Dead Rising 2 Off The Record Attempting To Join Game Fix

[Kimberly Ballas]

Forthis report, Human Rights Watch interviewed over 150 people in Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, Kenya, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania, the United Kingdom, the United States, Uganda, Zambia, and others related to them in Rwanda, to investigate the tactics used by the Rwandan government and its proxies to target Rwandans abroad.

The research found that the authorities have created an environment where many Rwandans abroad, even those living thousands of miles away from Rwanda, practice self-censorship, refrain from engaging in legitimate political activism, and live in fear of traveling, being attacked, or seeing their relatives in Rwanda targeted.

The report also finds that the Rwandan government has sought to use global police cooperation, including Interpol Red Notices, judicial mechanisms, and extradition requests to seek deportations of critics or dissidents back to Rwanda.

As critics or opponents, perceived or real, of the government, the victims all share a certain profile; prior to these attacks many had been threatened by individuals who were part of, or close to, the Rwandan government. The context of broader persecution of government critics inside Rwanda provides credibility to the allegation that these attacks were politically motivated. It also raises serious and plausible concerns about the possibility of official state tolerance, acquiescence, or even collusion in these attacks.

This report also documented five cases where Rwandan authorities have sought to have Rwandans arrested and renditioned to Rwanda, particularly in East Africa, often through apparently unofficial requests made to local law enforcement. In some cases, law enforcement officials in the host country refused to carry out the deportations but failed to ensure adequate protection of the victim. In others, the detention and possible or confirmed rendition amounted to an enforced disappearance. Human Rights Watch documented three cases of Rwandans in Kenya and Uganda who narrowly escaped deportation to Rwanda after being arbitrarily detained by law enforcement officials. In at least one case, Kenyan authorities simply told the asylum seeker to leave the country for his protection. These tactics have created a deep-seated fear of traveling for many Rwandans living abroad. Many Rwandans interviewed in Europe and North America said they no longer travelled to Africa because they felt it was too dangerous.

When seeking to target dissidents, the Rwandan authorities showed little regard for the independence of the judiciary or the duties of protection of law enforcement in host countries. The Rwandan government misused Interpol Red Notices in two cases, and, in one of them, obtained the extradition of a Rwandan asylum seeker living in the US based on genocide accusations which were later overturned in a Rwandan court. He remains in prison in Rwanda, convicted of genocide denial.

Many interviewees who have chosen to continue their public criticism in exile have had to cut communications with their relatives in Rwanda. Several interviewees said their family members in Rwanda are under surveillance or have been denied passports, which prevents them from leaving Rwanda.

In targeting actual or perceived dissidents abroad and their relatives, Rwandan authorities have violated an array of rights including life, privacy, freedom of expression and association, physical safety, freedom of movement, freedom from torture, and the right to a fair trial.

On a global scale, extraterritorial abuses by governments and other actors against their own people have a particularly chilling effect, both at home and abroad. It is precisely the reason why some governments resort to these tactics: to send the message that nowhere is safe for those who criticize them.

RPF: Rwandan Patriotic Front, a largely Tutsi politico-military movement and currently the ruling party in Rwanda. Before it took power in 1994, the RPF was a rebel group consisting mainly of Rwandan Tutsi refugees in Uganda.

Human Rights Watch, in this report, has documented killings, kidnappings and attempted kidnappings, enforced disappearances, and physical attacks targeting Rwandans living abroad. In addition, Human Rights Watch has found that the government of Rwanda has attempted to use global legal assistance mechanisms by issuing arbitrary Interpol Red Notices and extradition requests and getting involved in the prosecution of a dissident in a foreign court. Interviewees also described how Rwandan authorities have sought to silence them by perpetrating serious human rights violations against their relatives in Rwanda and abroad, including enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, alleged ill treatment or torture, suspected killings, harassment, restrictions on movements, and alleged land seizures.

In most cases, no definitive domestic or international investigations have been conducted to establish responsibilities and enforce accountability. Such impunity risks emboldening other governments to go after prominent journalists, human rights advocates, or dissidents, wherever they may be seeking protection.

