'HATE PREACHER' RABBANI INCITING PEOPLE TO CARRY OUT BLASTS, COURT TOLD
and/or www.mantra.com/jai
By Anand Holla
Mumbai Mirror
Wednesday, March 10, 2010
The lawyer for Sunni Muslims on Tuesday submitted additional
incriminating evidence to the Sessions Court against 'hate preacher'
Maulana Sheikh Mehraj Rabbani of the radical Ahle Hadees sect.
Maulana Mehraj Rabbani
Rabbani was booked by the Ghatkopar police in January for allegedly
hurting the sentiments of Barelvi Sunni Muslims by making abusive
remarks against saint Khwaja Garib Nawaaz, whose shrine at Ajmer is
India's most famous Sufi shrine.
On Tuesday, Sessions Judge R G Avchat rejected his anticipatory bail
plea.
Before the order, lawyer Rizwan Merchant presented a VCD containing
another inflammatory speech in which Rabbani allegedly asks his
followers to carry out bomb blasts to demolish dargahs and temples.
"These VCDs are manufactured in Bangalore, but are being distributed
by Rabbani's organisation all over India and hence his custodial
interrogation is essential," Merchant told the court.
Merchant also filed a plea stating, "Rabbani's grave provocation to
demolish and bulldoze dargahs and pull off tombs, if need be by
blasting them with bombs, is suggestive of his proposed subversive
activities in India."
The lawyer said, "If this is the extent of Rabbani's views, he should
also be probed for his role in the recent Ajmer Sharif blast."
Another lawyer, S K Halwasia, also submitted some material from the
Internet that apparently indicates Rabbani has links with alleged LeT
operative David Headley and 26/11 mastermind Hafiz Saeed.
The court took both the lawyers' contentions on record, and granted
Rabbani interim protection from arrest for two more days so that he
can appeal before the HC.
Rabbani's lawyer, Sudeep Pasbola, said he is unaware of the VCD or
other revelations, and that they have already moved the HC.
More at:
Jai Maharaj, Jyotishi
Om Shanti
o Not for commercial use. Solely to be fairly used for the educational
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Since newsgroup posts are being removed
by forgery by one or more net terrorists,
this post may be reposted several times.
Seon Ferguson
hero.
and/or www.mantra.com/jai
Seon Ferguson
"use...@mantra.com and/or www.mantra.com/jai (Dr. Jai Maharaj)" wrote in
message news:20100313FDcRAnf6S33T1AqB0UsP1I6@YO49D...
> 'Hate preacher' Rabbani inciting people to carry out blasts, court told
>
The only hate preacher here is you.
fanabba
> "use...@mantra.com and/orwww.mantra.com/jai(Dr. Jai Maharaj)" wrote in
> messagenews:20100313FDcRAnf6S33T1AqB0UsP1I6@YO49D...> 'Hate preacher' Rabbani inciting people to carry out blasts, court told
>
> The only hate preacher here is you.
Muslims must be weaned from Islam for humanity to live in peace.
***************************************************************************************************************
The Truth About Islam
Islamic Jihad: A Legacy of Forced Conversion, Imperialism, and Slavery
(Paperback)
by M.A. Khan
http://www.amazon.com/Islamic-Jihad-Conversion-Imperialism-Slavery/dp/1440118469/ref=ed_oe_p
************************************************************************************************************************
Web sites of Former Muslims
http://islam-watch.org
http://www.faithfreedom.org
***********************************************************************************************************************************************************
Books on Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam:
"Understanding Muhammad" by Ali Sina
http://www.amazon.com/Understanding-Muhammad-Ali-Sina/dp/0980994802/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1267374873&sr=1-1
"Prophet of Doom" by Craig Winn
http://www.prophetofdoom.net
The Truth About Muhammad by Robert Spencer
http://www.amazon.com/Truth-About-Muhammad-Intolerant-Religion/dp/1596985283/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1267375165&sr=1-1-spell
bademiyansubhanallah
> On Mar 13, 7:57 pm, "Seon Ferguson" <seo...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> > "use...@mantra.com and/orwww.mantra.com/jai(Dr. Jai Maharaj)" wrote in
> > messagenews:20100313FDcRAnf6S33T1AqB0UsP1I6@YO49D...> 'Hate preacher' Rabbani inciting people to carry out blasts, court told
>
> > The only hate preacher here is you.
>
> Muslims must be weaned from Islam for humanity to live in peace.
>
>
> The Truth About Islam
>
> Islamic Jihad: A Legacy of Forced Conversion, Imperialism, and Slavery
> (Paperback)
>
> ************************************************************************************************************************
> Web sites of Former Muslimshttp://islam-watch.orghttp://www.faithfreedom.org
>
> ***********************************************************************************************************************************************************
>
> Books on Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam:
>
>
> "Prophet of Doom" by Craig Winnhttp://www.prophetofdoom.net
>
> The Truth About Muhammad by Robert Spencerhttp://www.amazon.com/Truth-About-Muhammad-Intolerant-Religion/dp/159...
> Since newsgroup posts are being removed
> by forgery by one or more net terrorists,
> this post may be reposted several times.
Jai Maharaj
From Encyclopedia Dramatica
Jai Maharaj IS undisputedly the biggest troll/trollspammer in the
universe! SERIOUSLY! Consider this:
He has atleast 100,000 posts on Usenet
He just won't die
He's been literally living on Usenet ever since it came into
existence
All of his posts are copypasta of articles advancing his point of
view; none of his posts have any moral, spiritual or commercial value
Considered to be a major factor contributing to the downfall of
Usenet
Contents [show]
1 Usenet Abuse and Crossposting Faggotry
2 Asstroll-ogy
3 Real Identity
4 Some Theories and Answers to the puzzle
5 Theory and Timeline based on the above facts
6 More Research7 How to Annoy Jai Maharaj
Usenet Abuse and Crossposting Faggotry
What makes Jai Maharaj the biggest pest on usenet is his crossposting
all over usenet with daily news articles suggesting a vicious anti-
christian and anti-muslim slant….and vegetarianism. (Vegetarianism was
invented by high caste Hindoos to exterminate the lower caste ones by
starvation). Jai claims to have been around since the predecessor to
the Internet, ARPANET was started. But again, all he did was hijack it
as a tool for his bullsh*t astrology and Hinduism. As of now, there
are 100,0000 [Update: 110,000 and climbing] of his rubbish postings
dumped all over usenet, clogging newsgroups and modem speed. All his
posts contain a signature with links to his site. As one user noticed,
his postings tend to attract a certain idiotic fringe of superstitious
Hindoos who then find the link to his website at the end of the post.
Jai Maharaj Likes... Jai Maharaj Dislikes...
Asstrology Scientists
Vegetarianism Meat-eaters
Hindu caste system (he's high caste) Members of Hindu low castes
acting uppity on Usenet...even if they are second generation
Americans!
Living in USA USA
Trolling and stalking Being trolled and stalked
Homo porn Hindu porn http://www.flickr.com/photos/haberlah/55690106/in/set-1206444/
Hindu high caste Christians, Muslims, Jews, Hindu lower castes
Being Anonymous Being trolled by Anonymous
Hinduism Any other ism
Does Jai Maharaj ever write on his own? If he could, he wouldn’t be
spamming across usenet like a nut, he would be a writer. His usual
response never goes beyond 4 lines and only consists of a screaming
outburst against “xtians” and “muslims” and anyone who disagrees with
him. But he compensates for this lack of expression by digging up IP
addresses and obtaining locations, real names and phone numbers of his
enemies, which he posts online for his devoted Hindoo pimps to
harass….or in the case of Sidharth, he notifies the authorities
alleging “child abuse”. Its no surprise that Jai is the most despised
entity on Usenet and the entire Usenet community eagerly awaits the
day he will post his last.
The Mahabully, the best psychological compilation on Jai Maharaj ever.
Written by o...@cts.com and can be found here. It details his attacks
on several Usenet posters, his masturbation confessions and his IRA
sympathies. To quote :
“The Mahabully lusts for the prestige and fear that an Ascendent
Hindustan would inspire, and prefers that this is realised at the
expense of his race enemies. His own voice is mean-spirited, immature
and violent. The Mahabully, like other bullies, forms the nucleus of a
coterie of bullies and wanna-be bullies. His kangaroo courts attract a
cabal of marginal, schizoid personalities. The Mahabully may pursue a
vindictive vendetta against anyone who dares to hold them accountable,
perhaps using others' resources and contemptuous of the damage caused
to other people and organisations in pursuance of the vendetta. The
Mhabully 'is greedy, selfish, a parasite and an emotional vampire'.
The Mahabully imposes on others a self-aggrandising falsehood, a
living lie, which is constantly buttressed by additional distortion
and lies. The Mahabully is quick to conjure with injurious terms like
'terrorist'yet it is he himself, Jay Stevens aka Jai Maharaj, who
might fairly be accused of terrorism IMO. For example, he has
advertised a terrorist training video on Usenet.
More Resources
Jai Maharaj's bullshit on Usenet.
http://groups.google.ca/groups?as_q=&num=10&scoring=r&hl=en&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&as_ugroup=&as_usubject=&as_uauthors=Jai+Maharaj&lr=&as_drrb=q&as_qdr=&as_mind=1&as_minm=1&as_miny=1981&as_maxd=2&as_maxm=12&as_maxy=2007&safe=off
R Johnson has the second best compilation on Jai which can be found
here.
http://groups.google.com/groups?q=Jay+Stevens&hl=en&lr=&ie=UTF-8&selm=890778936.233210%40iris.nyx.net&rnum=1
A FAQon Jai Maharaj.
http://www.vic.com/~dbd/minifaqs/jai.maharaj.miniFAQ
Dr. Jose Mariachi’s Compiled Killfile on Jai
http://www.geocities.com/drjosemariachi/jay_faq.html#bb
Jerry Guzzman’s description of jai whom he claimed to have met Jai
Maharaj. According to him, Jai derives some sado-masochist psychotic
pleasure from people paying attention to him, whether positive or
negative.(Proof that jyotshi/Brahmin Hinduism adversely affects mental
capacity?)
Asstroll-ogy
http://www.mantra.com/jyotish
Jai Maharaj preys on ignorant Hindu fools who don’t even know the
internet is on computers….and to whom a message posted in English to
usenet is the equivalent of India test firing another ex-russian junk
missile. Jai has his pimps in India fleece these ignorant fools of
their money by offering them bullshit jyotshi predictions. In
addition, Jai Maharaj seeks to push the rest of the jyotshi scammers
off his turf by copyrighting catch phrases like “prediction registry”,
“holistic jyotshi” and “mantra”! His bullshit jyotshi atrology can be
seen at work at his websites, such,
Main Asstrollogy page of Jai
Another Asstrollogy page
http://www.flex.com/~jai/
More Asstrollogy
How the scam works is that some idiot Hindu who cant type or
comprehend stumbles upon his usenet posts and follows the above links
embedded in his signature…….and voila! Meet jai, the predictor of
their future happiness and well being. Since hardcore materialism,
hate and penis worship wash away the remaining intellect of his
adherents, they are more than willing to part away with their money
for a little guidance from a cyber-jyotshi …….and what is there to say
when the bullshit jyotshi boasts clients (unnamed of course….ahem)
among all the rich and powerful running this planet? Even the
whitehouse is said to havee declared war on timing outlined by Jai!
Don't believe me? Read him right here.
Jai’s jyotshi scam simply consists of juggling various assumptions and
screaming glory when any one of them work out. Whats worse, Jai isn’t
even putting up a realistic Nostradamus like fooling game……instead he
is lousy enough to let his anti-christian and anti-muslim bias leak
into his predictionsas well. Again, one has to subscribe by
contributing to his PayPal account to get access to his bullshit
predictions on future events.
http://encyclopediadramatica.com/PayPal
http://www.flex.com/~jai/registry/white.html
Real Identity
This is the only known photograph of Jai Maharaj. It appeared on an
asstrollogy website. The following information also appeared: "Jai
Maharaj, P.O. Box 1919, Waianae, HI 96792-6919, USA, Tel:
1-808-521-8808, Email: jyot...@aol.com (Synthetics - NO, Uparatnas -
YES, Flawed gems - NO) - SERVICE: I both choose gems and also supply
gems loose or set in jewelry"Jai Maharaj's own website has a very
brief but pompous bio that runs as follows:
http://www.mantra.com/jyotish/quotes.html
Jai Maharaj, who lives in Hawaii, USA, was born and raised in Varanasi
and later in other northern cities. He has been active in campaigns
for both the conservation of time-tested wisdom and the progress of
Bharat. His education and life experience include spirituality, health
and medicine, architecture and engineering, law and business, and
activism in several areas. He has also battled the enemy as a soldier
in the armed forces at the border in Kashmir. Jai Maharaj is a
consultant for a think tank with the government, organizations and
individuals as clients. He is an ordained Vedic-Hindu priest. He hosts
a popular, comprehensive and well maintained news website News Plus .
He monitors news worldwide concerning India and also participates
actively in many discussion forums.
According to Mike (mi...@zang.com),
Jay Stevens hung out on Hawaii's GT Power BBS network in the late 80's
early 90's. I'm talking like 89-90, in that area. While my memories of
him specifically are vary vague, they do carry a general feeling of
chronic irritation. One can be very confident to add IBM compatibles
as his platform of choice, as Hawaii's BBS scene in that period was
heavily platform segregated, and GT Power was a very pro-PC
environment, and had a large military subculture. Nothing I remember
indicates that he was in the military, however.
He is also described as being in his 60s.
In addition, several addresses have been posted on Usenet purportedly
belonging to him. They are of course, yet to be verified, but anyway
here they are:
JAY R STEVENS : 4305 ALLA ROAD APT 7, MARINA DEL RAY, CA 90292
4086, GLENCOE AVE, MARINA DEL RAY, CA 90292 Tel: 310-823-3461
3940, LUTHERAN CIR, SACRAMENTO, CA 95826 ... right near the Sacramento
burb of Manlove
3168 BRAND ST, IRVINE, CA 92606 Tel: 310-375-8510; DOB: May 1940; AGE:
63; E-Mail:j...@mantra.com; ISPs: FLEX NET
A Whois search of Jai’s Mantra.com reveals the following:
Registrant:Mantra Corporation (MANTRA-DOM),P. O. Box 1919, Honolulu,
HI 96792-6919 US
Administrative Contact:Maharaj, Jai (JM225) j...@FLEX.COM
Mantra Corporation
P. O. Box 1919
Waianae, HI 96792-6919 US
(808) 581-8808 fax: 999 999 9999
Technical Contact:Wong, Del (DW403) d...@FLEX.COM
P.O.Box 22481
HONOLULU, HI 96822-2481 US
(808) 539-3790 fax: (808) 539-3793
In the early days of the Internet, Shyamasundara Dasa had an ugly
business dealing with Jai, whichallowed him these personal tidbits:
Date of birth: Oct 7, 1946, 9:15AM
Place of birth: New Delhi, India
Real name: Jai Mathura (but was using Jai Stevens)
Address: as given above
Phone: 808-948-4357
FAX: 808-696-3217
Usenet user Reginald Perrin managed to dig up the incorporation papers
of Mantra.com. He managed to come up with information that Jay Stevens
(Jai Mirage, Jai Maharaj) is one of the founding officers (the other
being Joan Miller) of Mantra Corporation, which was incorporated in
Hawaii on November 30, 1990 issued 1000 shares. It's an astrology scam
masquerading as a business consulting and marketing outfit, with 2
shareholders.
From a Hawaii state web site:
NAME: MANTRA CORPORATION
STATUS: A
CONSENT:
SIM-NAME:
DATE-INC: 11/30/1990
TERM: PER
DATE-EXP:
ADDRESS: P. O. BOX 1919 WAIANAE HI 96792 6919
PURPOSE: BUSINESS CONSULTING, MARKETING,ADVERTISING AND RELATED
SERVICES
SEC DEALER:
VOTE:
VOTE DATE:
REPORTS=> CURR-YR: LAST-YR: 1993 PRIOR-YR: 1992
DELINQUENT:
OFFICERS AS OF 11/30/1990
STEVENS,JAY R POSITION: *P/S/D
MILLER,JOAN E POSITION: *V/T/D
STOCK AS OF 11/30/1990
COMMON SHARES: 1,000 PAID IN:
1,000
PAR-VAL:
TRAN-DATE--ST-TYPE-REMARKS
11/30/1990 C ART ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION
As you can see, mantra.com is incorporated in the name of JAY R.
STEVENS and we can safely assume its his real name. Joan Miller may
either be Jai's Indian wife with a changed name, or a a chickin.
Dell Wong
As you can see in the technical contact of Mantra.com, a certain Dell
Wong is listed. Dell Wong can be several things:
1.An employee/frontman of Jay Stevens
2.A business partner of Jay Stevens
3.A legal alias of Jay Stevens. (under law, it is possible to have a
legal alias provided its listed with the authorities)
4. A completely non-related entity who has become guilty by
association with flex.com, which hosts mantra.com and appears to be
complacent towards Jai's trolling activities.
It has been assumed that Del Wong is nothing but Jay Stevens’
frontman, whom Jay uses in his real legal and business affairs. Del
Wong has been ruled out as being an alias of Jai since his photodoes
not resemble a desi. He may be local Hawaiian or Chinese.
Or who knows? It could be Jai. Well anyway, the contact info of of
Mr . Wong from a Hawaii government tax site is as follows:
Agent Name DEL WONG
Agent Address 2800 WOOD LAWN DR STE 254
HONOLULU Hawaii 96822
United States of America
Business Entity Name FLEXNET, INC.
Record Type Master Name for a Domestic Profit Corporation
File Number 99105 D1
Status Active
Purpose TO PROVIDE HIGH-SPEED COMMERCIAL INTERNET CONNECTIVITY
FOR HAWAII BASED ORGANIZATION COMPANIES AND INDIVIDUALS;
Place Incorporated Hawaii UNITED STATES (Same as mantra.com)
Incorporation Date 03/13/1995
Mailing Address P O BOX 22481 HONOLULU Hawaii 96823-2481
United States of America
Xref Name 1 FLEX NET
Term PER
Some Theories and Answers to the puzzle
The great mystery regarding jay Stevens is why his ISP, FLEX.COM has
never kicked him off than take the trouble and complaints, especially
since he pays a measly $9.95/ month to stay online. The most plausible
answer is that Jay Stevens owns Flex.com through Dell Wong! It seems
Jay originally sneaked into the United States disguised as one of the
thousands of mass produced computer coolies. In his initial years, his
computer coolie skills blossomed but once he managed to escape the
work gang and apply for permanent residence, he reverted back to being
the bullshit jyotshi hatemonger he always was. However, before his
computer skills waned, his computer coolie skills helped him set up
Hawaii’s first ISP, Flex.com and once the cash started flowing, jay
discovered there was plenty of time to spend on his vedic jyotshi
asstrollogy as well as pursuing his hates.
Many have wondered how Jay manages to stay online 24/7 and yet retain
his humanity. The answer is that when he is not cross posting hate, he
is managing Flex.com. In other words he is half robot half demon.
A WHOIS of Flex.com reveals the following:
Registrant:
flexnet inc.
p.o.box 22481
honolulu, Hawaii 96823-2481 United States
Registered through: GoDaddy.com
Created on: 24-Sep-91
Admin. Contact:
wong, del d...@flex.com
flexnet inc.
p.o.box 22481
honolulu, Hawaii 96823-2481 United States
(808) 539-3790 Fax --
Technical Contact:
wong, del d...@flex.com
flexnet inc.
p.o.box 22481
honolulu, Hawaii 96823-2481 United States
(808) 539-3790 Fax –
Del Wong (or Jai Stevens?) is the founder-owner of Flex.com.
Theory and Timeline based on the above facts
http://www.uhm.hawaii.edu/
Jai Maharaj/Jay Stevens sneaked into the United States as an average
grade mass-produced computer coolie. Here are some facts derived from
an online interview between Caroline Wright and ‘Dell Wong’, who
happens to sound more like Jai.
Studied at University of Hawaii at Manoa(might be a good idea to ask
them)
ran a bbs for eight years prior to that got kicked out by U.H., got
his sister in-law in trouble by abusing her internet access
privileges.
Then started ISP service in July 12th 1994 under several different
names, such as Flex.com (of which he indicates had its first employee
named Kristin Paulo who started Hula.net)
He was also involved in the setup of several local Hawai ISPs Did Web
programming with Jeff Tupa who became webmaster and system
administrator for Flex.com. *Tupa is said to have left on 12/29/03.
Had a partner by the name Del Wong
Though the respondent in this interview is referred to as Dell Wong,
it sounds exactly like Jai. And since it was conducted via email, it
is more than probable that Jai was on the other end. For example, this
interview is located on the Flex.com website in the "who are we" tab.
Rather than give a brief info on the company and its history, we find
an online interview with Caroline Wright entitled "Curiousity Killed
the cat." Further, there are too many arrogant and vague comments made
through the interview which sound more like Jai. This interview was
conducted in January 2000, but don’t be surprised if Jai removed or
edited it.
Consider these arrogant and nonchalant comments in the interview which
are a trademark of Jai.
Lots of prospects get put off by our/my "attitude", but heck, FlexNet
is Del Wong.
I don't bother anymore reading the dang thing. As I said before our
present modem situation is crappy. But again, by the time this article
comes out, we will again rock in that department. No worry.
(Caroline Wright asks)Who is the staff of FlexNet? Are you a one-man
band? Is Missus Wong still helping you out? Is Flex your only
business, or do you have other irons in the fire? What are they?
(Jai/Wong answers)Everything is secret. Don't Tell, Don't Ask.
The question of Jai owning Flex.com has surfaced before on Usenet.As
usual, Jai brings forth his sockpuppets to dissuade people from
further pursuing the topic. Take this thread,
Siva K Sundaram wrote:Dr. Jai Maharaj (supposed) real name is Jay
Stevens (based on Net info,one can't know for sure if that's his
actual real name). His web site's domain name, mantra.com, identified
as belonging to Mantra Corporation,has an IP address (206.126.0.13)
matching the domain for the Hawaiian ISP flex.com, which Mr. Stevens
(probably) owns and runs.
To this, a sockpuppet of Jai responds:
Jay Stevens doesn't own or run shit! He's a mercenary for the VHP,
paid by a well-known Indian doctor who "operates" from Houston. I say
he's a mercenary, because he does not live what he purports to preach,
and because he is paid for the propaganda and recruitment efforts.
