The Story of Kashmir Affairs - A Peep into the Past
by Triloki Nath
Dhar
Koshur Samachar
IN 1320 Rencana, a Ladakhi prince, got
king of Kashmir, Ramchandra, killed
by a strategem and seized the throne of
Kashmir. He requested prominent
Kashmiri Brahmins for his conversion to
Hinduism but his wish was impolitely
turned down. This was the heinous
and unpardonable mistake committed by the
Kashmiri Brahmins. Renchana
embraced Islam under the guidance of Bulbul
Shah who had arrived in Kashmir
with not more than 100 companions. He
assumed the name Sultan Sadar-ud- din.
He lived only for 3 years.
In 1339 Shah Mir, by treachery, succeeded in
wresting the throne from Kota
Rani and became king under the title Sultan
Shamas-ud-din.
In 1389 Sultan Sikander sat on the throne of
Kashmir. His reign heralded the
darkest period for Kashmiri Hindus. Forcible
conversions, killings,
destruction of temples and exquisite monuments and
mass migrations of Hindus
were the distinguishing features of his rule. Once,
when Hindus were fleeing
through southern Kashmir his soldiers took positions
at a gully leading to
Kishtwar and whoever came to escape through the gully
was done to death. It
is during the reign of Sultan Sikandar that Hazrat Shah
Hamdaan arrived in
Kashmir with 700 Sayyads.
Kashmiri Pandits found persecution almost mitigated
during the reign of
Zain-ul-abidin (1420- 70) who left no stone unturned to
rehabilitate them.
This change was wrought in him by Shri Bhat, a learned
Brahmin and
physician, who cured the king of a deadly disease. The king
desired the
Brahmin to ask for something precious for the service rendered.
Shri Bhat
told the king that he had no need for anything except that his
bretheren
devastated, killed and scattered be rehabilitated and allowed to
preach and
practise their religion without any hitch or hinderance. The king
granted
his wish and was true to his word.
With the passing away of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin a
most obnoxious period of
intrigues and conspiracies prevailed in Kashmir
which culminated in the
ascendancy of the most intolerant Shia regimes.
During Moosa Rana's
terrorsome reign 40,000 Kashmiri Pandit families were
converted to Shiaism.
The rite of circumcision of converted Kashmiri Pandits
was performed on a
mass scale at Idgah ground in Srinagar. Almost every
Shiatie Muslim in
Kashmir is a descendant of a forcibly converted Kashmiri
Pandit. During the
rule of Chaks Kashmir came under the grip of a
terrible famine in 1576-78 in
which half of the population died.
Annexation of Kashmir to Mughal Empire
Akbar the Great annexed Kashmir to his empire in
1589 by a deceiptful
military adventure. During 120 years of Mughal Rule
Kashmiri Hindus, as
usual, were suffering persecution but with lesser pain
depending upon the
disposition of the Mughal Governor. During 1671-75
persecution of Brahmins
by Governor Iftikar Khan makes a woeful tale.
However, during the Mughal
rule Kashmiri Hindus had the opportunity to
migrate to the planes of
Hindostan and they did avail of such opportunities
and attained to high
positions at several places.
Afgan Occupation of Kashmir
Mughal Rule was followed by 67 years of Afgan
occupation. This period was
the most tormenting period for the Kashmiris.
Governor Lal Khan Khattak and
Faqir Ullah got hundreds of Kashmiri Pandits
killed. During governor ship of
Haji Karim Dad Khan and Assad Khan the
sufferings of the Kashmiris reached
climax. Assad Khan would rip the bellies
of the people like a surgeon.
Assad Khan was followed by Atta Moh'd Khan
whose lust for beautiful
Kashmiri women knew no bounds. Kashmiri Pandits were
the worst sufferers.
They fled to jungles and passed their days in hiding to
save their women
folk from molestation.
Sirdar Azim Khan ruled Kashmir for 6 years with
most crooked villainy and
terror. It was during his reign that a nobleman Pt.
Birbal Dhar accompanied
by his son, Raj Kak Dhar, stealthily left Kashmir for
Lahore to pray to
Maharaja Ranjit Singh to send his army for taking over
Kashmir so that the
Kashmiris groaning under the Afgan yoke could find
deliverance. When Sirdar
Azim Khan came to know of it he ordered Birbal's
wife and daughter-in-law,
who were in hiding, to be produced before him.
Birbal Dhar's son-in-law,
Telak Chand Munshi, fearing death penalty, provided
clue about the noble
ladies and they were summoned before Sirdar. Birbal
Dhar's wife commited
suicide. His daughter-in-law was molested and put in the
harem.
Sirdar Azim Khan was recalled to assist his brother
Fateh Moh'd Khan at
Qandhar. Before his departure he despatched his harem
(alongwith Birbal
Dhar's daughter-in-law) and properties worth two crores of
Rupees to Kabul
in charge of his Peshkar, Sahaj Ram Dhar. After some time
Azim Khan left for
Kabul. He handed over the authority of governance to his
younger brother,
Jabbar Khan. He took Pt. Suraj Ram Tikku son of Dewan Nand
Ram with him. At
Ganal he exhorted Pt. Suraj Ram Tikku to embrace Islam. Pt.
Suraj Ram Tikku
abused him for telling him so and was immediately done to
death.
Annexation of Kashmir to Sikh Empire
Maharaja Ranjit Singh took time to veer around
Birbal Dhar's reasoning for
taking over Kashmir by armed intervention. Pt.
Birbal Dhar then gave an
undertaking that in case of failure he would pay for
the loss incurred and
left his son Raj Kak Dhar in the Lahore Darbar as a
hostage in case the
campaign petered out.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh then sent 30,000 troops in
charge of Pt. Birbal Dhar
commanded among others by Raja Gulab Singh. Two
battles ensued one at the
top of Pir Panjal and the other at Shopyan Plateu.
Afgan Soldiery was
completely routed. Jabbar Khan was wounded and he fled
away. Thus Kashmir
passed into the hands of Maharaja Ranjit
Singh.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh bestowed honours and favours
on Pt. Raj Kak Dhar and
sent him back to Kashmir with dignity and honour.
Sikh Rule abided in
Kashmir from 1819 to 1846. The first Sikh Governor was
Dewan Moti Ram.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh through his genius, both as a ruler and
as a general,
had been able to carve out a viable sovereign Khalsa kingdom
comprising
provinces of Lahore, Kashmir, Multan and Peshawar.
Afganistan was part of India once upon a time but
was torn apart from the
mother country through cataclysms of historical
compulsions. Had Maharaja
Ranjit Singh not carved out a sovereign Khalsa
kingdom Panjab and Kashmir
would have become part of Afganistan.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh lacked some essential
elements of a far-sighted
statesman. It was because of this that immediately
after his death confusion
and anarchy gripped his descendants, nobility and
army commanders. English
seized this opportunity by the
forelock.
