On 9/5/2015 1:52 AM, Const wrote:
> Dmitry Krivitsky <
kr...@fido.fw.nu> wrote:
>>>>> В данном случае я лишь говорю про НАПОМИНАНИЕ. вся страна строилась на
>>>>> землях, отнятых у коренных жителей, силами рабов, выкраденных с другого
>>>>
>>>> Не выкраденных, а проданных.
>>>
>>> Их в Африке вполне ловили, крали и затем уже (возможно через
>>> перепродажу) вывозили в Америку.
>
>> Их покупали у самих же африканцев. Например, военнопленные после
>> междоусобных войн.
>
> Сколько бабкиных развелось, пипец какой-то.
А может, ты просто элементарно не знаком с предметом?
И, как это обычно бывает, сам себе в этом не отдаешь отчета?
> Разумеется, что их и просто ловили, в дикой природе,
В дикой природе, Костя, живут дикие звери. А африканцы таки
жили в развитом обществе. С государством и армией. В месте,
куда европейцам вообще соваться нельзя было, из-за малярии и
прочей всякой желтой лихорадки. Оно как-то затруднительно ловить
кого-то в чужой стране, где тебя самого поймать могут. И замочить.
Ну, или в рабство продать.
> без
> всяких там покупок.
> Как фишка ляжет.
Пойди, что ли, почитай чего-нибудь...
Чисто в качестве ликбеза, привожу цитату из книги
http://www.amazon.com/1493-Uncovering-World-Columbus-Created-ebook/dp/B004G606EY/ref=tmm_kin_title_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr=
"When Europeans arrived, they easily tapped into the existing slave
trade. African governments and merchants who were already shipping human
beings could increase production to satisfy the foreigners’ demands.
Sometimes political leaders would hike criminal penalties to obtain
slaves. Scofflaws, tax cheats, political exiles, unwanted immigrants—
all went in the hopper. Usually, though, armies were sent to raid other
nations. Or soldiers could abduct an important person in a neighboring
polity and demand a ransom of slaves. If demand increased still further,
private traders might seize captives without approval, angering the
state. If no other source was available, Africans bought slaves from
Europeans. In the seventeenth century, the Yale historian Robert Harms
has estimated, Europeans sold forty to eighty thousand slaves to
Africans in what is now Ghana.
African demand was as important as European demand in the growth of the
trade. When the flintlock replaced the undependable matchlock at the end
of the seventeenth century, Africans were as keen to acquire the new
guns as the Indians in Georgia and Carolina. In April 1732, traders from
the rapidly growing Asante empire appeared at the Dutch fort of Elmina,
in Ghana. They had a convoy of captives which they demanded to exchange
for guns. Frightened by the threatening tone of the conversation, Harms
wrote, Elmina’s “governor-general sent a desperate circular to all the
other forts ordering that all flintlocks be sent to Elmina at once.”
Asante had become the dominant regional power by a calculated exchange
of slaves for guns and gunpowder. The waves of slavery that fueled
Asante’s arms buildup, Harms remarked, “account for much of the rise in
Dutch slave exports in the 1720s.” African merchants bought slaves from
African armies, raiders, and pirates and paid Africans to convey them to
African-run holding tanks. Once the contract was arranged, Africans
loaded the slaves aboard the ships, which often had crews with
significant numbers of Africans. Other Africans supplied the slave ships
with food, rope, water, and timber for the voyage out. Europeans
naturally played a role: they were customers, the demand side of the
basic economic equation. A few even braved the African coast, marrying
Africans; their children frequently became negotiators and middlemen in
the African slave trade. A combination of disease and watchful African
armies otherwise kept them confined to outposts on the edge of the
continent.* Tiny outposts, for the most part. The Dutch West Indies
Company long held a legal monopoly on the Dutch slave trade, shipping
out about 220,000 captives by 1800. Elmina, its African headquarters,
had a European population that rarely exceeded four hundred, and was
usually smaller. Three miles away was Cape Coast, the biggest base of
the English Royal African Company, which had an equivalent legal
monopoly on the English slave trade. From its docks left tens of
thousands of enchained men, women, and children. Yet Cape Coast had
fewer than a hundred foreign inhabitants. Seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century European maps proudly depicted Africa’s Atlantic
coast as bristling with Danish, Dutch, English, French, Portuguese,
Spanish, and Swedish forts, garrisons, and trading posts. But most of
the stars on the maps had fewer than ten expatriate residents and many
had fewer than five. The principality of Whydah, in today’s Benin,
exported 400,000 people in the first quarter of the eighteenth century—
it was the most important depot in the Atlantic slave trade in that
time. Not one hundred Europeans lived there permanently. The largest
groups of foreigners were the slavers who camped on the beach as they
waited to fill their ships with human cargo."