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As the war progressed, the radicalization of the French government meant a radicalization of its policies toward its enemies. In some cases, this translated into an existential threat for German princes on the west bank of the Rhine and for the Austrian Netherlands, which had been in Habsburg possession since 1714. The eventual incorporation of these territories into Revolutionary France often led to French cultural domination in regions that neither possessed a French identity nor ethnicity. In some cases, such as that of the Dutch revolutionaries in Holland, elements of the local population welcomed the arrival of the French, only to discover that their role was subsequently subordinated to French interests. Italian revolutionaries in Lombardy and Venetia, for example, actively supported the French armies, only to find their cities pillaged in the first months of occupation.

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The wars of the eighteenth century were fought for dynastic interests. Viewed in terms of state power, the continental and colonial wars represented the unfolding of European conflicts on a global scale. In most cases, European wars extended to several continents.5 Indeed the French and Indian War (1754) escalated into the general European conflict of the Seven Years' War. The consequences of increasing European global power meant that resources had to be carefully allocated, and alliances cultivated to permit the pursuit of dynastic claims in Europe. Even temporary coalitions, such as between Russia, Austria and Prussia in 1772, or between Russia and Austria in 1787, did not create permanent relationships in regions of Europe that offered enormous territorial opportunities. Coalitions were marriages of convenience in the eighteenth century. The only alliances that lasted beyond the duration of any particular conflict were the dynastic arrangements between France and Spain at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and between France and Austria at mid-century. Britain, Prussia, Russia and Austria only interpreted alliances in the short term, and this subsequently severely hampered their ability to provide a united front against Napoleonic France.

The First Coalition against Revolutionary France initially included only Austria, Prussia and a few German princely territories, such as Hessen-Kassel and Saxe-Weimar. There was no declaration of Reichskrieg (Imperial War), but Austria and Prussia compelled German princes to participate. After French armies violated the territory of the Reich in late 1792, the Imperial German contingents fully mobilized.14

In February 1793, France declared war on Britain, Spain and the Netherlands. The expansion of the conflict was the product of ideological hubris following the execution of Louis XVI and the successful military campaigns in the fall of 1792.15 The republican leadership in Paris assumed these feats of arms would be repeated in the spring. The desire to spread the Revolution, as well as French influence into the Rhineland, Belgium and Italy fueled this expansionism. Late 1792 witness the realization of traditional French objectives with French armies reaching the perceived "natural frontiers" of the Rhine and the Alps.16 Movement beyond these frontiers constituted a departure from the original aims of the war when it was declared earlier that year. French republicanism had become a central motivation, as the Jacobins who had seized power in August had previously rejected the Brissotin call for war. Now that victory was at hand, they embraced it and made it their own.

French Revolutionary diplomats continually confounded negotiations by rejecting standard conventions.17 The behavior of French diplomats during the most radical phase of the Revolution resulted in arguments over the minutiae of negotiations rather than substantive discussions. After the fall of the Jacobin dictatorship in 1795 and the establishment of the Directory, diplomats pursued a more traditional path during peace talks. By March 1793, France faced a coalition that included virtually all of Europe except Russia. The success of military operations in the fall of 1792 led to overconfidence in the Jacobin regime and resulted in an overextension of national and military resources.18 Furthermore, internal tensions resulting from the overthrow of the constitutional monarchy and the establishment of the Republic led to rebellion in the Vende and in the manufacturing and port cities of Lyon, Marseilles and Toulon.

The failure of French arms during the spring and summer 1793 led to the famous leve en masse of August. The levy conscripted all males between 18 and 45. It was the first national draft in modern history. The decree was meant to bolster the ranks of the French armies. The number of recruits grew after 1791 through successful calls for volunteers. While sufficient to cope with war against Austria and Prussia, the expansion of the war to all of France's frontiers was followed by a less than enthusiastic response to the call for new soldiers in early 1793. The role of the leve en masse in this phase of the war has been exaggerated. By the end of 1793, the French ranks swelled to 750,000, but the threats that led to the decree had abated by the campaign season of 1794. Indeed, the rapid expansion of French armies created enormous logistical problems that continued to affect operations through the remainder of the War of the First Coalition.20

