An Unofficial Announcement: 台灣建州運動要在適當時機在台灣建黨

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Jun 26, 2026, 7:47:57 AM (11 days ago) Jun 26
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An Unofficial Announcement:  台灣建州運動要在適當時機在台灣建黨

1

我日前公開發出一則訊息---"ANNOUNCEMENT: 台灣建州運動公開徵求Democrats-friendly的有識與有志之士,  在美國推動  “台灣加入美國”  的主張, 保衛台灣, 捍衛以美國為首的Rules-based International Order or Liberal World Order". [附錄四]

我們之所以要在美國組建親民主黨.Non-Trumpian Republicans.Neoconservatives的 "Commonwealth Clubs", 是要補已在南加州組建的建州組織的結構性不足 [不是他們有什麼錯], 如果我們也能在美國組建可向或適合向民主黨.Non-Trumpian Republicans.Neoconservatives訴求的 "Commonwealth Clubs", 那我們 "廣義的台灣建州運動" 就可以用兩條腿在美國走路, 就可以行穩致遠.

2

我今天則要發出一則非正式的訊息---"An Unofficial Announcement:  台灣建州運動要在適當時機在台灣建黨".

台灣目前有一個沒有被我認可的 "建州山寨黨---台美黨", 我之所以不認可它, 最根本的原因是它不願follow我們的 "現階段台灣建州運動組織發展的大戰略指針". 我們因此必須在台灣建立一個能維繫與發揚台灣建州運動的正統的政黨.  這個政黨必須跟Formosa Statehood Commission一樣, (1)要容納所有Patriotic Taiwanese (Formosans), 不管他或她是右派或左派, 是保守派或自由派或進步派, 只要他或她是台灣派或親美派, (2)要親善與擁抱所有願意親善或保衛台灣與台灣人的美國Democrats.Trumpian Republicans.Non-Trumpian Republicans.Neoconservatives. 這樣, 台灣建州派才能在台灣走得遠與走得久, 且可望最終實現 "建州百年大計". 

我們現在的基本認知與考量是:

(1)台灣人要解決台灣的前途, 不管是台灣建州(台灣加入美國)或台灣獨立建國, 都要等到 "支那威脅" 或 "支那障礙" 不存在或被排除時後, 才有機會或才有可能, 在此之前, 建州派或建國派都只能進行準備工作.  在"支那威脅" 或 "支那障礙" 不存在或被排除之前, 若有人說他們或她們可以讓台灣獨立建國或台灣加入美國(或台灣建州)達標, 那若非誤判, 就是false statement, 或者只是對支持民眾的Pep Talk.

(2)基本上,   "台灣獨立建國" 或 "台灣加入美國" 都會是一個漫長的過程. 也就是說, 很可能還要經過兩三代台灣的Patriots持續的奮鬥與努力 [如果有人告訴您, 老川將會favors或同意台灣加入美國或現在就會favors或同意台灣加入美國, 那若非誤判, 就是false statement, 或者只是對支持建州的民眾的Pep Talk].   但若有一種狀況發生時, 建國或建州的時程可能或應該可以被推前:  在不可歸責於我台灣.台灣人.台派(DPP)政權這一方的情況下, 支那共軍對我台灣發動旨在迫使我方投降的長期封鎖或旨在佔領台灣的武裝攻擊, 而美國能在支那造成美國無可回復或挽救的既成事實之前, 以軍事行動有效介入, 且讓美軍與台軍在這場戰爭獲勝或不敗, 成功守住台灣.  我方若 在這場戰爭獲勝或不敗 [在美軍介入的前提下], 我們要建國或加入美國的議程就可提前, 甚至還可能出現一種狀況, 在美軍確定介入後, 我方就在美國的同意或默許下, 宣佈 "台灣獨立建國" 或 "台灣加入美國" (台灣成為美國的Freely Associated State or Territory).

(3)為了在這場不是我方挑起的 "反支那侵略與併吞台灣的戰爭" 獲勝或不敗, 建州派還有台獨派必須與DPP (現階段為華獨派)及DPP政權 (現階段配合美國的維持現狀政策)    成 "抗支保台的United Front", 要維持DPP政權, 不讓台灣產生北京的 (藍白紅) 傀儡政權.   建州派還有台獨派都必須在我台灣人的 "抗支保台.救亡圖存的戰爭" 的大架構下發展, 大家分進合擊, 不可互相攻訐或互扯後腿.

