By Lingling Wei, Yoko Kubota, and Joyu Wang
May 31, 2026 10:00 pm ET
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American television anchor Maria Bartiromo referred to Taiwanese politician Cheng Li-wun as "Beijing's person" during a segment on her Fox Business program. [1]
The comment was made during a discussion about China affairs with guest Gordon Chang. Chang claimed that the Kuomintang (KMT) blocked United States military procurement cases, which prompted Bartiromo to assert that Cheng is acting on behalf of Beijing. [1]
Author Harry Saunders
[Cheng Li-wun, chairwoman of Taiwan’s main opposition party, the KMT, at a press conference in Beijing on April 10. (Photo: Adek Berry/AFP)]
In February, a bipartisan group of 37 U.S. lawmakers sent a letter to senior Taiwanese politicians expressing concern about Taiwan’s inability to pass the $40 billion special defense budget proposed by President Lai Ching-te (賴清德). The threat of attack from China had never been higher, they said, and it was crucial that Taiwan do more to provide for its own defense.
Chief among the letter’s recipients was Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), chairwoman of the main opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), who led a monthslong effort to stall the bill before her party finally agreed to a scaled-back version in early May.
Now, she will have a chance to explain herself in person.
Cheng will set out for a two-week tour of the U.S. on Monday, visiting several U.S. cities before heading to Washington for a series of planned meetings with government officials and think tank experts. For a figure who few in Washington had heard of a year ago, the anticipation is high.
“It seems like half of the city knows Chairwoman Cheng [is] coming,” said Howard Shen (沈正浩), who served as the KMT’s foreign press secretary during the 2024 presidential campaign, and is based in Washington.
Cheng’s profile — or notoriety, depending on whom you ask — got a boost last month when she traveled to Beijing to meet with China’s president, Xi Jinping (習近平), making her the first current KMT leader to do so in more than a decade.
Shen said that the spectacle of Cheng walking into the Great Hall of the People in Beijing — the same building where Xi received President Donald Trump earlier this month — has attracted a lot of interest in Washington. “Honestly, I was skeptical about it, because obviously we know how Washington, DC feels about Xi Jinping,” Shen said. “Now that [she] has met with Xi Jinping personally, people can no longer look down on her or underestimate her influence within Taiwanese politics.”
The KMT has long maintained a presence in the U.S. The party’s founder, Sun Yat-sen (孫逸仙), established its precursor in 1894 in Hawaii, which had just fallen under American control. San Francisco, Cheng’s first planned stop, is home to the Chinese Historical Society of America, which has been around since the 1920s, when the KMT still controlled China. In Boston, Cheng’s next stop, the Chinatown gate still prominently displays a Republic of China flag, beneath an inscription that reads “everything under heaven for the common good” (天下為公), a famous phrase attributed to Sun.
But more recently, the party has struggled to compete with its domestic opponents, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), for influence on Capitol Hill. In 2022, Cheng’s predecessor Eric Chu (朱立倫) made a similar trip to the U.S., which culminated in the reopening of the KMT’s representative office in Washington. The office had been closed since 2008, when Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) election to the presidency heralded a pro-Beijing shift for the party.
“Cheng’s biggest challenge will be selling a party with a damaged brand in Washington,” said Michael Cunningham, a senior fellow with the China program at the Stimson Center. “The KMT had an image problem long before Cheng took the reins, but many among the U.S. policy elite particularly distrust the more Beijing-friendly part of the party, which Cheng represents.”
Cunningham said that he expects Cheng to receive a polite welcome, but with tough questions soon to follow. “It’s no secret that many in Washington are deeply skeptical of her, in particular her position on defense spending and her outreach to Beijing,” he said. “That said, she’ll probably find a more receptive audience among parts of the executive branch than she would have had under Biden or the first Trump administration.”
He added: “Trump’s White House is focused on reducing tensions with China and worries that cross-strait friction might set back their negotiations with Beijing. So, although administration officials might not agree with a lot of Cheng’s positions and statements, they likely respect her efforts to dial down tensions with Beijing. Congress, however, will likely be a tougher audience.”