Flex.com is *not* owned or operated by Jay, but they do host some
services for him, for a fee, of course. His spamming, discerning
readers will note, stems not from flex.com(which has a stern policy in
that regard), but from a no-holds-barred Usenet provider called
Altopia:
A more intelligent Usenet user writes:
Right, that's discernible from examining the source of his posts, that
he uses Altopia for his NNTP services. However, I can't buy the claim
that flex.com merely hosts services for Mr.Stevens. The domain names
flex.com and mantra.com map to the same IP address.If flex.com merely
hosted services for mantra.com, then mantra.com would have to map to a
different IP address.(Note that Jai may have corrected this)So Mr.
Stevens' (if that's his real name) relationship with flex.com is
clearly More than just being a customer. And there's evidence that Mr.
Stevens is trying to hide that fact. He has a web Page at http://www.flex.com/~jai
which suggests that he's a customer of that ISP. He also has a
separate page for his "organization", http://www.mantra.com (address
206.126.13.34), which also suggests a pure customer relationship,
since The address apparently is on the flex.com subnet. However, the
following is unusual. Since mantra.com has the same IP address as
Flex.com, one should expect to reach the flex.com web site by entering
Mantra.com as a URL in a browser, but this does not happen! Rather,
the HTTP Server "magically" recognizes the mantra.com name and
redirects the request to 206.126.13.34, to www.mantra.com! Further
evidence that Mr. Stevens is trying To hide his more intimate
relationship with flex.com.
More Research
Please contact Anonymous and request more research.
How to Annoy Jai Maharaj
Respond to his Usenet posts with a copypasta of this article.
Accuse him of murdering rival asstrollogers
Create an online game in which vegetables have to escape from being
eaten by him
Call him Pakistani
http://encyclopediadramatica.com/Jai_Maharaj
Dog **** eating, ding bat dog-tor, Dr. Jai Maharaj
View Full Version : Dog **** eating, ding bat dog-tor, Dr. Jai Maharaj
Dr. Gay Maharaj
Dog **** eating, ding bat dog-tor, Dr. Jai Maharaj
http://members.tripod.com/sid_e_slicker/india10.html
By Sid Harth
The heinous Hindus like a fake doctor, rather a dog-tor, Hindu
hoodlum, Dr. Jai Maharaj and yours truly have a running feud. This
fundamentalist Hindu terrorist tries to irritate me, apparently for no
reason. It is going on for good four years. In this time I wrote and
posted nearly five thousand articles on all subjects imaginable,
basically showing the heinous Hindu character.
This ding bat dog-tor, however, in the same period, or approximately
so, have stolen copyrighted material from reputed media and posted
under his fake name, Dr. Jai Maharaj nearly fifty thousand articles,
according to Deja.com archives.
I cannot compete with that kind of demonic output. Dr. Jai Maharaj
should thank god for that kind of energy, drive and single minded
pursuit of Hindu ****, that is exactly what his posts are and always
were. What is that idiotboy's problem? Perhaps schizophrenia, perhaps,
multiple personality disorder, perhaps advance stages of brain trauma.
Whatever is his case against yours truly, not clear to me nor is it
clear to his Hindu hoodlum cabal.
This hoodlum has just about accused every single leader of the world,
every single religion of the world, every leader of opposition in
India, including but not limited to Sonia Gandhi, Roman Catholic wife
of former Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, who was mercilessly
murdered by Hindu fanatics such as Dr. Jai Maharaj, imagine that.
The over abundance of filth he posts, no one is capable of reading it
no matter how many hours one can spare for that dishonorable duty.
Apart from being a spam meister, this gangeskhan reposts several of
his very lenghthy, sometimes hundreds of pages long material, not just
once but several times.
Dr. ding bat dog-tor's feud with me is not unique. He has gone after
several other newsgroup posters and writers, not the same thing. This
saffron **** sheriff considers himself not only a great Hindu moralist
but like an idiot that he is, breaks his own pumped up false image,
right thereafter. Of all the material he posts none is penned by him,
except a headline, all caps venomous headline. His signature includes
a Sanskrit mantra, "Om Shanti, Shanti, Shanti." Literally it means the
be peace, repeated three times for stress.
However this ding bat has no peace in his deluded mind as he comes out
brandishing his excaliber as a war mongering monkey. There is your
typical Hindu filthy thinking and filthier philosophy. Comes directly
from one black Hindu god, lord Krishna.
All fine and well for me as if not this ding bat ****ting around we
would, most probably, not be able to portray a typical Hindu American,
safe in America which allows free speech and due protection under the
law. Dr. Jai Maharaj loves free speech as much as I do. His free
speech falls in the category, which is excluded under the US
constitution gurantees. One cannot cry fire in a crowded theater, with
or without valid reasons.
Ds. Jai Maharaj not only cries, not that womanly cry either, cry of a
warrior, blood curdling cry of American native, wrongfully called
'Indian.' The cry is shrill, obnoxious, fearful and incendiary, to say
the least. Hindu hoodlums love him, adore him and play his game. Good
for the village idiots, I say. I am least disturbed as to the fact
that dog-tor, Dr. Jai Maharaj has both secret and not so secret
groupies. It just proves that an idiot can be village idiot Hindus'
messed up Messiah. Who else do you think ought to lead bunch of ****
worms than king of all **** worms, idiotboy, dog-tor Dr. Jai Maharaj?
The problem is with his lies. He lies, lies some more and to cover his
tracks, lies on top of it. If according to ding bat dog-tor, Dr. Jai
Maharaj, Hindu religion is the best in the world how come he has to
defend it so vigorously? Shouldn't the best product in the world,
including the best mouse-trap get the people knocking the doors?
This rats' asshole has serious problem with his logic. Let us for
argument's sake consider dog-tor Dr. Jai Maharaj's argument that Hindu
religion is the best and the Hindu culture is the best add to that as
a corollary, Hindu gods, all thirty-three millions of them are the
best, practitioners of Hindu religion are the best, citizens liveing
in India and practicising faithfully their cherished religion are the
best, make it anything and everything related to Hindu religion is the
best, for
argument's sake only.
Dt. Jai Maharaj's outrage against the world has no place. The value or
the price of a diamond is determined by the demand and supply of that
unique product. De Beers, the world monopoly decides how many diamonds
be marketed and at what price. No matter what is actual production or
actual demand the price is kept high to make diamond value at a
specific, luxury level.
If Dr. Jai Maharajs antics can be considered equal to De Beers cartel,
keeping the value of Hindu religion at ridiculously high level it
serves no purpose. No one is interested at Dr. Jai Maharaj's
artificially held value of Hindu religion. There is no great rush to
migrate to Hindu religion. The contrary is true. great many people
have abandoned it, if not stopped being rigorous practitioners of Dr.
Jai Maharaj brand of Hindu religion.
Under the circumstances, his hue and cry and his illegal, immoral
attitude towards all is unjustified. No matter how many times I said
that Hindu religion is a gutter religion it makes no difference to the
practitioners of that religion. They still follow their conscience or
personal choices to stick with it.
Shouldn't this ding bat dog-tor take a hint that it is the personal
choice of Hindus against overwhelming evidence against their religion,
their society, their history and culture that keeps it in place. I do
not believe that this ding bat dog-tor has that simple logical truth
seeking imagination.
Du. Jai Maharaj need not offend or defend anyone. God takes care of
that. I don't suppose this idiotboy has what it takes to add two and
two. Most probably, it would be five, three or twenty-two.
Sid Harth..."Show me a defender of Hindu culture and I shall show you
an idiotboy, dog **** eating, ding bat dog-tor, Dr. Jai Maharaj."
Dr. Gay Maharaj
http://www.cyclingforums.com/archive/index.php/t-55500.html
'na he na he he's is rotan baba 'who rolled up kulu manali in northern
hindustani.
`I've always `wondered who this chickensucker "Jai Maharaj" was. I
knew `for certain he wasn't a real Hindu. I did a Google `search on
"Jai Maharaj" + "Jay Stevens", and dozens of `hits popped up. Thanks
for the lead.
%:%:%: The Proto Jai Maharaj Periodic %:%:%: %:%:%: Informational
Posting %:%:%:
1. Who is Jai Maharaj?
Jai Maharaj is the 'Voice of Mantra Corporation'. Though it is seen
as
just one poster posting all the stuff on Usenet, it is widely
suspected
that Jai is not the only contributor.
2. What newsgroups are home to Jai Maharaj?
You're kidding. Any newsgroup on Usenet, forums on Compuserve,
practically anything anywhere anytime is home to Jai Maharaj. Just
post on any of the following groups on Noosenet and Jai is very eager
always to share his wisdom with any group.
Jai's wisdom is presently available on the following groups:
alt.astrology sci.med.nutrition rec.food.veg soc.culture.indian
alt.culture.hawaii (he says "Come over to alt.culture.hawaii" but he
JAI MAHARAJ UNCUT AND UNWASHED
Dean T Dean!!!!!! You got the afternoon off from your poor yet honest
dad's fast goat turd franchise and you...
never posts there)
The Usenet graph of Jai Maharaj in a brand of vedic astrology :
3. What do you need to do to get in the good books of Jai Maharaj?
Well, say that Vedic astrology is good. Don't ever be a animal person-
eater. Also see Q. 4. Also ask Virendra on alt.astrology.
4. What do you need to do to get in the bad books of Jai Maharaj?
Just flame him on Usenet for 5 days. It helps if you are quite
"popular" or "widely known" on a newsgroup. Else you aren't worth Jai
Maharaj's time. Say that Vedic Astrology is a fake. Or that Mantra
Corporation is misusing Internet-Usenet by advertizing using the 4-
line .sig.
5. What is common between Jai Maharaj and John Palmer?
Both have claim to being one of the most "popular" persons on Usenet.
Jai has accused lots of people with "LIBEL". JP has slapped virtual
lawyers on many.
6. What is different between Jai Maharaj and John Palmer?
John has his own machine and his own domain. Jai gets on to U. of
Hawaii and accesses Freenets from there.
John has a knowledge of sendsys while Jai doesn't. Jai is quite known
to accuse people of sending mail plants when there wasn't any sent.
But Jai is working hard to be a JP.
7. What is the mark of a Jai Maharaj posting?
It always starts with a -=Namaste=- and ends with a -=Om Shanti=-.
oops.. sorry. Always ends with the 4 line .sig.
He posts usually from his accounts as:
Exposed Arindam Banerjee's tactics of abuse 3302
Dr. Jai Maharaj Yawnnn.... Still peddling the same old lies. I'll
reply (yet again) with the same...
Your tax dollars at work!
Till date, he has never been seen from a commercial account. Once in a
while, mantra corporation (which has the same mcimail number
apparently its distilled wisdom.
8. What do I do if I don't want to see Jai's postings at all?
There is a wonderful mechanism on bulletin board systems called
"Killfile". Use it.
is the freenet he is using. Also you can send a nice 'thank you' note
for every posting he does. He appreciates it very much.
9. Why this FAQ?
There are countless people on Usenet who still don't know Jai Maharaj
and this humble effort on my part will probably enable people from far
and wide to get to know the personality of Jai.
btw, there is also a alt.fan.jai-maharaj (the newgroup was sent by
spread the Jai Maharaj message for the good of the world.
Contributions to the FAQ most welcome. If anyone wants to take over
the FAQ, you are most welcome to. Please post everything on the
newsgroup.
Every effort has been made to present facts. Corrections welcome on
that count from anyone, be it from Jai Maharaj or John Palmer.
Jai anon.penet.fi. Jai Jai Maharaj. Jai Julf.
-=Om Jai Maharaj=-
This posting can be circulated on any non-profit media. You can make
copies for educational use.
Brought to this forum by a caring anon.penet.fi user. Please post this
as a reply to jai's messages while snipping his message. Spread to all
corners of the creation. ÐÐ
JAI MAHARAJ BUSTED....CONNECTION TO FLEX.COM EXPOSED! VERSION 1.0
(OR PROOF THAT HINDUISM HAS LETHAL SIDE EFFECTS)
JAI MAHARAJ's CONNECTION TO HINDU personS.....
Jai Maharaj is in bed with Hindu persons and the Hindu equivalent
investigated by the Mumbai police for promoting liquidate of non-Hindu
Indians. The Hinduunity website has a "hitlist" page with names and
addresses of non-Hindu Indians against whom it openly incites
violence. The "hitlist" can be viewed here:
Mumbai Police Investigates hinduunity: VSNL, INDIA's Govt is blocking
the site. Israeli funded Hindu hate criminal Rohit Vyasman, who was
kicked off his ISP addr.com, runs the site. The site currently has its
own server and requires no ISP. The
Created On:01-Mar-2000 00:32:20
UTC Sponsoring Registrar:R164-LROR Registrant ID:GKG-C00000E47E
Registrant Name:Rohit Vyasmaan PO BOX 174 East Norwich NY 11732 US
Phone:+1.2089785264
There is proof that the Israeli person outfit outlawed by the UN,
Kahane.org runs the website, since it carries a link to Kahane.org as
well as Israeli propaganda.
In addition, the two servers of the website are : NS1.YESHUA.CC
(Yeshua is a Jewish name)
Name Server:NS2.GWSYSTEMS.CO.IL
(IL is the subdomain for Israel)
"When Addr.com dropped HinduUnity.org as one of its clients, Vyasman
called Guzofsky's office in Brooklyn. Guzofsky is a follower of Rabbi
Meir David Kahane, a Brooklyn-born, former member of the Israeli
Knesset, who called for the expulsion of Arabs from Israel. Guzofsky
connected Vyasman to Gary Wardell, a businessman in Annandale, VA.
Wardell's web service business now hosts both the HinduUnity.org and
Kahane.org sites. The two sites also have a mutual link." Link:
Jai maharaj frequently posts links to this website as well as
material. Whats more, he is a member of the members only forum area
where Hindu fanatics meet and discuss upcoming riots and
buttbuttinations in India.
Did Jai Maharaj help Rohit Vyasman set up Hinduunity.org on his own
servers?
the WHOIS of which is as follows: Registrant: Himalayan Academy
(XGZAGUWGCD) 107 Kaholalele Road Kapaa, HI 11111 US
Administrative Contact, Technical Contact: Japendra
107 Kaholalele Road
Kapaa, HI 11111 US
808-822-7032 fax: 808-822-4351
The other website contained in Jai's signature is
http:www.hindunet.org, the WHOIS of which is as follows: Registrant
ID:DOTR-00243868 plus 1 Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America, Inc. P.O.
Box 722098 San Diego CA 92172 US Phone:+1.8584844564 Admin.
ID:DOTC-01366589 Admin Name:Ajay Shah
Note that the Vishwa Hindu Parishad is the Nazi-KKK equivalent of with
it enbreastles him to an investigation.
JAI MAHARAJ BEHIND HATE CRIMES IN HONOLULU?:
Oct.22,2002: The FBI and Honolulu police have launched a hate crime
investigation into who left hundreds of anti-Muslim leaflets at Oahu's
only mosque yesterday morning. The leaflets were breastled "ATTENTION
RAG-HEADS" and included a threat against Muslims. The leaflets,
according to the group, said "every curry fund-raiser will be checked
to ensure that funds are not being funnelled to support person groups.
Anyone found in violation will be strapped with explosives and shipped
to Iraq. MAY GOD (NOT ALAH) BLESS AMERICA!!" Source:
Exposed Arindam Banerjee's tactics of abuse 3300
I don't know about him. These two I talk about pretend to be concerned
about Hindus and Hinduism. In reality...
Jai Maharaj resides in Honolulu (we will get to that later). The point
is, if he dedicates his entire day crossposting hate messages against
muslims and posts a link to the Hindu equivalent of the KKK, the VHP
in every post, don't you suppose he might be tempted to get physical?
But since he is a coward Hindu, you can expect him to be involved only
in anonymous hate crimes like the one mentioned above.
There are two peculiar features regarding the aforementioned hate
crime: 1. The reference to "curry fundraisers" seems to be aimed at
deflecting attention from the perpetrator (Jai?) who himself is of
"curry" Asian Indian origin. 2. Allah mispelt as Alah seems to be
deliberate to deflect attention towards Jai and portray the image of a
white Christian perpetrator who happens to be ignorant of spelling
Allah. Deliberate? You bet.
CONTACT THE HAWAII POLICE DEPARTMENT AND TELL THEM WHY YOU THINK JAI
DID IT....REMEMBER, TIPS ARE ANONYMOUS AND YOU COULD BE REWARDED IF
JAI
GETS BUSTED!
Honolulu Police Department 801 South Beretania Street Honolulu, HI
96813
Deputy Chief of Police Paul Putzulu: 529-3975
Police Vice-Drug Tip Hotline: East Hawaii: 934-"VICE" (934-8423) West
Hawaii: 329-"ZERO-ICE" (329-0423) Non-emergency Information and
Complaints: 935-3311
JAI MAHARAJ's FALSE ALLEGATIONS OF CHILD ABUSE
Jai maharaj has a file on him in the California Police Department
after he notified the police that a anti-Hindu Usenet poster
"Sidharth" of Pennsylvania was a child molester. The police
investigated the affair and discovered that Jai had led them on a
false trail. To quote Sidharth:
"His (Jai Maharaj's) latest charge against me is so ridiculous that I
ignored it altogether as typical Hindu blasphemy. The charge is that I
abuse children. This charge was made by one Sujata Londhe, another
covert Hindu person of Morrisville, Pennsylvania. Sujata Londhe has
since been inactive for one or more reasons. She never could prove the
charge nor bunch of Brahmin sh*t loaders who acted on her
William Grosvenor sick Jew hater using fake names. Google William
Grosvenor
U.S. Soldier Recalls Horror of Nazi Camp Published: 5-8-05 MAUTHAUSEN,
Austria (AP) - Bodies stacked like firewood. A concrete slab where
dead...
"This ding bat dog-tor, however, in the same period, or approximately
so, have stolen copyrighted material from reputed media and posted
under his fake name, Dr. Jai Maharaj nearly fifty thousand articles,
according to Deja.com archives." Read Sidharth's article at:
On another occasion, Jai Maharaj accused a usenet user disagreeing On
another occasion, Jai posted private imfo on a non-Hindu Indian so
JAI MAHARAJ IS THE KINGPIN OF A VEDIC-JYOTSHI BULLSH*T ASTROLOGY
SCAM!
Jai Maharaj preys on ignorant Hindu fools who don't even know the
internet is on computers....and to whom a message posted in English to
missile. Jai has his pimps in India fleece these ignorant fools of
their money by offering them bullsh*t jyotshi predictions. In
addition, Jai Maharaj seeks to push the rest of the jyotshi scammers
off his turf by copyrighting catch phrases like "prediction registry",
"holistic jyotshi" and "mantra"! His bullpoo jyotshi atrology can be
never took off. Guess jyotshi bullsh*t and news analysis simply don't
mix.
How the scam works is that some idiot Hindu who cant type a sh*t (and
naturally devoid of comprehension) stumbles upon his usenet posts and
follows the above links embedded in his signature.......and voila!
Meet
jai, the predictor of their future happiness and well being. Since
hardcore materialism, hate and privates worship wash away the
remaining intellect in the minds of his Hindu adherents, they are more
than willing to part away with their money for a little guidance from
a cyber-jyotshi .......and what is there to say when the bullsh*t
jyotshi
boasts clients (unnamed of course....ahem) among all the rich and
powerful running this planet? Even the whitehouse declares war on
timing outlined by Jai! (something he pulled out of his butt). Check
it out here:
scam simply consists of juggling various buttumptions and running
around naked when any one of them work out. Whats worse, Jai isn't
even putting up a realistic Nostradamus like fooling game......instead
he is lousy enough to let his anti-christian and anti-muslim bias leak
into his predictions as well. See subscribe by contributing to his
Paypal account to get access to his bullsh*t predictions on future
events.
JAI MAHARAJ IS A CROSS POSTING USENET ABUSER
http://www.barossa-region.org/Australia/WHO-IS-JAI-MAHARAJ.html
monkey pees in its own mouth [gross]
monkey pees in its own mouth [gross]
0:10
Added: 1 year ago
From: capinfox
Views: 70,039
All Comments (46 total)
Loading...SuperJusto22 (4 days ago) groossssssssssssssssss!!!!!!!! !!!
1
greenorange75 (5 days ago) ATHF FTW
criticalbitch1987 (1 week ago) go on my son !!!!
Bravyanz0r (1 week ago) HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHA WTH?!
KhanioProductions (2 weeks ago) Give this comment a thumbs UP! lol
watermeloncutie16 (2 weeks ago)I think that is so sad that monkey
needs some water
RonixEnclave (3 weeks ago) I had to do that when I was lost in the
desert for 4 days.
lolaap1234 (3 weeks ago) This is fucking sad he needs to get water
australianicon (1 month ago) this monkey is doing what i do almost
every day
volcomdaddy (1 month ago) i just really hate monkeys so much!!!!!!!
SantaTheEmo (1 month ago) makes me thirsty.
Fartknocker0990 (1 month ago) i hope no one is getting ideas........
InYourFaceNewYorker (1 month ago)That's not a monkey, that's a
chimpanzee, considered one of the great apes. Chimps are the closest
cousins of humans. Wow, our close cousin is peeing in his mouth. ;)
krisrod8 (2 weeks ago) do you look like a monkey?
xochequetsal (1 month ago)stupid monkey!
sich69 (1 month ago) ^_^
isin1998 (1 month ago) o_o omg omg o_o
AshleyWyles (1 month ago) eh mi god that was so disgusting!! EW
mercen144 (2 months ago)likes the comments
Rexd101 (2 months ago) Monkies are awesome. They can survive in the
desert because they have something to drink. As long as they keep
drinking it they can store it for later. Fucking awesome huh.
Shanzap (2 months ago) uhm
u can only drink ur pee once
after that the salt and acid in it will kill u
u have to wait for ur system to cleanse again
well I dunno for monkeys
cause clearly this monkey must do it all the time
leightontang (2 months ago) OH MY GOSH THAT DISGUSTING!!!!!!!!!
Rubbatubby8 (2 months ago) Same here
Sm00thCriminaal (2 months ago) lol refreshing....homemade lemonade
with a twang to it.
yamahaTRAIL (2 months ago) @Sm00thCriminaal hahahahhaha
kslaopuwmuil (2 months ago) we love monkeys they are sooooo cute
(sweet)
5/5
dasbakon (2 months ago) Chimpanzees are not monkeys, they are apes.
kslaopuwmuil (2 months ago) Shit dude, get a life instead of being a
smartass.
nolifer
thecorduroysuit (2 months ago) Comment removed by author
Comment(s) marked as spam Show
Comment(s) marked as spam Hide
thecorduroysuit (2 months ago)Well, dasbakon is absolutely right,
Chimps ARE apes, not monkeys. It`s pretty sad when people equate
intelligence with ``Having no life.``
95gobbler (2 months ago) that monkey got its colors messed up the
pees are suppose to be green not yellow
bearspark (3 months ago) lol
iStocop (3 months ago)if he's thirsty he gotta do wat he gotta do.
joshdodds94 (3 months ago) Curtis Juch..... HarHarhehehaHRahr
Katieboo1996 (5 months ago) gross
samangelo11 (7 months ago) what happened to the other 9
ToontownMad2605 (7 months ago) I counted 1. :S
xluckyx (7 months ago) i demand my other 9 clips >:[
Nathanpq7 (7 months ago) there wuz only 1 vid not 10
robnobhob (7 months ago) hahah xD
Comment(s) marked as spam Show
Comment(s) marked as spam Hide
monkeylover098 (7 months ago) dude u suck 4 that
ThePhoenix815 (11 months ago) where's the other 9?