Transfer of Kashmir to Maharaja Gulab Singh
Commanders of the Sikh Army smelled a rat in the
strategic manoeuvres of the
British in the region. Also, Khalsa Army was
itching for a war. The outcome
was First Sikh War in which Sikhs suffered a
defeat because of the wile
treachery of its own commanders. War was brought
to an end by the Treaty of
Lahore on March 9, 1846.
As per Article 2 of the Treaty of Lahore Sikhs had
to pay war indemnity of
one and a half crores of Rupees. But they had only
Rupees fifty lacs.
Therefore, as equivalent of Rupees one crore they
transferred to the
Honourable East India Company in perpetual sovereignty all
the hill
countries which are between River Beas and Indus, including the
provinces of
Kashmir and Hazara. Subsequently, the English by the treaty of
Amritsar
concluded on March 16, 1846, transferred and made over for ever
in
"independent possession" to Maharaja Gulab Singh and heirs male of his
body,
Kashmir and Hazara, including Chamb for 75 lakhs of Rupees. The
transfer was
legally and actually flawless.
Muslim writers paint Sikh Rule in Kashmir in
darkest hues. Nevertheless, the
period was better than 67 years of Afgan
occupation and there were no
conversions by sword which characterised most of
Islamic regimes. Maharaja
Gulab Singh was able to launch successiul military
campaigns for annexing
Ladakh and Zanskar. The hero of these campaigns was
General Zoarawar Singh
who even marched upto Lahsa.
Maharaja Gulab Singh also annexed Gilgat, Chillas,
Dardistan and other
tribal areas to his kingdom. In all these campaigns
nearly 30,000 committed
soldiers, flower of Dogra manhood, laid down their
lives.
In 1858, Ranbir Singh son of Maharaja Gulab Singh
ascended the throne of J&K
State. On the death of Maharaja Ranbir Singh
in 1887 Maharaja Pratap Singh
assumed the rulership of the
State.
From 1860 Role of non-Kashmiri Muslims in
Fomenting Trouble in J&K State
Archival documents reveal that non-Kashmiri Muslims
living outside the State
of Jammu and Kashmir were actively conniving to
foment discontent among
Muslims in Kashmir against the Hindu Maharaja. This
outside interference
became intensified during the time of Maharaja Pratap
Singh. It was because
of this that in 1889 British people hatched a
conspiracy to dispossess
Maharaja Pratap Singh of his throne and annex the
J&K State to the British
India. Charges of misgovernment were levelled
against Maharaja Pratap Singh.
He was removed and a Council of Regency was
constituted to administer the
State. However, accusations against Maharaja
couldn't be substantiated. The
State was therefore restored to Maharaja
Pratap Singh after 16 years in
1905. This was a great achievement for
Dogras.
Struggle Launched by Kashmiri Pandits for a
Separate Home-land in Kashmir
During the administration of the Council of Regency
Strange and mysterious
things seemed to have happened. Kashmiri Pandits again
felt suffocated when
they saw virulent Muslim communalism reorganizing
itself. They submitted a
petition demanding separate Homeland for themselves
in the south of Kashmir.
What happened during the administration of the
Council of Regency needs a
thorough probe by the historians. However,
documents are likely to have been
stolen from Kashmir Archives.
Demographic Change In December, 1947, Ram
Manohar Lohia had indicated in
his Confidential Note that during the period
1887 to 1947, the Kashmiri
Pandit community had dwindled from one lac to
80,000 (a decrease of 20%)
whereas Muslim population had risen from five lacs
to twenty lacs (an
increase of 400%). This needs to be probed into by
the historians. Didn't
the British, in connivance with the non-Kashmiri
Muslim leaders residing
outside J&K State, give a fillip to Muslim influx
into Kashmir from
territories contiguous to the boundries of J&K
State?
20% decrease in the population of Kashmiri Pandits
could be attributed to
the silent exodus induced by the fear of the revival
of fatal Muslim
dominance as the tyrrany, loot, rape and slaughter by Afgans
was fresh in
their minds.
Maharaja Hari Singh
Maharaja Hari Singh ascended to the throne in 1927.
He was a unique Maharaja
who alone stood up at the Round Table Conference in
London in 1933 and
stoutly pleaded for a progressive approach to India's
aspirations for
political independence. In this manner he became an eye-sore
to the British
Administration in India.
Outside Muslims Foment Trouble in J&K
State
Outside Muslims including Sir Mohammad Iqbal had
been consistently
derogating in public the Treaty of Amritsar (1846) by which
Maharaja Gulab
Singh acquired Kashmir and other parts. Therefore, non-
Kashmiri Muslims
considered it a religious duty to foment trouble in Kashmir
for stirring up
Muslim population against Dogra Rule.
On June 25,1931, a congregation was held in the
compound of Khankah-i-Moula
in Srinagar. A non- Kashmiri Muslim who had
entered into the State was
delivering a venomous attack on Dogra Maharaja and
exhorting the
congregation not to rest till the palace of the Maharaja was
razed to the
ground. The stranger was arrested by the police for preaching
sedition. His
trial was fixed in the premises of Central Jail, Srinagar, on
July 13, 1931.
A massive Muslim mob assembled outside the Central Jail. They
were rending
the air with slogans against Dogras, Kafirs and Hindus. At one
stage they
violently surged forward to crash open the gate. After firing in
the air,
the authorities were compelled to fire upon berserk mob. Over 20
people
died. The mob now directed their ire towards Kashmiri Pandits. Some
Kashmiri
Pandits were killed in Chadoora Tehsil. However, effective
police
arrangements prevented large scale destruction. Chowdhury Ghulam Abba
and
Sheikh Mohamrnad Abdullah, Secretary Muslim Youngmen's Association,
were
arrested. Only after a few days they tendered unconditional apology
with
oath of loyalty to the Maharaja. As a gesture of goodwill Maharaja
ordered
their immediate release.
Fissure Develops between Sheikh Abdullah and
Moulvi Yusuf
Shah Sheikh Abdullah's oath of loyalty to the
throne was resented to by the
masses. Mirwaize Moulvi Yousuf Shah tried to
seize the opportunity for
taking Ieadership into his own hands. He resorted
to rabble- rousing with
the cry to JEHAD. However, he was summoned in
audience by the Maharaja.
Moulvi Yousuf Shah was so much impressed by the
magnanimity of Maharaja that
he swore unstinted loyalty to the throne. Muslim
leaders outside J&K State
felt crest- fallen. They constituted a Kashmir
Committee at Shimla and
Khalifa Bashir Ahmad Qadyani was made its President.
However, Mr.
BashirAhmed was removed for being a Qadyani and Sir Mohammad
Iqbal was
elected as President of the Kashmir Committee.
Outside volunteers were sent for fomenting trouble
in Kashmir but tussel for
leadership between Shaikh Moh'd Abdullah and
Mirwaiz Moulvi Yussuf Shah
which had taken a serious turn engaged the
attention of the masses.
Therefore, outside instigation could not be fully
etfective.
Viceroy's State Visit to Kashmir
In 1933 Viceroy of India was on a state visit to
KashmirMuslim leaders
submitted a memorandum to him alleging atrocities
perpetrated by Dogra
Rulers on Kashmiri Muslims. After the departure of
Viceroy these leaders
were temporarily banished from the State. There were
riots and disturbances.