In an interview with Bloomberg last month, Cheng said that she hoped to meet with Trump while in the U.S. Most observers view that possibility as highly unlikely. “I don’t think it’s realistic to expect that the chairwoman will meet with Donald Trump,” Shen said. “I don’t think it is her expectation in any way.”
Cheng’s trip comes several months on the heels of Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌), the leader of the smaller opposition Taiwan People’s Party, who traveled to Washington for meetings in January. After returning to Taiwan, Huang told local media that U.S. officials had “understood and agreed with” his assertion that a democratic legislature could not just blindly pass what the opposition parties deemed to be an ambiguous budget.
But other reports, citing Washington-based sources, revealed that U.S. officials had delivered a stronger message, urging Huang and the TPP to set aside partisan differences and approve the budget.
The perception that Taiwan’s opposition might pull a bait-and-switch won’t make things any easier for Cheng when she arrives. But the Huang episode was also a reminder of who Taiwanese politicians’ real audience is when they go to the U.S.
When asked what Cheng would be hoping to achieve, Alexander Huang (黃介正), the former director of international affairs for the KMT, said: “To meet with political and academic figures who are well known and positively regarded by the Taiwanese public, and to receive their praise in public.”
Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State
December 4, 2020
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The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long sought to spread Marxist-Leninist ideology and exert its influence all over the world. The CCP’s United Front Work Department funds and supports overseas organizations to spread propaganda and coerces and bullies those who would oppose Beijing’s policies. The United Front frequently intimidates members of academia, businesses, civil society groups, and Chinese diaspora communities, including members of ethnic and religious minority communities who speak out against horrific human rights abuses taking place in Xinjiang, Tibet, and elsewhere in China. Its coercive tactics target individuals viewed as working against CCP interests. These tactics include the release of personal details (“doxing”) of their targets and even their family members online as a means of political intimidation.
Today, I am exercising my authority under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act to impose visa restrictions on PRC and CCP officials, or individuals active in United Front Work Department activities, who have engaged in the use or threat of physical violence, theft and release of private information, espionage, sabotage, or malicious interference in domestic political affairs, academic freedom, personal privacy, or business activity. These malign activities are intended to co-opt and coerce sub-national leaders, overseas Chinese communities, academia, and other civil society groups both in the United States and other countries in furtherance of the CCP’s authoritarian narratives and policy preferences. I will continue to implement such visa restrictions to make clear that those responsible for actions that contravene the rules-based international order are not welcome in the United States.
The United States calls on the PRC to end its use of coercion and intimidation tactics to suppress freedom of expression. The United States will continue to review its authorities to respond to these concerns.
The US Department of State has not sanctioned Chinese American pro-unification or anti-Taiwan independence organizations. Instead, the US generally respects freedom of speech and association, while Washington's official cross-strait policy maintains that it does not support Taiwanese independence and is committed to preserving peace. [1, 2, 3, 4]
While the US has not targeted these groups, it closely monitors foreign influence. Organizations or individuals operating in the US on behalf of a foreign government or political party—such as the Chinese Communist Party—are strictly required to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), which ensures transparency regarding their lobbying and political activities. [1, 2, 3]
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Lyle Goldstein
RealClear World
June 2, 2026
Trump Steps Back From the Brink on Taiwan
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by Lyle Goldstein and J. Tedford Tyler
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May 19, 2026 11:00 PM TST
https://time.com/article/2026/05/19/trump-xi-beijing-new-cold-war-cold-peace/
KMT leader Cheng Li-wun being welcomed on June 8 with lion dance performances at New York’s Chinatown by the overseas Taiwanese community.
Published Jun 13, 2026, 04:15 PM
Updated Jun 13, 2026, 09:33 PM
Summarise
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PHILADELPHIA/TAIPEI –
Ambitious, energetic and perhaps a bit naive.
That might be a fair take on how Taiwan’s Beijing-friendly opposition leader Cheng Li-wun was sized up in Washington.