DJSFAMOUS (8 months ago) exactly
hazzaslim (1 year ago) rofl
skilla2k8 (1 year ago) hahahahaha woodzy
WoodzyBoi2K8 (1 year ago) lol
http://www.youtube.com/comment_servlet?all_comments&v=5Fj37OTTmm4&fromurl=/watch%3Fv%3D5Fj37OTTmm4
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Fj37OTTmm4
Crazy gorilla eating his own poo
Crazy gorilla eating his own poo
1:21
Added: 3 years ago
From: chaqlee
Views: 264,967
All Comments (552 total)
zrx7769 (3 days ago) thats not a gorilla, its a nigger
pinoyrules15 (5 days ago) THATs a GORRila talents No one human CAn't
Do that....
silphantom (5 days ago) WhY aRe YoU TyPing LiKe ThIs??
zrx7769 (3 days ago) um, no your wrong
dxdxliu (1 week ago)recycling
bluelite7x (1 week ago)Orangutans piss in their mouths, gorillas eat
their shits, and terrorists blow themselves up. As intelligent as
primates are, they can clearly be fucked in the head!
TheBrawlMaster (1 week ago) This zoo dont feed him enough, so he has
no choice to recycle his poo.
devywevy1996 (1 week ago) if i wasnt sick before i dont know what i
am noww.
truelypink (1 week ago) African American Style!!!
KhanioProductions (2 weeks ago) that is not wat gorillas would do in
the wild, that gorilla is hungry and mentally fucked
vlcmarijn (2 weeks ago) 50 cent
Irokashi (2 weeks ago) Now we know what the gorillas get for diner.
darylklein13 (2 weeks ago) yum yum yum
thats fucking gross
garyf7777 (2 weeks ago) Is this Iyanna Washington?
Selwof (2 weeks ago) this is recycling in its base form, good to see
other creatures making a difference. . .
jaqu19 (2 weeks ago) damn, that is one fucking crazy gorilla!
toasterhead91 (3 weeks ago) petty goss... i saw a goilla eat his
poop, puke it up, then eat the puke tho X_X
Smaejdah (3 weeks ago)He wanted to give those fucking people a little
show :D
zaffe93 (3 weeks ago) what a poor black person
Jan8991 (3 weeks ago) seroiusly poor gorilla
louandmikes (3 weeks ago) 1 word Nasty
14ethank (3 weeks ago) that is beyond gross.
ACmilanfan80 (1 month ago) how does ur shit taste u niggaa
DahnD (1 month ago) My dog eats horse shit O.o Not to mention
frogs...
knarftretsom (1 month ago)YAAY ITS MY LANGUAGE =)
Netherlands ;D
4devilking4 (1 month ago) poor garilla
his hungry T.T
GIVE HIM SOME FOOD!!
his a poor animal who eats poop because his hungry GIVE HIM
FOOOOOOD!!!
specialkid94 (1 month ago)i gues he wanted it his way o.o
yamablaster14 (1 month ago) Finger lickin good yum!! Haha
80gamer (1 month ago) doesnt that make u wanna kiss jim
vicktrickly72 (1 month ago) better than 2 girls 1 cup, and 2 girls 1
finger, and 4 girls fingerpaint...
planes3333 (4 weeks ago) @vicktrickly72
whats that mean??
vicktrickly72 (4 weeks ago) it means STOP WATCHING THINGS EAT WASTE
you might find yourself doing it
GermanysF1nest (1 month ago) baaaaaaaaaaaaaaah pervert
lmr2727 (1 month ago) leave him alone!!!!! dogs do that too, you
know! jeez!
Joshuaguss (1 month ago) LOL 0:33 The gorilla see everybody's laughing
at him, and it looks like he's asking "You never ate poo".
93bendzsi (1 month ago) Also the dogs do thats as well
VibrantBeautyBaBy (1 month ago) Left overs I guess? LoL!
SiCcCkKk!!!!! HAHAHA!
cburrezzy (1 month ago) i know his breath STANKIN!
lauzama (1 month ago) whats wrong that gorilla
80gamer (1 month ago) either its on crak or that poo is going strait
to its head
davidhamburg1996 (1 month ago) wtf ?!?!? LOOOOL !!!!!
GameSpazzProductions (1 month ago)there was probably a recycle sign
somewhere in the zoo.
toaking54 (1 month ago) insane
Shadow247night (1 month ago) That's just messed up!
emokekz890emokekz (2 months ago) leave him be, he's trying to eat for
crying out loud.
gtardude1 (2 months ago)i meen a straght face my dad mesed me up
gtardude1 (2 months ago) whats funny is he eats it with a strait
Ardefoc (2 months ago) Mmm Nutrients
emmanuelrio911 (2 months ago) what an idiot... yuck i lost my
appetite
Tyguy161 (2 months ago) *pukes*... man hes really mackin' down
triplepoopsmith (2 months ago) this is gross but hilarius
hagertyh (2 months ago) That zoo must not give them enough to eat :
( LOL
watermelonhorsey123 (2 months ago) this made my mouth have herpies :
&
khanhq (2 months ago)1 gorilla
1 zoo kinda like 2 girls 1 cup lol
spmommy4 (2 months ago) Rofl
fuzzwarmy (2 months ago) This gorilla is not crazy. Gorillas get
their vitamin B12 and other important nutrients from insects and their
own feces. Zookeepers rarely if ever feed insects to captive gorillas,
so captive gorillas are forced to rely solely on their feces for B12.
soccrplyr10 (2 months ago) the cameraguy said ratemypoo
nrobnas43 (2 months ago) the gorilla says, " This tastes like shit".
cutehannahful (2 months ago) OMG!!!!! I Think i'm gonna throw up!!!
gerrardjake (2 months ago) damn hes downing that like a champ
Sm00thCriminaal (2 months ago) @gerrardjake it must of thought it
seen a peanut
TheIrinucka (2 months ago) i feel sick :-&
MRDOGSWIPE (2 months ago) Oh My Goodness...idk what to say...
MrEmejias (2 months ago) the gorilla is looking at everybody like
"haven't you ever eaten poo?".
Joshuaguss (2 months ago) LOL 0:10 That Gorilla is wondering why a-lot
of people keep watching him eat. 0:40 Look at him, everytime he take a
bite, he looks and see people staring and laughing at him.
1:09 So I guess he said "I'm gonna finish my food when everybody
leave."
Zebbe190 (2 months ago) the gorilla is looking at them like:
-Can you do that, phff!
:)
SillyGoober23 (2 months ago) apes do sometimes do that...there is
usually undigested nuts, fruit, or vegetables that they can
smell...or the Zoo keepers aren't feeding them :-)
DrToonhattan (2 months ago) Haha, that guy at 1:03 looked like he was
going to be sick.
I don't blame him.
But isn't the whole point of poo being really smelly so that animals
don't eat it?
Or maybe it just had a cold.
RaiMX (2 months ago)He is just saying: Look at my poor life - I'm
eating my own shit!
Mas18J (3 months ago) Ieeelllhhh Hij eet gewoon zn eigen poep op!
Haha
HugeChunkySkidmark (3 months ago) I like the part where the monkey
eats the shit
themelanator1 (3 months ago) thats fucking funny when he eats shit
amelie1416 (3 months ago)at least they won't have to clean up his
poop
cryptex220 (3 months ago) wtf?
INTHETREE71 (3 months ago) naasty....
way worse than my neighbors dog Kimmy.... she ate her poo too.....
The thing is is that they crave vitamins so an alternative would be
fesies, also known as shit ! HAHA But this was funny!
unstopable410 (3 months ago) you are one sick and gay nasty mother
fucker
ZzXDGXzZ (3 months ago) lol!! thatd be funny toofbar
welubsoursheet (3 months ago) YUMMY!!!! He makes me so wet. What team
does he play for?
truckdog19508 (3 months ago) thats a gorilla genious, not a baboon,
ya fucken uber tard
MarioLuigification (3 months ago) O.O DX
3rdDragunov (3 months ago) What a stupid fucking animal, that's
fecies, dumb fucking retarded baboon. Some one throw him some patatos
to eat at least?
CazAttack57 (3 months ago) lol yummy
3ej6 (3 months ago) hes just playing mind games
youdead179 (3 months ago) MMM CHOCALATE MUFFINS!!!!!!
HomicideTroop901 (3 months ago)dude
smallin45 (3 months ago) OMG~!
mtgPirate (3 months ago) He must be REALLY hungry..
toofbar3 (3 months ago) 2Gorillas1cup?
FROZENUSER (3 months ago)who doesn't likes to eat poo?
matt4c4 (3 months ago) Comment removed by author
shirey812 (4 months ago) hey, less work for the employees, lol
yomomma41 (4 months ago)hey he's thinking GREEN alright! lmao
RECYCLE!!!
lol
CanadiaNecro1 (4 months ago) They do it in the wild too.
CaveatCartoonShows (4 months ago) :O THAT'S NASTY...welp, this proves
that we're defendantly related to apes!!
CaveatCartoonShows (4 months ago) CRAP! SPELLED DEFIANTLY WRONG...
CaveatCartoonShows (4 months ago) wait...that's not how you spell it
either...
BrittanyBrittanyable (4 months ago) LMFAO! *spits* That was sooooo
gross but halarious. Them damn zoo owners need to feed him!
treasuredroperX (3 months ago) He has leaves to eat...
NoMercyForTheWeak001 (4 months ago) ooh dude! my eyes!
dittocopys (4 months ago) you are not alone 0_0
TappaJ123 (4 months ago) wow!!!!!
sChOoLmIsSeR (4 months ago)He must of enjoyed that..
karts565 (4 months ago) söö sitta
MrMickeyd1112 (4 months ago) pause at 0:10 Something funny
bitches?!?!?!
greendaylover4 (4 months ago)ha ha yeah lol good one
taeyatalkalot (4 months ago) It was gross buy so funny lol
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BLACKOUT319 (4 months ago) Marked as spam i almost threw up
starlinayei (4 months ago)2GIRL1CUP HELPER
gayskunk (4 months ago)its accully normal for some animals to do
this, rabbits do it to regain certain nutriants, much like a cow
vomits in its own mouth and chews on it, its just instinct
snewso (4 months ago) musta been hungry
AznLiishii123 (4 months ago)that was very disturbing to see, yet i
cant stop watching it!
darthkevster (4 months ago) yum yum lmao
TFloydProductions (4 months ago) taste even better the second time!!!
1
sergen121 (4 months ago) feel sorry for his wife
crotchfungus (5 months ago) Well they are vegetarian, so I guess its
okay
Mars5890 (5 months ago) lol
YtothemuddafukinT (5 months ago) Man, you'd think they'd give the man
who just won a Nobel Peace Prize better chow than that!
woozie442 (5 months ago) It's dinner time at the white house!
aodessey (4 months ago) you're fucking sick
halfahuman (5 months ago) 1:09 D=
12kirkhinrich12 (5 months ago) That's recycling!
annhelen88 (5 months ago) haha, kuleste mest demonstrative monkey
hoho :)
DeiFanGirl94 (5 months ago) damn, he's so pervert!!
...
xD
Kacicka999 (5 months ago) Damn ...
XDiScONeCtX (5 months ago) Yummy.
cheemoguy (5 months ago) barf!!!
OffTheDeepEnd101 (5 months ago) nastiehh
bindass99945 (5 months ago) this bez of fucking zoo peoples, not
giving proper
food to wild animals :( i feel really pity for that gorrillaaaaaaa
Jarrith4291 (5 months ago) I really think the incessant giggling of
the camera man intensifies the effect...
EvilToiletTaco (5 months ago) RECYCLE
jeffreyhrz (5 months ago)why does it smell like shyt everytime i see
this video?
GlitzAndGlamour1 (5 months ago) i think i died a little on the inside.
5superbreasons (5 months ago) yum
cfhscheer (5 months ago) o_0
aznrichgirl (5 months ago)awhhh): i bet thts jus a super bad zoo who
doesnt feed the animals T_T
xHahaElly (5 months ago) Maybe he was hungry ):
XxGameadickxX (5 months ago) talk about potty mouth
savanah37615 (6 months ago) ewewewewewewewewHAHA
trxrida10 (6 months ago) LOL SO FUNNY!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
druha10304 (6 months ago)drafted number 6 by the new york knicks.
x001m69 (5 months ago) NO, I think this ape looke like a New England
Patriot
duerdum9 (6 months ago) haha cool gorilla!
TheBrawlMaster (6 months ago) 1 gorilla 1 cup
crazystarwarsguy1006 (6 months ago) humans: holy shit its eatin its
own poop!!!!
gorilla: yum takes like apples I WANT MORE
peter12331 (5 months ago) HAHAHAHAH
buckatunnaboy (6 months ago) Man, that's some good sh*t!!! LOL!
emochild987 (6 months ago) lol black ppl.....
xxHATESxTHExWORLDxx (6 months ago)LMFAO
Moving4Motion (6 months ago) He just wants a hot meal :D
THEANIMEPERV (6 months ago) i remember when my dog use to do that
LMAO. XD.
5w545 (6 months ago) Show Hide 0 Marked as spam Reply ew, freaking
gross
blueears1 (6 months ago) Good examle of recycling we all shud recycle
our poo.
Fredwiener (6 months ago) Recycle fail
xerke (6 months ago)wow how sad how far he needs to go to get
attention
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gta4ratman (6 months ago) Marked as spam HEY!
dont knock it till you try it
welshwarrior123 (6 months ago) Marked as spam bet his breath smells
like shit
tree003a (6 months ago) now all that gorilla has to do is burp in
your face!
luncheon198 (7 months ago) NOMNOMNOMNOM
greenket (7 months ago) this is some original 2girls 1cup
SeAz00n (7 months ago) Gorilla and poo! :D
xTSxPUNISHER (7 months ago) mmmmmm taste haha
bleachjunkie (7 months ago) My dog does that... O.o
crazyds123456789 (7 months ago) Must tought it was a banana or he
must be reallly really hungry
and omg he likes it O-o
daniellos333 (7 months ago) why didnt u name the title "insane gorilla
eating its own shit"
SketchyFingers12 (7 months ago) i wonder how it tastes...
raniman999 (7 months ago) OMG NASTY!
theforrestwhaley (7 months ago) i saw a gorilla eat his own puke at
the bronx zoo
CherylVooren (7 months ago) this is Artis @ holland =]
thinkinrich (7 months ago) DONT WASTE IT U MOTHERFUCKER
BaileytheHedgehog112 (7 months ago) what a crazy fucking bastard!!
they say monkeys are smarter than us??
JoshDaGoodfella (7 months ago) Gross, and they say monkeys are smarter
than us?!!
But then again, I suppose some Youtubers do eat their own poop, I'm
looking at you trolls!
Pufflestudio09 (7 months ago) Crazy Gorilla: THIS IS MY POOP I MUST
EAT!
People: I don't wanna eat it anyways nasty ass.
Crazy Gorilla: Well you can't have any, I LOVE POOP!
StyrbjornStarke (7 months ago) thats one hungry nigga!
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ccsecond (7 months ago) Marked as spam Nom nom nom
skateshiz1 (7 months ago) haha :)
KievThug24 (7 months ago) oh shit..that is totally crazy!!!!
36jemm (7 months ago) 1 gorilla 1 hand 0_o
Metalsonic136 (8 months ago)Dont Watch If Your Eating Cheese
whiplash1one (8 months ago) imagine if u had to kis him after that
Martoh1 (8 months ago) Mmmmm, tasty
crazyds123456789 (8 months ago) i remember seeing a rino eating its
own crap
GlitzAndGlamour1 (8 months ago)I only watched 10 seconds and i was
gagging the hole way through.
headmanboy30000 (8 months ago) you are what you eat
LinksLightArrows (8 months ago) people think we evolved from these
dumb animals...
DetroitRick1 (8 months ago) This gorilla is the shit.
bakerman93 (8 months ago) no wonder why the others call him shit
face
VisionDivine (8 months ago) S0_0
universalmind3000 (8 months ago) O_o
bigdsears (8 months ago) Today I ate my own poop in front of the
human's. I had hoped this would strike fear into their hearts, since
it clearly demonstrates what I am capable of. However, they merely
made condescending comments about what a 'funny gorilla' I am.
Bastards.
Zadaxes (8 months ago) wtf
illybang (8 months ago) Eating feces occurs in the wild and often
occurs at a more frequent rate in zoos. Ingestion of feces is thought
to have nutritive value. For example, ingested feces may help in the
utilization of B vitamins that are manufactured in the lower gut.
Beneficial bacteria that aid digestion are also replenished.
Videogamefan1992 (8 months ago) I bet the gorilla had great breath
after that.
funspot101 (8 months ago) what do we say when the smoke alarm goes
off and mom's cooking?
" Dinner's Ready! "
k00lGuy (8 months ago) ugh! gross... zookeeper aint feeding these
goriilas or something. They end up eating their own shit.
Billster05 (8 months ago) the zookeepers must be feeding them
something otherwise they would have no shit
gabeo8 (8 months ago) People:Lmfoa HAHAHHAHA BlaaarghRawr
Gorilla:I can chew on poo and not be embarassed by it *omnomnomnom*
ShitOnAPlatter (8 months ago) Check Out The Blonde @ 1:02 I Wouldn't
Mind Eating Her Poo !
eckels3000 (8 months ago) HAHA LMFAO!!!!!
backpacc (8 months ago) O_O
BmWbEaSt11 (8 months ago) i like to eat my own poop...especially
diarrhea...i like the runny feeling in my mouth
mummomies45 (8 months ago) lol if gorilla would throw the zookeeper
in face with that
Timverbaz (9 months ago) Comment removed by author
xBLaKHearTx (9 months ago) omgomgomg!
*vomits*
LoL!
CowsAndCrows (9 months ago) zookeeper wont clean my cage.. so ill do
it myself
Mbsaysfasho (9 months ago) haha thats a good one
FFatboy911 (9 months ago) WELLLL...i guess if your hungry and you
just laid out last nights supper..you might as well eat it O.O
fuckblackmetal (9 months ago) orrible...
dmaninfan (9 months ago)That gorilla is gangster...
Mark01656 (9 months ago) i bet he wishes he hasd some hot sauce or
some mouth wash for later lol
haloveiwer (9 months ago)what do you want im just eating my poo i
thought you humans do that too?
sololamer (9 months ago) WHy do they pick the stupidest gorillas to
put in the zoo.
Piccolo49 (9 months ago) POO POO
thinkinrich (9 months ago) he needs some tortilla
eresputo (9 months ago) need some you mama!
thinkinrich (9 months ago)your mama eats every day
tonnysaidno (9 months ago) I ate pancakes in the morning and get
constipate. My goodmother gave me exlax and I push, and push, and
push, and shat 1 pancake and a half. I guess the other 5 and a half
were absobed by my body.
thinkinrich (9 months ago) Comment removed by author
thinkinrich (9 months ago) Comment removed by author
babycatmilker (9 months ago) oh man im getting hungry watching this
BeltaiTheImp (9 months ago) if i were the gorilla id ask for apple
sauce
pinoyrawr (10 months ago) nasty
houtman45 (10 months ago) its nutrious lol
AgentCROCODILE (10 months ago) OMGWTFBBQ Sauce anyone?
PurpleStorm8 (10 months ago) Lol, the guy at 1:05 was about to spew.
eleszar1 (10 months ago) OKEY so NOW I GO TO BED BEFORE I SLEEP I EAT
POO ! YUUUMI
specialtaskforceswat (10 months ago) I already eat my poo with
ketchup and somtimes bbq sauce for a treat
yourneverknowblah (9 months ago) lol
taste4love (10 months ago) DEAMIT, so thats why they are so strong
and muscled, im gonna start making that sheet at home... i poo, and
then i will eat my poo with ketcchup...and after 2 weeks, my muscles
will get stronger
BFMVpwnage5168 (10 months ago) that's what i call EXTREME RECYCLING
iiBubblez (10 months ago) That's so mean...
lahijadelchale (11 months ago) Next video......2 GORILLAS 1 CUP!!!!!
demilavatojr9 (11 months ago) NOT POO I WAS THERE IT WAS HIS FOOD
HaloMania2k (10 months ago) me to!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
videolover61 (11 months ago) Dont try that kids...it will screw up
your breath!!! lol
sierraonezero (11 months ago)Love the finger lickin' action around
0:50, that's some gooooood stuff!
GeorgeA2k8 (11 months ago)Another gorilla and a cup and we might just
have a video...
chubster0101 (11 months ago) Two Gorillas One cup there is another
way a man in a gorilla suit
Meixafuhellzman2 (11 months ago) HAHAAHAHAAHA!
ducksmasher09 (11 months ago) 1:10 LMFAO!!!
succexy11 (11 months ago)Oh, my god! Are they not feeding the
gorilla? Or do they do that in the wild, too?
BeatboxKingS (10 months ago) Because they eat plants and small bugs.
All their poop is safe to eat i guess because its not so potent by
greasy foods ect.
kanonekraftschuss (10 months ago) No, it is pudding, not poo.
BeatboxKingS (10 months ago) I dont know if your being sarcastic
But thats not pudding
lol
monkeys,Gorillaz, primeapes are known to eat their own poo
They dont know the difference between a high balanced diet
to an all you can eat shit buffet
XD
Joshuaguss (11 months ago) That Gorilla walked away 1:09, because he's
just like human beans, he don't like people staring at him eating. He
will finish his dinner when those people leave.
wogboyz109 (11 months ago) ooooooooooo man i feel sick
TaylorVSMike (11 months ago) i did want attention so he ate his own
poop and after he probably went to the back to throw up
Himalicious (11 months ago) it wants attention.. it got
attention! :D
Vhakkox (11 months ago) This is some funny shit.
GIUSSEPPE1987 (11 months ago) save the chimps and gorillas save the
chimps
GoodSmellingStink (11 months ago) Gorillas get more and more like
humans everyday. They even recycle their trash.
