woman was freed and that the child was accepted.
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