Maharaj appointed a Commission of Enquiry presided
over by Justice Dalal,
Chief Justice of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court.
Sheikh Abdullah and his
followers refused to cooperate with this commission
because they said that
the Commission was composed of people who were in
State service and could
not, theretore, function impartially.
Sheikh Abdullah Abjures Communal Politics:
In 1939 Sheikh Moh'd Abdullah gave up exclusive
communal politics and
changed the nomenclature of his party from Muslim
Conference (which was not
a branch of Indian Muslim League) to National
Conference (as dlstinct from
lndian National Congress). Perhaps Sheikh Moh'd
Abdullah felt that adopting
the policy of All India Muslim League would not
serve his interests which he
identified with the interests of the Kashmiri
People. Getting cue from Sir
Mohammed Iqbal, Sheikh Abdullah never reconciled
to the fact that Maharaja
possessed Kashmir by virtue of the Treaty of
Amritsar under which Maharaja
Gulab Singh took possession of Kashmir by
paying 15 lakhs of Rupees and
saved the Sikh State from humiliation by the
British. It was also lost sight
of that Sikhs had delivered Kashmir out of
the foreign yoke by a bravely
fought battle. Also, Treaty of Amritsar
continued to be an eye-sore for
other top-ranking Muslim leaders. Sheikh
Abdullah was feeling that by
translating into actual practice the
anti-Islamic Communist doctrine of
transferring proprietorship of land to the
tiller a milestone would be
crossed towards mitigation of effects of the
Treaty of Amritsar (1846). For
this purpose he purchased the services
of a communist ideologue Shri B.P.L.
Bedi and his French wife Freda
Bedi. New Kashmir document was framed and
published under the guidance
of Shri B.P.L. Bedi. New Kashmir programme
became as important for the
National Conference as Communist Manifesto was
for international
communism.
Quit Kashmir Movement (1946)
In 1946 Cabinet Mission had been sent to India by
the British Government.
Muslim League was employing all its tactics to woo
Kashmiri Muslims.
National Conference, however, continued propagating against
Muslim
Conference on the plea that its composition was of non-Kashmiri
Muslims. Mr.
Moh'd Ali Jinah had paid a visit to the Valley in 1945 but
masses in general
under the tutelage of National Conference cold-shouldered
him. At some
places there were anti-demonstrations. Events were fast moving
on the Indian
scene. Labour Party in England had affirmed granting of
independence to
India. Sheikh Moh'd Abdullah had smelt some rat in the visit
of Mr. Mohammed
Ali Jinah. He launched Quit Kashmir movement warning
Dogras to abdicate
Kashmir all at once. The slogan of the movement was:
Bainama Amritsar tod
do, Kashmir chod do (Abrogate Treaty of Amritsar and
vacate Kashmir). This
was a movement for the separation of Kashmir from the
J&K State created by
the sagacious genius of Maharaja Gulab Singh and
nurtured by the blood of
30,000 Dogras during a span of 100 years. Treaty of
Amritsar was the corner
stone on which the edifice of J&K State was built
and Quit Kashmir movement
launched by Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah wanted to
dynamite that edifice. It was
a naivete on the part of Mr. Nehru to lend
unstinted personal support to
Sheikh Moh'd Abdullah for launching the
movement.
Sheikh Abdullah and other leaders of the
National Conference were
immediately arrested.Messers G.M. Bakhshi and G.M.
Sadiq fled to Lahore. Mr.
J.L. Nehru dashed to Srinagar for pleading Sheikh
Abdullah's case. He was
arrested at Kohala Bridge and he was compelled to go
back.
J&K Government of Maharaja Hari Singh
stoutly stood against the breaking of
Jammu and Kashmir State but Maharaja
Hari Singh earned the deep rooted
enemity of Mr. Nehru and his coterie in the
Indian National Congress. India
at that time was moving towards a communal
holocaust.
Partition of India
India was partitioned into dominions of India and
Pakistan from 15th August,
1947, as per Indian Independence Act, 1947, which
after having been passed
by the British Parliament received assent of the
British Monarch in August,
1947. As per provisions of the Indian Independence
Act, with the lapsing of
the British paramountcy all the native princely
states became independent
with sovereignty vesting in the ruling prince.
Princes were free to accede
to any dominion and Maharaja of Jammu and
Kashmir, under whatever
circumstances, aceeded to the Dominion of
India. If this accession is
challenged then the existence of Pakistant
is also to be challenged.
Sheikh Abdullah Set Free
Sheikh Abdullah was in prison. Lord Mountbatten
also paid a visit to Kashmir
in July, l947. Mr. Nehru's ill will towards
Maharaja Hari Singh contracted
at the time of Quit Kashmir movement was also
a stumbling block. In July,
1947, Pandit Ramchander Kak, Prime Minister of
Jammu and Kashmir, went to
Delhi to ascertain the modalities of accession.
Sardar Patel told him that
he did not want accession of Kashmir against
peoples' will.
Maharaja Hari Singh had no evil intention. He sent
emissaries to Sheikh
Abdullah while he was in jail. Sheikh Abdullah
again showed himself as a
Machiavellian politician. He addressed a letter
dated September 26,1947, to
Maharaja Hari Singh begging pardon and in the
last para stating: "Before I
close this letter I beg to assure your Highness
once again of my steadfast
loyalty and pray that God under your Highness'
aegis bring such an era of
peace, prosperity and good government that it may
be second to none and be
an ideal for others to copy. This was the second
time Sheikh Abdullah begged
pardon of Maharaja Hari Singh. The first was in
1931.
Maharaja again showed his magnanimity. He got
Sheikh Abdullah released only
after two days i.e. on 29th of September, 1947.
Standstill Agreement and Pakistan Invasion
Right up from Quit Kashmir movement in April, 1946,
Maharaja was feeling
that he was spurned by Congress leaders. To enable
himself to weigh in a
judicious manner the pros and cons of any type of
relationship with either
India or Pakistan or with both he needed time. He,
therefore, sent a
telegram to Governors General of both the countries for a
Standstill
Agreement for 6 months. However, Pakistan Army had already planned
seizure
of Kashmir by force under the code name "Operation Gulmarg". 500,000
tribals
and army personnel were moving towards the borders of Jammu
and
Kashmir. Along the Jammu border nearly 20,000 Hindus and Sikhs
were
slaughtered. 5000
women were taken away and a large number of them
were raped and tortured.
When 30,000 refugees conglomerated in Jammu Province
there was a backlash
from Hindus. At Muzaffarabad there was a small army
contingent of the State
under Major Narayan. It had Muslims and Dogras in
equal numbers. Muslims
mutinied and killed all the Dogras alongwith Major
Narayan. By this time
i.e. October 22, 1947, large mass of tribesmen, army
men in plain clothes
armed with sophisticated weapons were moving
along
Rawalpindi-Murree-Baramulla Road. Maharaja Hari Singh ordered
Brigadier
Rajender Singh with only 150 men to halt the enemy who were moving
like ants
towards Srinagar. The then Prime Minister of J&K
State Mr. Meherchand
Khanna wrote to Sardar Patel : "Practically the whole of
our Muslim military
and police has eighter deserted or has not behaved in the
proper manner. The
help which you promised has not arrived. We are surrounded
on all sides."