Southparkisdshit (11 months ago) thats just grose!
cammycool3 (11 months ago) I think he thinks ''Mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm''
DarkShadowRage2 (11 months ago) 1 Gorilla1 cup?
nukynk (11 months ago) 1 gorilla, NO cup
yuurepoer (11 months ago) Dude !
kit99999999 (11 months ago) Lol hes tryin to lose weight
kit99999999 (11 months ago)this stupid ass monkey eatin his ugly ass
shit ohhh shit his daily dessert
VioletBoyTV (1 year ago)I think im gonna puke
ProjectRedfoot (1 year ago) he looks pissed about eating it too!
lawlawl.
"im eating poo god damnit..."
BerserkGorilla5 (11 months ago) Gorillas always look angry. XD
jyoeun86 (1 year ago) his breathe smells like SHIT!
Cathrynlee (1 year ago) Fat bastard
theturdbucket1 (1 year ago) whats so wierd i do that all the time
BitchyPagentQueen (1 year ago) How disgusting, I am appalled!
Could he not have used some matters and a knife and fork?
:D
999roby (1 year ago) its ugly.....you must take a fork and a knife
JohnsLazy (1 year ago)do they not feed him enough of what he likes?
iLuKaS2oo9Baby (1 year ago) He relly is crazy
chevytruck123 (1 year ago) Thats sick!
mama2815 (1 year ago)does that mean the zoo is not feeding its animals
enough that this fella had to eat his own excrement?
keribery1235 (1 year ago)maybe its that or that he just expirementing
(i cant spell that right)
pydec3ption (1 year ago) That would be funny if he threw it at the
window
boribori90 (1 year ago) that's just....not even necessary.
JWcolour (1 year ago) Don't knock it til ya try it.
Vhakkox (1 year ago) 1Chimp1Poop.
mbudd121 (1 year ago) 1 gorilla no cup
cynikal12345 (1 year ago) hahhhahahah
scargill8 (1 year ago) HAHAHA I was there when this happened I think
VEGAN0011 (1 year ago)mmm gorilla say better than a mcdonalds
KataarSolo (1 year ago) if the only things you ate were oranges and
bananas, your poo would still have nutrients in it too, but humans
consume afr too many chemicals, and processed foods which are high in
salt and fat, or high level bacterial produce, which means our poo is
toxic
you could actually eat some gorilla poo in a survival situation and it
would keep you going....
or would it?
you decide
myoppositelife (1 year ago) i thought they were suppose to be smart
or somthing
coney10000 (1 year ago) all thaat is goning to happen is that it will
come back out...
endnami (1 year ago) is that normal behavior?
Stifaan (1 year ago) love the laugh
moonguy16 (1 year ago) Holy Crap
Retardidape (1 year ago) Well...his whole face probably smells of
shit XD
klobyshuffle (1 year ago) His breath smells like shit!!!! lol
HackToob (1 year ago) 2 gorillas 1 cup
niddster77 (1 year ago) its funny how the filmer is just laughing his
ass off
SilverAsakura (1 year ago)cut the crap.
lottore (1 year ago) thats horrid even 4 a gorilla
Brizco888 (1 year ago) that is soo gross!
RockOutGurl167 (1 year ago)this is halrious but gross at the same
time haha
rikiboum (1 year ago) Anarchist monkey !
vergil43 (1 year ago)NATHAN!
quoththeraven929 (1 year ago) why?
porscheflat (1 year ago) To him...it's finger-lickin' good...
negrote4 (1 year ago) whats more delicious than your own dump?
Inikalord (1 year ago) YUCK!!!
narutoop1 (1 year ago) siiiiiiiiiiiiccccck
emilio911911 (1 year ago) dude!!!!thats just nasty!!!!
janderson2000 (1 year ago) I wonder if he craps out bananas after
eating the poop
loundon2 (1 year ago) i wanna eat his poo and then fuck it and make
babies 100x with it so my dick is covered in poo
then i suck my own dick cuz its cool like that
EmptyNutShells (1 year ago) that is literally the sickest thing i've
heard my whole day o_O
for that, you should feel proud :D
teeku666 (1 year ago)lol 2 gorillas 1 cup
XD
spnky92 (1 year ago) hey i saw some thing like this on a porn website
with asians...oh...yea haha
TenTen902 (1 year ago) Reply 2 girls 1 cup rrreeemmmiiixx LMFAOO!
techmasterflash (1 year ago) Olivia says that's some good cucka mun!
MiniMi3z (1 year ago) OMFG! how can he be so fucking stupid!
wearejusthumanbeing (1 year ago) in nature they can eat whenever they
want, maybe he was too hungry
beebabe411 (1 year ago) shame they have no food :''(
littleFlecker4 (1 year ago) mmmmmm gooddd seconds and thirds yum
Gtrplyr1 (1 year ago) 2 girls 1 cup google it..
ifyoureadthisyousuck (1 year ago) itd be good if he chucked it up over
the enclosure haha "hits people"
hiddeninja (1 year ago) omg so disgusting...ew but nice vid
OmgPanda1 (1 year ago) at 18 sec he stops chewing he probably
like,"Wtf are you guys laughing at?!"
mrtallhall (1 year ago) its kimbo!
sleepypoodle (1 year ago) So that's what George Bush does in his
spare time.
ajrunke (1 year ago) wow get over it...you lost in 00 and 04
sleepypoodle (1 year ago) I think it is quite clear who LOST judging
by your
economy and employment figures, hopefully the majority of Americans
have learned from this fiasco.
Evilman661 (1 year ago) yum lol
bleachandnarutoareth (1 year ago) People shouldn't bang on the poor
ape's cage. That is cruel. As if he wasn't having a bad enough time
already.
gnamp (1 year ago) bad time?- he's got a shit-eating grin
FluffiFish (1 year ago) I guess but he didn't seem very annoyed.
kokoykiko (1 year ago) masarap na tae yan
SoCalstylez858 (1 year ago) lol
jiya560 (1 year ago) shit kkakakakaknaiainaniniainaniiii iii mukang
tae
shanchilly (1 year ago) yuck
suluama2002 (1 year ago) that is jacked up. ๏̯͡๏)
Zollehx (1 year ago) Show Hide 0 Marked as spam Reply ๏̯͡๏)
Titanium267 (1 year ago) ๏̯͡๏)
promethiusboy (1 year ago) its all about recycling baby
SoCalstylez858 (1 year ago) hahaha ! oh shit im laughing my ass off
right now at that comment1
ajauregui67 (1 year ago) mmmm that looks good
Bigmike3122 (1 year ago) i guess they dont feed them enough
orinkly (1 year ago) Don't do this at home
mjfangirl123 (1 year ago) eww discustint but funny! im watching it
again
disciple111 (1 year ago) that gorrila is gettin SHIT faced
what1ever2guy3 (1 year ago) lol
TheSnake1588 (1 year ago) I actually saw a Baboon carrying some poo in
it's mouth like a dog carrying a tennis ball on the same day of the
posting of this comment. (I was at the zoo)
videomana123 (1 year ago) HAHAH THIS IS FUNNY
WizKidProductions (1 year ago) we evolved from that? COOOL!
ScopedOut7 (1 year ago) lmao
rainbowkittyy (1 year ago) omg i threw up in my mouth a little
iluvgtasan (1 year ago) That is the most discusting thing i have ever
seen!
leafzzzzzzz (1 year ago)2 GIrls 1 CUP OMFGGGGg
porscheflat (1 year ago) I would've said umm..chocolate...but that
shyt didn't have the correct color to even look like chocolate.
That's straight POOO from the ground up!! ;-( and he didn't even FLUSH
it down with water.
PatriciaXavier1991 (1 year ago)Menhame :)
ukbnpok (1 year ago)benz tucks into some wedding cake made by
apesworth
JoeJonasLover989 (1 year ago) like ooooooooo wtf is this maybe it
tastes like choclate
kits18 (1 year ago) looks delicious!! :D
TatakCrazy (1 year ago) WTF!!!Rofl
opennskyy (1 year ago) Oh, please. Some animals, such as Nonhuman
Apes, eat their feces to get more nutrients. They just give food a
"second go" thru their digestive systems to try and obtain every
vitamin/nutrient they can out of it.
najib351 (1 year ago) looks like the zoo ran outta bannanas so he had
to make his own
XxGiveMeMalicexX (1 year ago) I'm dying of laughter at what
poopalina821 said to poopbams2
rofl.
ThyRampage (1 year ago)Can I have the leftovers?
MALAKAS0 (1 year ago) LoooooooL
alxuan (1 year ago) 1 gorilla 1 cup lol
fullthrotle2007 (1 year ago) lmao rofl, thats some good SHIT
jwuonog (1 year ago)Okay, there are a lot of videos of the gorillas
eating poop. Why do they do this?
vegeto245 (1 year ago)thats finger licking good
Roofusx (1 year ago) i just threw up
chickenflavoredbutt (1 year ago) hahahahahahahahahahahahah
vegeto245 (1 year ago)u left sum
tigereye247 (1 year ago) poobams2 you are some gross dropping freak
99mik123 (1 year ago) that monkey is giving me ideaes
tjlawson20 (1 year ago) disgusting vile creature
dooby99 (1 year ago) this monkey is my idol
IronChariots (1 year ago)That's not his poo, it's mine.
1takeachance1 (1 year ago) :o I thought it tasted a little wierd XD
PooBams1 (1 year ago) wow thats really fasinating. You guys know it
does not taste all that bad. I mean if you are in the mood for it it
actually goes quit well with pee. I mean ya, you guys should try it.
PooBams2 (1 year ago) u fjucking retrad! thats gotta be bed fo yo heff
system yall be'z knowin!
poopalina821 (1 year ago) what the HELL did you just say?????
runescapesex (1 year ago) gadverdamme mischien ruikt hem stront nog
naar banaan die dat heeft gegete
hunycupz7608 (1 year ago) he must be sick or sumthin
paramountpics101 (1 year ago) oh.. shit
masterjason21 (1 year ago) Dutch man :P haha
welke dierentuin was het?
where is that zoo?
babbocke (1 year ago) there so stupid why all scientis sa a our
antsesters where from moneky
k9saurus (1 year ago)not all gorillas do this... and they are people
who do it too
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masterjason21 (1 year ago) Marked as spam 2 girls 1 cup ;)
andyswVids (1 year ago) They just assume that we came from apes and
that we share 95% of dna as they do. This isn't true, in fact, only 1%
of our "protein" dna matches to monkeys. 95% of the 1% matches.
Couldn't you believe that people thought that they came from monkeys?
haha.
bleachandnarutoareth (3 months ago)what are you two? where the fuck
did you learn to spell
babbocke (3 months ago) wth did u find my comment i watched this shit
mabe 1 year ago
InvincibleGamer1 (1 year ago) hahaha!!! Poor gorilla!!!
Alidore4 (1 year ago) this makes me wana go 2 the zoo
Tjac (1 year ago) Show Hide +3 Marked as spam Reply the gorillas
like "Fine you people whant a fucken show here ya go A' holes!"
Dagulag (1 year ago) bah i hope the glass breaks and they gorilla
gives the children a big bad punch to their ugly heads
Dagulag (1 year ago) that monkey aint crazy think bout how youd feel
when youd have to eat your own shit because youd die otherwise... not
funny and that retarded children punch at the glass till the monkey
gets crazy ... stupid assholes
emac085 (1 year ago) you dunbshit. u act like if they dont feed him at
the zoo.
xemxjayx (1 year ago) shows how much they feed them in zoos.
witchking3434 (1 year ago)rofl root of all evil!
p.s. thats still gross
witchking3434 (1 year ago) rofl root of all evil!
p.s. thats still gross
saborguerito (1 year ago)LOL he's like. FINE bitches. you want to see
a show! HERE YOU GOOOOO!!!! LOL
grazatt (1 year ago) Maybe it was just some chocolate some one threw
to him?
yalcinkaya123 (1 year ago) oh my god......
what shall i say about that...?
jakewr1996 (1 year ago) why does this come up on related videos of me
singing?
tastybitepizza (1 year ago) You are setting yourself up for: "Boy
singing songs from Rent & the American national anthem = a gorrilla
eating feces."
tastybitepizza (1 year ago)You are setting yourself up for: "Boy
singing songs from Rent & the American national anthem = a gorrilla
eating feces."
MATSAROK (1 year ago) hahahahahahahahahahahah
upperBeastsider (2 years ago)CRAZY gorilla.
Typhvs666 (2 years ago) HAHA
eckels3000 (2 years ago)Lol! I watch this every day!
raymundciesielski (2 years ago) I do this all the time! :D
theguywhodoesnothing (2 years ago) that is what me and family does
ever night. On Friday night my sis eats her dieareah naked.
luffyguy (2 years ago)my fish eat their own poo
luffyguy (2 years ago) my fish eat their own poo
ToffeeChips19 (2 years ago) This is normal. They do this in the wild.
They eat there poo to get more vitamins and minerals.
sidderzmx (2 years ago) is that my mom?!?!?
dackjaniels555 (2 years ago) yeah.. didn't you know your mom is very
famous in the world of scat!
tubeyouguy161406 (2 years ago) you are what you eat, you SHITBAGS!
englandrob94 (2 years ago) lmao, its probably gone mad after being
trapped in that small enclusre for so long
heyjeySigma (2 years ago) at 17 secs he stops munching. He must be
thinking "wtf are laughing at u fuckers?"
lol that's what happens when u dont feed the pets.
fiddop (2 years ago) thats harsh ...see what happends to animals when
stuck in a cage?..was in a zoo in india ..and believe me that was
nothing but depressing , monkeys stuck alone walking the exact same
steps all day =/
1sandstar1 (2 years ago) Ya gotta eat what you can to survive in the
zoo.
mortal886 (2 years ago) hes eating his own poo because they probably
didnt feed him for a long time....they don't even care about the
gorrila , hes probably hungry man!
greenash20 (2 years ago) tat is nasty
cuteblueyedblonde (2 years ago) ok you do realise that hes doing that
because he is stuck in a cage and is bored and has probly gone crazy
so has nowt better to do. thats what human beings have reduced this
creature to. oh yea its sooooooooo funny NOT!
TheTeddybjorn (2 years ago)that is not true. a lot of animals
(including the mountain-gorilla) eats their own poo. since it's
apperently very nourishing.
cuteblueyedblonde (2 years ago)how do u know that its good to eat
crap? and i have read enough and seen enough to realise they dont do
it willy nilly. there is no nourishment in poo, it is a waste product.
TheTeddybjorn (2 years ago) I'm not saying that it's good to eat it..
at least not for humans. but for some reasons gorillas tend to eat
their own poo. I'm no expert on gorilla poo but apparently when they
eat they only get a small part of the energy they need from their
food, the rest is left in their poo. at least I think so. but anyway,
they DO eat their own poo
daganboy (2 years ago) yay!
fattoldpig (2 years ago) monkey see monkey do
linutas (2 years ago) fuuuuu
austin23cook (2 years ago) ALSO ANOTHER THING.... WERE ONLY 12% of dna
away from that 0.o soz bout the caps
austin23cook (2 years ago) ok i got 2 things to say to this
1) its 96% the daily value of YUMMEH
2) I LOVE THE SPECES WHO EAT THEIR OWN FECES !!
TUROKS (2 years ago) Gay
ryann23naks (2 years ago) what kind of gorilla is that?!! his already
crazy..
vietaznboy123 (2 years ago)peanit butter o.o
111oir111 (2 years ago)whats a fucking aboriginal!
miranduhh112 (2 years ago) now that is just plain disgusting!
jugg300 (2 years ago)funny i seen a hamster eat dog terds for
dinner....it weird!!! nice tho lol
redscarf (2 years ago) I wanna french that gorilla
Deathzilla7 (2 years ago) y the fuck do animals eat shit...?
NemesisX24 (2 years ago) animals eat their feces because their
digestive systems do not get all of the potential vitamins and
minerals from the food the first time around. They re-eat it so they
can get the rest of the nutrition from the food. Thanks :]
irondroid (2 years ago)armf yum yum pooya!
startrigg (2 years ago)They called him Alex After the manager of man
utd. he's also full of shite!
mypantsaremario (2 years ago) Dont film your mum thats mean
ateo75 (2 years ago) Does anybody know why gorillas behave like
that ?
Send me a message, please.
by Antonio
JASONWCACURA (2 years ago) It's either that or finger your mother.
They tend to prefer poo.
lazarus280 (2 years ago)why are you guys saying eww? i eat mine all
the time but first i put mine in the oven for few minuets then let it
cool down then add little bit of salt and pepper. and a glass of milk.
Belive me... You'l wanna try it.
thedeadtruth (2 years ago) you know you arent funny?
WhiteLionness (2 years ago) lol i find it kinda funny..
shawn9911 (2 years ago) ur botfucking funny. your just a 54 year old
virgin living in your moms basement
thedeadtruth (2 years ago) oh of coarse im not talking about the
video it was lazarus's response that isnt funny and if im 54 what are
you? 89?
im 14 go kill urself and make the world a little better
kanney91 (2 years ago) xD thats all xD
shawn9911 (2 years ago) really sick but sad. thats what happens when
u put animals in captivity
weissry1 (2 years ago) This is not dependent on captivity. Animals in
the wild do this as well based on their diets.
Psycrologist (2 years ago) Was that 50Cent ? I couldn't see his theeth
with all that shit on them
Gansutitron (2 years ago)se ve que con el I.P.C por las nubes ya no
tienen ni para pienso animal... así vamos acabar cualquier día!!!
davidburman (2 years ago) dude ive seen al ur comments speek some god
damn english
mrjon75 (2 years ago) i gagging! give that thing a banana!
hotsauce2147 (2 years ago) dude..
ohayousun (2 years ago)erm, never waste anything you can eat, XD
earthwormjim88 (2 years ago) i eat poo its nice
vamppyra333 (2 years ago) Es que cetais en France ca?
dmsanct (2 years ago) 1 gorilla 1 poo xD
al27balas (2 years ago) Pobre animal, privado de libertad y reducido a
ser un espectáculo para turistas. No debe tener muchas cosas que hacer
y por eso se come su propia mierda, no creo que sea un comportamiento
natural en su especie.
surfingmushroom (2 years ago) it must have been the best thing he ate
and he just had to have some more!! lol
zoltan65 (2 years ago) en ese zoo no les deven dar de comer jajajaja
kanfor (2 years ago) ¿qué hace aquí Otegui?
nueve26k (2 years ago) HAHAHAH! This is the best gorilla eating poo
video in the world. Look how serious his face is.
Maivkab (2 years ago) Hhahaha.. Looks like the guy who recorded this
was really have a laugh!!! This is some funny as shiet!!!
k1ll3r5c07736 (2 years ago) nothin wrong with tht. i do it all the
time.
HeartlessPeople (2 years ago)aawh gatverdamme :P
eigen poep eten XD
SRB2Pheonix (2 years ago)
hey, at least theyre reduce reuse and recycle... their crap... T-T
DaKoonNco (2 years ago) the gorilla probubly went fucking insane in
that zoo.
Astralnaut (2 years ago) Gorillas in the wild eat their feces as
well.
Jetli390 (2 years ago) *shit*
Guest3791140 (2 years ago) EEEEWW!!!my god!my god!!i think im gonna
puke???! omg!!don't the fucking ppl in the zoo feed them!!???fuck
man!!
Fransouah (2 years ago)Dogs do that too.
Is that a visitor banging on the window at the end?! What a moron..
dragonkinga (2 years ago) god thats disgusting
x0roy0x (2 years ago) omfg man!!!!!
XD..lol
mrtazr (2 years ago) that gorrila has been in there to long thats wy
hes doin that
TheMan4462 (2 years ago) WTF?!?!?!?
CrabKing88 (2 years ago) what the hell? man, hes got nothing better
to eat,
damn it.
adambombiswaycool (2 years ago) *barf*
starum7845 (2 years ago)is this in taronga zoo i saw a monkey eating
its poo
chewie133 (2 years ago) toronga zoo that place rings a bell( were is
it)
**metallica**
iSHYTmyPANTS (2 years ago) that sick bastard
frankzito1 (2 years ago) He doesn't even cringe
hellogoodbyetoyounow jeez need more zookeepers huh?
teamixr (2 years ago) that is so buuhahlaauhaa cough....that was funny
bllaahhhh....!
Gimilli (2 years ago) great thing to teach the kids at the window
HAHAHA
christian1122 (2 years ago)i bet the zookeepers dont feed him
vers0014 (2 years ago) Whats so weird about that?
godrocks112 (2 years ago)i eat that, it's better than pizza
i0like0french0fries (2 years ago) its better then sum1 elses init
haha
lebanon4evur22 (2 years ago) eeeww.. i almost threw up X-P
cashdude84 (2 years ago) Reply mmmmmmmmmmhhhh i ned sum of watever he
is on
n im not talknig bout poop lol jk
cashdude84 (2 years ago) mmmmmmmmm he must b full of shit
XTHHaseo (2 years ago) LOL LOL LOL LOL
nilos77 (2 years ago) he is sick from all those people over there
watching him is sad
MaximusDread (2 years ago) Yea, I always thought it was kinda sick how
zoos keep animals locked up in confined areas just for our amusement.
It's almost as sick as the fashion industry that slauter wildlife for
their fur.
Loopyjoe19 (2 years ago) Why do they not shave thefur off?
MaximusDread (2 years ago) Good point. I guess a tranquilizer gun
would do the job. But what would you do after you shaved an animal's
fur? would you send them back into the wild stripped of their fur
completely naked, or would you keep the animal sedated in a holding
cell until his fur grows back? Either way it's still bad news for the
bears. (terrible movie-reference LOL).
Loopyjoe19 (2 years ago)they could put them back in the wild...
wonder what they would look like - probably weird - anyway they could
keep them under watch and find alot the when it grows back.
not sure how they could do it with elephants and their tusks though.
alien6crowe (2 years ago) yes .. youshoudl also stop driving yoru
car.. IT IS POLLUTING TEH EARTH YOU CRAZY CUNT> and PLEASE stop using
electricity... save it.. switch to candles and STOP USING
ELECTRICITY>>
787310 (2 years ago) WHOA,WHOA,WHOA!NO NEED TO GET CRAZY! I mean
global warming and all that 5H17 is bad, BUT YOU ARE CRAZY ALIEN! NO
CARZ?NO ELECTRICITY?
whosyourdada (2 years ago) yes.
Assiman (2 years ago) is that really so funny?
pkyoubad (2 years ago) tasey i would eat my own poo if it tasted like
candy
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oh0OGko3TjA&feature=related
...and I am Sid Harth
Seon Ferguson
"fanabba" <fan...@aol.com> wrote in message
news:ac13d872-ab1f-4299...@15g2000yqi.googlegroups.com...