Cheng’s two-week US tour, which kicked off on June 1 in San Francisco, drummed up considerable interest, if not enthusiasm.
The requested meeting with US President Donald Trump did not materialise; that was a reach, as Cheng herself readily admitted.
But what may have stung is that a scheduled meeting at the White House with officials in the National Security Council did not pan out either.
Taiwanese media covering her trip said the location was changed from the White House to the Washington headquarters of the American Institute in Taiwan, which is the de facto US embassy in Taipei. And then it was reportedly called off for reasons that have not been made public. KMT maintains that Cheng met US officials “confidentially”.
Cheng also held closed-door meetings with influential Republican senators and congressmen like Dan Sullivan, who sits on the Senate Armed Services Committee; Brian Mast, who chairs the House Committee on Foreign Affairs; and Young Kim, who chairs the sub-committee on East Asia. She also met Trump’s ally Steve Daines, a senator who has helped spearhead the White House outreach to Beijing.
Several other lawmakers reportedly refused to meet her because of the way she has used KMT’s legislative majority to considerably pare Taiwan’s defence budget. Sullivan, in February, had accused the KMT of “short-changing Taiwan’s defence to kowtow to the CCP (Chinese Communist Party)” and warned that it was “playing with fire”.
Her statement that the first island chain should transform “from a front line of geopolitical contestation into a chain of peace and prosperity” was also a point of contention. The first island chain is a string of major archipelagos, including Japan, Taiwan, the northern Philippines and Borneo, that blocks China’s access to the wider Pacific Ocean.
Cheng’s remarks effectively call for the dismantling of a core US defence strategy that has been in place for over 70 years. It also aligns with Beijing’s longstanding geopolitical narrative.
Cheng, who did her master’s in law at Temple University in Philadelphia, also drew curious and enthusiastic crowds at top US universities, including Harvard, Columbia and MIT.
But addressing hours-long private sessions with analysts at think-tanks like the Hoover Institution and the Stimson Center, she faced a more sceptical audience.
Her aspirational role as a cross-strait peacemaker was probed for its soundness and mostly declared unconvincing.
At a time when Beijing and Taipei have no formal interactions under President William Lai Ching-te – who is also chairman of the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) – Cheng maintains that she is the leader best positioned to guarantee stability across the Taiwan Strait. Official communication mechanisms between Taipei and Beijing have been frozen since the DPP assumed power in 2016.
Cheng made a case for seeking reconciliation with Beijing in an article in Foreign Affairs magazine ahead of her US visit.
“Should the KMT return to power in Taiwan’s next presidential election, in 2028, its cross-strait agenda will focus on policies that aim to institutionalise peace,” she wrote in the March 3 piece, adding that the KMT would set up crisis-communication channels to establish direct contact between Beijing and Taipei.
“Working with both Beijing and Washington is not only possible but necessary. Neither side should view such an approach as a betrayal,” she said.
“For Washington, a Taiwan that maintains economic ties with the mainland while deepening technological and broader cooperation with the US demonstrates exactly the kind of resilient, pragmatic partnership that it needs in Asia. A capable partner that manages its own complex relationships is better for the US than a dependant that requires constant reassurance.”
Her formulation was challenged, gently, at a sold-out public event at the Asia Society in New York.
She was asked if she had got a sense from Xi, during her meeting with him, whether he would be willing to accept a long-term status quo in which Taiwan remains a self-governing, democratic society. Xi has spoken of the self-ruled island’s reunification with the mainland as “unstoppable”.
“The existence of Taiwan will not challenge the CCP’s legitimacy and legality,” she answered. “Both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to the same great Chinese nation, so there will be great space for us to maintain the status quo,” she said.
“Isn’t there a big difference between being part of the great Chinese nation and being part of the People’s Republic of China,” Danny Russel, a distinguished fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute and a former senior State Department official, asked, referring to China by its formal name.