Brigadier Rajender Singh counts among the greatest
soldiers of the world.
With only 150 men he delayed the advance of the enemy
by 3 days. He died on
October 25, 1947, and the truculent marauders, who had
already left a trial
of slaughter, arson, loot and rape, advanced on the dead
body of Brigadier
Rajender Singh.
In the first week of October '47 Sheikh Mohammed
Abdullah had sent an
emissary (Mr. G.M. Sadiq) to Pakistan to discuss with
its leaders the future
of J&K State. While Mr. G.M. Sadiq was on his
return journey having
discussed the matter with the Prime Minister of
Pakistan he came to know of
the clandestine agression of Pakistan whose
rapacious tribal shooters and
army personnel had already penetrated deep into
the boundaries of the J&K
State. The National Conference leaders
considered it a breach of trust and a
challenge to the self-respect of
Kashmiris and since the organisation was
deeply entrenched at the grass-root
level amongst the masses the entire
population was electrified with repulsion
for Pakistan. There was resistance
everywhere offered to the advancing enemy
and the slogan was: Hamla-awar
Khabardar, Ham Kashmiri hain tayar (Beware
Aggressor, we Kashmiris are ready
to defeat you).
By 2nd October Pakistani tribal marksmen and army
regulars arrived at the
outskirts of Srinagar. Was it advisable for Maharaja
Hari Singh to stay in
Srinagar? Supposing he was killed or captured who would
sign the Instrument
of Accession as per provisions of the Indian Independence
Act. The Maharaja
was advised by Lord Mountbatten to leave Srinagar. So he
left Srinagar
during night. The whole of Srinagar had been plunged into night
darkness as
the invaders had blasted power house at Mohra.
On 26th October, 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh signed
the Instrument of
Accession. It was forwarded to the Government of India. In
the covering
letter Maharaja mentioned that notwithstanding that Pakistan had
accepted
the Standstill Agreement it cut off supplies like food, salt and
petrol to
the State and pushed into its boundaries afridis (tribals),
soldiers in
plain clothes and desperadoes armed with most modern weapons. It
was
indicated that the agressor had infiltrated at several points along
the
boundary. Maharaja further added that the Mohra Power House which
supplied
electricity to Srinagar had been blasted and the aggressor had
indulged in
wanton destruction of life and property and kidnapping and raping
of women
had been going on unchecked. Maharaja further stated that for saving
his
people he had no option but to accede to the Dominion of India.
Maharaja
concluded his letter by requesting immediate assistance for saving
the
State. Instrument of Accession was accepted by the Government of India
on
October 27,1947 and Indian troops set foot in Srinagar on the same day
to
drive away the Satanic invaders. Lord Mountbatten on being informed of
the
landing of Indian troops at Srinagar wrote to Sardar Patel: "there is
no
doubt that if we could have sent our forces a fortnight ago....the
position
could have been held with comparative ease."
Ouster of Maharaja Hari Singh
Prime Minister kept Kashmir Affairs within PMO
which was resented to by
Sardar Patel. Shri Nehru snubbed him by stating that
as Prime Minister he
had to bring co-ordination of various
ministries.
Maharaja Hari Singh continued to be the
constitutional Head of the State. He
appointed Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah
as the Nagion e-alia . However, Maharaja
wanted his nominee Meher Chand
Khanna to preside over cabinet
meetings. Sheikh Abdullah flouted this idea.
When the matter was
brought to the notice
of Shri J.L. Nehru he dubbed
Maharaja Hari Singh as "terribly short-sighted"
an obnoxious epithet. Such
epithets Mr. Nehru often used against his
opponents. Finally, Sardar Patel
was used for the ouster of Maharaja Hari
Singh.
Sardar bullied Maharaja by stating that in view of
the peculiar situation
obtaining at that time and because of reference to UNO
and Plebscite issue
he should absent himself from the State and make Yuvraj
Karan Singh his
Regent. Maharaja receded from the field never to
return.
Lord Mountbatten's Advice
By December, 1947, Indian troops had cleared
Kashmir Valley of Pakistani
regulars and armed bandits who had left behind a
trail of unprecedented
death and devastation. On November 16, 1947,
Sher-i-Kashmir Sheikh Moh'd
Abdullah had said, "These raiders abducted women.
They massacred children.
They looted everything and every one. They converted
mosques into brothels
and today every Kashmiri loathes the invading tribesmen
and their arch
inspirers who have been responsible for such horrors in a land
which is
peopled with an overwhelming majority of Musalmans."
It was on the advice of Lord Mountbatten as
admitted by him in his letter
dated August 15,1948, that the aggression
committed by Pakistan was referred
to the UN Security Council. It was again
Lord Mountbatten who advised Mr.
Nehru not to risk war for retaking the
territory of J&K State occupied by
Pakistan. He frightened Mr.
Nehru that such a step might force U.N.O. to
outlaw India.
The issue of Pakistani armed intervention in
Kashmir was referred to the UN
Security Council on March 18, 1948. After a
long debate in the Security
Council, it was decided to send a Commission to
India. The UN Commission
arrived in Delhi in March 1948 and had talks with
the governments of India
and Pakistan. Pakistan admitted that its armies were
fighting in Kashmir.
On August 13,1948, the Security Council
adopted a resolution proposing
cessation of hostilities and asking Pakistan
to vacate the territory it
occupied and restoring to the Government of India
jurisdiction over the
entire State of Jammu and Kashmir and thereafter
arranging for a fair and
impartial plebiscite. India was required to withdraw
the bulk of its forces
only after it was notified by the Commission that
Pakistan had totally
withdrawn its forces, personnel and nationals from the
State. It was,
therefore, the duty of the UN Commission to ensure that
Pakistan did
completely withdraw its forces and personnel and nationals from
the State. The
Commission subsequently assured India that the plebiscite
proposal would not
be binding upon India if the Pakistan did not withdraw its
forces from the
State.
Sher-e-Kashmir in Dilemma
From 1949 onwards, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, called
Sher-e-Kashmir, who had
launched a communal agitation in 1931 and the Quit
Kashmir Movement in 1946
to wrench away Muslim-majority areas of Kashmir
Province from the State,
started to consolidate his grip over the entire
State.
A ceasefire became effective in January 1949, but
Abdullah was mentally
succumbing to his former ideologies. The conflict was
becoming irresistible.
The sovereignty of the State after the departure of
the British Raj vested
in Maharaja Hari Singh. After getting himself
appointed by the Maharaja as
the Prime Minister, he succeeded in catapulting
the Maharaja out of the
field of influence through the grace of Pandit Nehru
and the bullying
tactics of Sardar Patel.
In an interview with Michael Davidson published in
Scotsman of April 14,
1949, Abdullah said: "Accession to either side cannot
bring peace. We want
to live in peace with both the dominions; perhaps a
middle path between them
will be the only way of doing it. But an independent
Kashmir must be
guaranteed by Britain, the USA and other members of the U.N."
So Abdullah
(like the Maharaja who was initially for independence) was
dreaming of an
independent Kashmir.
Article 370 in Indian Constitution
The Constituent Assembly was framing the
Constitution of India. Abdullah was
nominated in it as the Member, with three
others, to represent Kashmir. He
wanted quite a distinct position for the
State in the Constitution. He
wanted the entire State to be a republic within
a republic. Patel felt a bit
baffled. On October 16, 1949, he wrote to Shri
Gopalaswamy Ayyangar:
"Whenever Sheikh Sahib wishes to back out, he always
confronts us with his
duty towards the people. Of course, he owes no duty to
India or to the
Indian Government or even on personal basis to you and the
Prime Minister
who have gone all out to accommodate him...."
Abdullah wrote a threatening letter to Ayyangar on
October 17, 1949, which
in conclusion stated: "In case I fail to hear from
you within a reasonable
time, I regret to say that no course is left open but
to tender our
resignation from the Constituent Assembly." Nehru succumbed to
pressure and
got Article 370 inserted in the Constitution as a temporary
measure.
Abdullah failed to have any regard for the people of Ladakh or the
people of
the Jammu region.
Article 370 sprouted as a hefty tree bearing
poisonous seeds of secession
and separatism and paranoid hatred which the
winds of time have been
scattering all over India. These poisonous
seeds began to germinate in the
soils of Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Bihar,
Panjab, the North-East and at many
other places. The political thinking of
the constituents of the United
Front, now in power in India, is the paranoid
effect of the gases which
these germinating trees are exhaling into the
atmosphere.
Ladakh was and is a distinct entity. It is a region
of barren crags and sand
dust. The redoubtable valour of Gen. Zoarawar Singh
was instrumental in
annexing this region to the kingdom of Maharaja Gulab
Singh in 1841. The
Ladakh Buddhist Association had submitted a memorandam to
the Indian Prime
Minister in 1947 and later in 1949 seeking a separate set-up
for Ladakh
under the direct control of the Central Government.
Hindus Without Citizenship
Jammu being a predominantly Hindu area was in
a trauma in 1948. Due to
truculent Pakistani and tribal forays launched in
October 1947, more than
30,000 Hindus had been killed, 5000 women had been
raped and the same number
of women had been kidnapped. About 30,000 Hindus
and Sikhs had fled to Jammu
and were accommodated in refugee camps. These
uprooted persons are still
refugees because the State Government dominated by
Kashmiri Muslims are not
willing to grant them citizenship. To cover up the
atrocities committed by
Pakistani aggressors and Muslims in border areas,
Abdullah made thundering
speeches about the massacre of Muslims in Jammu
proper for which he was
holding the Dogras and the RSS responsible. No
commission was ever
constituted to ascertain the facts. There might
have been a moderate
backlash in Jammu because of large killings of Hindus
and Muslims in borders
areas but Abdullah again and again spoke of a massacre
of Muslims in Jammu.
However, the massacre of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims
started only when
Pakistan pushed tribal desperadoes and armymen into the
State with a view to
annexing it by sheer force. Till that time the State was
peaceful and the
credit for that goes to Maharaja Hari Singh.
As Abdullah had committed himself for an impartial
plebiscite in Jammu and
Kashmir, he had no raison d'etre to push through the
passage and
implementation of the Big Landed Establishment Abolition Act
Samvat 2007
(1950) under which land was transferred to the tenants but no
compensation
was paid to the proprietors. It allowed big landlords to retain
182 kanals
with a right to one-fourth of the share of produce without grass.
This
deprived a good number of Kashmiri Pandits (residing mostly in cities
and
towns) and 30,000 Dogra Rajputs of their land holdings without
compensation.
Muslim landowners had no difficulty in showing themselve as
self-
cultivators.
Pandits, Dogras leave Kashmir
Many Kashmiri Pandits, who had no sustenance except
small land holdings,
began moving out of Kashmir. More than 30,000 Dogra
Rajputs also left
Kashmir. Today all politicians, MLAs, MPs, VIPs and IAS
officers and judges,
tehsildars and even patwaris have the ownership, either
in their own name or
in the name of their close relatives, of vast stretches
of agricultural land
out of which a sizable portion has been converted into
orchards. In 1975,
another agrarian reforms act couched in the language of
Muslim personal law
was passed which enabled the new-fangled Muslim elite to
consolidate their
hold on vast stretches of orchard land. In 1990, the income
from this land
amounted to Rs. 90 crore.
Before deciding the political status of the State,
especially when the
matter was under the consideration of the U.N., was
Abdullah justified in
passing the act. Just like Mohammed Ali Jinnah,
Abdullah proved cleverer
than all the combined leadership of
India.
Abdullah did not give up the habit of making
vituperative harangues against
Maharaja Hari Singh and the Dogras. He often
raised the bogey of Muslims
ceasing to trust India and going away to
Pakistan. Dr. Karan Singh, the sole
scion of the dynasty of Maharaja Gulab
Singh and a votary of Sri Aurobindo,
swallowed everything. He is more
concerned about his vast properties.
Regarding the phantom of Muslims ceasing to trust
India, Shri Syama Prasad
Mookerjee wrote to Abdullah on February 13, 1953,
that ".. if 4 crore
Muslims in India can be expected to live with safety and
honour under the
Constitution, why should 30 lakh Muslims in Kashmir, who
will be the
majority community in their State, be in a mood to go out of
India, unless
they honestly feel that their future lies with an Islamic
country such as
Pakistan. Secular democracy cannot develop by following the
method of the
marketplace."
Abdullah got a Constituent Assembly elected for the
State in 1951. It had 75
members, all elected unopposed. Nomination papers of
most of the candidates
were rejected and the severest axe fell on the
candidates sponsored by the
Praja Parishad, a party founded by Pandit Prem
Nath Dogra. The Constituent
Assembly framed a separate Constitution for the
State providing for a
separate President (Sadr- e-Riyasat), a separate Prime
Minister, a separate
flag and separate electoral laws.
Weightage to Muslim Vote
The Sheikh was making all types of topsy-turvey
moves which went counter to
the avowed concepts of a secular democracy. In
Kashmir, the number of voters
in an assembly constituency was 73,000 whereas
in Jarnmu it was 93,000, thus
giving more weightage to the Muslim vote. The
border districts in Jammu were
redemarcated on communal lines which showed
its results during the current
terrorist insurgency. There was
interference in the working of the
Dharamarth Trust founded by Maharaja
Ranjit Singh for the management of
Hindu shrines and temples in the State. A
special permit system was
introduced for the Indians for entering the State.
There was a separate
customs duty. A paramilitary organisation called the
National Militia had
been raised from amongst diehard National Conference
workers of the Valley.
The force consisted of Muslim recruits only.