> On Mar 13, 7:57�pm, "Seon Ferguson" <seo...@gmail.com> wrote:
>> "use...@mantra.com and/orwww.mantra.com/jai(Dr. Jai Maharaj)" wrote in
>> messagenews:20100313FDcRAnf6S33T1AqB0UsP1I6@YO49D...> 'Hate preacher'
>> Rabbani inciting people to carry out blasts, court told
>>
>> The only hate preacher here is you.
>
> Muslims must be weaned from Islam for humanity to live in peace.
>
What about people like use...@mantra.com who call homosexuality a mental
illness and call for gay people to be put in jail? They are not Muslim.
Sid Harth
15 March 2010
By Yevgeny Bazhanov
Ever since Mikhail Gorbachev became general secretary 25 years ago
last week, the world has compared China’s successful economic reforms,
which were first set into motion in late 1978 under the leadership of
Deng Xiaoping, with the Soviet Union’s and then Russia’s largely
unsuccessful attempts to overhaul its economy. The conventional
version is that Moscow somehow took the wrong path toward reform and
things would have been a lot better had Russia copied the Chinese
model. But this is an oversimplified analysis. The two countries are
far too different for Russia to have copied China’s reform program in
a cookie-cutter fashion.
First, consider the domestic situations in each country. China was
embroiled in chaos after the Great Cultural Revolution, which lasted
from 1966 to 1976. By 1978, the overwhelming majority of Chinese
officials and citizens understood the need to institute fundamental
reforms. The situation was quite different in the Soviet Union in
1985. Most Soviets viewed the country in 1985 as a superpower with a
relatively functioning economy, social stability and order —
particularly when compared with the stagnation years under Leonid
Brezhnev and in comparison with the widespread poverty and hunger in
China before Deng started economic reforms.
Second, the state apparatus in both countries differed considerably.
The authority, power and unity of the Chinese leadership had been
severely set back by the Cultural Revolution that the more
conservative members could not put up any organized resistance to
those who called for fundamental reforms. It was clear to all that
something drastic had to be done to revive the country. By contrast,
Gorbachev’s reforms was heavily resisted by the Politburo’s
conservative members and among the military top brass.
Third, two very different individuals headed the reform movements in
both countries. China’s reforms were led by the highly experienced,
former revolutionary figure Deng. He enjoyed enormous authority and
had the liberty to take bold steps toward reform. In the Soviet Union,
the burden of reform fell on the shoulders of a less experienced,
provincial party functionary who was only capable of experimenting
within a very limited political and economic framework that was
defined by the old guard.
In the end, Deng was able to institute deep and far-reaching reforms,
while Gorbachev had to settle for only insignificant economic reforms
that were frequently pointless or even detrimental. It is notable that
in one of the few cases in which Gorbachev was able to institute a
radical economic reform — the introduction of private business
cooperatives in 1988, the first time since Lenin that Soviets were
given the right to own private businesses — he was forced to retract
it a year later.
The fourth factor was the social and economic conditions that
prevailed in both countries. China remained an agrarian country.
Eighty percent of the people were peasants who hungered for the right
to work their own land, and Deng gave them this right. As a result,
the situation in the villages quickly improved, and even inveterate
skeptics were forced to admit that the reforms were successful. From
agriculture, Deng set out to reform to the industrial and other
sectors of the economy as well.
Gorbachev was faced with a completely different situation. Unlike in
China, the military-industrial complex was the backbone of the Soviet
economy. To stimulate and diversify the economy, it was necessary to
make drastic cuts and reforms to the military-industrial manufacturing
sector, which permeated virtually all sectors — from producing
intercontinental missiles to manufacturing women’s shoes. But this was
fiercely opposed by the top military brass for obvious reasons, and
they had an ideological and military basis for resisting such reforms
— that the United States and NATO were a direct threat to the
country’s national security.
Further, Gorbachev’s attempted agricultural reforms were stifled by 50
years of backwardness in the country’s collective farms, fierce
opposition from Communist Party apparatchiks to any type of change and
— very much in contrast to what happened in China — the lack of desire
among Soviet farmers to work harder even under more liberal economic
conditions to improve their well-being. On the whole, it was far more
difficult to reorganize the more military-based, industrialized Soviet
economy than it was China’s more agricultural-based, primitive
economy.
Fifth, the foreign policies of the two countries differed
significantly. China had close military and political ties with the
West based on a common opposition to what was perceived as the
Kremlin’s expansionist foreign policy. As a result, the United States
and its allies enthusiastically participated in Chinese reforms both
on a governmental and private-sector basis. Chinese nationals living
overseas also played a key role in the process.
The Soviet Union could not even dream of receiving such assistance
from abroad. Gorbachev’s first priority was curbing the arms race that
had been bleeding the country dry. And that goal could only have been
achieved had the conservative elements within the Politburo been
willing to downsize and restructure the massive military-industrial
complex.
After his first two years in office, Gorbachev realized that his
economic reform plans had reached a dead end. In 1987, in an attempt
to jump-start the process and overcome the conservative resistance,
Gorbachev focused on political reforms, hoping to rally the people
behind his reforms. But this backfired on him. Democratization and
pluralism eroded the very foundation of the Soviet regime and weakened
the glue that had been holding the Soviet republics and Russian
society together. As a result, the Soviet Union was crippled by an
intense struggle between liberals and conservatives within the
Politburo, between Moscow and the provinces and among nationalities in
the republics. This type of “shock democratization” has almost always
led to chaos in totalitarian regimes.
Thus, the Soviet Union was caught in a vicious circle of political and
economic instability. Gorbachev’s political reforms led to a
debilitating political conflict between liberals and conservatives
within the Kremlin, which made it impossible to institute economic
reforms. Both of these factors this took the Soviet Union down a
slippery slope toward a severe political and economic crisis. Unlike
China in 1978, the Kremlin in the mid- and late 1980s could not
develop a unified strategy for economic reform — much less to put such
a strategy into practice. Ensnared in a deep political deadlock amid
deteriorating economic conditions, the Communist regime collapsed in
1991.
Russia has been struggling to implement its economic reforms ever
since, while China is celebrating nearly 32 years of economic success.
Yevgeny Bazhanov is vice chancellor of research and international
relations at the Foreign Ministry’s Diplomatic Academy in Moscow.
Also in Opinion
A Country Without Icons
http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/a-country-without-icons/401598.html
Reviving the UN Charter
http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/reviving-the-un-charter/401599.html
Long Road to Zero Tolerance Of Corruption
http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/long-road-to-zero-tolerance-of-corruption/401440.html
All for Nought
http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/all-for-nought/401441.html
Un-Soviet Sports
http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/un-soviet-sports/401360.html
http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/5-reasons-why-russia-isnt-china/401597.html
China bidding on yet more American Infrastructure - this time High
Speed Rail
Submitted by Robert Oak on Sun, 03/14/2010 - 12:47
Ya know how new, emerging technologies were supposed to rebuild the
U.S. Economy? Instead we find the DOE has awarded billions to foreign
companies and created jobs in foreign countries under the hype of
green jobs? Remember those, the hyped out and touted jobs of the
future, even promoted as something to boost U.S. domestic minorities
job opportunities?
Well, we're at it again. This time it's High Speed Rail. Even worse,
the Obama administration is claiming to cooperate with China. There
are currently $8 billion dollars in grants up for bid.
China plans to bid for contracts to build U.S. high-speed train lines
and is stepping up exports of rail technology to Europe and Latin
America, a government official said Saturday.
China has built 4,000 miles (6,500 kilometers) of high-speed rail for
its own train system and President Barack Obama issued a pledge in
November with his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, to cooperate in
developing the technology.
"We are organizing relevant companies to participate in bidding for
U.S. high-speed railways," Wang Zhiguo, a deputy railways minister,
told a news conference.
Wang gave no details of where China's railway builders might seek
contracts, but systems are planned in California, Florida and
Illinois. He said state-owned Chinese companies already are building
high-speed lines in Turkey and Venezuela.
Beijing plans to construct a 16,000-mile (25,000-kilometer) high-speed
rail network by 2020 in a 2 trillion yuan ($300 billion) project it
hopes will spur economic and technology development. A new line
linking the central city of Wuhan with Guangzhou near Hong Kong on
China's southern coast is billed as the world's fastest at 237 miles
(380 kilometers) per hour.
China produces high-speed trains using French, German and Japanese
technology. Its manufacturers have developed a homegrown version but
have yet to produce a commercial model.
Chinese rail authorities have signed cooperation memos with California
and Russia and state companies plan to bid on a line in Brazil linking
Rio de Janeiro with Sao Paulo, Wang said. He said Saudi Arabia and
Poland also have expressed interest.Aren't you glad those funds are
being given to U.S. companies to start our own advanced technology and
manufacturing in high speed rail? (sic)
Think this post is whining Populism? To back up the whine, a report
shows the U.S. is running a green trade deficit, and this report is
now 9 months old:
Green investment is a major pillar of the president's economic
recovery plan. Yet, America's dependence on foreign countries to
produce green technologies may undermine this recovery strategy.
Using a list of green goods derived from the Organization of Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC), we have determined that the United States ran an
overall green trade deficit of -$8.9 billion in 2008, including a
deficit of -$6.4 billion in the critical category of renewable energy,
one of the main targets of the Obama administration's green agenda.
The U.S. economy also suffered a significant deficit in the pollution
management category. On the positive side, the United States ran
modest surpluses in two categories--energy efficiency and a grouping
of other environmental goods related to water purification and
sustainable agriculture.
If current trends continue, the green trade deficit can be expected to
widen further as the administration's agenda increases domestic demand
but without sufficient measures to increase domestic production. If
the deficit continues to grow, the United States will forego the
creation of millions of high-wage, high-skill green manufacturing jobs
and lose its potential to be a global producer as well as a consumer
of green technologies.
Sunday, March 14, 2010
*****Inflation Accelerating In China*****
by Eric deCarbonnel
China Daily reports that CPI rise stokes inflation fears in China.
(emphasis mine) [my comment]
CPI rise stokes inflation fears
By Wang Xiaotian and Xin Zhiming (China Daily)
Updated: 2010-03-12 06:49
As real interest rate turns negative, analysts divided on whether
tightening policies needed
BEIJING: A key gauge of inflation rose by a stronger-than-expected 2.7
percent year-on-year in February from 1.5 percent in January - the
fastest clip in 15 months - adding pressure on the government to
tighten policies.
Given the 2.25 percent one-year interest rate on deposits, the
consumer price index (CPI) growth means the real interest rate has
returned to negative for the first time since 2008, raising the
possibility of an interest rate hike.
The CPI rise was mainly caused by food price increases during Spring
Festival. Prices rose by 6.2 percent, compared to 1 percent for non-
food prices, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said on Thursday.
Severe weather conditions also drove up food prices, said Sheng
Laiyun, NBS spokesman.
Analysts said that given the Spring Festival effect, policymakers
should not hasten to tighten policies.
"Only after key figures for March come out should we discuss about a
possible rate hike," said Dong Xian'an, chief macroeconomic analyst of
Industrial Securities.
…
Industrial output increased 20.7 percent year-on-year in the first two
months, 16.9 percentage points higher than a year ago. Fixed-asset
investment rose 26.6 percent, slightly higher than the same period
last year. Retail sales increased by 17.9 percent year-on-year in the
first two months, and the producer price index, which measures factory-
gate prices, went up by 5.4 percent in February.
"Most of these data are stronger than expected and this trend should
likely make policymakers tighten monetary, fiscal, exchange rate and
real estate policies, as well as restrict financing options for local
government-sponsored investments," Ma said.
Businessweek reports that Inflation Eroding China Deposits Feeds Asset
Pressure.
Inflation Eroding China Deposits Feeds Asset Pressure
March 12, 2010, 1:54 AM EST
March 12 (Bloomberg) -- China's accelerating inflation has started to
erode household savings, threatening to spur purchases of property and
stocks and fuel asset-price pressures.
Consumer prices rose a more-than-forecast 2.7 percent in February, the
most in 16 months, the statistics bureau said in Beijing yesterday.
The increase means the rate exceeds the one- year deposit rate of 2.25
percent.
So-called negative real rates skew incentives to spending just as
China's economy is already accelerating -- reports this week showed
exports rose, industrial production accelerated and new loans exceeded
forecasts. The central bank may raise interest rates within the next
three weeks, Standard Chartered Bank Plc, Nomura Holdings Inc. and
Royal Bank of Canada said.
"A growing number of households will now realize that their deposits
in the banking system are losing purchasing power," said Ma Jun, chief
China economist at Deutsche Bank AG in Hong Kong. The jump in the
inflation rate last month "will increase the social and political
pressure for a rate hike in the near term."
'Fear of Inflation'
Since October, the government has highlighted the importance of
managing inflation expectations as the nation rebounds from the global
financial crisis and commodity costs rise. Eleven of 15 economists
surveyed yesterday said that interest rates may rise in March or
April.
Barclays Capital yesterday increased its projection for China's
inflation rate this year to 3.5 percent from a previous estimate of 3
percent.
"Fear of inflation" will help to drive property purchases in China
because people want "hard assets," Zhang Xin, the chief executive of
Soho China Ltd., the biggest developer in Beijing's central business
district, said in an interview on Bloomberg Television today.
The company reported yesterday that 2009 profit surged more than
eightfold.
Premier Wen Jiabao aims to hold full-year inflation around 3 percent
after banks flooded the financial system with money to drive an
economic rebound.
Crisis Policies
Gross domestic product grew 10.7 percent last quarter and People's
Bank of China Governor Zhou Xiaochuan said March 6 that anti-crisis
policies, including the yuan's peg to the dollar, must end "sooner or
later."
A surge in one gauge of money supply included in this week's figures
also signals spending will quicken. Last month's 35 percent gain in
M1, the measure of money supply that includes demand deposits, signals
households' intentions to buy "big- ticket items," property or stocks,
said Brian Jackson, an emerging-markets strategist at Royal Bank of
Canada in Hong Kong.
China's exploding money supply driving up prices
China's increasing supply of Yuan means that a lot more money is
chasing its domestic supply of commodities. As a result, the prices of
commodities in China are higher than the rest of the world, and this
price imbalance is leading to record commodity imports (Chinese
producers are buying commodities abroad rather than pay higher
domestic prices).
Newsweek explains that It's China's World We're Just Living in It.
It's China's World We're Just Living in It
The middle kingdom is rewriting the rules on trade, technology,
currency, climate—you name it.
By Rana Foroohar and Melinda Liu NEWSWEEK
Published Mar 12, 2010
From the magazine issue dated Mar 22, 2010
Back when President Obama lived in Indonesia, in the late 1960s, China
loomed as a malign force to the north, where communist cadres plotted
to export their revolution to the rest of Asia. The Jakarta he'll
visit later this month has an entirely different attitude toward the
People's Republic. Local companies are doing deals in yuan, the
Chinese currency, rather than dollars. If Jakarta gets in financial
trouble, as it did back in 1997, it will be able to call on a $120
billion regional reserve fund, an Asia-only version of the
International Monetary Fund due to be launched this month, bankrolled
in part by China's massive foreign-exchange reserves. Asia's key
economic and political issues are no longer being hashed out on trips
like Obama's—between individual nations and the United States—but at
summits that include only China, Japan, South Korea, and the Southeast
Asian countries. "China has been instrumental in this shift in focus
from 'Asia-Pacific,' which was largely about the U.S. and Japan, to
'East Asia,' which has China at the center," says Martin Jacques,
author of When China Rules the World.
Fair enough: everyone understands that China deserves a big say in
what goes on in its neighborhood. But what most people haven't noticed
yet is that Beijing also wants to write—or, at least, help write—new
rules of the road for the world. "China now wants a seat at the head
of the table," says Cheng Li, director of research at the John L.
Thornton China Center at the Brookings Institution. "Its leaders
expect to be among the key architects of global institutions."
It's easy to forget that big international bodies like the IMF and the
World Bank were created by just a few nations, led by the United
States. These economic organizations have global reach, but that globe
used to be dominated by the American superpower, and their policies
were suffused with U.S. values. When Beijing was a small-stakes player
its leaders didn't always like the setup, but they lived with it, even
facing down fierce grassroots opposition to join the World Trade
Organization.
But now China has more worldwide clout, and public opinion at home has
taken on a combative (and sometimes downright jingoistic) tone. So
with one eye on China's national interests and the other on domestic
critics accusing the regime of "coddling" the West, Beijing has begun
to push harder to reshape international systems to make them more
China-friendly (and, in the process, to raise the regime's chances of
survival).
Ironically, U.S. officials often complain that Beijing isn't more
involved in running the world—declining to help security efforts in
Afghanistan, for instance. But in most such cases, China is being
asked to take part in a system it didn't set up—one it views as
inherently biased in favor of the West. The Chinese are far more eager
to participate in groups they've had a hand in building, like the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a sort of Central Asian NATO in
which China (as might be guessed from the name) plays the leading
role. While that alliance started out as something of a joke in 1996,
it's grown into a pillar of regional security.
Similarly, Beijing's efforts to push the yuan as a rival to the dollar
are now making tentative progress. In the last few months, China has
inked $100 billion in currency-swap agreements with six countries,
including Argentina, Indonesia, and South Korea. The yuan has become
an official trading currency between Southeast Asia and two Chinese
provinces along its periphery. "The yuan will next be used as a
trading currency with India, Pakistan, Russia, Japan, and Korea," says
Gu Xiaosong, director of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in
Nanning.
Those countries will eventually be able to use the Chinese currency
for deals between each other. And in an-other low-profile but
important step toward making the yuan a freely convertible,
international currency, Beijing issued its first international bond
offering in Hong Kong late last year.
Equally quietly, Beijing is helping re-design the Web. Recent
headlines have focused on China's spat with Google, which announced it
would refuse to abide by local censorship rules anymore after the
company's networks were hacked from Chinese computers. But separately,
the Chinese have been working hard on the next generation of Internet
standards—what's called IPv6, for Internet Protocol version 6. The
current version, IPv4, is expected to run out of usable IP addresses
as soon as next year. That day can't come soon enough for Beijing,
since the vast majority of addresses—some 1.4 billion as of August 2007
—have gone to American businesses and individuals, versus a measly 125
million to China. That's fewer than one IP address per 100 people,
compared with five per person in the United States.
IPv6 will provide trillions of new addresses for everything from Web
sites to intelligent home appliances and military applications—and
Beijing intends to get its share of them. China may also get a new
opportunity for cyber-spying: unlike the previous architecture, IPv6
allows addresses to be attached to specific computers or mobile
devices, which would give the regime greater ability to police its
Netizens.
All these efforts are motivated by an odd mix of confidence, pride,
and insecurity. On the one hand, China knows its technological
capabilities are dramatically improving and sees a chance to move
beyond the West in certain fields. "There's always been this feeling
in China and a number of other developing nations that the West was
the place to be—and now suddenly it's not," says Ruchir Sharma, head
of emerging markets for Morgan Stanley Investment Management. Chinese
scientists and researchers are flocking home to conduct original
research at well-funded labs.
On the other hand, the Chinese worry that if they're not involved in
writing the new standards, those could be manipulated by their
enemies. The regime has tried to bar government computers from running
Microsoft software, for example, largely because it's assumed that
such software might include a "back door" that would allow the U.S.
government to launch cyberattacks against China.
Indeed, while China isn't necessarily looking to take over the world,
its actions all put Chinese interests foremost. Beijing's space
programs are highly secret, but they've been ramped up in recent years
with the first successful test of an antisatellite weapon in 2007,
followed this year by the launch of an exo-atmospheric surface-to-air
missile (which some Western security experts think may actually be a
new satellite-killer weapon). Earlier this month China confirmed plans
for its second unmanned lunar probe in October and the 2011 launch of
a space module for the country's first docking exercise, all leading
up to a 2013 moon landing. With NASA's budgetary rollback, China is
now the only country making major investments in space exploration.
Why the big push to reach the moon? Beijing clearly expects more
material gain from its celestial adventures than the Americans have
gotten. Some Chinese scientists are sure that space is the place to
find potential new energy sources like helium-3, as well as fresh
lodes of rare minerals that are being gobbled up by industrial
production on earth; Ye Zili of China's Space Science Society has been
quoted as saying that when the Chinese reach the moon, they won't
"just pick up a piece of rock"—a clear dig at past U.S. missions. The
rules governing the exploitation of extraterrestrial resources have
yet to be written. When they are, China wants its stake to be well
represented.
The same principle explains the country's overall drive to move ahead
of the rest of the world: to make sure it gets a real say in setting
its future rules and standards. It knows it can climb the economic
ladder more easily in new and developing technologies than in
traditional industries, and that's why China, the world's biggest
polluter, has also become the single biggest state supporter of green
technology. Thanks to massive government subsidies, it's now a world
leader in solar- and wind-energy hardware and is moving fast to set
the standard in the next generation of clean-energy vehicles.
Batteries made by the Chinese firm BYD are already used in at least a
quarter of the world's mobile-phone market; now the battery maker is
leading the global race to adapt these batteries for cars, the biggest
remaining hurdle in creating a viable market for electric and hybrid
automobiles.
Thanks to state mandates, China already has the largest fleet of clean-
energy vehicles in the world. As the technology improves, you can bet
Beijing will push clean cars throughout the Chinese consumer market
(which last year overtook the United States in sheer numbers of
vehicles sold). And should the Chinese succeed in developing not only
the automotive field's gold-standard technology but also a market of
that size, they can expect to control the future of the global car
business.
If and when that day comes, it will be interesting to see whether the
Chinese—and the world—continue to support the current rules of free
trade and open global competition that helped provide their current
level of peace and prosperity [the current "peace and prosperity" are
founded on a lie (the "might" of US ponzi economic)]. Already one can
see worrisome changes in the way China deals with foreign firms. Ten
years ago Beijing did everything possible to woo investors from
abroad. Today the rules have changed. The country's $800 billion
fiscal-stimulus package channeled much more clout to state-run firms
and away from the private sector. New merger laws are making it
tougher for foreign firms to acquire Chinese companies.
In December, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and 33 other business
organizations from around the world sent a letter to Beijing
protesting legislation that they claimed would effectively bar foreign
firms from China's lucrative government-procurement markets. Beijing
is even taking control of the venture-capital business. One of the
world's top private-equity firms, the Carlyle Group, was recently
obliged to join forces with the Beijing city government in order to be
allowed to invest in more deals in China.
The idea that as China got rich it would simply become more like
America, or at least more sympathetic to the U.S. agenda, is turning
out to be wrong [the US doesn't HAVE an agenda. That is the whole
problem with the US: zero long term planning (ie: lack of action on
social security and the chronic budget/trade deficits]. China has
never been transformed from without, and it's unlikely to be now.