(4)台灣人 "抗支保台" 的信心主要來自美國要保衛台灣的意志與實力, 為了加強美國朝野及一般美國民眾或讓更多美國人有保衛台灣的意願.意志.決心, 在美國與台灣的建州派要努力promote "台灣加入美國" 這項主張與訴求, 以cultivate美國人或更多美國人要保衛台灣的Moral Obligation. 
[若無美國及時的軍事介入, 我台灣人.台派.台派政權必無法在支那大規模與持續的武裝侵略下存活.]
[美國政府與人民要保衛台灣與台灣人的意願, 若出於政治的責任或法律的義務, 固然很好, 但若能因為台灣建州運動, 而將台灣視為美國的 "準領地", 將台灣人視為 "準美國公民", 那就會產生要保衛台灣與台灣人的道義責任,   美國政府與人民若有這種道義責任感, 台灣與台灣人就相對地安全.]

3

因為 "建州山寨黨"  不願在現階段顧全我台灣人(a) "抗支保台".(b)維護DPP政權.(3)與台獨派及DPP分進合擊的大局.大是大非.大戰略指針, 所以,台灣建州運動就有必要在適當時機在台灣建黨.

 [to be continued]

David Chou
Founder
Formosa Statehood Movement
 


============================================



附錄ㄧ



復國黨新聞採訪通知

[這項通知反證 "建州山寨黨" 與台派存有敵我或緊張關係, 這會對我們主流台灣人與主流台美人團結合作.在進行中的 "抗支保台戰爭" 帶來負面的影響, 也會無端波及或損及我這個台灣建州運動發起人在台灣人與台美人Patriots的社群的形象與聲譽.不明究理的綠營民眾與鄉親會以為我在暗中鼓勵他們來破壞台灣人與台派的團結.]

2026年529

 

復國黨訂5月30日周六早上九時至十二時,於集思台大會議中心、台北市羅斯福路四段85號B1舉辦關於國民黨紅統派與口砲台派對復國黨與台美黨的污衊提出反擊的國際研討會,會中特別邀請復國黨思想導師、台美黨首席顧問、萬古第一祭撰文者袁紅冰教授,蒞臨研討會場,参與研討並發表演說,精彩可期,歡迎媒體記者前往採訪。

 

附錄二

Full transcript of "Face the Nation" on February 23, 2020

[這項報導告訴我們: 美國民主黨之中的進步派領袖Sen. Bernie Sanders也有派遣美軍保衛台灣的意願, 更別說在執政期間, 四度表示, 在支那侵略台灣時, 將派美軍保衛台灣的Old Joe. 這就是台灣建州運動.Formosa Statehood Commission.台灣建州運動各組織必須容納親Democrats與親Repubicans的人士的原因, 也是我們不能只是向Republicans訴求或只對Republicans親善的原因.]

February 23, 2020 / 5:53 AM EST 

CBS News

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/full-transcript-of-face-the-nation-on-february-23-2020/

 

On this "Face the Nation" broadcast moderated by Margaret Brennan:

Former Vice President Joe Biden

National Security Adviser Robert O'Brien

Anthony Salvanto, CBS News Elections & Surveys Director

Ed O'Keefe, CBS News Political Correspondent


(Begin VT)

ANDERSON COOPER (60 MINUTES): Just on foreign policy, you said you believe in diplomacy, you're concerned Donald Trump is-- is going to get us into an unnecessary war. Are there situations where you believe military action is--

SENATOR BERNIE SANDERS (60 MINUTES): No. Absolutely no. Of course, I don't. You know, hopefully, it's-- it's rare as possible, but--

 

ANDERSON COOPER: Yeah.

SENATOR BERNIE SANDERS: --we have the best military in the world.

 

ANDERSON COOPER: What would your criteria be for military action? Do you?

SENATOR BERNIE SANDERS: Well, threats against the American people to be sure. Threats against our allies. I believe in NATO. I believe that the United States everything being equal, should be working with other countries in alliance, not doing it alone.