The War of the First Coalition had taken the form of previous European wars. Although the French overran Belgium and western Germany, the coalition retained the capacity to withstand the French until the diplomatic settlements of 1795. Even with French reinforcements, the coalition seemed capable of keeping the French at bay in Germany and Italy. Napoleon's campaign in Italy in 1796, however, broke the back of the coalition.22

Napoleon built his empire upon the foundation of historical French relationships. He extended dynastic possessions, cultivated princely clients and created satellite states.26 The Napoleonic Wars represent continuity in coalition warfare and French foreign policy up to 1807. The scale of Napoleon's successes from 1807 meant that he lacked any historical framework in which to interpret the expansion of his power. In short, after 1807, he pursued an imperium sine fine, an Empire without end, and his inability to formulate a coherent political system to consolidate his position of European hegemony condemned him to rule over a Europe in constant strife with his regime.

From the moment Napoleon became First Consul of France until his abdication, he played upon the individual interests and rivalries of European states to keep them apart. Furthermore, French imperial ambitions translated into a cultural dominance over European populations, which fed tensions and ultimately fostered national reactions to French rule. French administration in regions of Europe annexed into Imperial France sought to bestow these peoples with the "benefits" of French intellectual and political culture. This was particularly the case in Piedmont, Tuscany and Umbria.27 In those parts of the empire beyond French borders, such as the kingdoms of Italy and Naples, the satellites were ruled by members of the Imperial family, but their administrations were entirely drawn from locals who had sided with the French since their arrival in the 1790s.28

In terms of the broader European response to Napoleon, coalition warfare remained essentially inefficient, and the lessons of defeats up to 1813 did not entirely alleviate difficulties.29 While Napoleon's aggressive foreign policy led to a decade of renewed European conflict, Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia remained steadfast in pursuing their respective strategic goals, even in regions of Europe that were hotly contested, such as Germany and Italy. They often "put the cart before the horse," each formulating their individual objectives before there was even any prospect of defeating the French.30 This led to a severe lack of military cooperation among the coalition powers, and it provided Napoleon with the strategic advantage.

The Third Coalition against France ultimately comprised Austria, Russia, Britain, Sweden and Naples. The coalition's objectives essentially called for the restoration of European borders prior to 1802. It was their intention to roll back Lunville and Campo Formio. Napoleon responded by building his own continental alliance, which included his satellites, the kingdoms of Italy and Holland, and the German princes of Baden, Wurttemberg and Bavaria. The main French army on the Channel coast was redirected to Germany. Both Napoleon and the Third Coalition sought to bring Prussia into their alliance, but without success. Napoleon therefore endeavored to secure Prussian neutrality in the conflict. The military operations lasted merely three months, from the end of September to the end of December 1805. Lack of coordination doomed the Third Coalition to dramatic defeats at Ulm and Austerlitz, enabling Napoleon to dictate, rather than negotiate, a peace.32

The Treaty of Pressburg led to the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire and the establishment of the French-controlled Confederation of the Rhine. Austria relinquished Venice and the Trentino to the kingdom of Italy. Bavaria received the Tyrol and the elevation of its duchy to a German kingdom. The Austrians were completely excluded from Italy and Germany. A Franco-Italian army conquered Naples in February 1806, giving Napoleon control of the entire peninsula. Only Britain managed to achieve a decisive victory with the destruction of the Franco-Spanish fleet at Trafalgar in October 1805. Prussia entered a formal alliance with France in February, leading to a British declaration of war.

The Treaty of Tilsit in July 1807 marked the height of Napoleonic hegemony with the creation of the Grand Empire. Napoleon departed from any historical or traditional framework in his strategic decisions.34 The Napoleonic Empire introduced fundamental changes to the European map. The abolition of the Holy Roman Empire and its replacing with the Confederation of the Rhine is seen widely as the beginning of modern Germany. The transformation of Italy under Napoleonic rule is perceived as critical to the Risorgimento, the movement for Italian unification. Thus nationalism emerged in these parts of Europe, deliberately fostered by the French in the kingdom of Italy, and emerging in Germany as a reaction to French occupation and political domination. Nonetheless, the Napoleonic era was a pivotal period in the transformation of nationalism from an intellectual movement in the eighteenth century to its nineteenth-century manifestation.35

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