Among ordinary Chinese, pride in their nation's prospects is matched
by a nagging feeling that it's all still too new and precarious. The
dizzying pace of change is having a particularly dramatic effect on
younger Chinese, turning them inward and making them more nationalistic
—a trend that experts like Hudson Institute fellow John Lee believe to
be a factor in China's new and more aggressive policies on security,
trade, and foreign affairs. That aggressiveness is only likely to
increase between now and 2012, when the top leadership of the
Communist Party will be changed. Officials jockeying for positions
between now and then will "lose points if they are perceived as being
too soft in any sort of negotiation with the U.S.," says Li of
Brookings.
… It's nowhere near clear what our world will look like when China has
done its part to reshape it. But the journey toward that world
promises to be a bumpy one.
CSmonitor asks how long will China support the US dollar?
How long will China support the US dollar?
China is continuing to buy US bonds, but it doesn't really a choice –
for now, at least.
An employee counts Chinese yuan banknotes at a Bank of China branch in
Hefei, Anhui province March 10. Chinese banks extended about 700
billion yuan ($102.5 billion) in new loans in February, half that of
January, as the government clampdown on lending took hold, state media
said on Wednesday.
By Bill Bonner Guest blogger / March 12, 2010
China says it is continuing to buy US bonds "every day." It doesn't
have much choice. It earns money by selling things abroad. In fact,
exports in February were up more than 40% over February '09. This
leaves it with a lot of foreign money – most of it in dollars. What
can it do with so much money?
China has quietly bought stakes in America's leading companies…and in
various businesses all over the world. But the only way large amounts
of US dollar cash can be readily and safely deployed is in US bonds.
That said, China could also cause one helluva problem for the US if it
ever chose to do anything else. [get ready for one "helluva problem"]
No worries on that score, said the Chinese official in charge of its
$2.4 trillion worth of foreign reserves. He says China's holdings of
US debt are normal and that there is no intention of reducing them or
playing politics with them.
He surely means it. And when the dollar goes down…and when the market
turns, and China feels compelled to get rid of its US bonds, he'll be
totally sincere when he explains that to the international financial
press too.
Markets make opinions, as they say on Wall Street. The market in bonds
and the dollar has been very good for a very long time – since 1983,
to be exact [when banks started security lending…]. As a result nearly
everyone – including the Chinese – are of the opinion that US bonds
are a safe place to be. When the market changes, so will opinions.
So far, no problem. But there's no telling how long the foreigners
will continue to support the dollar [until the 2010 Food Crisis really
gets rolling (2-3 months)]. Then what? Well…it leaves quantitative
easing…in which the US central bank lends the money itself. Where does
it get the money? It just invents it.
Which is why you can't trust paper money. You have a dollar. You have
it. You hold it. And you expect to keep it 'til death do you part. But
then, along comes another dollar that looks just like it…fresh…young…
full of vim and vigor. So why not? Everybody does it.
Pretty soon, there are a lot more dollars running around. And they
change hands fast. In economists' lingo, the velocity of money goes up…
and the value of the dollar – like a faithless lover – goes down.
China's new dollar peg
My reaction: It is only matter of a few months before accelerating
inflation forces Chinese authorities to break the country's dollar
peg. When it does, the dollar will drop like a rock.
Posted by Eric deCarbonnel at 3:41 AM Delicious email Print this
post
1 Comments:
Curtis said...
Yes, I must agree with you. The dollar is going to drop like a rock.
But if the market starts to sink first, it could hold off the dollar
from sinking as investors go for safety. Then after the market sinks,
then the dollar will sink.
March 14, 2010 3:08 PM
http://www.marketskeptics.com/2010/03/inflation-accelerating-in-china.html
China's Yuan/Dollar Peg: Untenable, Unsustainable, Indefensible,
Unsound
36 comments
by: Annaly Salvos March 14, 2010
We don’t much trust statistics that come from China, just like we
didn’t trust information that came from behind the Iron Curtain back
in the Cold War days. But there’s been a lot of news from China in the
past few weeks, and it has painted a picture of economic recovery and
strength. At 8.7%, GDP growth was faster than expected in 2009.
Production, exports and fixed-asset investment in urban areas are up
20.7%, 31.4% and 26.6%, respectively, in the first two months of 2010
versus the same year-ago period. M2 money supply grew at a 25.5% clip
and consumer prices rose 2.7% in February.
Believe those numbers at your peril, haircut them as you see fit, but
there is one number with regard to China that is unassailable and that
makes their growth miracle possible: 6.83. The pegging of the yuan at
this artificially low exchange rate is the cornerstone of the Chinese
economic miracle. It is the modern-day mercantilist tool, a
replacement for tariffs and taxes. In so doing, it allows the country
to run an export-driven economy that competes on price, depends on
foreigners’ propensity to consume, and builds up huge structural
surpluses with which to keep its currency peg. It’s the Walmart of
countries, the big box store and category killer that no local
shopkeeper wants in his neighborhood. It is the other side of the coin
from the United States and Europe at this stage in the global economic
cycle - - consumer-based societies that are running huge structural
deficits. Despite the obvious economic wisdom of letting the currency
float, and the ample cover for doing so that the latest data provide,
it is unlikely that China will significantly alter its dollar-peg
policy any time soon.
This is a global macroeconomic issue, but for China it is a domestic
issue: There is a labor shortage in China, and those workers want to
be paid. “Migrant workers are a lot more fussy than before,” He Suwei,
chairman of Hangzhou Weibang Airflow Spinning Co in Zhejiang province,
told China Daily. “They don’t just talk money; they talk about working
environments, holidays and other fringe benefits we have not even
heard of before. Workers have more say than us now because they have a
wider choice.” Workers at the factory are now being paid about $270
per month, up 40% from the beginning of the global recession. At a
nearby textile mill, the owner came back from the Lunar New Year
holidays to find that many of his skilled workers didn’t return to
work. He reluctantly had to raise wages. “I had no choice but to raise
the salaries of my less experienced workers from 750 yuan a month to
960 yuan,” said the owner, Cao Yakun. “Also, to make sure the workers
who did return stayed, I boosted my skilled workers’ pay by 10 to 15
percent.”
The irony here about the exploited proletariat wanting better
treatment from the bourgeoisie factory owners is historically
mindboggling. All we can say to the Communist Party bureaucrats is
‘Welcome to capitalism.’ The genie is out of the bottle and you can’t
put it back. You can’t raise salaries on your working class because
margins are too low, you can’t raise prices to raise margins because
you’ll be less competitive and you can’t let your currency float
because your exports will decline and slow economic growth.
The other irony: the modern Chinese miracle would never have occurred
without the US dollar as a reserve currency. As Hugh Hendry has
pointed out, for the Chinese, US dollars were nothing less than the
modern-day equivalent of the relief from a too constrictive gold
standard that William Jennings Bryan decried in 1896. Imagine if back
then the supply of gold had been as unlimited as dollars. The fact is,
in modern economies either all trading partners of more or less equal
size should be linked to a similar standard, like gold, or they should
all be free floating and competing. A hybrid situation like we have
now just leads to hazardous imbalances.
If history is a guide, however, economic growth and a free floating
currency are not incompatible. The graph below (click to enlarge)
shows the exchange rate of the Japanese yen; Japan eventually let it
float and they recovered from World War II to become the second
largest economy in the world. It’s only when the Bank of Japan began
to sizably intervene to manage their currency that the country ended
up with a lost generation of productivity. China, take note.
About the author: Annaly Salvos Management at Annaly will
occasionally express their thoughts and opinions on specific issues
and events in the financial markets through monthly commentaries and
white papers. Annaly Salvos is a venue for expressing occasional
thoughts and opinions on issues and events in the financial
markets.... More Blog: Annaly Salvos
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MARCH 14, 2010, 5:54 P.M. ET.China Takes Aim at U.S. on Economy
By ANDREW BATSON, IAN JOHNSON And ANDREW BROWNE
BEIJING—Premier Wen Jiabao aimed sharp words at Washington on Sunday,
ceding little ground on China's currency policy and suggesting that
U.S. efforts to boost its exports by weakening the dollar amounted to
"a kind of trade protectionism."
In his once-yearly news conference, Mr. Wen blamed U.S. weapons sales
to Taiwan and President Barack Obama's meeting with Tibet's spiritual
leader, the Dalai Lama, for causing a recent deterioration in what he
called China's most important foreign relationship.
"These moves have violated China's territorial integrity," Mr. Wen
said. "The responsibility does not lie with the Chinese side but with
the United States." Mr. Wen said a good China-U.S. relationship "makes
both sides winners while a confrontational one makes both sides
losers."
Associated Press
China's Premier Wen Jiabao before leaving his annual news conference
following the closing session of the National People's Congress in
Beijing's Great Hall of the People, China on Sunday
.Mr. Wen went into detail about his personal role at the Copenhagen
climate talks late last year, showing flashes of emotion as he sought
to correct a widespread belief that he snubbed Mr. Obama by sending a
lower-ranking official to a meeting. "My conscience is clear despite
the slander of others," he said, quoting an ancient Chinese proverb.
Instead, he argued, it was China that felt insulted.
Mr. Wen's forthright comments reflect a new dynamic in what is
arguably the most important bilateral relationship in the world. As
the only major economy still growing strongly, and the largest
creditor to the U.S., China is behaving with new assertiveness.
Beijing has emerged from the global recession with a fresh confidence
about its state-led economy, which has delivered stimulus projects—
everything from high-speed railways to highways and bridges—with
remarkable efficiency. At the same time, it makes no secret of its
disdain for U.S. economic management, and is in no mood to be lectured
by Washington about how to support the world economy.
The Taiwan arms sales in January effectively froze relations between
the U.S. and China, and Mr. Wen's remarks made clear that a deep chill
still exists, though both sides appear anxious not to let the
situation spiral out of control.
The first question Mr. Wen fielded was on China's currency policies,
which have kept the yuan effectively pegged to the dollar since the
government halted the Chinese currency's gradual appreciation in
mid-2008. The U.S. and Europe, and increasingly China's Asian
neighbors, argue that this policy has kept the yuan seriously
undervalued and given China an unfair advantage in trade at a time
when many other economies are struggling.
"First of all, I do not think the renminbi is undervalued," Mr. Wen
said, using the Chinese currency's official name. "We are opposed to
countries pointing fingers at each other or taking strong measures to
force other countries to appreciate their currencies. To do this is
not beneficial to reform of the renminbi exchange-rate regime."
Mr. Wen didn't repeat the language used this month by central bank
Gov. Zhou Xiaochuan, who had said the yuan's current de facto peg to
the U.S. dollar is a "special" measure that will eventually end. But
Mr. Wen repeated previous statements that reforms to the currency
system will continue. While he didn't rule out the possibility that
the yuan could rise against the dollar, he argued that it doesn't need
to.
Mr. Obama, in a speech last week about his goal to double U.S. exports
over five years, urged China to move to a "market-oriented" exchange
rate. The U.S. Department of the Treasury in April also must make its
semiannual determination of whether to formally label China a
"currency manipulator."
"I can understand that some countries want to increase their share of
exports," Mr. Wen said, in an apparent reference to the Obama
administration's goal. "What I don't understand is the practice of
depreciating one's own currency and attempting to press other
countries to appreciate their own currencies solely for the purpose of
increasing one's own exports," Mr. Wen said. "This kind of practice I
think is a kind of trade protectionism."
The U.S. dollar, which fell during much of last year, has gained
against major currencies in recent months. Premier Wen has previously
taken a similarly uncompromising line on the currency issue. In
November, he disappointed European Union officials visiting China by
rejecting as "unfair" their complaints about the Chinese currency
while they maintained their own trade barriers. Earlier that month,
Mr. Obama was rebuffed on the currency issue by Chinese leaders during
his first visit to China.
Mr. Wen dodged a question about Google Inc.'s threat to leave China,
taking issue with the questioner, who suggested that the climate for
foreign investors was deteriorating. However, the premier promised to
spend more time reaching out to the foreign business community.
Mr. Wen defended his decision to send a relatively low-ranking
official to a meeting on the sidelines of the Copenhagen talks that
included Mr. Obama. At the time, U.S. officials had said Mr. Wen had
skipped the meeting as part of efforts to block progress towards a
binding agreement.
He said that at a banquet hosted by the Danish queen on Dec. 17, he
learned from an unnamed European leader of a meeting among a small
group of countries later that night. "Why was China not notified of
this meeting? So far no one has given us any explanation of this,and
it is still a mystery to me," he said.
His comments didn't directly address his own absence at a Dec. 18
morning meeting, which included Mr. Obama as well as U.K. Prime
Minister Gordon Brown. Deputy Foreign Minister He Yafei took part as
China's representative in that meeting, according to participants.
In a series of public comments in recent months, Mr. Wen has
repeatedly rejected pressure from China's trading partners to alter
exchange-rate policy. Their complaints have grown more vocal as the
gap widens between China's strong recovery and the still-weak growth
in most developed nations.
China is taking measures to promote imports and reduce its sizable
trade surplus, Mr. Wen said. He played down China's new status as the
world's largest merchandise exporter—it overtook Germany in 2009—,
noting that 60% of its exports are produced by foreign companies that
have invested in China. Limiting China's trade would hurt these
foreign companies, he said.
Mr. Wen also countered complaints over the currency by noting that
China is an important export market for countries including Germany,
the U.S., Japan and South Korea. China runs a sizable trade surplus,
meaning that it exports more overall than it imports.
Mr. Wen also mentioned another reason China pays close attention to
its exchange rate with the U.S. dollar: the nation's enormous foreign-
exchange reserves, most of which are believed to be held in U.S.
government bonds.
"Since the U.S. is the issuer of the main international currency, any
instability in its currency causes us great concern. Last year I said
I am worried, and this year I also say I am worried," Mr. Wen said.
He continued to take a cautious view on prospects for the world
economy, saying there is a risk of a "double dip" global recession
given continued risks in financial systems and high jobless rates in
many countries.
Known colloquially in China as "Grandpa Wen" and the "People's
Premier," 67-year-old Mr. Wen has cultivated an image as an
approachable everyman that is rare among China's top leadership. Asked
about his personal well-being by a Hong Kong reporter, he responded
with a touch of humor. "Even though I'm a person who basically doesn't
have holidays, I still like to exercise, whether it's taking a walk or
going for a swim. It helps me to relax so that I can maintain my
vigorous energy to deal with the weighty work," he said.
On relations with Taiwan, Mr. Wen reiterated China's willingness to
sacrifice some of China's interests in an economic cooperation pact
between the two sides, saying Taiwan and China are "brothers."
"Differences between brothers cannot sever their blood ties and I
believe that problems will eventually be solved," Mr. Wen said, citing
an ancient Chinese text. "Even though there are some small disputes,
we are still family."
—Ting-I Tsai and Sky Canaves contributed to this article.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703457104575121213043099350.html?mod=googlenews_wsj
Google '99.9% Certain' to Close Chinese Search Engine: Report
By SAM GUSTIN
Posted 3:15 PM 03/13/10
Tech giant Google (GOOG) appears ready to make good on its threat to
shut its Chinese-language search engine, two months after challenging
China over Web censorship. In light of the Chinese government's
refusal to relax its Web filtering, which a top government official
reiterated Friday, Google is now "99.9%" certain" to shutter
Google.cn, according to the Financial Times.
Google's apparent readiness to close Google.cn comes one day after the
Chinese government issued Google a stern rebuke, calling the U.S. Web
titan "unfriendly and irresponsible," and indicating that it's
unwilling to soften its Web censorship policies. The actual closure
could take "some time to follow through with the plan as it seeks an
orderly closure and takes steps to protect local employees from
retaliation by the authorities," the FT reported.
"This is not a surprise," Ian Bremmer, president of the geopolitical
research firm Eurasia Group, told DailyFinance Saturday. "The Chinese
were never going to cave to what they saw as unilateral demands from
Google."
The latest developments suggest that the conflict between Google and
China, which has gripped the tech world and drawn the interest of key
U.S. and Chinese diplomatic and trade officials, is nearing a climax.
In January, Google declared its intention to stop censoring its
Google.cn after disclosing it was the victim of a massive, China-based
cyber-attack. U.S. officials have backed Google in the dispute.
China: U.S. Companies Must Follow Our Censorship Laws
After weeks of fitful negotiations, China forcefully reiterated its
position Friday that companies operating in China must follow national
laws. "I hope Google can respect Chinese rules and regulations," Li
Yizhong, Minister of Industry and Information Technology, said Friday.
"If you insist on taking this action that violates Chinese laws, I
repeat: You are unfriendly and irresponsible, and you yourself will
have to bear the consequences."
Google may very well leave China, but Bremmer says the bigger question
is what this means for U.S. firms doing business in China in the
future, given the country's information restrictions and a state-
dominated economy that controls the major industries.
"What Google said publicly, a great many U.S. corporations in the tech
sector are saying to U.S. government officials privately," Bremmer
said. "The competitive environment [in China] -- in a context without
an independent judiciary or clear rule of law -- is going to get much
more challenging."
Endgame: Sergey Brin's Moral Stand
Google's business operations in China constitute only about 2% of its
annual revenue of $23.2 billion, and the company is getting whipped by
Baidu.com, which controls 60% of the Chinese Web search market to
Google's 30%. This has led some pundits to suggest that Google doesn't
have a lot to lose by backing out -- but a lot to gain in terms of
moral capital and public goodwill for its seemingly principled stand.
But Google's threat to quit China could indeed have major financial
consequences for the company, as UBS analyst Brian Pitz recently
observed. China continues its rapid economic growth, and Internet
access is exploding there. "If Google were to exit China, we believe
this represents a significant lost growth opportunity in the long
term," Pitz said after Google's announcement. "China is the world's
largest Internet market with roughly 298 million users, with only 22%
of the population penetrated."
In truth, most business observers simply aren't used to major American
companies taking very public moral stands on human rights issues in
the face of the Red Giant. It's basically unprecedented, so jaundiced
pundits reflexively assume that Google must have an ulterior motive.
Like Apple CEO Steve Jobs is reported to have said, many observers
believe Google's "Don't be evil" motto is "bullshit."
For years, Google has chafed at China's Web filtering policies, which
force the search company to remove politically controversial material
-- like images of the Tiananmen Square massacre -- from its Chinese
language search engine. But for top Google executives, particularly co-
founder Sergey Brin, who as a child fled the Soviet Union for the
U.S., the China-based attack on human rights advocates was simply more
than they could tolerate.
Revelations that Chinese-based hackers had attacked Google's systems
in an effort to infiltrate the Gmail accounts of Chinese dissidents
and human rights workers were apparently the final straw. After years
of accepting Google CEO Eric Schmidt's argument that working with
China -- even under conditions of censorship -- would help open the
country, Brin finally put his foot down. (The Wall Street Journal has
more details on Brin's role in the Google-China dispute here.)
China Unicom Still Will Use Google's Android
Still, Li encouraged Google to keep Google.cn in the country, but
after Google officials reaffirmed their commitment to ending
censorship, that looks very unlikely. Even if Google does shut down
Google.cn, it will likely keep other aspects of its business
operations in China, including the closely watched development of its
Android smartphone operating system.
Both China Mobile, the world's largest wireless provider with over 500
million subscribers, and China Unicom, which boasts nearly 200 million
customers, are developing products based on Android. Both firms are
state-controlled.
"We recognize that Android is a mainstream system," Unicom Chairman
Chang Xiaobing told Reuters earlier this month. "We will definitely
use Google's Android in our mobile handsets."
China’s budding identity dilemma
Author: Gustaaf Geeraerts
14 March 2010 - Issue : 877
China’s weight in global affairs seems to be mounting by the day. Not
only is China about to become the second most important single economy
in the world, it recently also took over Germany as the world’s
leading exporting country. But China is not only growing economically.
Its military clout is equally on the rise and the People’s Republic
has now become the world’s second highest military spender. On these
accounts China is increasingly perceived as the only country emerging
both as a military and economic rival of the US and thus generating a
fundamental shift in the global distribution of power and influence.
Yet, as the leaders in Beijing keep on repeating, China still shows
many characteristics of a developing country and faces many weaknesses
and challenges. Yang Jiechi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
People’s Republic of China, recently pointed out: “China’s per capita
GDP has just exceeded 3,000 US dollars, ranking the 104th in the
world. Uneven development remains a prominent problem. Big cities like
Beijing and Shanghai can in no way represent the whole of China, and
many rural and remote areas are still very poor. One hundred and
thirty-five million people are living on less than one dollar a day
and 10 million have no access to electricity”. With its legitimacy all
the time more deriving from performance, the current regime can only
maintain its position if it manages to resolve the many problems China
faces within a reasonable timeframe.
On closer examination, China has a double identity. On the one hand,
it considers itself a developing country that was wronged by the
imperialists and is therefore entitled to a great degree of
consideration and support. On the other hand, it sees itself as an
emerging power that is well on its way to restoring the glory of the
ancient dynasties and wants to be treated on an equal footing and
warrants esteem. That is why Beijing is so sensitive to being
respected and be treated as a peer. At the same time however, the
Chinese still count on consideration from the other side, some
exceptional treatment. China although growing fast is at a different
stage of development and has to overcome a great number of internal
problems as a result of which it cannot as yet take up the full scale
of its international responsibilities.
Increasingly however, Beijing is facing an ever-harder quandary
between its identity as a developing country and its identity as an
emerging power. As China’s economic success continues the developed
countries in particular expect it to take up greater responsibilities
in supporting a sustainable global economy. As a result Beijing is
pressured to strike a precarious balance between domestic economic
development, which it sees as the most pressing challenge, and the
evolution of China into a responsible great power, which it sees as
the longer-term ambition.
While at present there is a marked propensity in Beijing’s foreign
policy towards the notion of ‘China as a responsible global power’,
there are some notable exceptions to this tendency. A prime example of
this is China’s hunger for oil and strategic resources. Sustainable
economic development is undoubtedly the final goal, but it cannot be
realised without the necessary energy and raw materials supplies.
Should these not be sufficient, the nation’s wholesale development
will be compromised, and consequently the outright survival of the
regime would be at stake. This is indeed a tight corner to be in. It
is very tempting to put one’s own pressing interests first whenever
possible in such circumstances. Those are the moments when sovereignty
and the immediate national self-interest get to play first fiddle.