 

ANDERSON COOPER: If China took military action against Taiwan, is that something you would--

SENATOR BERNIE SANDERS: That's something-- I mean I think we have got to make it clear to countries around the world that we will not sit by and allow invasions to take place. Absolutely.

 

ANDERSON COOPER: Would you meet with Kim Jong-un?

SENATOR BERNIE SANDERS: Yeah. I mean I have criticized Trump for everything under the world-- under the sun, but meeting with people who are antagonistic is-- is to me not a bad thing to do. I think, unfortunately, Trump went into that meeting unprepared. I think it was a photo opportunity, and did not have the kind of the diplomatic work necessary to make it a success. But I do not have a problem with sitting down with adversaries all over the world.

(End VT)


附錄三

[這篇報導告訴我們台灣人與台美人: Old Joe跟Old Don不一樣, 他不認為習某是他的Old Friend, Lao Peng You, 更不會po習某的LP, 稱習某為 "偉大的領導人". 它也告訴我們: Old Joe說, 台灣獨立由台灣人自己去做決定.]

Biden says Taiwans independence is up to Taiwan after discussing matter with Xi


By Kevin Liptak

Updated Nov 17, 2021

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/11/16/politics/biden-china-taiwan0:40

President Joe Biden made clear Tuesday evening he was not encouraging Taiwan’s “independence” after using the word an hour earlier to describe the progress he made during a discussion of the island with his Chinese counterpart Monday evening.

“I said that they have to decide – Taiwan, not us. We are not encouraging independence,” Biden said on an airport tarmac in New Hampshire, where he was promoting his recently signed infrastructure law.

“We’re encouraging that they do exactly what the Taiwan Act requires,” he went on, referring to the 1979 law dictating the American approach to the island. “That’s what we’re doing. Let them make up their mind. Period.”

Explaining his position earlier while greeting attendees following his infrastructure speech, Biden said he had made limited progress on the topic with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

“We made very clear we support the Taiwan Act, and that’s it,” he said, shaking hands near a rickety iron bridge in sore need of repair.

“It's independence,” he went on. “It makes its own decisions.”

The various explanations of his approach to the issue underscored the fraught position Taiwan now holds in the deteriorating relationship between Washington and Beijing. Tensions have been running high as China increases its military posturing and warplane flights around the self-ruled island.

The word “independence” is a trigger when it comes to Taiwan; officially, the US does not support Taiwan’s independence. Instead, the countries enjoy unofficial relations and the US provides defensive support.

The approach is sometimes termed “strategic ambiguity,” and has caused previous trip-ups for both Biden and his presidential predecessors. Last month, when Biden said during a CNN town hall that the US was committed to coming to Taiwan’s defense if it came under attack from China, the White House said he was not announcing any change in policy.




The issue consumed the most time of any during Biden’s lengthy virtual summit with Xi on Monday evening. Ahead of time, the Chinese signaled it was their most important priority to discuss with the US.

In the talks, Biden raised his concerns over China’s behavior in the region. While he reaffirmed the US “One China” policy, which recognizes Beijing’s claim of sovereignty but allows for US defense ties with Taiwan, he voiced worry that China’s actions were destabilizing the region.

The charged nature of the topic was evident immediately after Biden and Xi’s summit, which stretched a longer-than-expected three-and-a-half hours. Chinese State Television reported almost as soon as the summit concluded that Biden affirmed to Xi the US did not support Taiwan’s independence.

US officials downplayed the significance of the statement, noting it was longstanding official US policy. Instead, they said Biden made clear to Xi the US opposes any change to the status quo, or any actions that “undermine peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.”

The Chinese offered a more combative interpretation of the conversation. They said Xi told Biden his country would be compelled to take “resolute measures” if separatist forces in Taiwan cross a “red line,” according to a readout from China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

“Such moves are extremely dangerous, just like playing with fire. Whoever plays with fire will get burnt,” the readout said. 

In the wake of the summit, US and Chinese officials plan to intensify their engagement on Taiwan, according to Biden’s national security adviser Jake Sullivan, who said the two leaders spent a “good amount of time” on the issue.

“Ensuring peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, having clear communication, avoiding miscommunication, is going to be an important and intensive aspect of work between our militaries, our national security councils and between our diplomats,” Sullivan said during an appearance at the Brookings Institution. “So you will see at multiple levels an intensification of the engagement to ensure that there are guardrails around this competition so that it doesn’t veer off into conflict.”