Abuses against those who have fled the territory of the government which they have criticized have a particularly chilling effect, both at home and abroad. It is precisely the reason why some governments resort to these tactics: to send the message that nowhere is safe for those who criticize them

This report is based on in-person research conducted between October 2021 and December 2022 in Belgium, France, Kenya, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, the UK, and the US. Additional phone interviews were conducted with victims and witnesses in Australia, Belgium, Canada, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Republic of Congo, France, Kenya, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, the UK, the US, and Zambia.

Human Rights Watch interviewed over 150 people, including victims of abuse, their relatives and lawyers, witnesses, independent journalists, representatives of international nongovernmental organizations and UN agencies, and government officials. Extensive corroboration was carried out to ascertain the credibility of sources and to obtain documentation supporting their claims, including multiple interviews with relatives, independent witnesses, and reviews of online harassment and other supporting documentation.

The victims include asylum seekers, refugees, refugees who have obtained permanent residency or citizenship in their host countries, and other members of the diaspora, including non-refugee residents or naturalized citizens.

Most of the interviewees feared for their security or the security of their family members and only spoke on condition that their names and other identifying information be withheld. Details about their cases or the individuals involved, including the location of the interviews, have also been withheld when requested or when Human Rights Watch believed that publishing the information would put interviewees or their family members at risk.

Interviews with victims, their relatives, or witnesses were conducted in confidential settings or through secure means of communication. Human Rights Watch informed all participants of the purpose of the interview, its voluntary nature, and how the information would be used. Each participant orally consented to be interviewed and were informed that they could refuse to participate or end the interview at any time.

Human Rights Watch did not make any financial payments or offer other incentives to interviewees. Care was taken with victims of trauma to minimize the risk that recounting their experiences could further traumatize them.

Whenever possible, Human Rights Watch also reviewed case files, medical records of victims, and death certificates. In addition, Human Rights Watch transcribed and translated all of the YouTube videos used as evidence of online harassment in this report.

Human Rights Watch sent multiple information requests and invitations to comment to a number of government authorities, private companies, institutions, and private individuals for this report. These include:

Thousands of refugees were killed in the attacks on the camps, which forced the return to Rwanda of many of the surviving Hutu refugees. Many were arrested on their return on accusations of genocide; others were among thousands killed by the RPA in counterinsurgency operations in northwestern Rwanda in the late 1990s.[11] Those refugees who did not return to Rwanda, including large numbers who had not been involved in the genocide, fled deep into the forests of Congo, where Rwandan and AFDL troops massacred tens of thousands of them.[12] Many also fled south toward Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.[13]

Today, Congo remains largely unstable, and violence continues in its eastern region, where more than 100 armed groups operate, including an armed group formed by some members of the former Rwandan army, Interahamwe militia, and other individuals suspected of having participated in the genocide. After changing its name a number of times, this group became known as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). Most current FDLR members are too young to have participated in the genocide in Rwanda, so it is incorrect to imply that all those fighting for the FDLR participated in the genocide. However, the FDLR leadership still includes some individuals believed to have participated in the genocide.

The FDLR have become weakened militarily in recent years and are only able to conduct rare attacks into Rwanda. In 2012, and again in 2022, Rwandan authorities sent troops across the border into eastern Congo, in support of the M23 armed group, which claims to protect Congolese Tutsi and to fight the FDLR.[14] On both occasions, the Rwandan government condemned the threat that the FDLR could pose to Rwanda and accused the Congolese government of supporting them.

The M23 was originally made up of soldiers who participated in a mutiny from the Congolese national army in April and May 2012. These soldiers were previously members of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (Congrs national pour la dfense du peuple, CNDP), a rebel group which was also backed by Rwanda. Human Rights Watch documented the widespread abuses that amounted to war crimes perpetrated by M23 forces that, with support from Rwanda, took over large parts of North Kivu province in 2012.[15] In late 2021, the M23 began rebuilding its ranks. Since May 2022, Rwanda-backed M23 forces have once again overrun UN-backed Congolese forces in eastern Congo, committing war crimes in the process.[16]

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