And that in turn is exactly why China’s international behaviour
seemingly comes across as erratic. It dutifully adapts to whichever
circumstances it finds itself in so as to safeguard the interests of
the Chinese heartland. Multilateral negotiations about regional
stability and the further direction of global governance are, after
all, very different from bilateral talks aimed at securing highly
desired economic benefits or guaranteeing access to crucial strategic
raw materials. In the case of the former, Beijing has time on its side
and the rhetoric of peaceful evolution, civilized renaissance and a
harmonious world comes in handy; in the case of the latter,
negotiations more often than not come down to serving the immediate
national interest and driving home the best bargain.
Gustaaf Geeraerts, director of the Brussels Institute of Contemporary
China Studies (BICCS)
http://www.neurope.eu/articles/99634.php
A word on China, ‘no-el’ and Harbour Centre
Opinion
Written by J.A. de la Cruz / Coast-to-Coast
Monday, 15 March 2010 21:39
I am writing this column with every good wish that our boxing icon
Manny “Pacman” Pacquiao will survive Joshua Clottey’s dreaded head
butts and knock out the Ghanaian toward the middle of the fight.
Not the first two or three rounds, please, so that those who got
hooked on those pricey tickets—whether at the $1.4-billion Dallas
Cowboys stadium or on pay-per-view—or us, lowly mortals, on delayed
telecast with all those political ads, will at least get some bang for
their money (and time). I have yet to hear the shrieks from those
gathered around but pretty soon it should be tension time for most.
Meantime, please enjoy the snacks at some hotel, cinema or sports
lounge, and for those who are taking a peep at this historic fight in
the middle of Sunday work, do take a break. It is good for the
health.
A word on China
Which is what we also recommend to those naysayers and China cynics
who have been hogging the headlines lately predicting the bursting of
the “China bubble.” One such cynic, a known fund manager, has actually
put up a fund meant solely to “short” China and encouraged investors
to get into the “gravy train before all seats gets taken.” Noting that
at the start of the 2008 global financial crisis, China has injected
billions of dollars into the economy as part of its almost a trillion-
dollar stimulus package to stave off the ill effects of that
devastation, the fund manager pontificated that those dollars were
actually misallocated, misused and even siphoned off to destinations
offshore and did nothing to improve China’s economy and
competitiveness. Citing bits and pieces of “work slowdown” and even
complaints from a growing army of the urban “underclass” (unemployed,
underemployed and struggling) who have flocked to such centers as
Beijing and Shanghai in search of a “better life,” the rise of
uninhabited “luxury condos and communities” using cheap money from
Chinese banks and, yes, overexpansion of key industries and industrial
groups in China’s heartland, the manager proceeded to conclude that
this was an unsustainable “bubble” which is just waiting to burst.
Well, the guy may have taken resiliency out of his vocabulary and
relied too heavily on anecdotal renditions of the problems assaulting
China’s road to growth, for as things stand China is being hailed even
by some of its fiercest critics as having had the best results among
the Group of 20 countries in the use of its “stimulus package.”
True, a part of that stimulus package may have gone to some “un-
economic” projects like that reported multimillion-dollar “park” in
the middle of nowhere in some Chinese province. That is certainly a
waste, an investment likely to go down the drain. Then, there are
reports of real-estate “bubbles” cropping up as property prices reach
astronomic heights due to “cheap money” being spread around, thanks to
Chinese banks’ “reckless” lending. Of course, we have heard of high-
profile corporate fights such as the one which China’s biggest metals
and mining company had with Rio Tinto, which tended to support the
cynical view that China was bullying its way around and will likely be
an “irresponsible giant” if the world allows it. In fact, we will
never run out with stories about the “Chinese rush to perdition” and
its leaders’ inability to tame the “beast,” so to speak.
Getting back on track
Well, the opposite may well be true. As China ends the annual meeting
of its legislature—the National People’s Congress—the indications are
such that, indeed, China is first among the world’s leading economies
in getting back on track without as much as the ills and injuries
conjured up by the critics. Despite badgering from almost all sectors,
including most of the Group of 20 countries, for it to revalue its
currency to improve its trading position and ensure continued access
to the global marketplace, and fears of inflationary “bubbles,” China
has cautiously staved off the rush and steered its economy into a
sustainable future. Said Andy Rothman of brokerage firm CLSA: “Beijing
has continued to successfully use incremental tightening measures to
slow the pace of economic growth back to a more sustainable level from
last year’s hyperstimulated rate.” CitiGroup economist Shen Minggao
shared the same view, noting that “last year’s fast credit growth and
the export rebound have tempered the impact of policy changes.”
A key indicator of the sustainability of China’s approach to the 2008
financial crisis may not even be those which are now transforming the
mainland’s economic landscape into what some observers see as the
“globally competitive machine” which may eventually catapult the
world’s third-largest economy into No.2, exceeding a lethargic Japan
sooner than the experts’ predict in the growth in the luxury-property
market in, of all places, Taiwan. That observation may be off to some,
but to many keen investors, this new development may just re-ignite
the rush to Chinese (and of course Taiwanese) stocks, not a retreat as
the “shorties” would like people to do. Here’s what the analysts say
on this expected rebound: “Like most real-estate markets worldwide,
Taiwan’s took a beating in the global recession. But now a strong
recovery, tax cuts, stable political relations with China and
expectations of a flood of mainland Chinese investments have combined
to drive prices to record highs.” Indeed, all eyes are keenly awaiting
the firming up of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement between
the mainland and Taiwan which is seen as the foundation for a longer-
term and ultimately mutually beneficial arrangement between the two
export powers in this part of the world. Already, tens of thousands of
Taiwanese firms have put up manufacturing plants in the mainland to
the benefit of both. This fresh surge in luxury housing should be
proof positive of additional breakthroughs in the years ahead. Just
one caveat. With this firmer interlink comes new concerns from the
other countries in the region of the diversion of foreign investments
from their territories into the two interlinked power-
houses. This is one challenge which China should seriously look into,
quite apart from those being presented by the rush of rural Chinese
into the urban centers.
And now on ‘no-el’ and
Harbour Centre
“No-el” is not the old line about a “no-election” scenario this coming
May, partner. Although that may well happen if our power plants conk
out due to the prolonged El Niño and we don’t get to add more
generating capacity in all the islands, especially Mindanao. Yes, sir.
If we go by the latest reports, generating capacity in Luzon may soon
be inadequate to the point that rotating brownouts may well come into
play just before the elections. We are told that Magat dam in Isabela
is about to be closed due to a rapid decline in the water level.
Pretty soon, Ambuklao, Binga and San Roque dams in Northern Luzon may
follow suit, which will immediately get us into severe shortage as
these three provide more than 750 megaWatts of power into the Luzon
grid. Then, if the much-needed rains do not fall anytime soon, even
Angat which generates 240 megaWatts may well be taken off the grid as
well. That will be near a disaster situation in Luzon already, if and
when that happens. Is the energy department doing anything about it?
Well, we are informed that meetings between the department and the
private sector have been taking place endlessly over the past few
days, and if talks are to be translated into energy, we may well have
what it takes to avert such a disaster from happening. But that is
like dreaming the crisis away if you ask me. In any event, we are not
remiss in reminding one and all to prepare and to shout out loud that
our concerns are real, not imaginary. Unlike the carping crowd, we do
believe we are in for a long, hot summer. Prudence dictates we prepare—
even overprepare if need be—if only to ensure that we don’t get
blackouts at the worst of times.
Speaking of “no-el,” Agusan del Sur Rep. Ompong Plaza has just
suggested that we actually delay the elections—well, not the one this
May but those for the barangays in October—to save money (close to P3
billion is expected to be spent by the Commission on Elections for
this exercise) and give time for the poll body to close out on the all-
too-important May polls and prepare for the next undertakings. That
money saved, Plaza advises, can then be used for our drought-stricken
farmlands and also to augment our quest for more and better energy
sources. Actually, it may not be a bad idea to postpone the barangay
elections, if only to spare us from even more heated fights, this time
at the grassroots all across the land. It will also lighten the load,
so to speak, on these barangays which, this early, are already heavily
engaged with their respective candidates in the May elections. It will
ease the tension and save money. Not a bad operation, if we may say
so.
And what about Harbour Centre? Well, this multibillion-peso port-cum-
real-estate operation is back in the news as criticisms mount over the
rush, as they now call it, by which its original funder—Home Guaranty
Corp. (HGC)—pushed the sale of shares and stocks at bargain prices. We
are informed that shares worth at least P700 million were sold at P300
million for no reason at all. Worse, we are told that the proceeds of
this “fire sale” did not even get to be returned to the original
owners, i.e., the overseas workers fund, Overseas Workers Welfare
Administration and those other pension and state-guaranteed buyers in
good faith way, way back but diverted to some “black hole.” If these
reports are true and we urge the Office of the President, Housing and
Urban Development Coordinating Council under Vice President Noli de
Castro and even the Ombudsman to take a serious look at this
transaction, then heads have to roll. We cannot afford to have these
kinds of “fire sales” conducted at the end of terms of people to the
disadvantage of government and the detriment of our people. Di ba
lang?
Lanka should learn from Japan’s experiences By Mario AndreeSri Lanka
has the potential in leading the global economy, said Japanese
AmbassadorKunio Takahshi.
"Proper policies, methods and systems should be adopted, and
professionals should lead the way in developing the country. The
global economy is driven by China and India, and these two countries
are expected to lead the world out of the global financial crisis,"
Takashi said.
He made these comments at the inauguration ceremony of the Auditorium
and Media Room of the Colombo University.
"The early prediction by many economists in the late 1980s was that
Japan would lead the global economy with its unique enterprise
systems, but it failed with the crisis ruining the Japanese economy.
"Sri Lanka as a developing country should learn from Japan and other
developed nations," Takahshi said.
He stressed that Sri Lanka should take advantage of the lessons
learned from Japanese development. This would assist Sri Lanka in
strengthening its national economy.
"Creativity is needed to develop the economy and Sri Lanka has great
potential together with learning and developing the experiences of
other countries," he said.
"Sri Lankan development goals would remain only a potential for many
years to come if the country fails adopt more creative methods of
marketing. Enterprises should understand and develop their businesses
for the long term."
"Though risks are minimum in the short term, development would be slow
as long as potential remains uncovered" he added.
Colombo University Vice-Chancellor Kshanika Hirimburegama said that
there is great potential for the educational sector of Sri Lanka to
grow.
"Professionals in the country should assist in the development
activities by developing methods and systems more suitable to the
country. Graduates and post graduates should focus on developing the
country by developing enterprises in the SME sector," she said.
http://www.island.lk/2010/03/15/business3.html
MARCH 14, 2010.For Now, U.S. Stocks May Be the Best Bargains
By TOM LAURICELLA
Problems abroad -- from the meltdown in Greece to a Japanese economy
that seems stuck in permanent recession -- are making U.S. stocks look
better and better, at least in the short run.
In recent months the massive rally that lifted the Dow Jones
Industrial Average 60% off bear-market lows hit one year ago has
largely stalled out. The widely watched market indicator has been
stuck in a relatively narrow range since November.
Lisa Haney
.Last week, the Dow rose just 0.6% and is up 1.9% for the year.
At the same time, the U.S. economy has continued to improve, albeit
unevenly. Corporate earnings, a key driver of stock returns, are
rebounding faster than expected. And stock prices, when compared to
those earnings, are on the cheaper side of historical levels.
Investors, however, have been favoring non-U.S. stocks in big
developed economies and emerging markets, such as China.
"The U.S. is a pretty popular place to hate in most global
portfolios," says Robert Doll, chief investment officer of global
equities at BlackRock. However, "if economic growth [in the U.S.] is
going to be stronger, then earnings growth is going to be stronger and
that means the equity market is going to be stronger."
Bad News Abroad
Even as the U.S. climbs out of recession, there's been a drumbeat of
negative news abroad, such as the debt crisis in Europe. In emerging
markets, where many economies have been growing much faster than
developed markets, some slowing of their expansion could lie ahead as
central banks raise interest rates to battle inflation. Many of those
markets also are trading at pricey levels, making them more vulnerable
to selloffs.
For many investors, it's understandably tough to feel good about
investing in U.S. stocks. After all, the job market remains bleak,
home prices are still down sharply, and there's considerable
uncertainty about events in Washington.
But most economists believe the U.S. economy is slowly mending at a
pace faster than other major developed economies. "We've done a better
job on growth and will continue to do better on growth relative to
Western Europe and Japan," says Bruce Kasman, head of economic
research for J.P. Morgan Chase.
U.S. gross domestic product should rise by 3.4% this year, and 3.1% in
2011, according to J.P. Morgan's estimates. Meanwhile, Japan's economy
is expected to grow 2.3% this year and 1.9% next year.
The developed economies in Europe will grow by just 1.6% this year and
2.1% next year. Even Germany, whose economy is often seen as
relatively healthy, is forecast by J.P. Morgan to only expand at a
1.7% rate.
U.S. Deficit Could Be Worse
Lisa Haney
.Many investors worry about the massive U.S. budget deficit. While
it's an issue most analysts believe needs addressing, many countries
in Europe, such as France and the U.K., have similar, if not more
serious, deficit woes. "It's hard to argue that the U.S. is in the
worst shape," says J.P. Morgan's Mr. Kasman.
Perhaps the most compelling argument in favor of U.S. stocks is
earnings growth. Thanks, in part, to the same aggressive cost cutting
that has crippled the job market, 72% of companies in the Standard &
Poor's 500-stock index beat earnings forecasts for the fourth quarter,
according to Thomson Reuters. That's the third-highest percentage
since the firm started tracking that statistic in 1994.
When looking at valuations, U.S. stocks look good compared with many
other markets, especially emerging economies. Based on the last 12
months of earnings, the S&P 500 is at a price/earnings ratio of 16.8,
below it's long-term average of 18.3, according to data compiled by
Barclays Capital. In contrast, stocks in the economically struggling
U.K. are trading at a P/E ratio of 16.6, above their long-term average
of 16.
China, India, South Korea and Brazil are all trading well above
historical average valuations.
"In the last few months, we've had less success in finding undervalued
stocks in the emerging markets because they're run so strongly," says
Gary Motyl, chief investment officer at Templeton Global Equity Group.
"We like the long-term fundamentals...but some of that good news is
baked into the stock prices."
It's a tougher call for European stocks, where valuations are
generally slightly lower than U.S. stocks. However, Horacio Valeiras,
chief investment officer at Allianz Global Investors, says analysts
are revising earnings estimates higher at a stronger pace in the U.S.
than in Europe.
Meanwhile, economic growth is potentially leveling off in Asia.
Against that backdrop, "it has led us to move money from outside the
U.S. back in," says Mr. Valeiras.
Many analysts say that playing a revival in U.S. stocks should center
around higher-quality, large companies, such as those in the S&P 500.
That can be accomplished either through an index fund or actively
managed portfolio.
Many of the biggest, blue-chip stocks didn't rally as much as others
during 2009 and their valuations are more likely to be reasonable. In
addition, these companies tend to have substantial non-U.S.
businesses, which provides continued exposure to emerging markets and
a hedge against economic activity picking up elsewhere.
Plenty of Uncertainty
Of course, there remain many wild cards in the U.S.
The economy could tip back into recession or there could be an
unfriendly surprise from Washington on the legislative or regulatory
front. U.S. stocks could take a hit whenever the Federal Reserve
decides to raise interest rates. But Barry Knapp, head of U.S. equity
strategy at Barclays, expects many of these clouds to clear by the
second half of the year.
Should there be a selloff in response to the Fed readying a rate
increase, he says strong earnings could make U.S. stock valuations
"pretty compelling." And as uncertainty on health care and financial
regulation gets cleared up, "the forward outlook is pretty good."
Write to Tom Lauricella at tom.lau...@wsj.com
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB126851573867961861.html?mod=WSJ_hpp_MIDDLENexttoWhatsNewsForth
The Four Stages Of The Prospective Dollar Bull Market
By: Money and Markets Saturday, March 13, 2010 1:29 PM
Since last November, the dollar has climbed steadily against a basket
of currencies — most notably against the euro. And based on my
analysis, I think it's just the early stages of this trend.
In fact, for many of the reasons I've discussed in past Money and
Markets columns, the weight of evidence suggests that we've likely
seen the bottom in the dollar, with a multi-year bull market ahead.
That's a high level view. But how are things shaping up on a shorter
term outlook for the buck?
Let's take a look at the four stages of this prospective dollar bull
market and the immediate catalysts that should underpin its continued
strength …
Stage 1:
Marking the Bottom
My analysis of the seven-year cycles in the dollar index suggests a
cyclical bottom was marked when the dollar rallied sharply off of its
all-time lows in 2008 driven by the uncertainty surrounding a growing
financial and economic crisis.
Back then, capital fled all areas of the world in search of safety.
And the dollar represented a safe parking place.
Stage 2:
Retracement Period
Then we had the deep retracement of 2009. The global economy was
showing signs of stabilization that encouraged global investors to
start dipping their toes back in the water … i.e. taking risk again.
That's when capital was reversed out of the dollar in search of higher
risk, higher return assets.
And just when sentiment was about as negative toward the dollar as it
could possibly get, we were introduced to the first sign of collateral
damage from the financial/economic crisis and the unprecedented
government responses: Crumbling government finances.
The first wobbling sovereign nation, Dubai, quickly splashed water on
the face of an increasingly optimistic global investment community.
All of the sudden the theories of a V-shaped recovery became fractured
by the realization that the widespread economic crisis could run
deeper — a scenario that many had conveniently and complacently
dismissed.
Stage 3:
More Fear; More Risk Aversion
The dollar has benefited from weakness in the pound.
In recent months much of the dollar strength has been driven by fears
of a sovereign debt crisis. And much of that strength has come at the
expense of the euro and the British pound.
We've seen the dominos of a potential sovereign debt crisis line up,
as I detailed in last week's column. The tremors that started in
Dubai, quickly turned scrutiny toward Greece and the other weak spots
in the euro zone (Portugal, Italy, Ireland and Spain). And it appears
increasingly likely to soon weigh on the UK economy and the British
pound.
As we know, currencies don't operate in a vacuum. They're valued
relative to the value of another currency. So, given the recent
concerns about the future of the euro and the increasing spotlight on
the next sovereign debt domino, the UK, the dollar is benefiting
primarily because of the weakness of other major currencies.
And there's another developing situation that should offer more fuel
for the dollar …
Stage 4:
A Falling Yen
The euro, the British pound and the Japanese yen make up 83 percent of
the dollar index, the often quoted proxy for the economic firepower of
the U.S. dollar on a global level.
Japan's deflation has taken a toll on the yen.
While the pound and the euro have been under assault in recent weeks,
the yen has been pushed and pulled in a tug of war: Strengthening as
capital flows out of risky euro/yen and pound/yen positions, and
weakening on the basis of fundamental divergences between the
recovering U.S. economy and the deflation-burdened Japanese economy.
But the fundamental evidence has been clearly favoring the dollar
relative to the yen for some time. What's been lacking is a catalyst
to send it higher.
Well, over the past two weeks we've finally gotten a clear catalyst to
sell the yen against the dollar.
Catalyst for Yen Weakness
Back in August 2009, it became cheaper to borrow dollars (compared to
borrowing yen) for the first time in sixteen years. In the chart
below, you can see when the short-term interbank borrowing rate for
dollars (Dollar Libor, the blue line) crossed below the equivalent
interbank borrowing rate for yen (Yen Libor, the red line).
Source: Bloomberg
What looks like a minor rate differential can have a major impact on
market perception. Since that cross occurred, the dollar lost as much
as 13 percent against the yen as global investors began favoring
dollars, as opposed to yen, to fund carry trades … i.e. selling
dollars to fund the purchase of high yielding currencies.
But as of last week, this differential has crossed back, once again
making the Japanese yen the cheapest currency in the world to borrow.
And based on the diverging policy paths of the U.S. and Japanese
central banks, this differential should continue to widen in favor of
U.S. rates and dollar strength relative to the yen.
So given the ongoing crisis surrounding the euro, the vulnerability of
the British pound from a continued spread of sovereign debt concerns
AND the catalyst for a weakening yen, I'm expecting the dollar to
continue its upward path against major currencies both in the short-
term and longer-term.
Regards,
Bryan
This investment news is brought to you by Money and Markets. Money and
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http://www.istockanalyst.com/article/viewarticle/articleid/3945235
The Associated Press March 12, 2010, 5:37AM ET
Japan's Nikkei index hits seven-week high
TOKYO
Japanese stocks advanced Friday, with the benchmark Nikkei index
hitting a seven-week high on hopes for further monetary easing by the
central bank.
The Nikkei 225 stock average rose 86.31 points, or 0.8 percent, to
10,751.26 -- its best finish since Jan. 21 The broader Topix index
added 0.6 percent to 936.38.
Bolstering sentiment was speculation about the Bank of Japan's policy
board meeting next week. Faced with mounting pressure to fight
deflation, the central bank is expected to ease policy, possibly by
expanding a low-interest loan program it introduced in December,
analysts and media reports said.
"The BOJ appears not to be convinced of the solidness of the economic
recovery in the next several months, on the heel of ongoing
uncertainties of the global economy," said Masaaki Kanno, chief
economist at JPMorgan Securities Japan.
Financial names benefited from the broad-based gains.
Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group Inc. rose 1.7 percent to 2,930 yen,
and Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group Inc. closed up 1.3 percent at 467
yen. Nomura Holdings Inc., Japan's biggest securities house, rose 1.7
percent to 668 yen.
Automakers also advanced as the dollar held up against the yen. Nissan
Motor Co. jumped 2.4 percent to 764 yen, while Honda Motor Co. rose
0.9 percent to 3,300 yen, and Toyota Motor Corp. finisher 0.4 percent
higher at 3,475 yen.
In currencies, the dollar fell to 90.29 yen from 90.50 yen late
Thursday. The euro rose to $1.3718 from $1.3678.
http://www.businessweek.com/ap/financialnews/D9ED1IPO0.htm
12 March 2010 - 13H09
Dollar mixed before US data
Bundles of one dollar bills pictured at the Bureau of Engraving and
Printing in Washington, DC. The dollar traded mixed on Friday before
the publication of official US economic data, while the yen was also
in focus after Japan's leader called for "firm steps" against the
currency's recent rise. AFP - The dollar traded mixed on Friday before
the publication of official US economic data, while the yen was also
in focus after Japan's leader called for "firm steps" against the
currency's recent rise.
In late morning deals here, the European single currency rose to
1.3778 dollars from 1.3678 dollars late in New York on Thursday.
Against the Japanese currency, the dollar fell to 90.36 yen from 90.48
yen on Thursday.
Market were braced for February US retail sales data due Friday, a key
gauge of consumer sentiment and the health of the world's biggest
economy.
While the outcome will be clouded by the effects of heavy snowstorms
during the month, "the market is likely to brush off a surprisingly
weak reading by attributing it to one-off weather factors", Barclays
Capital said in a note.