For his part, Biden noted to Xi that he voted for the Taiwan Act in 1979, when he was a young senator. It contributed to what Sullivan described as a “very familiar” relationship between the two men, who traveled extensively together when each was serving as his country’s vice president.

“One of the dynamics of when they talk now is they both revert back to previous things each of them have said,” Sullivan said, “not just to agree with one another, but to disagree with one another, while they’re debating.”

Still, the White House said familiarity does not equal friendship – despite the way Xi greeted Biden as their summit began.

As Xi was beaming into the Roosevelt Room from a cavernous space inside the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, he addressed Biden in collegial and warm terms: “Although it’s not as good as a face-to-face meeting, I’m very happy to see my old friend,” he said, using the Chinese phrase “lao peng you” to convey his level of familiarity.

It was only a few months ago, however, that Biden was adamant he did not regard Xi on those terms: “Let’s get something straight. We know each other well; we’re not old friends. It’s just pure business,” Biden said in June.

On Tuesday, the White House said it couldn’t speak for Xi’s motives in describing Biden the way he did.

“But he does not,” deputy press secretary Andrew Bates told reporters aboard Air Force One, “consider President Xi an old friend.”

附錄四

台灣建州運動公開徵求Democrats-friendly的有識與有志之士, 在美國組建地區性或全國性的COMMONWEALTH CLUB, 以便在美國的民主黨陣營promote "台灣加入美國" (I)

就地理區而言, 台灣建州運動 (或台灣加入美國運動) 有兩個主戰場, 一個在台灣, 一個在美國.

為了restore沉寂一時的台灣建州運動, 我在前年下半年開始採取
動, 準備在美國組建由親Republican Party & Democratic Party的兩類台美人組合的Commonwealth Club, 此計劃沒有實現, 但意外催生了一個 "南加州美國51州倡議組織". 

"南加州美國51州倡議組織" 的發起人多半是我在南加州的舊識, 他們多半是右派/ 保守派, 有的甚至是去參加過J6 Capitol Rally的台美人Republicans [但因老弱, 所以, 他們沒有參加Capitol Riot, 沒有戴上暴動者或叛亂者的帽子]. 由於這個緣故, 他們就不適合來向民主黨人與民主黨的支持者進行訴求.

為了彌補這個缺憾, 為了向美國這個分裂的國家與社會的其餘一半的美國人進行訴求, 做為台灣建州運動的發起人的我必須再度啟動前年的計劃, 我把我過去發佈或寄出的文件做了微幅的修改, 且在今天再度公開發佈與個別寄出.

請台美鄉親參閱Appendices I & II兩項文件.

為了較好地推展台灣建州運動, 我們即將完成第一階段組建的Formosa Statehood Commission就會包括親Democrats/Trumpian Republicans/ 親Non-Trumpian Republicans/ 親Neoconservatives的台灣人與台美人.


David Chou (周威霖)
Founder
Formosa Statehood Movement


Appendix I

ANNOUNCEMENT: 台灣建州運動公開徵求Democrats-friendly的有識與有志之士,  在美國推動  “台灣加入美國”  的主張, 保衛台灣, 捍衛以美國為首的Rules-based International Order or Liberal World Order

 

1

 

台灣建州運動 (Formosa Statehood Movement, FSM) 現階段最大的關切是協助確保我台灣族人的安全/ 生存/ 發展利益以及協助確保美國在台灣的安全/ 戰略/ 政治/ 經濟利益, 但同時也要設法comprehensively re-invigorate & re-establish建州運動, 這是為了要在現階段---

 

(1-a)增強美國政府與人民對台灣與台灣人的道義/ 政治/ 軍事/ 法律// 經濟支持;

(1-b)動員更多美國人 (特別是民主黨人或親民主黨的美國人) 對不願被支那併吞與統治的台灣人的協助與護持;

(1-c)協助促使美軍再度駐台或協助確保美軍介入台灣族人的 “抗中保台戰爭"  或 “反支那侵略與併吞台灣的戰爭”;

(1-d)對我們在 “抗中保台" 這場戰爭勝利後的台灣主權最終歸屬問題 (或我台灣族人的民族解放問題) 的解決進行較好的準備.

