中國被國際打詐「無數重鎖定」
Sim Kiantek
中國被國際打詐「無數重鎖定」
昨天王毅在北京告訴德國外長瓦德富爾，台灣地位已被「七重鎖定」，關鍵就是開羅宣言台灣「歸還」中國（如附件1）。
他的話剛說完，台灣時間昨天晚上出刊的華盛頓時報，就引用1955.2.1邱吉爾在英國國會答詢，否認開羅宣言台灣「歸還」中國（如附件2）。
打詐看扁節目https://youtu.be/LOW_wfOHIK4?si=7jYl7LN-Wdx67Irl 及https://www.taiwannation.com.tw/cairo09.htm駁習近平。
沈建德
2025.12.9
附件1
王毅：臺灣地位已被“七重鎖定”
https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/wjbzhd/202512/t20251209_11769068.shtml
2025-12-09 00:55
2025年12月8日，中共中央政治局委員、外交部長王毅在北京同德國外長瓦德富爾會談時就臺灣問題的歷史事實和法理經緯作了全面闡述。
王毅表示，日本現職領導人日前竟然發出臺灣有事日本就可以使用武力的荒謬言論，嚴重侵犯中國的主權和領土完整，公然違背迄今對中方所做的承諾，直接挑戰二戰勝利成果和戰後國際秩序，也對亞洲乃至世界和平帶來嚴重隱患。
王毅強調，臺灣自古以來就是中國領土。
1943年12月，中美英發表《開羅宣言》明確規定，日本戰後必須將所竊取於中國之領土臺灣等歸還中國。
1945年7月，中美英共同簽署、後來蘇聯參加的《波茨坦公告》第八條規定，《開羅宣言》之條件必將實施。
1945年8月15日日本戰敗，日本天皇承諾忠實履行《波茨坦公告》各項規定並無條件投降。10月25日，中國政府宣佈恢復對臺灣行使主權，並在臺北舉行中國戰區臺灣省受降儀式。
1949年中華人民共和國中央人民政府取代中華民國政府成為代表全中國的唯一合法政府，自然對包括臺灣在內的全部領土行使主權。
1971年第26屆聯大通過2758號決議，決定恢復中華人民共和國在聯合國的一切權利，並立即將臺灣當局的“代表”從聯合國驅逐出去。聯合國的官方法律意見確定， 臺灣就是中國的一個省。
1972年《中日聯合聲明》規定，日本國政府承認中華人民共和國政府是代表全中國的唯一合法政府，充分理解和尊重中國政府關於臺灣是中國領土不可分割的一部分這一立場，承諾堅持遵循《波茨坦公告》第八條的立場。
1978年《中日和平友好條約》確認，《中日聯合聲明》所表明的各項原則應予嚴格遵守。
王毅說，以上一系列鐵的事實從政治上、法理上充分證明臺灣就是中國領土，臺灣的地位已經被“七重鎖定”。圖謀“台獨”就是分裂中國領土，支援“台獨”就是干涉中國內政，既違反中國憲法，又違反國際法。
王毅說，今年是中國人民抗日戰爭勝利80周年。日本作為戰敗國，尤應深刻反省，謹言慎行。但恰恰是這個曾經殖民臺灣50年、對中國人民犯下累累罪行的國家，其現職領導人竟然想借臺灣生事，企圖向中國發出武力威脅，是可忍孰不可忍。中國人民和世界上一切愛好和平的人民，都有責任維護聯合國憲章宗旨和原則，都有義務阻止日本再軍事化甚至企圖復活軍國主義的野心。
附件2
Taiwan’s future is not China’s internal affair; it is the world’s
Defending the island nation is about defending free societies everywhere
Protecting and defending Taiwan from China illustration by Linas Garsys / The Washington Timesmore >
Commentary
https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2025/dec/8/taiwans-future-chinas-internal-affair-worlds/
By Miles Yu - Monday, December 8, 2025
OPINION:
Winston Churchill, one of the principal architects of the 1943 Cairo Declaration, understood something in 1955 that remains true today. Addressing the House of Commons on Feb. 1 of that year, he stated with unmistakable clarity:
“The Cairo Declaration of 1st December, 1943 … contained merely a statement of common purpose. Since it was made, a lot of things have happened. … The situation has changed. The problem of Formosa (Taiwan) has become an international problem in which a number of other nations are closely concerned. The question of future sovereignty of Formosa was left undetermined by the Japanese Peace Treaty (the San Francisco Treaty).”
Churchill rejected the simplistic and false notion long embedded in Beijing’s propaganda that Taiwan was somehow a domestic matter for communist China. He insisted instead that Taiwan’s status was, by legal fact and geopolitical reality, an international issue.
