The
NYTimes Editorial Board states OUR BIGGEST FEAR:
TRUMP SITS ON THE NUCLEAR CODES "The world is
entering a dangerous new nuclear age. This
month, the New START treaty between the United
States and Russia — the last major restraint on
the world’s two largest nuclear arsenals —
expired. In its place, the Trump administration
is substituting a policy of vague threats and
dangerous brinkmanship that portends an
unconstrained arms race not seen since the
height of the Cold War.
President
Trump’s approach to this new, unbound era is
alarming in both its words and its mechanics.
Rather than preserving the stability that has
held for half a century, the administration is
weighing the deployment of more nuclear weapons
and, perhaps most recklessly, the resumption of
underground nuclear testing.
Times
Opinion and this editorial board have spent the
past two years documenting the terrifying
reality of these weapons in our series “At the
Brink.” We explored the catastrophic
consequences of a single detonation, the
forgotten victims of past testing and the
fragility of the systems meant to prevent the
unthinkable. The intention of that series was to
raise public awareness about the dangers of
nuclear weapons. Now that lack of awareness is
being exploited to abandon the last of the
international agreements that helped keep
humanity safe for decades and to pursue an
unchecked arms race.
The
administration seems to think that when it comes
to nuclear weapons, more is better. With New
START gone, the Navy is studying whether to
reopen disabled launch tubes on Ohio-class
submarines and load additional warheads on its
intercontinental ballistic missiles. The moves
could more than double today’s deployed arsenal.
Officials have also floated the idea of a “Trump
class” warship armed with nuclear-capable cruise
missiles.
The
logic provided by the State Department is that
the old treaty placed “unacceptable” constraints
on the United States and failed to account for
China’s growing arsenal. Although it is true
that China is expanding its nuclear forces,
ripping up existing guardrails with Russia in
hopes of coercing Beijing into a deal is a
strategy that has already failed. China has
repeatedly made clear that it has no interest in
negotiations while its arsenal is a fraction of
the size of America’s. By abandoning limits, Mr.
Trump is not forcing his rivals to the table; he
is inviting them to sprint alongside him.
His
disdain for American allies has also encouraged
them to consider expanding their own nuclear
promises. European leaders have begun to discuss
whether France, which has nuclear weapons,
should vow to protect other parts of Western
Europe from Russia, given the sudden
unreliability of the United States. “As long as
bad powers have nuclear weapons,” Prime Minister
Ulf Kristersson of Sweden told The Atlantic,
“democracies also need to be able to play.” A
larger nuclear umbrella for any country
increases the chances that a misunderstanding or
mistake will lead to devastation.
Especially
disturbing is the administration’s signal that
it may resume underground nuclear testing.
Thomas G. DiNanno, a senior State Department
official, recently said in Geneva that the
United States must “restore responsible
behavior” regarding testing. He was arguing that
Russia and China have already been cheating on
the testing moratorium — a claim for which
public evidence remains scarce and disputed. Mr.
Trump has previously stated that he wants to
resume detonations “on an equal basis” with our
adversaries.
We must
be clear about what this means: The United
States has not conducted an explosive nuclear
test since 1992. To do so now would be strategic
malpractice. As we noted in “At the Brink,” the
United States has conducted more than 1,000
nuclear tests — about as many as all other
nations combined. We possess a trove of data
that allows us to maintain our arsenal through
computer modeling without detonating a single
charge. The technological gains from new tests
are negligible compared with the geopolitical
damage. It would shatter a global norm and
almost certainly trigger reciprocal tests by
Russia and China, allowing those countries to
improve their own warheads.
Furthermore,
the human cost of the testing era cannot be
ignored. Our series documented the scars left on
the people of the Marshall Islands and those in
the American West who suffered from cancer and
displacement from the radioactive fallout of the
20th century. To reopen the door to explosive
testing is to invite a return to environmental
damage and the abdication of our morals.
This
administration has options to reverse course.
First, Mr. Trump should refrain from ordering a
resumption of explosive nuclear testing.
Second,
the United States should commit to an informal
one-year mutual adherence to New START limits
with Russia, even in the absence of a treaty.
President Vladimir Putin offered such an
extension previously; Mr. Trump should test that
offer rather than dismiss it. This would buy
time for the better agreement that Mr. Trump
claims to want, without unleashing a
free-for-all in the interim.
Third,
the administration must stop using the potential
threat of China as an excuse to start an arms
race with Russia. Today, the United States and
Russia each have roughly a six-to-one warhead
advantage over China — and arsenals that are
more than capable of destroying any nation on
earth many times over. The notion that New START
is a disadvantage to the United States is wrong.
Finally,
Congress must reassert its role. The president
of the United States currently possesses the
sole, unchecked authority to launch a nuclear
war. In an era of rising tension and decaying
treaties, leaving the fate of the world to the
judgment of a single person — whoever it is — is
a risk no democracy should tolerate.