By the first half of 1952, much of the Sheikh's
charisma had faded away
because he employed ruthless methods to suppress
dissent. The people were
detained without trial and the police under SP
Ghulam Qadir Ganderbali used
third-degree methods. He thought that excessive
repression was necessitated
because Pakistan by commissioning so- called Azad
Kashmir Radio was blaring
out most heinous and villainous propaganda on
atrociously communal lines to
the people of the Valley. This was in
contravention of Part II-A of the UN
Resolution of August 13,
1948.
In June 1952, an Indian correspondent reported an
utterance of Sheikh
Abdullah which smacked of an independent state and not
independent Kashmir.
The people of Jammu region and the Buddhists of Ladakh
got a bit shaking. In
July 1952, he entered into an agreement with the
Central Government which
envisaged integration of the State not only in
respect of defence, foreign
relations and communications but also in respect
of financial and some
selected matters. He treated Indian leaders as
footlings and took his own
time for implementing the Delhi Agreement of July
1952 and adopted dilly-
dallying tactics.
Settlement of Accession
The people of Jammu under the leadership of Prem
Nath Dogra decided to
launch a do-or-die struggle. They wanted that the
question of accession
should be treated as settled or decided once for all
and not left to an
uncertain future. The second question that took precedence
was to recover
one- third of the territory occupied by Pakistan through
wanton aggression.
The Jammu people were very much fed up with the UN. They
felt that it was a
forum for big power rivalry. It took the UN no time to
brand North Korea as
an aggressor when North Koreans made a foray into South
Korea by crossing
the 38th Parallel. President Trueman even went to the
extent of using
nuclear weapons to teach North Korea and China a lesson but,
in the case ot
Kashmir, they were giving more privileges to the aggressor
Pakistan and
treating India at par with the aggressor.
The people of Jammu were flabbergasted at the
attitude of Sheikh Abdullah
who was not only delaying the integration of the
State in respect of such
subjects as defence, foreign affairs and
communications but also creating a
unique type of sovereignty for Kashmir.
They were eager to see the
integration of the State in respect of such
subjects as fundamental rights,
rights of citizenship, jurisdiction of the
Supreme Court, the functions and
constitution of high courts, the President's
powers, national planning,
financial integration and the conduct of
elections. There was also mistrust
owing to the non-implementation of the
Delhi Agreement of 1952.
There were about 30,000 Hindu and Sikh refugees
from border areas who had
fled to Jammu at the time of Pakistani raids. They
were being treated as
foreigners. Lakhs of Sikh and Hindu refugees who had
fled West Pakistan and
flooded East Punjab and Delhi had been totally
absorbed as Indian citizens
by the Punjab and Central governments but those
who had entered the state
were being treated as foreigners and till date they
are bereft of
citizenship.
Inroads in Dharamarth Trust
Sheikh Abdullah's Government was also tending to
make inroads into the
working of Dharamarth Trust. This was unplatable and
the leaders of the
Praja Parishad under all dispensations wanted provincial
autonomy for Jammu
and Ladakh.
There was the question of Indian Tricolour -
whether it would fly atop the
seat of the government at Srinagar and Jammu.
Abdullah had decided to make
the National Conference's red flag with a white
plough as the flag of the
State Government. During the Praja Parishad
agitation, Syama Prasad
Mookerjee had rightly written to Abdullah on February
13, 1953, that "India
has been torn into two by the two-nation theory. You
are now developing a
three-nation theory, the third being the Kashmiri
nation."
On November 11, 1953, the State Legislative
Assembly elected Dr. Karan Singh
as Sadr-e-Riyasat. On November 22, 1953, he
moved to Jammu from Srinagar and
the Praja Parishad launched an agitation
starting with a black flag
demonstration against the
Sadr-e-Riyasat.
The Praja Parishad movement spread like wild fire.
The watchword of the
struggle was Ek Bidhan, Ek Pradhan, Ek Nishan (One
Constitution, One
President, One Flag) for the entire country. As the
agitation assumed
torrential proportions, both the State and the Central
Government were
shaken. Pt. Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah termed the agitation as
extremely
harmful, communal and bigoted. The state machinery flung into
action. The
Indian police and the state police got full powers for using
batons and
bullets against the demonstrators.
Repression Let Loose
The agitation spread to all the districts of Jammu.
There were widespread
demonstrations. Pt. Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah had no
qualms to use the
maximum of force. As we have at present, there were no
human rights
activists. Hundreds of people fell before bullets. Nearly 20
people were
killed. Abdullah seemed to avenge the deaths that occurred
on July 13,
1931, at Srinagar. Repression, imprisonments, leathicharges and
bullets
became the order of the day. Sheikh Abdullah's National Militia ran
berserk
at places and did not hesitate to commit outrages on women. The
properties
of many persons were confiscated and the pensions of many people
were
withheld. All that the crowds demanded was the supremacy of the
Indian
President, the supremacy of the Indian Constitution and the supremacy
of the
Indian Flag. They wanted that the question or accession of the State
to the
Indian Union should not be left to the mercy of fluctuating winds.
They
wanted the maximum integration of the State with India and
provincial
autonomy for all the three regions of the State. Pt. Nehru
employed the
Preventive Detention Act for suppressing demonstrations in other
states
expressing sympathy with the people of Jammu. The whole of Jammu
province
became a boiling pot of tyranny and suppression.
Syama Prasad Mookerjee wrote several letters to
Sheikh Abdullah and Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru but mostly received bluff and
invectives. In his letter
dated February 4, 1953, Sheikh Abdullah admitted
that conditions for
impartial plebiscite had not been provided but added that
Kashmiri Muslims
would not falter from their ideals even if they are left
alone in this great
battle of secularism and human brotherhood. These were
all hollow words only
to obfuscate the mind of the opponent.
When the State offices moved to Srinagar in May
1953, Shri Mookerjee wanted
to discuss the matter with Sheikh Abdullah at
Srinagar. Encouraged by Nehru,
he had made Jammu and Kashmir a state within a
state. There was the entry
permit system in vogue for allowing Indian
citizens to enter the State. Shri
Mookerjee, who was denied permission to
enter the State, defied the ban and
entered the State. He was arrested and
kept at Chashma Shahi Guest House.
How he was treated or served food God only
knows. He developed a strange
type of allergy and breathed his last in
S.M.H.S. Hospital. How he was
killed and by whom, nobody knows.
Mookerjee's Mysterious Death
Today we have commissions probing into the death of
late Rajiv Gandhi but
the death of Shri Mookerjee was treated as the death of
a washout. Maybe, a
probe would reveal a conspiracy to finish him up.
Maybe,
Nehru-Abdullah-Mookerjee correspondence exchanged during the agitation
would
throw up some conspiratorial angle. Everything was hushed up and
the
agitation on his mysterious death was ruthlessly suppressed. It was
ensured
that even a tiny spark was put out.
When Sheikh Abdullah launched the Quit Kashmir
Movement in 1946 to wrench
away Kashmir from the Dogra rule, Pt. Nehru rushed
to his assistance but was
arrested at Kohala Bridge by the security forces of
Maharaja Hari Singh. He
was requested to go back and he did go back. When
after 7 years, Shri
Mookerjee, defying the ban for the sake of integrity of
India, went to meet
Sheikh Abdullah he was done to death.
Shri Mookerjee gave his life for the integrity of
India. Subsequently, his
own people forgot him. The political party he had
founded was relegated to
the limbo of a unpleasant past. His disciples began
to wag to new situations
with a fresh gusto and crisp rhetoric.
The Praja Parishad Movement was the first movement
after independence aimed
at ensuring the unity and integrity of India. In its
scope, it was more
important than the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 which was
triggered by a smarting
hurt to deep-rooted religious sentiments of Hindus
and Muslims.
One of the moving figures of the Praja Parishad
Movement was Pandit Makhan
Lal Harkara who passed away only this year - an
irreparable loss to the
Kashmiri Pandit community.
Praja Parishad's Vision
The Movement in thc depth of its vision was of
greater import than the
freedom struggle which culminated in the division of
the country and loss
and subversion of millions of lives. It aimed at
ensuring the integral unity
of India. But Pt. Nehru ensured to suppress it
totally. Today we see what
has been the result of nurturing and watering
Article 370 and Sheikh
Abdullah. Every State of importance, at one time or
the other, has been
tbreatening to secede from the Indian Union. During the
13 days of the BJP
Government, when the vote of confidence was being
discussed in Parliament,
Shri Murasoli Maran of the DMK confronted the BJP
and derisively scoffed at
their talk of one country and one people. Whatever
Shri Maran has to say,
the Siva temple at Tanjore built by Raja the Great is
a symbol of Indian
unity. Regional parties are now acting centrifugally and
what is now in
store for India, only future can unfold. The politicians
at the helm of
affairs are pampering terrorists as their "own children" or
misguided youth.
All these utterances smack of cowardice. In fact the
Hindu psyche was
tempered into the masochist mould during the 1,000 years of
the Muslim rule
when at times persecution reached its zenith and Hindus were
deprived of
every vestige of citizenship rights.
It is surprising that Shri Jagmohan in his book "My
Frozen Turbulence" has
hardly given any account of the Praja Parishad
Movement of 1953. In this
way, he has tried to be irresponsible as a
historian.
The BJP bosses at Jammu, Shri Chaman Lal Gupta,
Vaidya Vishnu Dutt, Shri
Bhagwat Swarup and others, have never strived to
publish a properly
documented book on the Movement with a special reference
to
Nehru-Mookerjee-Abdullah correspondence. The party has its of fice in
the
heart of the city donated by Pt. Prem Nath Dogra, founder of the
Parishad.
The whole property is worth more than Rs. 50 lakh. At least in
deference to
Pt. Dogra, they should have published such a book.
Arrest of Sheikh Abdullah
It was rumoured that the death of Shri Mookerjee
under the State's custody
made Sheikh Abdullah to pass many sleepless nights.
After the event, he made
the sharpest possible utterances at various places.
He wanted to seize the
earliest opportunity by the forelock to wrench away
the State whether the
people of Jammu and Ladakh liked it or
not.
On August 8, 1953, Sheikh Abdullah went to Gulmarg
and stayed in a posh
hotel with his trusted lieutenants. Rumours were doing
the rounds that CIA
agents and British Intelligence detectives had infested
the area. It was
rumoured that, on August 9, 1953, he would make a
declaration about the
independent State and America and Britain would rush to
guarantee that
declaration.
As Sheikh Abdullah was coming down from Gulmarg
towards Srinagar, he was
arrested alongwith his lieutenants by the State
Government. The arrest
warrant was signed by the Sadr-e-Riyasat. Despite
widespread violence,
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed took over as the Prime Minister
of the State.
Ten years of Bakshi's rule saw a spate of
construction works. Dissent was
suppressed with a iron hand. The people
became prosperous. Indigenous
industry flourished and tourism picked up. Many
housing colonies sprouted.
However, during his regime the forest cover of the
State suffered maximum
diminution.
On August 23, 1963, Pandit Nehru induced the Bakshi
to resign under the
Kamaraj Plan and Shri Shamas-ud-din took
over.
Stop-Gap Prime Minister
Shri Shamas-ud-din had been working only for few
months when during the
night of 26th and 27th of December, 1963, the Holy
Relic was found missing
at Hazratbal Dargah. The entire Valley was plunged
into a vioient commotion.
However, there were no communal riots. Kashmiri
Pandits sincerely joined
Muslims in expressing shock and trauma at the loss
of the Relic and
fervently participated in demonstrations and marches for its
recovery at the
earliest. The Central and the State governments had traumatic
experiences.
However, the holy Relic was recovered and its genuineness
established.
During the tenure of Shri Shamas-ud-din, the State
Assembly passed an
amendment to the State's Constitution whereby Article 356
of the
Constitution of India became applicable to the State. During a span of
15
years from 1948, Pakistan prodded the Security Council to take up
the
Kashmir issue. Because of India's independent foreign policy and
close
bilateral relationship with the then Soviet Union, the Anglo-American
bloc
led by the USA had developed a chronic apathy for it. Resolutions were
moved
to activate the Security Council Resolution of 1948 but the USSR
blocked the
moves by exercising veto. The
Instrument of Accession signed by Maharaja
Hari Singh under the provisions
of the British Independence Act of 1947 is
final and irrevocable. If it is
not final, then the existence of Pakistan is
also temporary. Pakistan or
Bangaldesh were part of British India
before August 15,1947, and if India
treats the British Independence Act as a
scrap of paper and has sufficient
striking power, it has every justification
to annex Pakistan. When
sovereignty is not under dispute, the UN has no
jurisdiction to arbitrate
upon the right of self-determination.
The State Assembly has no locus standi to affirm or
deny the Instrument of
Accession signed by the Maharaja and accepted by the
Government of India.
The Governor-General of India, while accepting it, has
not appended any
condition whatsoever to its acceptance.
Sadiq becomes Prime Minister
On February 8, 1964, Shri Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq
became the Prime Minister of
Jammu and Kashmir. He maintained a low profile
and allowed the freedom of
expression, and political activities of all sorts
and was not averse to
Jamaat-e-Islami trimming its activities. It was he who
brought about closer
ties between the State and the country by making various
provisions of the
Indian Constitution applicable to the State. He changed the
nomenclature of
the Sadr-e-Riyasat to the Governor and the Prime Minister of
the State to
the Chief Minister. He also established a branch of Indian
National Congress
in the State and Syed Mir Qasim was elected its President.
Moreover, he got
Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues released from
jail.
With the release of Sheikh Abdullah, the activities
of the Plebiscite Front,
established by Mirza Afzal Beg, the most trusted
lieutenant of
SheikhAbdullah, in 1958, intensified its activities. Shri Sadiq
believed
that opposite forces could be neutralized not by extreme suppression
but by
allowing them to play their role to a certain extent.