Lower auto and gasoline sales are also expected to have curtailed the
headline figure.
The data will come one day after markets digested a fall in jobless
claims as a positive sign for the US labour market, even if it was
smaller than expected, dealers said.
Ahead of Friday's US numbers, traders digested news of strong eurozone
industrial output data, which helped to support the euro.
Factory output across continental Europe's core euro currency zone
surged ahead in January, rising by 1.7 percent compared to output in
the previous month.
Official statistics released by the European Union on Friday showed
that industrial production in the 16 countries which share the euro
was also up by 1.4 percent compared to 12 months earlier.
The respective figures for the full 27-nation bloc, which also
includes eastern industrial powerhouse Poland, gave a 1.8-percent
monthly rise and a 1.5 percent annual fall.
"A much stronger than expected January industrial production report
from the eurozone injected enthusiasm into the euro and European stock
markets this morning," said Jane Foley, an analyst for online trading
group Forex.com.
Elsewhere on Friday, markets reacted to rare remarks by Japanese Prime
Minister Yukio Hatoyama who called for "firm steps" against the yen's
recent rise, which is hurting Japan's exporters.
Hatoyama told a morning parliamentary session that the yen had risen
despite "the fact that Japan's economy and industries aren't
necessarily strong".
"I think we need to take firm steps against such yen strength," he
said, adding that there is a need to "politically cooperate on the
world stage".
The prime minister rarely steps forward to comment on foreign
exchange, and the move seemed to be an about-face from his position in
January that the government should not in principle discuss currency
movements.
In London on Friday, the euro was changing hands at 1.3778 dollars
against 1.3678 dollars on Thursday, at 124.43 yen (123.77), 0.9084
pounds (0.9080) and 1.4593 Swiss francs (1.4614).
The dollar stood at 90.36 yen (90.48) and 1.0598 Swiss francs
(1.0682).
The pound was at 1.5163 dollars (1.5058).
On the London Bullion Market, the price of gold climbed to 1,117.68
dollars an ounce from 1,104 dollars an ounce on Thursday.
http://www.france24.com/en/20100312-dollar-mixed-before-us-data
Bloomberg
Krugman Says China Yuan Policy Depresses Global Economic Growth
March 12, 2010, 1:09 PM EST
By Rebecca Christie
March 12 (Bloomberg) -- Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Krugman
said global economic growth would be about 1.5 percentage points
higher if China stopped restraining the value of its currency and
running trade surpluses.
Krugman said China’s currency policy has a “depressing effect” on
economic growth in the U.S., Europe and Japan, as measured by gross
domestic product. If China’s currency, the yuan, were not undervalued,
it would have a “significant” impact on the global recovery, he said.
“If we could get some change in China’s currency policy, it would help
the world,” Krugman said today at an Economic Policy Institute event
in Washington.
The U.S. has refrained from calling China a currency manipulator,
while also criticizing its lack of flexibility in foreign exchange
policy. The Chinese central bank has kept the yuan at about 6.8 per
dollar since July 2008, as part of stimulus efforts to help China
weather the global recession.
The International Monetary Fund predicted in January the world economy
will expand 3.9 percent this year after a contraction of 0.8 percent
last year. China’s economy was forecast to grow 10 percent this year
and 9.7 percent next, the IMF said.
Krugman said the world economy wouldn’t be hurt, and could benefit, if
China were to sell off a large portion of its dollar-denominated
assets. He said that if China were to sell all of its U.S.
investments, it would help the economy by acting as a form of
quantitative easing and fighting a “liquidity trap” that has recently
been affecting the U.S. economy.
China’s Response
“We should not be afraid of what the Chinese might do if we pressure
them to stop this currency manipulation,” Krugman said.
At the end of 2009, China was the top foreign investor U.S. government
debt, with holdings of $898.4 billion in Treasury securities.
Krugman said the U.S. may need to get more aggressive in its
negotiations with China, perhaps by treating the exchange- rate issue
as a countervailing duty or other export subsidy.
“Without a credible threat, we’re not going to get anywhere,” he said.
“The chance that we would trigger a trade war is very small and it’s
hard to see any alternative.”
The U.S. Treasury Department is due to issue its semiannual report on
foreign exchange markets next month.
--Editors: Brendan Murray, Paul Badertscher
To contact the reporter on this story: Rebecca Christie in Washington
at rchri...@bloomberg.net;
To contact the editor responsible for this story: Christopher Wellisz
at cwel...@bloomberg.net
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Hu’s ‘No Delay’ Call Signals China’s Confidence, Merrill Says
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Hong Kong’s Economy Overtaken by Shanghai in 2009 (Update1)
http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-03-04/hong-kong-s-economy-surpassed-by-shanghai-as-china-advances.html
Currencies
March 12, 2010, 3:46 p.m. EST
NEW YORK (MarketWatch) -- The U.S. dollar declined versus the euro on
Friday and was headed toward a sizable weekly drop versus major
counterparts after better-than-expected retail-sales data and a
surprise decline in consumer confidence added up to a better boost to
U.S. equities than the dollar.
The euro also gained support from strong economic data in Europe and
more confidence that Greece will recover.
The dollar index /quotes/comstock/11j!i:dxy0 (DXY 79.82, +0.06,
+0.07%) , which measures the U.S. unit against a trade-weighted basket
of six major currencies, traded at 79.830, down from 80.542 in late
North American trading on Thursday.
The index is headed for its biggest weekly drop since November, from
80.432 last Friday.
The euro rose to $1.3760, paring an earlier gain though still above
$1.3680 late Thursday. The shared currency is headed for its highest
weekly close in seven weeks.
Greece on the brinkAs Greece embarks on deep cuts to appease a whip-
cracking euro zone, workers in its famously bloated and inefficient
public sector fear balancing the books will fall strictly on their
backs, shattering any dreams of the good life politicians pushing the
euro had promised.
The dollar traded at 90.51 Japanese yen, up from 90.50 yen Thursday.
Get live yen quotes and currency charts.
The dollar and the yen remain vulnerable to sales from investors who
had bought the currencies in a flight to safety throughout the last
year or so. More willingness to buy riskier assets, including stocks
and high-yielding currencies, will weigh on the dollar and yen.
"Risk is ongoing into the weekend," said Michael Woolfolk, senior
currency strategist at BNY Mellon. "The bullish mood is likely to
prevail as Greek debt crisis concerns continue to subside. Look for
the yen and U.S. dollar to weaken at the expense of the dollar-bloc
and emerging markets."
The Reuters/University of Michigan index on consumer sentiment
declined to 72.5 in March from 73.6 in February. Red more about UMich
sentiment.
The U.S. Commerce Department said retail sales unexpectedly rose last
month by 0.3%. Excluding autos, sales jumped 0.8%. See story on retail
sales.
"The February retail sales data was impressive, and suggests the U.S.
recovery is gathering steam," said Alan Ruskin, head of currency
strategy at RBS. "The data is a mixed bag for the dollar, with the
rate implications clearly U.S. dollar positive, but the risk
implications seen as dollar negative."
Eyes turn to Fed
Analysts said the data should prompt more optimism from the Federal
Reserve when officials meet next week. Any indication that policy
makers may be closer to raising interest rates should support the U.S.
currency.
In other Fed news, analysts noted reports that San Francisco Fed
President Janet Yellen may be nominated by President Barack Obama as
vice chairwoman, lending more influence to her opinions that the
economy is far from able to withstand rising interest rates. See more
on Fed's Yellen.
"President Yellen is among the biggest 'doves' at the Fed," said Dan
Greenhuas, chief economic strategist at Miller Tabak. Her "elevation
puts her in a position to affect monetary policy in a more direct way
and it is our opinion that this clearly reduces the already moderate
chances of a fed rate hike in 2010."
That's weighing on the dollar, he said.
In European activity, the euro traded as high as $1.3796, taking out
resistance at the $1.3770 to hit its highest level versus the dollar
since mid-February. The single currency got a boost from data showing
industrial production in the 16-nation euro zone posted a record 1.7%
monthly jump in January. Read about the euro-zone industrial
production data.
Despite ongoing strikes in Greece, ideas that the Greek government's
austerity measures and vague commitments by European leaders to
provide support for Athens have soothed worries over the country's
ability to meet its debt obligations, said Michael Hewson, analyst at
CMC Markets.
Canada, Asia news
The Canadian dollar strengthened to its highest level in more than a
year versus its U.S. counterpart after data showed Canada's jobless
rate fell to its lowest level since April 2009. See more on Canadian
dollar.
The Japanese yen initially lost ground in Asian hours after Japanese
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama told parliament the yen was too strong.
Hatoyama said, "I think we need to take firm steps against such yen
strength," but didn't specify any steps. Explicit references by top
leaders to the currency's strength are uncommon. Analysts said the yen
may gain in coming weeks as Japanese companies begin repatriating
overseas earnings. Read about potential encore for yen's glory days.
Also Friday, a report in Japanese business daily Nikkei said the Bank
of Japan's meeting next week may focus on a proposal to increase
lending. See full story on BOJ easing report.
Deborah Levine is a MarketWatch reporter, based in New York.
William L. Watts is a reporter for MarketWatch in London.
http://www.marketwatch.com/story/dollar-rises-vs-yen-on-hatoyama-comments-2010-03-12?dist=beforebell
Mission far from accomplished
Jeremy Gaunt, European Investment Correspondent
LONDON
Fri Mar 12, 2010 10:56am EST
An investor uses a pair of binoculars as he looks at an electronic
board with stock information at the Iraq Stock Exchange in Baghdad
March 10, 2010.
Credit: Reuters/Mohammed Ameen
LONDON (Reuters) - Another week, another set of central bank meetings
and more to digest for investors on monetary policy and the withdrawal
of crisis liquidity.
The U.S. Federal Reserve and Bank of Japan both meet in the coming
week, but far from unwinding the easy money policies embedded over the
past few years to ignite economic growth both are likely to admit
implicitly that the job is far from done.
That in itself should give investors pause for thought.
Does the extension of loose money allow for current investment
patterns to continue, with money pouring out of cash into higher-
yielding assets?
Or does it mean, as some are beginning to believe, that markets have
been floating on artificial liquidity and that the underlying global
economy is not in true recovery mode after all?
Wednesday's Fed meeting, for example, is not only seen as holding
interest rates near zero, it is also seen repeating a vow to have an
"extended period" of "exceptionally low" rates.
It is likely to stick to its plan to end purchases of around $1.7
trillion in assets. But it could well leave the door open for a
renewal of purchases at a later date should economic expansion fall
back.
The Bank of Japan, meanwhile, is under pressure to loosen policy at
its meeting on Tuesday and Wednesday, most likely in the form of
increasing funds offered under its lending operation.
Japan's economy grew less than initially estimated in the fourth
quarter and a broad gauge of price trends posted the biggest negative
reading on record.
So while there may be expressions of optimism from policymakers that
the global economic recovery is taking shape, there is little sign
that they reckon it is anything like fully formed.
BEARS COME OUT TO PLAY
The fragility of the economic recovery has divided investors, with
many mainstream firms persuaded that factors are in place to allow for
gains from riskier assets such as equities to continue, albeit
modestly.
Eric Siegloff, head of ING Investment Management's strategy and
tactical asset allocation group, said in a note, for example, that his
portfolios were overweight equities and underweight fixed income.
"Macro supports are clear from still accommodative policy settings,
improved financial conditions and the inventory cycle," he said.
But more bearish noises have been heard, some even suggesting that
there could be a reversal to lows experienced a year ago in March
2009.
Once such is Colin McLean, managing director of alternative investment
house SVM Management.
"Rallies within bear markets can be quite large and quite sharp. The
best indicator is from financials.... They're still a concern," he
told a group of Reuters journalists recently
A similar picture can also be drawn from some technicals. Peter
Beuttell, director of advisers MTS Research, follows Elliott Wave
theory, which tracks patterns on markets to glean their next
direction.
"We could be approaching a junction," he said. "Markets are about to
roll over in the next few months."
ABC - ANYTHING BUT CASH
Whether this gloomy scenario comes to pass remains to be seen,
presumably depending on economic data showing that the recovery has
not, in fact, taken hold.
But for the moment, at least, investment patterns are reflecting a
general environment of restrained growth.
MSCI's all-country world stock index -- up nearly 78 percent from its
year-ago low -- was heading toward its fourth week of gains out of the
past five and is now in positive territory for 2010.
Fund flows, meanwhile, show ultra-low interest rates are continuing to
drive money out of cash and into other assets. EPFR Global says a net
$194.8 billion has come out of money market funds so far this year.
Bond of various risk levels have been among the beneficiaries.
During the week ending March 10, U.S. and global bond funds extended
inflow streaks to 62 and 47 straight weeks, respectively. High yield
bond funds took in more than $1 billion and emerging market bond funds
moved beyond $5 billion for the year to date with their biggest weekly
inflow in over a decade.
Flows into emerging market equities hit an eight-week high.
European stocks, still wobbling over the sovereign debt crisis in
Greece and potentially other countries, were the only major developed
market category to see net outflows.
(Editing by John Stonestreet)
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE62B2LR20100312
WRAPUP 1-Pressure mounts on BOJ for policy loosening next week
Fri Mar 12, 2010 2:33am EST
* Pressure mounts on BOJ to ease policy next week
Currencies
* PM, finance minister say ready to act if yen moves sharp
* But they emphasise markets should set FX rates
* BOJ to double 3-mth funding in policy review - report
* Yen may be real target of BOJ easing - analysts
By Leika Kihara
TOKYO, March 12 (Reuters) - Japan's prime minister said the government
and the Bank of Japan should work together to beat deflation as he
fended off mounting political pressure for action on the economy and
the yen, raising expectations that the central bank will ease monetary
policy next week.
The prime minister, finance minister and central bank governor were
grilled by lawmakers on Friday on what they intend to do to defeat
deflation and prevent yen strength from harming an economy struggling
to recover from the global downturn.
Although the economy is growing slowly, weak domestic demand is
contributing to deflation, which many policymakers fear could push
Japan back into a damaging downturn ahead of upper house elections
expected in July.
The yen rose last week to a three-month high against the dollar and
speculators are gearing up for a yen rally, raising concerns that
exports could take a hit and deflation deepen.
Both Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Finance Minister Naoto Kan said
the government was ready to act if the yen moved excessively.
But their comments were seen as adding pressure on the central bank to
ease policy further, rather than as a call for currency intervention
that would set the government up for a potentially costly fight with
financial markets and put Japan at odds with G7 efforts to promote
market-based exchange rates.
"The comments from the government and the central bank governor lift
market expectations that there will be some kind of easing steps by
the BOJ next week," said Hideki Hayashi, global economist at Mizuho
Securities in Tokyo.
"It is the market consensus that Japan interventing solo in the market
won't be effective, so the government will have to depend on the BOJ's
further easing policy," said Hayashi.
"The BOJ's expected loosening of policy will push down yen interest
rates further, thereby supporting dollar/yen at the 90 yen level," he
said.
Sources told Reuters this week that the central bank was considering
expanding a three-month lending facility it introduced in December
following an emergency meeting, either by extending the period or
increasing the pool of funds available.
But they also said board members were split, with some worried a
further easing in policy was not economically justified, especially as
the economy was developing along the lines of the central bank's
official expectations.
"The decision will be made based on discussions among the seven board
members," BOJ Governor Masaaki Shirakawa told the upper house budget
committee, referring to those on the central bank's policy setting
board.
"We hope to discuss what we can do in light of the goals stipulated in
the BOJ Law," he said.
The Nikkei newspaper said the BOJ would double its 10 trillion yen
($110.4 billion) in funds offered under the lending operation at a
policy review on Tuesday and Wednesday. [ID:nSGE62A0J4]
IS YEN REAL TARGET OF POLICY TIGHTENING?
Neither the BOJ nor the government have made an explicit link between
central bank efforts to loosen policy and the foreign exchange market.
But the strength of the yen against the dollar during the global
downturn prompted complaints from industry that the currency's level
was harming their export prospects.
With the government's ability to support the economy shackled by a
debt load approaching 200 percent of GDP and the central bank's
interest rates already at rock-bottom levels, some analysts argue that
reducing the yen's strength may be the real target of policy
loosening.
The December policy easing helped pull the yen JPY= back from a 14-
year high of 84.82 per dollar, raising market speculation that the
currency could be a factor in BOJ thinking now.
The yen rose last week to a three-month high and market data shows
speculators are building long positions in the currency. It was
trading around 90 per dollar on Friday.
In answer to lawmaker concerns over the currency, Finance Minister
Naoto Kan underlined that sharp yen moves were not desirable by saying
that authorities could use currency intervention if foreign exchange
movements were excessive.
However, he emphasised that markets should set currency rates.
"Basically it's desirable for currency rates to move stably," Kan
said. "I'm aware that the government has the option of intervention
when currency moves are rapid. But as long as currency moves are
stable, it's basically up to the market to determine (levels)."
Shirakawa said the central bank's loose policy was helping to curb the
yen's strength, while Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama also said steps
could be taken.
"Foreign exchange should basically be determined appropriately by the
market," he said.
"But there was the sovereign debt risk, the Dubai shock and the Lehman
shock ... There seem to be yen rises that don't reflect the strength
of the Japanese economy and industry," he said.
"Against such yen rises, we need to take resolute action ... Although
we can't return to a fixed rate system, there needs to be global
cooperation on this front."
Analysts said his comments didn't suggest any action was planned or
imminent, but rather that he was playing to his domestic political
audience.
Japan authorities have not intervened in markets since spending 35
trillion yen over a 15 month period up to March 2004. ($1=90.59 Yen)
(Additional reporting by Tetsushi Kajimoto; Writing by Neil Fullick;
Editing by Hugh Lawson)
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTOE62B06520100312?type=usDollarRpt
March 12, 2010, 1:35 a.m. EST
WORLD FOREX: Yen Down Vs Dollar On Hatoyama Remarks
By Megumi Fujikawa
TOKYO (MarketWatch) -- The yen fell against the dollar and euro in
Asia Friday as Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's comments
favoring a weaker yen prompted non-Japanese players to sell the
currency.
Growing expectations for further monetary easing by the Bank of Japan
also weighed on the Japanese currency, dealers said.
During the Asian morning session Friday, Hatoyama's surprise comments
caught the market off guard.
Overseas financial crises "have brought about a strong yen that we
don't believe reflects the fact that Japan's economic and industrial
conditions aren't strong enough," Hatoyama said during a session of
the Upper House budget committee. "I think we need to take firm steps
against such yen strength."
He also said the yen's recent strength is out of line with the
country's fragile economy, requiring the government to take "firm
steps" including international corporation to deal with the currency.
While many market players didn't interpret his remarks as a signal of
imminent dollar-buying intervention, the comment sparked yen-selling
by non-Japanese players, helping push the dollar up versus by a tenth
of a yen, dealers said.
"I don't think the prime minister meant to say he can't tolerate the
current yen levels and is ready to act right away," said Yuji Kameoka,
senior economist in Tokyo at the Daiwa Institute of Research. "But he
made it clear that there could be a market intervention if the yen
gains more ground."
Such a view eventually prevailed in the market and the dollar later
shed some of its gains against the yen. As of 0450 GMT, the dollar
stood at Y90.62, up from Y90.56 in New York late Thursday. The euro
changed hands at Y124.05 from Y123.86.
The greenback also gained support from speculation in financial
markets that Japanese central bank may take further easing steps by
ratcheting up money provision measures at its two-day policy meeting
that ends next Wednesday.
"If the BOJ clearly shows its accommodative policy stance (next week),
foreign players--who are especially focused on monetary policy
matters--may become feeling more comfortable selling" the yen, said
Mitsuru Sahara, a senior dealer at the Bank of Tokyo Mitsubishi UFJ.
Thus, "the yen will likely be sold gradually."
Bank of Japan Gov. Masaaki Shirakawa said in a parliament session "the
policy steps will be decided by discussion of the currently seven
board members. We will debate what's best (for the economy) in the
meeting," when asked if he deems it necessary to take additional
easing steps to beat deflation at an upcoming policy board meeting
next week.
Dealers are skeptical that the yen will continue falling in the near
future because there are orders from exporters to sell the dollar
above Y91.00. Also, the euro is unlikely to climb above Y124.50 as
players are focused more on whether uncertainty over Greece's fiscal
problem may dent investors' confidence, dealers said.
Against the dollar, the euro edged higher to $1.3694 compared with
$1.3679 in New York overnight. The ICE Dollar Index, which tracks the
greenback against a trade-weighted basket of currencies, was at 90.237
compared with 80.282.
(Takashi Nakamichi contributed to the story.)
http://www.marketwatch.com/story/world-forex-yen-down-vs-dollar-on-hatoyama-remarks-2010-03-12
P. Rajah
He(Jay Stevens Maharaj) does more than that: he calls for Christians and
Muslims in India to be exterminated("cleansed from Bharat mata[Mother
India]" is how he puts it), blithely ignoring the fact that he lives in
Hawaii, too protective of his own hide and comfort to move to India. It
also explains why he goes to extraordinary lengths to conceal his
identity and whereabouts, even as he painstakingly posts every available
detail on posters who oppose his genocidal agenda.
Seon Ferguson
"P. Rajah" <us...@newsguy.com> wrote in message
news:hnk6s...@news6.newsguy.com...
Wow this guy sounds like a hateful bigot to me. Just because I don't agree
with Christianity doesn't mean i want all Christians in Australia to be
killed. Some people need to learn tolerance.
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Scheduled Castes ("SC"s) and Scheduled Tribes ("ST"s) are Indian
population groupings that are explicitly recognized by the
Constitution of India, previously called the "depressed classes" by
the British. SCs/STs together comprise over 24% of India's population,
with SC at over 16% and ST over 8% [1] as per the 2001 Census. The
proportion of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the population
of India has steadily risen since independence in 1947.
Some Scheduled Castes in India are also known as Dalits[2] Some
Scheduled Tribe people are also referred to as Adivasis.[3]
Post Independence Scheduled Castes are benefited by reservation
policy. With Reservation in India The Constitution laid down 15% and
7.5% of vacancies to government aided educational institutes and for
jobs in the government/public sector, as reserved quota for the SC and
ST candidates respectively for a period of five years, after which the
situation was to be reviewed. This period was routinely extended by
the succeeding governments.
Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in 2010 Many SC/STs were
successful in adapting to post-independence India, becoming civil
servants, bureaucrats and lawyers. Scheduled Castes are now considered
as a progressive caste. In 2010 most of the sub-castes of scheduled
castes have become economically well off and Rich. They have acquired
technical and management education as well. Scheduled Castes and
Tribes are now working as successful Doctors, Engineers, