Aclassic book that analyzes and defines media appeals specific to American pro-fascist and anti-Semite agitators of the 1940s, such as the application of psychosocial manipulation for political ends. The book details psychological deceits that idealogues or authoritarians commonly used. The techniques are grouped under the headings "Discontent", "The Opponent", "The Movement" and "The Leader". The authors demonstrate repetitive patterns commonly utilized, such as turning unfocused social discontent towards a targeted enemy. The agitator positions himself as a unifying presence: he is the ideal, the only leader capable of freeing his audience from the perceived enemy. Yet, as the authors demonstrate, he is a shallow person who creates social or racial disharmony, thereby reinforcing that his leadership is needed. The authors believed fascist tendencies in America were at an early stage in the 1940s, but warned a time might come when Americans could and would be "susceptible to ... [the] psychological manipulation" of a rabble rouser. A book once again relevant in the Trump era, as made clear by Corey Robin's new introduction.
Prophets of Deceit (A Study of the Techniques of the American Agitator) is a 1949 book co-written by the German sociologist Leo Lwenthal and the Polish-Jewish scholar Norbert Guterman. The authors analyze and define media appeals specific to American pro-fascist and anti-Semite agitators of the 1940s, such as the application of psychosocial manipulation for political ends.[1] The book details psychological deceits that ideologues or authoritarians commonly used. The techniques are grouped under the headings "Discontent", "The Opponent", "The Movement" and "The Leader".
The authors demonstrate repetitive patterns commonly utilized, such as turning unfocused social discontent towards a targeted enemy. The agitator positions himself as a unifying presence: he is the ideal, the only leader capable of freeing his audience from the perceived enemy. Yet, as the authors demonstrate, he is a shallow person who creates social or racial disharmony, thereby reinforcing that his leadership is needed. The authors believed fascist tendencies in America were at an early stage in the 1940s, but warned a time might come when Americans could and would be "susceptible to ... [the] psychological manipulation" of a rabble rouser.[2]
Prophets of Deceit was published by Harper and Brothers as the first in a multi-volume series edited by Max Horkheimer and Samuel Flowerman for the American Jewish Committee's "Studies in Prejudice Series".[3] It was well received by critics and political analysts, and was considered a valuable contribution to mid-20th century studies of prejudice.
"Studies in Prejudice Series" was a research project to produce a sociological study of prejudice in America in the 1930s and 1940s. The authors were German refugees living in the US, with first-hand experience of the Nazi regime, which imbues their work with a "tremendous vitality and a sense of relevance".[4] During their exile from Germany, while living in Los Angeles, Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, both members of the Frankfurt School and working in conjunction with the Institute for Social Research, undertook an expansive research study of what they saw as a shift in spirit, a worldwide movement, which "defined not only mass culture in the United States but also the administrated cultures of the Third Reich and Stalin's Soviet Union."[5]
In 1943 the Institute for Social Research partnered with the American Jewish Committee to investigate American anti-Semitism and publish a multi-volume research study.[6] Horkheimer believed that the scrutiny had to be focused on the agitators, the manipulators, and he thought that in America there was a latent threat of mass anti-Semitism.[7]
Adorno and Lwenthal each conducted research studies of right-wing American radio broadcasts; but Adorno's study was never published. Instead Prophets of Deceit was published as a "scholarly version of the planned popular handbook."[8] It was a psychosocial analysis of a comprehensive study of actual radio speeches and writings of fascists active in the US in the 1930s and 40s.[9][1]
The first chapter, ("The Themes of Agitation"), presents samples of an agitator's diatribe, which might be mistaken as "simply ... the raving of a maniac".[10] Generally agitators rely on core motifs, labeled as "Discontent", "The Opponent", "The Movement" and "The Leader".[11]
Followers are provided neither with hope nor positive ideas for change; agitation is historically distinguished by a complete lack of positive change. Chapter VIII ("The Follower") explains that adherents are made to believe the enemy will only be vanquished through means of a movement and by following the leader's dictates. External forces said to threaten American society are emphasized. The size of the movement is quantified, with claims that it consists "75% of the American people".[21] In Chapter IX ("The Leader") he positions himself as someone with special skills, whose interests support theirs, someone who is "one of the plain folk ... yet far above them."[22] Unlike Hitler or Mussolini, who broke with society and abandoned democratic, Chapter X ("Self-Portrait of the Agitator") shows how the American agitator "dares not repudiate established morality and democratic values".[22] Yet the themes, as exposed in the book, do "not prevent him from conveying the principal social tenets of totalitarianism."[22]
In the closing chapter ("What the Listener Heard"), the authors discuss the listener's reactions. They view them as generally drawn to the idea of success, while against "bureaucrats, Jews, congressmen, plutocrats, communists ... He grumbles against the foreigners who come to this country and get good jobs."[23] Lwenthal and Guterman emphasize that American agitators have historically failed to gain traction and are usually marginalized. They warn, however, that under certain circumstances, such as loss of security for the middle class, America should contemplate the "possibility in which a situation will arise in which large numbers of people would be susceptible to his psychological manipulation".[24]
The authors define the difference between the goals of an agitator, revolutionary and reformer. The latter seeks social change and has a clear vision of his goals. An agitator seeks rejection of the status quo and instills intolerance against groups or individuals. An agitator presents himself as an advocate for social change with the purpose of defeating the underlying causes of discontent, builds a movement and proclaims himself its leader; he is "in fact, full of reactionary cliches about 'the good old days' and the 'simple American Way which our ancestors loved'." Yet the agitator fails to analyze causes of discontent, but "seems to require only the willingness to relinquish inhibition ... No resentment is too small for the agitator's attention."[1]
Lwenthal and Guterman theorize that right-wing agitation increases social dissatisfaction, while simultaneously hampering rational responses to it.[8] Much of the basis of pro-fascist and antisemitic propaganda appears to be irrational in substance, yet Lwenthal's research revealed that it was planned and calculated to achieve a specific response. Paul Apostolidos writes that Prophets in Deceit "precisely catalogues the techniques used by the agitator to promote irrationalism in his audience."[27] Pro-fascist sentiment in America in the 1940s was not spontaneous, more grounded on long held beliefs, which Lwenthal labeled social malaise.[28]
Often the message is contradictory and nonsensical, yet based on psychological manipulation. To the majority he "may sound crazy, but he knows, with a knowledge that is largely intuitive, precisely what he is doing.[30] He kindles fury and fear in his audience, yet keeps them in check, reminding them that they "are still weak and can free themselves from the enemy's tyranny only be submitting unconditionally to his leadership."[31] Lwenthal and Guterman demonstrate Adorno's belief that the greatest danger to American democracy is manipulation of mass culture: radio, television, and film. The authors feared a time when an American audience could be manipulated via similar techniques and psychological means.[32]
The volume was well received on publication. The New York Times, in 1949, wrote that it is "beyond all doubt the most illuminating study of the techniques and the propaganda of the native American Fascist which has yet appeared."[30] The American Journal of Sociology's review, written by Wrong, mentions that the study falters in its attempt to find exact parallels between America and European fascist dictators, but its value "to American social scientists is not the least of its virtues".[4] Alfred McClung Lee wrote in his review in Public Opinion Quarterly that the "Studies in Prejudice Series" promised to be valuable in the study of intergroup relationships and prejudice, and that "Lowethal and Guterman especially deserve praise for a wise and significant volume".[33] Harvard lecturer Charles Clavey believes the book offers the most striking insights into current illiberal movements such as Trumpism.[34]
In I Kings 22 (and II Chronicles 18) the wicked Ahab, King of Israel, asks Jehoshaphat, King of Judah, to accompany him to battle in Ramot Gilad against the Kingdom of Aram. Ahab produces around 400 of his false prophets, who all predict that they will be successful. When this does not satisfy the God-fearing Jehoshaphat, a true prophet of God is called, Michayhu ben (son of) Yimlah (for some reason transliterated into English as Micaiah ben Imlah).
In fact, the reason Jehoshaphat asked for another prophet of God (v. 7) is because he recognized fakes when he saw them. The Talmud (Sanhedrin 89a) explains that Jehoshaphat was familiar with the principle that two true prophets do not speak in the exact same manner. Every prophet has his unique style. Thus, since all the prophets were saying the exact same thing, he could tell that he was not witnessing true prophecy. (See Derech Hashem 3:4:11.)
3a8082e126