Seventy years later, the truth of Churchill’s position has not faded. It has been reaffirmed, not least by Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s recent comments underscoring Japan’s profound stake in Taiwan’s security. Beijing’s outrage at Tokyo’s entirely predictable position is performative; China is “shocked” only by what has always been obvious to the world: Taiwan’s future affects everyone.
China’s claim that Taiwan is a purely internal affair rings with the same hollow logic invoked by aggressors throughout history. North Korea once claimed legitimacy over South Korea, Nazi Germany declared sovereignty over the Sudetenland, and Russia today asserts the right to “reclaim” Ukraine. Cloaking expansionism in the language of “internal affairs,” historical destiny or ethnic kinship does not make it legitimate. It merely reveals the timeless grammar of aggression, a playbook the Chinese Communist Party has studied well.
As the newest U.S. National Security Strategy reaffirms, Taiwan’s security has long been integral to U.S. strategy. Even after the end of the Mutual Defense Treaty in 1980, Washington cemented its commitments through the Taiwan Relations Act and consistent presidential statements. For decades, American policy has rested on one principle: Neither side may use force to change the status quo. As Beijing accelerates military preparations, American leaders across administrations have repeatedly affirmed that the United States would oppose a CCP invasion. The credibility of U.S. alliances and deterrence in Asia hinges on Taipei’s survival.
Other Indo-Pacific democracies share this clarity. Japan and Australia have insisted that Taiwan’s safety is inseparable from their own. The Philippines, locked in confrontation with China in the South China Sea, has granted the United States crucial access to bases near the Bashi Channel. Former South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol has stated plainly that Taiwan’s fate is a global concern.
Europe now sees the same connection. NATO leaders, EU diplomats and lawmakers from key member states have emphasized that Taiwan’s security affects Europe’s stability. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine awakened democracies to the dangers of authoritarian revisionism. Beijing’s claims over Taiwan rely on the same logic Moscow uses against Ukraine: history and ethnicity as a pretext for conquest.
To accept that logic in Asia after rejecting it in Europe would destroy any moral or strategic coherence.
Beyond geopolitics lies a simple economic truth: Taiwan is indispensable. It dominates global semiconductor production and sits astride vital maritime routes connecting the Western Pacific to the rest of the world. If Beijing seized Taiwan, it would effectively control commercial traffic through the South China Sea, East China Sea, and Strait of Malacca — channels through which much of global trade flows.
Speaking for all Western European democracies, former EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell captured the stakes succinctly: “Taiwan is clearly part of our geostrategic perimeter … because an action against Taiwan would be, in economic terms, extremely serious for us.”
The world cannot afford to let the center of global chip production fall under the control of an authoritarian regime seeking geopolitical leverage.
Ultimately, Taiwan’s significance extends far beyond territory or trade. It is a test of whether democratic nations can defend a fellow democracy against authoritarian coercion. Taiwan’s continued freedom affirms that the arc of East Asia bends toward democracy — from South Korea to the Philippines, from Mongolia to Taiwan itself. If Taiwan were to fall, it would embolden autocracies everywhere and dim the hopes of those in China who yearn for political rights.
Also, Taiwan can play a crucial role in changing communist China. For 76 years, the CCP has regarded Taiwan as a stubborn obstacle to its narrative of communist liberation, now disguised as national reunification. However, in the same decades, Taiwan has transformed itself from an authoritarian rule into one of Asia’s most vibrant democracies.
This success is not merely symbolic; it demonstrates that Chinese-speaking societies can uphold modern democratic values, a reality the CCP finds existentially threatening. Taiwan’s freedom is a rebuke to Beijing’s claim that democracy is incompatible with Chinese culture.
This too renders a powerful argument for the truth: Taiwan is not just a regional issue but also an ideological one. Its democratic achievements inspire millions across the strait. Countless captive Chinese citizens are asking themselves a quiet question: If the Taiwanese people can freely choose their leaders, why can’t we? Taiwan’s existence challenges authoritarianism at its ideological core, and the CCP autocratic leadership is deeply frightened by Taiwan’s inspirational power.
Churchill saw in 1955 what remains painfully true: Taiwan’s status is an international matter because its future will shape the world’s. Beijing’s insistence that this is a “domestic issue” is not a statement of sovereignty but a strategy of aggression.
The world must not mistake the CCP’s language of national reunification for the logic of conquest.
Defending Taiwan is not only about preserving one island’s freedom. It is also about defending the principle that free societies, large or small, cannot be sacrificed at the altar of authoritarian ambition. In standing with Taiwan, the world stands for its own security, prosperity and ideals.