 

2

 

請讓我們先提出FSM現在準備要在美國的台美人社區發展的幾個guiding principles [這同時也是FSM在美國的組織的mission/ purposes/ 工作項目]:

 

(A)要為  “台灣民族的最終解放”  在美國建立較理想與較堅實的基礎,  以便完成Formosan people (包括新台灣人) 的最終解放  [FSM認為,  台灣民族解放的理想形式是: (a)台灣加入美國, 先成為美國的organized, unincorporated territory, 經過一段時期的全方位整合後, 再成為美國一州; 或(b)在  “Pax Americana”  或 "Liberal World Order" 之下,  台灣成為美國的  “freely associated state”  [這是主權獨立國家, 但與美國有特殊關係, 是美國的protectorate]; FSM追求與訴求的是(A-a), 我們建議DPP & 獨派追求與訴求(A-b), 這都是為了讓我們台灣人可以較好地面對與處理 “支那威脅” / “支那障礙”/ “支那麻煩”].

(B)要與(a)DPP/ (b)DPP政權/ (c)獨派/ (d)各族裔的美國人民與美國各黨派/ (e)各黨派的台美人/ (e)全世界友台的力量合作, 以取得 “抗中保台戰爭”  或 ”反支那侵略與併吞台灣的戰爭” [支那是挑起戰端的一方, 我方是在進行抗戰或反擊戰的一方] 的最終勝利. 勝利之後,  “支那威脅”  與 “支那障礙”  被排除或不存在之後, 我們才有機會進行台灣前途之解決.

(C)要與美國各族裔人民與美國各黨派一起來捍衛 “Pax Americana” or “U.S.-led & Rules-based International Order”, 這種世界秩序最有利Formosan people/ FSM/ 台灣獨立運動的生存與發展

(D)現階段要捍衛在美國的Guardianship & Protection之下的台灣Autonomy, 也要協助DPP維繫政權或持續執政, 台灣的政權不可落入台灣內部與外部敵對勢力的手裡.

(E)要與獨派台美人及美國的DPP黨人合作, 為未來的台灣前途解決進行若干必要的準備工作.

(F)要向美國各族裔人民與美國各黨派人士 (特別是民主黨人與親民主黨人) 宣揚FSM的主張與理念, 讓他們支持 "台灣加入美國".

(G)要與親Trumpian RepublicansNon-Trumpian Republicans的建州組織友好, 各自去親善與尋求特定黨派及其支持者對 台灣加入美國 的支持, 不可互相批評或互扯後腿, 相反地, 要在或可在若干議題或項目上合作.

(G)要帶頭捍衛美國在台灣的安全/ 戰略/ 政治/ 經濟利益, American Patriots的姿態與立場, 帶頭neutralize & counter在美國的Chinese American communities中有害台灣與台灣人的利益的暗黑勢力 [這些是在挑戰與危害美國的Supremacy or Hegemony的邪惡勢力, 他們是ChiComsLoyalists], 也要TRA所列的美台各項non-diplomatic relations.

 

3

 

我們已在台美人的網路政論平台正式公開宣佈 FSM 要在美國幾個台美人鄉親比較集中的地區  “Re-invigoration & Re-establishment的構想", 也已提出了  "FSM現在準備要在美國的台美人社區發展的幾個guiding principles (這同時也是FSM在美國的組織的mission/ purposes/ 工作項目)".

 

FSM的中興/ 重新注入活力/ 重建當然要以人才為本, 所以我們今天要再度正式發出徵才Announcement, 向台美人社區/ 社群的第一代/ 第二代/ 第三代有識/ 有志/ 有心的台美人鄉親發出徵求各地區的Leadership成員的訊息.

 

我們所謂的地區現在暫指TECRO直接管轄的地理範圍與TECO辦事處  (Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Denver, Honolulu, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, New York, San Francisco, Seattle, Guam)  所管轄的地理範圍.

 

我們竭誠歡迎台美人社區/ 社群的第一代/ 第二/ 第三代有識/ 有志/ 有心的台美人鄉親開始與我進行私下的聯繫, 我們將與您進行私下的溝通, 以建立共識 [這個程序不能跳過]. 鄉親們也可以幫我們推薦人才.