Sheikh Abdullah was allowed to visit Pakistan.
During these days, the
Congress session was in full swing at Bhubaneshwar and
Pt. Nehru was
attending it. Perhaps being upset by the Sheikh's bitter
demogogic harangues
in Pakistan, he suffered a stroke which kept him wrecked
up to his death on
May 27, 1964.
When Sheikh Abdullah was rearrested on April
29, 1958, objectionable papers
endorsing Pakistani line of action were
recovered from his residence. A case
of conspiracy was filed against him in
an appropriate court. During the
hearings of the case, statements before the
court were dangerously anti-
India and stood in sharp contrast to his
utterances in 1948.
In his book titled: "The Crisis Game by Sydney," F.
Fiffin (1965) we find an
account of two fictional crisis exercises codenamed
Cuba and Kashmir 1966
conducted by Institute of Defence Analyses, Washington
D.C. in February
1965, envisaging a war between India and Pakistan in
September 1966. There
was deliberate shifting of the calendar year by one
year while hostilities
between India and Pakistan broke out on September
1,1965. This shows that
planning of a Pakistani attack on Kashmir was planned
by the US Strategic
Intelligence.When the hostilities actually broke out,
China attacked India
in Sikkim. The USA intervened to bring hostilities to an
end.
In his book Spy For All Seasons; My Life In CIA,
Mr. Duane R. Clarridge who
operated in Madras and Delhi in 1964 gives an
account of how aggression in
1965 on Kashmir by Pakistan was carried out with
the prior approval of
Sheikh Abdullah. After having been set free in 1964, he
went to Saudi Arabia
for performing Haj. Mr. Clarridge states that he went to
contact Sheikh
Abdullah at Jeddah where he gave him (Mr. Clarridge) the whole
view of
Pakistani warplan on Kashmir. As per Mr. Clarridge, Sheikh stated:
"The
Pakistanis were going to begin infiltrating small guerilla units out of
Azad
Kashmir into Kashmir proper. These units would then begin to stir things
up.
Once the insurrection got under way in Kashmir, regular Pakistani
military
forces would come to Kashmir's aid."
In April 1965, to bewilder Indian strategists,
Pakistan struck in the Rann
of Kutch with Patton tanks in violation of the
assurance given by the US
President and the Secretary of State that US
military equipment would not be
used against India. India brought the
deployment and use of Patton tanks by
Pakistan in the Rann of Kutch to the
notice of US Government but it ignored
the Indian protest.
Three months before the outbreak of hostilities on
September I,1965,
thousands of armed guerillas of Pakistan infiltrated into
Kashmir on the
western side. They followed their usual pattern of loot and
human slaughter.
However, timely information about it was supplied to the
Government by some
Gujjar leaders. The entire Gujjar population treated
infiltrators with
resentment. The rural population also did not cooperate
with them and were
loath to entertain them with chickens, eggs and rice.
There were some
skirmishes at Batmalloo and Bemina in Srinagar. Some
policemen died in
grenade attacks.
Infiltrators Take to Heels
However, in the tactical handling by Shri Sadiq and
his colleagues and
non-cooperation by the local population made the
infiltrators take to their
heels through forests of Gulmarg. The fleeing
infiltrators also kindnapped
one or two Kashmiri Pandits whose whereabouts
remained untraced.
Gen. Ayub Khan was very much dismayed at the
failure of his plan to create
Vietnam-like conditions in Kashmir because he
lent his full weightage to the
participation of the Kashmiri populace for
stirring up insurrection in the
State. So he resorted to actual warfare and
struck at various points along
the Ceasefire Line (of 1949) on September 1,
1965. At Chamb-Jaurian, he made
a great display of the Patton tanks. However,
Prime Minister Lal Bahadur
Shastri's decision to counter-strike at Lahore and
the exemplary skill and
valour of our Armoured Brigade brought the Pakistani
aggression in Kashmir
to an end. This was the second aggression. The first
was in October 1947,
when Pakistan was able to occupy by force, fraud and
bloodshed one-third of
the State's territory.
The non-cooperation by the Kashmiris with Pakistani
infiltrators might have
been rankling in the mind of Gen. Zia-ul-Haq .
Reacting to massive
demonstrations in Kashmir when ZulfiqarAli Bhutto was
hanged in Pakistan, he
had remarked: "Kashmiri Muslims are Brahmins."
Gen. Ayub Khan was displeased with the USA and fell
in the trap of Russian
good offices which culminated in the Indo-Pak summit
at Tashkent where the
President of Pakistan and the Prime Minister of India
signed the Tashkent
Declaration. In fact, the Tashkent agreement appears to
project the
Ceasefire Line (of 1949) as a permanent international border
between India
and Pakistan.
The agreement, however, proved doom for him and he
was replaced by Gen.
Yahya Khan.
Sheikh Starts Rethinking
Sheikh Abdullah appeared to have been disappointed
by the defeat of Pakistan
in the 1965 war and the signing of Tashkent
Declaration. Probably, his
thoughts began working backwards. The political
frame of his mind appeared
like a chameleon. So his reactions and utterances
after 1966 lent one colour
to the Government of India and of another to the
people of Kashmir.
The UN Commission for India and Pakistan totally
failed in its avowed
obligation under Part II B of the Kashmir Resolution of
August 13, 1948, to
notify the Government of India that Pakistan had not only
withdrawn its
forces but also tribesmen and Pakistani nationals referred to
in Part II A,
2 of the resolution. The UN rendered itself impotent because it
failed in
its moral and legal responsibility to persuade Pakistan to vacate
the
occupied territories. During the last 49 years, Pakistan rendered
UN
resolutions completely defunct by the following acts:
(a) It surrendered nearly 6000 square miles of the
State's territory
to China for building Karakoram Road to facilitate the
Chinese to rush
troops to the Indian borders as and when
required.
(b) It seized the northern parts of Kashmir by
force after
decimating the forces of Maharaja Hari Singh and allowed
the Americans to
build the most advanced radar complex in Gilgit . This part
of Kashmir has
borders with Afghanistan, Russia and China.
(c) It increased its military strength in the
occupied territories
by leaps and bounds in violation of Part I, B of the
Resolution of August
13, 1948.
(d) It violated Part I, E of the UN Resolution by
continuously
indulging in vicious propaganda against India.
(e) It failed to derecognize the so-called Azad
Kashmir Government.
The voting rights for a plebiscite vested in the
population which existed in
and around 1948. During the last 49 years, lakhs
of people who had the right
to vote in 1948 have died and more than 25 lakh
people who nurtured the
fundamentalist ideology have been added to the
population. It is, therefore
against law and natural justice to talk of
plebiscite after 49 years.
Pakistan itself rendered the UN Resolutions
defunct by launching a
full-scale attack on Jammu and Kashmir in 1965 and
then signing the Tashkent
agreement.
Mr Gunar Jarring of the UN Commission after
visiting India and Pakistan in
the late fifties reported that the UN
Resolutions of 1948 and 1949 had been
rendered irrelevant because of the
changed logistical and strategical
dispositions in the area.