Rana Pagla: The Mental Movie Download In Mp4
Emmanuelle Riker
Beveridge et al. (96) detected 25 upregulated miRNAs in BA9 of SCZ subjects; of them, 10 miRNAs (let-7d, miR-128a, miR-16, miR-181b, miR-181a, miR-20a, miR-219, miR-27a, miR-29c, and miR-7) were validated with qPCR. They also revealed that the biogenesis of miR-181b was perturbed in SCZ possibly due to the altered expression of pri- and pre-miR-181b and miRNA biogenesis-related enzymes DGCR8, DROSHA, and DICER1. Kim et al. (97) detected 7 upregulated miRNAs in another prefrontal cortical area BA46 of SCZ subjects. Of them, miR-132 was highly expressed in the forebrain and was regulated by cAMP response element-binding (CREB) and extracellular signal regulated kinase (ERK) signaling. Both CREB and ERK are targets of antipsychotic drugs (91, 116). On the contrary, Miller et al. (101) reported downregulation of miR-132 in dlPFC of SCZ subjects. The authors found that NMDA antagonist, when administered to adult mice, resulted in lower expression of miR-132 in the prefrontal cortex. Since miR-132 is highly expressed in the postnatal period, a period of synaptic pruning thought to be related to the mechanism of neurodevelopmental susceptibility to SCZ through NMDAR signaling (91), it was concluded that dysregulation in miR-132 and associated target genes may contribute to the neurodevelopmental and morphological abnormalities shown in SCZ.
Mental health and its socio-political determinants are beginning to emerge from a shroud of silence and stigma into public discourse. There are several possible reasons for this, the most visible being the pandemic and the many narratives of suffering it brought to the fore from among the most vulnerable sections of society. Even before the pandemic, the relationship between social disadvantage and the mental health of certain communities and groups (some more than others) has been studied in the Indian context. Some examples of these include the mental health of women, homeless persons, Dalit, Bahujan, and Adivasi communities, and queer and trans persons. However, the mental health of Indian Muslims has been severely underrepresented and almost invisible within the mental health or development literature in India.
In a recent, first of its kind, study providing population-level evidence on caste, religion, and mental health in India, Gupta and Coffey report that Scheduled Castes and Muslims have worse self-reported mental health than higher caste Hindus and that Muslims are substantially more likely to report sadness and anxiety as compared to upper-caste Hindus, even after controlling for age, education, assets, expenditure, state of residence, and rural residence.1 Another study seeking to understand the impact of communal violence on mental health has indicated a higher prevalence of mental disorders among Muslims in the post-riot context.2 Similarly, studies from the Kashmir Valley point to high rates of mental disorders, including depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder, among Muslims in the context of chronic political conflict and exposure to multiple traumas.3
Dr. Samah Jabr, chair of the mental health unit at the Palestinian Ministry of Health, says the following in the context of using available/western categories of mental illness to describe the psychic experiences of Palestinian people:
The architecture of anti-Muslim violence includes social media with its calls for genocide against Muslims through the taking up of arms,21 circulation of videos, messages, and memes painting a dehumanising image of Muslim men as excessively virile and women as submissive,22 creation of apps auctioning off Muslim women,23 and incessant abuse targeted towards Muslim journalists and activists.24 The offline manifestation of such online hate campaigns was seen at the time of Delhi pogrom in 2020. Whatsapp and Facebook groups were instrumental in organising and mobilsing anti-Muslim sentiment and directing action by identifying and attacking Muslim neighbourhoods, places of business and persons.
Within these debates, the subject of mental health has not yet found major grounding. The existing scholarly literature on the relationship between communalism and mental health has focused on the diagnosis of mental illnesses such as PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) through a study of symptoms like sleeplessness, depression, and the inability to focus among riot victims. 29 Others have looked at the responsibility of the health care system in responding to the complexity of social, psychological and physical problems faced by sexual violence survivors of the 2002 Gujarat pogrom.30
Recent studies have also challenged the dominant methodology of identifying PTSD as the only mental health problem associated with going through a natural or social disaster. Instead, representation of communal violence in documentaries such as the Final Solution (2004) have provided key insights into the ways in which survivors craft narratives around their experience of suffering. They have identified the kinds of problems faced by the Gujarat pogrom victims: a feeling of being overwhelmed by losses, relational disruptions, forced identities, and the denial of justice and equity. 31 There have also been attempts by writers and journalists to document stories of distress faced by Muslims, especially the Muslim youth, in light of growing communalism in the country. 32
Taking from these recent attempts to narrativise the experience of distress created by communalism, this report seeks to problematise and broaden the conversations around mental health. The discourse on mental health has largely been dominated by the privileged, with its emphasis on the individual at the expense of excluding the effects of political violence on members of a persecuted community.33 In an interview with Bebaak Collective, Shamima Asghar,34 a mental health practitioner based in Bangalore, argued that mental health in its clinical practice can be extremely individualistic. She pointed out that mental health practice, as a way of dealing with trauma and suffering, does not investigate the root of violence but instead aims to mitigate its ill-effects on those impacted by it. It is a way of saying that the violence you endure will remain, you simply need to learn to live with it.
This report is the culmination of longer work done by Bebaak Collective on the question of health and communalism. Previously, we had studied the impact of communalisation of the COVID-19 pandemic on Indian Muslims, with a focus on how access to healthcare was blocked and disrupted by communal violence during the first lockdown. Bebaak, for the last two years, in collaboration with Mariwala Health Initiative, has been working with the Muslim community by providing them with a space to talk about their personal experience with anti-Muslim hatred, build community support, and access mental health services as well.
An all-pervading sense of being made to feel powerless in front of a fascist state and hateful ideology, which has forced several Muslim victims of communal violence to change how they live their lives, is the most important point that has emerged from our work. It is in these small changes as well as the more overt forms of deterioration in physical health and financial or material loss that the mental health of Muslims needs to be evaluated and located.
The mental health problems faced by Muslims can be addressed by mitigating the harm created by an increasingly communal social, political, and economic landscape. The role of civil society is crucial in ensuring that the legal system is held accountable for its treatment of Muslim victims of hate crimes. They also need to act as watchdogs by creating pressure on authorities to take appropriate action against instigators and perpetrators of communal violence.
We strive to provide the highest level of care to our patients following a full physical and psychosocial evaluation. Our services offer a complete array of psychiatric and psychological treatments, including cutting-edge forms of psychopharmacology; innovative types of individual, group, and family psychotherapy; psychological testing; and programs directed at assisting patients with special needs, such as addiction disorders or chronic mental illnesses. As an important service to our patients, we offer specialized divisions of Geriatric psychiatry, Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, and Addiction Psychiatry.
I fought it for three years before I finally decided to give Cognitive Behavioural Therapy a try. It worked for me. I can not vouch that it will help others, but I am speaking out publicly now, because I see so many others around me who struggle so much and not just against depression but the tiresome fighting against the stigma of mental health.
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