[Taiwanese opposition leader Cheng Li-wun with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on April 10. PHOTO: REUTERS]
“If the existence of Taiwan doesn’t threaten the PRC, as you said, why does the PRC threaten the existence of Taiwan?” he asked.
Cheng replied: “What I mean by the threat is the concept of Taiwan independence... This is something they cannot accept.”
Orville Schell, vice-president of the Center on US-China Relations at Asia Society, asked her to imagine herself as president dealing with China.
“Do you think Xi Jinping or his successor and the People’s Republic of China would feel comfortable to have a democracy... Taiwan, as it is now... just off the border? Where do you think it would be inclined to want to control, meddle, interfere?”
She replied: “It is never our expectation that either side of the Taiwan Strait will have to sacrifice or to make compromises or give up the existing way of life. If in order to seek peace, we have to give that up, that is not true peace.”
She also resisted the idea that Taiwan could meet the fate of Hong Kong, which maintains separate legal, administrative and judicial systems from mainland China, but has seen its autonomy eroded. “Taiwan is now a mature democracy with rule of law, which is very different from Hong Kong. So no one can hand Taiwan back to China,” she said.
Schell pressed further. “Do you have confidence, as a result of having visited general secretary Xi Jinping, that if KMT comes to power and says ‘no independence, just leave us alone’, that he would say ‘good’?” he asked.
“I would not describe it as ‘leave us alone’ because when it comes to cross-strait relations, there will be a lot of exchanges,” Cheng said, repeatedly coming back to her core idea that “innovation and creativity” and time could ease cross-strait ties.
Russel, who remained unconvinced, told her at the end of the session: “Your goals are admirable, your optimism impressive.”
Washington has found her approach of seeking greater engagement with Beijing mostly dubious. Or naive, at best.
Dennis Wilder, a professor at Georgetown and Texas A&M universities and a former senior director for East Asia at the National Security Council, noted that she had impressed her US audiences with her ability to articulate her views on cross-strait relations.
“But there is a great deal of suspicion that she is being exploited by Beijing,” he added. “This is more a factor of US suspicion of Xi Jinping’s commitment to peaceful unification.”
He noted that Cheng did not receive a high-level welcome by either the Trump administration or the US Congress, demonstrating Washington’s sympathy with the DPP.
“There is a bias in Washington that she is too far outside the KMT norm. But some are wondering whether this analysis is too narrow, given that, worldwide, democracies are electing unconventional candidates. But I do believe there is a sense that she should be taken seriously, even if only because she could be an effective tool of Beijing.”
Bonnie Glaser, managing director of the Indo-Pacific programme at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, said that it was not realistic to suppose that the US would hope to see a president of Taiwan negotiate with Beijing and Washington to achieve the best deal for Taiwan.
The US seeks to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait and prevent Chinese coercion or use of force against Taiwan, she said.
“The US wants Taiwan to strengthen deterrence, including defence spending, training and societal resilience. Taiwan must demonstrate resolve to defend itself. The DPP is the party that has shown this determination,” she said.
“The underlying assumption of Cheng’s blueprint for cross-strait relations is that Xi Jinping will go along and support her approach and agenda. She is very confident that Taiwan can preserve its autonomy and not end up like Hong Kong. I doubt her confidence is well founded,” she said.
Amanda Hsiao, the Taiwan lead at geopolitical risk consultancy Eurasia Group, said Cheng’s trip is unlikely to have changed minds that were already sceptical of her cross-strait and defence views.
“Without greater clarity over the KMT’s defence strategy, many in Washington will see Cheng’s optimism about managing differences with China as naive,” she said.
Cheng’s political viability would depend on her ability to appeal to Taiwanese voters and lead her party to success in the November local elections, she added.
Yeh Yao-yuan, a political science professor and Taiwan studies expert at the University of St Thomas in Houston, said that besides communicating the KMT’s position to US scholars and officials, Cheng’s mission was to appeal to the Taiwanese diaspora, who could be important sources of donations for elections.
“She’s gauging the mood to see if the community there would support her bid to run for president in 2028,” said Yeh.
