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निराशीर्निर्ममो भूत्वा युध्यस्व विगतज्वरः।। (भ.गी.)
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1.12.14
Dear Colleagues,
This is an interesting debate. Many valuable observations have been made. I give my views, which more or less agree with those of Professor Bhate barring her conclusion, with due respect to all the scholars who have contributed to the discussion.
The paradigmatic structures of Vedic and Classical Sanskrit declension and conjugation are not radically different like, say, that of Prakrit and Sanskrit. Vedic has additional forms like accusative plural āsaḥ, ebhiḥ, the subjunctive, modal variations in non-present tenses etc. Decay in the form of quantitative loss within identical structures does not make fundamental difference when the phonemic structures are identical.
As I counted, barring seven sūtras, namely, 3.2.108 (perfect active participle with sad, vas, śrū); 4.1.62 (sakhī, aśiśvī), 3.141(143 addition of secondary suffix maya); 6.1.177(181 alternative accent in bhāṣā), 3.19 (20 non-occurrence of aluk before sthe); 7.2.88(deictic declension); 8.2.98 (pluti in bhāṣā) where bhāṣā has been explicitly mentioned as the language where the object word/phenomenon occurred, the sūtras either aim at both Vedic and Classical equally or only Vedic. And as the evidence of 6.1.177 shows this bhāṣā had accent.
Let us now assess the situation. There were variations in the dialects of the teachers. Bhāṣā too had its features. And this 'bhāṣā' accented with intonation its vowels that means even this had not moved away from Vedic as Classical Sanskrit with its stress, for which perhaps because of its normal oxytone character no need was felt to show marks, had.
That means vital common features existed between Vedic and bhāṣā while the elite dialects of the teachers must have been even closer to Vedic
Also it is noteworthy that 263 Pāṇinian sūtras have been collected by Bhaṭṭoji Dīkṣita in his Vaidikīprakrīyā for rules relating to word formation and phonology (3387-3649). Apart from that there are 329 sūtras on accent (3650-3978). Moreover, Pāṇini (3.1.80) approves kṛṇva which occurs only in the AV Paippalāda (Bhattacharya 2008: lvii). The sūtra had been made only to approve the roots kṛṇv and dhinv that is to say with their vikaraṇas. The purpose was to form the two words adhinvīt (Tāṇḍya-Mahābrāhmaṇa 4.10.1 ) and krṇva occurring in the AVP (12.20.2 etc.). The occurrence of some other exclusive AVP forms in the Aṣṭādhyāyī was pointed to by the present author in 1997 (xli) too. Many such exclusive Vedic words shall be foundin the Aṣṭādhyāyī outside Bhaṭṭoji Dīkṣita's Vaidikī- and Svaraprakriyā.
The first point to note is that Pāṇini was careful about exclusive Vedic words though he did miss some (Wackernagel-Renou 1957: 37). That, of course, does not prove his distance from the Vedic language, nor any insincerity. As Wackernagel mentions, that was caused by system constraints that means the oral mode, pedagogic concern etc. The contemporary elite language was close to Vedic and sometimes mildly differed in dialectal features from teacher to teacher. Even the language mentioned as bhāṣā had retained some salient features of the Vedic language like intonation. In effect, even if Pāṇini mainly drew from the language spoken around him, not an absolutely accurate observation, his grammar is as valid for Vedic as it is for the Classical Sanskrit.
All the above show Pāṇini's closeness to the Vedas. Now, it is true that Pāṇini (3.1.35) mentions the occurrence of the periphrastic perfect outside mantra (amantre) though this occurs in AVP 18.65.10 and AVŚ 18.2.27. But the reason for this was discussed in detail by me (2011:lxxxii -lxxxvii) : the manuscripts indicate that the funeral hymns of the AV were not available to outsiders.
Hence it is not fully correct to say that Pāṇini's object language was the one spoken around him. Also the standpoint of the Mīmāṃsakas that the Vedic and Classical Skt are not essentially different and are similarly meaningful cannot be brushed away.
I think these facts show that the Aṣṭādhyāyī is entitled to be called a Vedāṅga.
Sorry for the length of the note.
Best wishes
DB
3.12.14
Dear Colleagues,
Judging by its own nature and use, the Aṣṭādhyāyī has utility for learning both Classical and Vedic. For Buddhists like Jayāditya or Jinendrabuddhi learning the Aṣṭādhyāyī was indeed also for knowing the language of the Vedas but not for knowing Vedic ritual application. The secular use of Pāṇini's work, thus, has been demonstrated as a historical reality.
One may state that the Niruktaśāstra, which only tried to fit the mantras to prayers applicable in rituals through nirukti in disregard of grammar, was not secular. Unlike Yāska Pāṇini himself has not stated such a purpose. Rather he stands in opposition to the type of nirukti proposed by Yāska.
So I do not find anything to disagree with Professor Bhate on the secular character of the Aṣṭādhyāyī. As far as I understand Pāṇini did secularize the contemporary Śabdaśāstra.
Best
DB