Dear Shri Bhattacharjya,
On 2013-10-29, at 3:17 PM, you wrote:
>,,, the Dwarka Math stated in their article in "Vimarsh" published in the 19th century (i.e. during the British regime) that the copper plate inscription was with the Government. It obviously went to the Archaeology department of the British Government. Most likely Mr. Cunningham was the Head of that department in those days.<
(a) Pl give me an exact reference to the article and, when you can, a copy of it. In such matters, a historian much study the wording closely.
(b) If the claim of handing something over to the (essentially British) government is sufficient to attribute a very specific motive (something like 'suppression of the greater antiquity of Indian culture/history'), why should we not attribute, to the claimant, the motive 'he/they would not have been able to prove the antiquity of the inscription and, therefore, they are finding ways of arguing for the inscription's loss or disappearance'?
(c) Should a historian be satisfied with "obviously" and "most likely"? Is there not a story of a historian who saw two persons attacking each other right in front of him and found, after going to the court as a witness, that he had totally misunderstood the situation and convicted a wrong person in his mind?
(d) If Mr. Cunningham turned over the inscription to the Archaeology department, there would be some entry in the acquisitions register of how, when and from where it came to the Department. If Mr. Cunningham was so prejudiced and biased as to destroy the inscription or not hand it over to the Archaeology department, at least a few other cases of this kind of behaviour on his part, *proved beyond a reasonable doubt by competent historians with clear documentation,* should be pointed out.
(Incidentally, were all these foreigners traveling to difficult-to-reach places and occasionally living in uncomfortable conditions year after year only because they wished to deny India something or deprive India of its valuables? Were all of them persons without any genuine thirst for knowledge? If at least a few had this thirst, would they not have criticized or complained about the others lacking that thirst and having sinister motives? Evidence exists of some of the foreign researchers' Indian helpers not getting due credit or opportunity to publish their own views, but has it been proved that the malaise was so widespread or routine that it can be used as a reason without getting into any specifics of the case at hand?)
You further wrote:
>As regards the role of the linguists I showed that they are not infallible and in support of that I mentioned about the times of Lord Buddha and Lord Mahavira and of the languages used for recording their teachings, i.e., the Shuddha-Magadhi (or Pali) and ArdfhaMagadhi (or Jaina-Prakrt). The Mahayana literature was, of course in Sanskrt. Now I will give you another example as to how the linguist had been unable to help the historians whereas the historians are able to help the linguists. Linguists have pointed out the similarities in the literary style etc. of Ashvaghosha and Kalidasa and the linguists are baffled as to who preceded whom but one who knows ancient Indian history well would affirm that Ashwaghosha (a contemporary of Kanishka) of the 13th century BCE preceded Kalidasa. Here I am not talking of only one Kalidasa but of the Kalidasa-trayee.<
Failure in respect to a particular case ('Is the language of the inscription under consideration like Sanskrit in the 13th century B.C. or a later period?') needs to be established. A very general claim of fallibility can be made about any specialization. Do you know a specialist of Sanskrit, well-informed about Vedic Skt, Classical Skt etc. -- having a historical view of Skt language and literature, who has concluded that the language of the inscription is like some other text or group of texts that can reasonably be dated to the 13th century B.C. or an earlier period? If you do, kindly present his/her analysis. If you yourself are that kind of specialist, pl make a detailed case for the antiquity of the inscription text. And if you cannot meet these expectations either change your view (at least to 'no resolution is possible; the case must be left undecided') or discontinue this discussion.
In the remainder of your response, you agree with the principles of good historical research to which I wanted you to agree. I hope you will check if what you wrote (and will be writing) is in conformity with them.
Just to share with you and the forum what I have learned so far on some of the side issues you allude to (I will not be discussing these points in any future exchanges with you for want of time and because they are not really germane to the inscription issue):
(a) >Shuddha-Magadhi (or Pali) and ArdfhaMagadhi (or Jaina-Prakrt). The Mahayana literature was, of course in Sanskrt.<
(a1) Any language in use at any given time is a mixture of the old and new, of what it is native to it -- what it seems to have naturally inherited and what it seems to have taken over from other languages -- usually neighbouring languages. The historical classifications in such terms as ';suddha or pure is only relative.
(a2) Respectable linguists do not speak of Pali as Vi;suddha Maagadhii. In fact, several of them are uncertain about whether Paali is an Eastern Pkt or a Western Pkt. (I suppose you know that "Paali" is originally not a language name.) The 'ardha" in "Ardhamaagadhii" itself indicates that a mixed form of language is meant. No linguist sees the Skt of Mahaayaana literature as Skt in the same sense as in "Classical Skt." Scholars spoke of it as "hybrid" and some still employ the term in referring to it.
(b) >Linguists have pointed out the similarities in the literary style etc. of Ashvaghosha and Kalidasa and the linguists are baffled as to who preceded whom but one who knows ancient Indian history well would affirm that Ashwaghosha (a contemporary of Kanishka) of the 13th century BCE preceded Kalidasa. Here I am not talking of only one Kalidasa but of the Kalidasa-trayee.<
(b1) You presuppose what you need to prove ('A;
svagho.sa lived in the 13th century B.C.') to make your point.
(b2) Pointing out similarity of style linguistically is not the same as pointing out similarity in literary terms. The similarity of style pointed out between A;
svagho.sa and Kaalidaasa is mostly of the latter kind (e.g, it has been noted that the two authors employ similar tropes, details etc. in describing such scenes as that of a wedding procession).
(b3) I am personally not convinced that Kaalidaasa as the author of the works in which similar scene descriptions occur is later than A;
svagho.sa, but this is beside the point. I mention it only to suggest that the issue should not be treated as closed as you and several historians of Classical Skt literature have done. The question, 'Is there anything in Kaalidaasa's personality that would make him a Buddhist author?' needs to be asked.
(b3) I do not know what your understanding of the three Kaalidaasas (a possibility suggested by a verse of Råja-;sekhara in the 9th-10th century A.D.) is, but I would be surprised if one could prove all of them to be post-A;
svagho.sa without associating them with certain surviving texts on irrefutable grounds.
(c) >The Rajatarangini gives the chronological details, which the colonial historians rejected. Those historians also rejected the chronologies given in our Itihasa and Puranas. That itself shows that in the colonial times there were efforts to suppress the facts of ancient Indian history.<
(c1) Yes, in some cases the early historians were wrong in rejecting the chronology indicated by the Raaja-tara:ngi.nii, but, as far as I know, they generally did so under the influence of the historical understanding that was then prevailing, not because they wanted to suppress something or because they were colonial. Again, to say so would be an imputation of motive or of a consciously entertained bias. It will have to be proved through their wording or the testimony of their contemporaries. Scholars are not born or do not become omniscient. Their mistakes can be honest, too, and, like all of us, they can also be misled by what is known in their time or be imperfect in their knowledge. Only when these possibilities are ruled out and some kind of confirming objective evidence exists, we should accuse them of bias or such actions as suppressing.
(c2) I do not know of any historian of ancient India who has unqualifiedly rejected the chronologies found in the Itihaasa and Puraa.nas. They do reject them where the text is uncertain, is contradicted by other Puraa.nas, flies in the face of common-sense (e.g., 'King K ruled for a thousand years') or the number given is a conventional round number. Some do occasionally commit the error of setting aside an Itihaasa or Puraa.na statement simply because it does not agree with the conclusion of modern historian. However, on the whole, the work of scholars like Pargiter is still taken seriously. The more critical editions we get of the Puraa.nas, the better their use probably will be. The problem ultimately is that very little material has survived and significant gaps exist.
Time for me and my keyboard to rest.
astu diipaavali.h ;subhaa.
a.a.