Cheng was trying to tread a tricky balance between being viewed as a politician who is pro-engagement with China and one who can earn the trust and approval of the Washington establishment, said William Yang, senior analyst for North-east Asia at the International Crisis Group.
“However, some of her remarks during the trip haven’t necessarily helped to improve the public perception about her stance and approach because her proposal lacks substance to back up her pitch in the name of ‘peace’,” he said.
Yip Wai Yee is The Straits Times’ Taiwan correspondent, covering political, socio-cultural and economic issues from Taipei.
民視新聞網政治中心/綜合報導
2026年6月15日週一 上午10:30
Politico National security daily With help from Mike Blanchfield, John Sakellariadis, Gregory Svirnovskiy and Jerry Wu |
June 17, 2026 |
[“They asked for meetings with a lot of lawmakers but didn’t get many,” a person familiar with Taiwanese opposition leader Cheng Li-Wun’s Hill outreach told NatSec Daily. | Mark Schiefelbein/AP] |
Taiwan’s main opposition leader, CHENG LI-WUN , has gotten a cold shoulder in Washington after blocking a sharp increase in the self-governing island’s defense spending. Cheng was making the rounds in Washington last week, and four people with knowledge of her itinerary said she mostly struck out in trying to land White House and Capitol Hill meetings. “They asked for meetings with a lot of lawmakers but didn’t get many,” a person familiar with Cheng’s Hill outreach told NatSec Daily. Those snubs appear to be payback for Cheng’s thwarting a $40 billion emergency defense budget Taiwanese President LAI CHING-TE proposed back in December. As loyal NatSec Daily readers will remember, U.S. lawmakers warned that the deadlock undermined the island’s ability to deter Chinese aggression. The stranglehold ended last month when her party, the KMT, approved a drastically reduced $25 billion defense budget . “The State Department is still pissed off at Cheng’s behavior over defense spending,” said a person familiar with State’s interaction with Cheng’s team. The White House canceled a scheduled meeting between Cheng and national security council officials, according to two people familiar with the matter. NatSec Daily granted them, and others, anonymity because of the diplomatic sensitivity of their comments. Cheng told reporters that she had met with administration officials but was “not in a position to disclose” who they were. Her team denied that lawmakers locked her out. Still, Cheng has acknowledged some tension around her engagement in Washington. She told reporters in D.C. on Friday that she was the target of “rumors to deter my meetings.” That included allegations “that I speak on behalf of [Chinese leader] XI JINPING and represent the Chinese Communist Party,” she said. Cheng met with Xi in April, at the same time she was stonewalling Lai’s defense budget. During her two-week multicity U.S. visit, Cheng also praised Xi as “very gentle, very nice” and met with individuals linked to CCP influence operations . NSC officials “were very upset with her gutting the special [defense] budget that they provided extensive consultations on,” according to one of the people familiar with the cancelled meetings with the White House. They also were frustrated that names of those she was supposed to be meeting with appeared in a Financial Times story last week, and suggested that the KMT had leaked the names. That constituted “breaking of simple protocol that was delineated as a precursor to meeting with NSC, which was to not leak the meeting ahead of time,” the second person said. The White House and State Department declined to comment on whether administration officials met with Cheng. As for the Hill, Cheng sought meetings with only “a handful” of lawmakers and was “surprised by the favorable responses,” said VICTOR CHIN, who leads the KMT’s representative office in Washington. Nine lawmakers including Sen. DAN SULLIVAN (R-Alaska) and Reps. DON BACON (R-Neb.), YOUNG KIM (R-Calif.) and TOM SUOZZI (D-N.Y.) met with Cheng, according to her and her team. Kim and Suozzi didn’t respond to NatSec Daily’s requests for comment. Sullivan urged Cheng to work with Lai’s Democratic Progressive Party “to finish the defense budget ” following their meeting. Bacon had a more upbeat take. “The KMT is moving in the right direction on our joint desire to defend Taiwan,” his office said in a statement. |