Ashok Aklujkar
unread,Jun 11, 2014, 3:12:09 AM6/11/14Sign in to reply to author
Sign in to forward
You do not have permission to delete messages in this group
Either email addresses are anonymous for this group or you need the view member email addresses permission to view the original message
to bvpar...@googlegroups.com
My name has been mentioned more than once in this particular discussion. Hence I will participate, although the time is inconvenient to me, given the other deadlines I am facing (and have missed).
For sound historical conclusions one should, minimally, (a) take all evidence into consideration, particularly evidence coming from mutually independent sources, (b) explain, while citing evidence favourable to one's position, how any conflicting evidence that may be there could have come into existence, (c).attach greater value to objective pieces of evidence (colophons of manuscripts, features of diction (including presence or absence of compounds, command of standard grammar etc.), *explicitly stated* differences of views, and so on). To concentrate on only a few pieces of evidence or not to recognize the relative strengths, balaabala, of different kinds of evidence is not the proper way to reconstruct history.
Repeated revisiting of primary sources is also necessary. No matter how great an earlier scholar may be as a human being, as a teacher or as a figure in one's sampradaaya, a historian should not hesitate to check if what he or she said agrees with his/her and other sources -- books, inscriptions, coins, archaeological artifacts , etc. -- literally and precisely. In fact, dispassionate pursuit of scholarship should be viewed as the best way of showing respect for such persons. A person's being great in one field of human activity does not mean that that person should be accepted as an authority even in historical research (nor should historical research be thought of as the best thing one can do in life).
I make the preceding general observations in the hope that they will lead to better argumentation in the BVP and other lists concerned with history and in the hope that they will help in understanding the particulars I write below.
In the known sources, the VP author has never been referred to with the title raaja(n) as Prof. Madhav M. Deshpande has observed. There is thus a strain in connecting the VP author with the Raaja-vaarttika, if "raaja(n)" in the title of that work is taken as a reference to its author. Even if "bhart.r" in "Bhart.r-hari" is understood as a synonym of "raaja(n)," there would be the question, "Why is not the work mentioned as Bhart.r-vaarttika?"
Secondly, if we are going to make an exception in the case of "Bhart.r-hari," should we not make an exception in the case of "Bhart.r-mitra," "Bhart.r-me,n.tha," "Bhart.r-prapa:nca" etc.? Should we not extend to those names also the synonymity of "bhart.r" and "raajan"? If not, will we not be making an exception only to facilitate a particular preconceived conclusion? Will our argument not be circular?
There is no similarity of diction or style between the VP and the YD. (Terminology common to all or most Sanskrit ;saastra texts should not be used to claim similarity; it is distinctive features of diction and style in the VP that we need to demonstrate as existing in the YD.)
The YD quotes Dig-naaga/Di:n-naaga. Dig-naaga utilizes Bhart.r-hari's work, but Bhart.r-hari does not show awareness of Dig-naaga's work. Therefore, it is not possible to place Bhart.r-hari and the YD author in the same segment of time. (See the introduction of the best edition of the YD published so far, namely the one by Professors Albrecht Wezler and Shujun Motegi.) Note also that the YD author quotes VP verses with "aaha ca" as one would of a well-known old author (p. 7 of Pandeya's edition; 13 of the Wezler-Motegi edition).
The YD has vaarttika parts and their explanations. Its chapters are titled aahnikas. The model (or at least one major model) for its construction is Pata;njali's Mahaabhaa.sya. The title "Raaja-vaarttika" should refer to the vaarttikas in it, not to its whole text. This means that the YD author is very unlikely to be the same person as the Raaja-vaarttika author, unless it can be proved that the YD author was commenting on his own work. (I differ from what Wezler and Motegi have to say about the authorship of the YD).
Even in the case of the three verses quoted by Vaacaspati-mi;sra that are found in the YD, note that they are like a quotation between introductory verse 8 and introductory verse 12. The future tense in "kaartsnyenehaabhidhaasyate" of verse 12 forms a continuation of the future tense use in "iha vyaakhyaa kari.syate" of verse 8. (The verse numbers are 13 and 9 according to R.C. Pandeya'd edition.)
In the other work known as "Raaja-vaarttika", that of Akala:nka in the Jaina tradition, "raaja(n)" does not seem to refer to a particular author. There the word seems to have a sense similar to that of "raaja(n)" in "raaja-danta" etc. covered by Paa.nini 2.2.31. Even in the Saa:nkhya tradition, therefore, the meaning of "Raaja-vaarttika" could have been something like 'the principal or most prominent vaarttika text' (compare the use of "magisterial" for a study or scholarly contribution in English).
One should therefore not go on articulating possibilities basing oneself on a belief. One must first ascertain if the belief has any basis in primary sources. Also, to read a decisive force in very broad comparisons (illustrated by questions such as 'Could a grammarian have written a Saa:nkhya text?') is not of much use. People were, of course, at least as variously interested and as multi-talented in the past as they are now. Also, authors were not bound in the past only to express their preferred positions or to stick to a single scholarly interest if they are not so bound now.
I will not be participating further in this discussion if it continues only in the direction mentioned in the last paragraph.
a.a.