Scythian Territorial Expanse, c. 700-300 BCESimeon Netchev (CC BY-NC-SA)"@context":" ","@id":" -territorial-expanse-c-700-300-bce/#imageobject","@type":"ImageObject","acquireLicensePage":" -territorial-expanse-c-700-300-bce/","caption":"A map illustrating the expansion of the warrior nomad Scythians between the 7th and 3rd century BCE across Asia and Europe.\r\n\r\nSpecial thanks to Patrick Scott Smith for his research and input.","contentUrl":" ","copyrightNotice":"Simeon Netchev - CC BY-NC-SA - This license lets others remix, tweak, and build upon this content non-commercially, as long as they credit the author and license their new creations under the identical terms. When republishing on the web a hyperlink back to the original content source URL must be included.","creator":"@type":"Person","@id":" ","name":"Simeon Netchev","url":" ","sameAs":[" -netchev/"],"image":" _photos/150-simeonnetchev.jpg","description":"Simeon is a freelance visual designer with a deep interest in the human side of history.\r\nHe believes that every image should be an interaction, a commentary, and a narrative, and every map should lead on an exciting journey of exploration and discovery.","jobTitle":"Graphic Designer","worksFor":" ","creditText":"Simeon Netchev / World History Encyclopedia","dateModified":"2023-12-20T13:32:56+0000","datePublished":"2021-06-30T08:13:57+0000","encodingFormat":"image/png","headline":"Scythian Territorial Expanse, c. 700-300 BCE","height":2790,"isAccessibleForFree":true,"isFamilyFriendly":true,"isPartOf":" ","license":" -nc-sa/4.0/","mainEntityOfPage":" -territorial-expanse-c-700-300-bce/","publisher":" ","representativeOfPage":false,"url":" -territorial-expanse-c-700-300-bce/","width":4961
Much of what is learned about Scythian culture comes from recent kurgan finds north of the Black Sea. While ancient written sources focus on their nomadic warlike character, Scythian burial goods add another layer of understanding to their remarkable cultural sophistication and social vibrancy. Besides the level of intricate craftsmanship in glittering gold, many pieces tell a life story and so a comb is not just a comb but is crafted to show warriors in fierce combat. A pectoral or gorget, from the Tolstaya mogila kurgan, that shows in the upper register, with exquisite segmented detail, scenes from daily life: the milking of a ewe, two men sewing a shirt, calf and colts nursing. In contrast, the lower register displays dramatic prey/predator scenes of cats taking down a stag and griffins biting and clawing at horses. Then in choice places toward the neck are miniature goats, rabbits, dogs, grasshoppers, and birds.
In religion there appears some evidence of star-worship. The deitiesseem to have been conceived as a kind of celestrial court of Shang Ti,as his "officials". In the field of material culture, horse-breedingbecomes more and more evident. Some authors believe that the art ofriding was already known in late Shang times, although it was certainlynot yet so highly developed that cavalry units could be used in war.With horse-breeding the two-wheeled light war chariot makes itsappearance. The wheel was already known in earlier times in the form ofthe potter's wheel. Recent excavations have brought to light burials inwhich up to eighteen chariots with two or four horses were foundtogether with the owners of the chariots. The cart is not a Chineseinvention but came from the north, possibly from Turkish peoples. It hasbeen contended that it was connected with the war chariot of the NearEast: shortly before the Shang period there had been vast upheavals inwestern Asia, mainly in connection with the expansion of peoples whospoke Indo-European languages (Hittites, etc.) and who became successfulthrough the use of quick, light, two-wheeled war-chariots. It ispossible, but cannot be proved, that the war-chariot spread throughCentral Asia in connection with the spread of suchIndo-European-speaking groups or by the intermediary of Turkish tribes.We have some reasons to believe that the first Indo-European-speakinggroups arrived in the Far East in the middle of the second milleniumB.C. Some authors even connect the Hsia with these groups. Inany case, the maximal distribution of these people seems to have been tothe western borders of the Shang state. As in Western Asia, a Shang-timechariot was manned by three men: the warrior who was a nobleman, hisdriver, and his servant who handed him arrows or other weapons whenneeded. There developed a quite close relationship between the noblemanand his chariot-driver. The chariot was a valuable object, manufacturedby specialists; horses were always expensive and rare in China, and inmany periods of Chinese history horses were directly imported fromnomadic tribes in the North or West. Thus, the possessors of vehiclesformed a privileged class in the Shang realm; they became a sort ofnobility, and the social organization began to move in the direction offeudalism. One of the main sports of the noblemen in this period, inaddition to warfare, was hunting. The Shang had their special huntinggrounds south of the mountains which surround Shansi province, along theslopes of the T'ai-hang mountain range, and south to the shores of[Pg 26] theYellow river. Here, there were still forests and swamps in Shang time,and boars, deer, buffaloes and other animals, as well as occasionalrhinoceros and elephants, were hunted. None of these wild animals wasused as a sacrifice; all sacrificial animals, such as cattle, pigs,etc., were domesticated animals.
It must not be simply assumed, as is often done by the Chinese and someof the European historians, that the Turkish and Mongolian tribes wereso savage or so pugnacious that they continually waged war just for thelove of it. The problem is much deeper, and to fail to recognize this isto fail to understand Chinese history down to the Middle Ages. Theconquering Chou established their garrisons everywhere, and thesegarrisons were surrounded by the quarters of artisans and by thevillages of peasants, a process that ate into the pasturage of theTurkish and Mongolian nomads. These nomads, as already mentioned,pursued agriculture themselves on a small scale, but it occurred to themthat they could get farm produce much more easily by barter or byraiding. Accordingly they gradually gave up cultivation and became purenomads,[Pg 36] procuring the needed farm produce from their neighbours. Thisabandonment of agriculture brought them into a precarious situation: iffor any reason the Chinese stopped supplying or demanded excessivebarter payment, the nomads had to go hungry. They were then virtuallydriven to get what they needed by raiding. Thus there developed a mutualreaction that lasted for centuries. Some of the nomadic tribes livingbetween garrisons withdrew, to escape from the growing pressure, mainlyinto the province of Shansi, where the influence of the Chou was weakand they were not numerous; some of the nomad chiefs lost their lives inbattle, and some learned from the Chou lords and turned themselves intopetty rulers. A number of "marginal" states began to develop; some ofthem even built their own cities. This process of transformation ofagro-nomadic tribes into "warrior-nomadic" tribes continued over manycenturies and came to an end in the third or second centuryB.C.
At this time the eastern part of North China was entirely in the handsof Shih Lo, a former follower of Liu Yüan. Shih Lo had escaped fromslavery in China and had risen to be a military leader amongdetribalized Huns. In 310 he had not only undertaken a great campaignright across China to the south, but had slaughtered more than 100,000Chinese, including forty-eight princes of the Chin dynasty, who hadformed a vast burial procession for a prince. This achievement addedconsiderably to Shih Lo's power, and his relations with Liu Ts'ung,already tense, became still more so. Liu Yüan had tried to organize theHun state on the Chinese model, intending in this way to gain efficientcontrol of China; Shih Lo rejected Chinese methods, and held to the oldwarrior-nomad tradition, making raids with the aid of nomad fighters. Hedid not contemplate holding the territories of central and southernChina which he had conquered; he withdrew, and in the two years 314-315he contented himself with bringing considerable expanses innorth-eastern China, especially territories of the Hsien-pi, under hisdirect rule, as a base for further raids. Many Huns in Liu Ts'ung'sdominion found Shih Lo's method of rule more to their taste than livingin a state ruled by officials, and they went over to Shih Lo and joinedhim in breaking entirely with Liu Ts'ung. There was a further motive forthis: in states founded [Pg 124]by nomads, with a federation of tribes as theirbasis, the personal qualities of the ruler played an important part. Thechiefs of the various tribes would not give unqualified allegiance tothe son of a dead ruler unless the son was a strong personality or gavepromise of becoming one. Failing that, there would be independencemovements. Liu Ts'ung did not possess the indisputable charisma of hispredecessor Liu Yüan; and the Huns looked with contempt on his courtsplendour, which could only have been justified if he had conquered allChina. Liu Ts'ung had no such ambition; nor had his successor Liu Yao(319-329), who gave the Hun Han dynasty retroactively, from its startwith Liu Yüan, the new name of "Earlier Chao dynasty" (304-329). Manytribes then went over to Shih Lo, and the remainder of Liu Yao's empirewas reduced to a precarious existence. In 329 the whole of it wasannexed by Shih Lo.
The Hsien-pi of the newly conquered east no longer belonged to anytribe, but only to military units. They were transferred as soldiers tothe Toba court and placed directly under the government, which was thusnotably strengthened, especially as the millions of peasants under theirChinese officials were also directly responsible to the centraladministration. The government now proceeded to convert also its ownToba tribes into military formations. The tribal men of noble rank werebrought to the court as military officers, and so were separated fromthe common tribesmen and the slaves who had to remain with the herds.This change, which robbed the tribes of all means of independent action,was not carried out without bloodshed. There were revolts of tribalchieftains which were ruthlessly suppressed. The central government hadtriumphed, but it realized that more reliance could be placed on Chinesethan on its own people, who were used to independence. Thus the Tobawere glad to employ more and more Chinese, and the Chinese pressed moreand more into the administration. In this process the differing socialorganizations of Toba and Chinese played an important part. The Chinesehave patriarchal families with often hundreds of members. When a memberof a family obtains a good position, he is obliged to make provision forthe other members of his family and to secure good positions for themtoo; and not only the members of his own family but those of alliedfamilies and of families related to it by marriage. In contrast the Tobahad a patriarchal nuclear family system; as nomad warriors with no fixedabode, they were unable to form extended family groups. Among them theindividual was much more independent; each one tried to do his best forhimself. No Toba thought of collecting [Pg 139]a large clique around himself;everybody should be the artificer of his own fortune. Thus, when aChinese obtained an official post, he was followed by countless others;but when a Toba had a position he remained alone, and so thesinification of the Toba empire went on incessantly.
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