 

4

 

我們正在尋覓的人才:

 

(1)首先當然應認同FSM的主張---"台灣加入美國";

(1-a)"台灣加入美國" 可以是您的唯一選項, 也可以是您的第一選項. 若您還有第二選項, 那也只能是 "台灣獨立建國", 而非 "台灣被支那併吞" 或 "台灣與支那以任何型式進行政治聯合". 

(1-b)您現階段也必須或可以支持或接受華盛頓的 "維持現狀政策" [因為那是Washington的現行政策, 我們無法或不宜加以挑戰], 但 "維持現狀" [即維持TRA體制] 只是過渡或過程, 不是台灣前途解決之選項或目標;

(1-c)您當然要認同與推動 "台灣加入美國", 但您不要或不宜反對 "台灣獨立建國", 您若反對它, 就會有害FSM跟獨派在 "抗保台" 與其他議題的合作, 也會傷害David Chou 的感情, 因為David系出台灣獨立運動, 也因為David認為 "台灣獨立建國" 也是台灣前途解決的理想選項, 只是 "台灣加入美國" 比 "台灣獨立建國" 更為理想而已.

(1-d)您不必接受也不必承認 "ROC or ROC (Taiwan)" 對台灣的主權主張, 但現階段可以也必須接受 "ROC or ROC (Taiwan)" 對台灣的施政權, 但無論如何, 這也只是過渡.

(1-e)您不能反對FSM要跟DPP及DPP政權在 "抗保台" 與其他議題合作, 您若反對, 就會有害我們要保衛台灣的工作與目標, 也會傷害David Chou 的感情, 因為他系出民進黨, 他不是被民進黨掃地出門, 他是為了發起與推動 "台灣加入美國", 才主動退出民進黨.

(1-f)您當然不能同情與諒解台灣那三股亂黨 (包括了KP黨) 與其他暗黑勢力, 但您不必也不能與它們在美國的supporters/ sympathizers/ "useful idiots" [這些人也是台灣來的移民] 為敵, 在他們沒有挑釁或顯現敵意的情況下, 相反地, 您要爭取他們(她們)來支持或同情 "台灣加入美國".

(2)原則上應在美國兩大主要政黨之間 ”保持中立”, 我指的是:

(2-a)您要跟民主黨的從政黨員/ 要員/ 他們的支持者與他們背後的支持勢力都保持親善, 都要爭取他們與它們來支持 "台灣加入美國", 但也不要或不可與Republicans或親Republican Party的人為敵;

(2-b)在選舉中, 您當然要對民主黨的候選人表示支持, 但不刻意去打擊Republican candidates;

(2-c)美國兩大政黨都在進行重組, 美國內部的Cultural War & Revolution也還在持續進行, 所以您要與那些退出主要政黨的要員或黨員也都保持親善, 都要爭取他們的支持;

(2-d)要identify but ignore美國境內那些不利台灣/ 台灣人/ FSM的勢力與個人, 但對Chinese American communities/ societies之中親中反台的暗黑勢力則應正面迎戰或反制, 倘若他們前來挑釁或製造事端. [但要理解與尊重 Taiwanese American communities/ societies之中親近或同情老K黨或KP黨但不親中的台美人, 不可樹敵, 若他們對您不敬或挑釁, 也儘量給予包容, 不與他們一般見識].

 

David Chou

Founder

Formosa Statehood Movement


Appendix II

THE MISSION OF THE COMMONWEALTH CLUB

1. To help make Taiwan an organized but unincorporated territory of the United States, leading to statehood via two-staged plebiscites at opportune times;

2. To help form a United Front against Chinese Invasion and Annexation of Taiwan in a specific geographical district, such as the Greater New York Area, the DMV Area, or the San Francisco Bay Area;

3. To help the American people cultivate a sense or sentiment that treats Taiwan a quasi-U.S. territory and a moral obligation that Taiwan must be protected or kept in the American sphere of influence forever at all costs;

4. To help foster and cement the goodwill and brotherhood and the sense of common destiny between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan;

5. To help promote Taiwans political, economic, social, and cultural integrations with America; and

6. To help safeguard Americas security, strategic, political, and economic interests in Taiwan.

David Chou

Founder

Formosa Statehood Movement




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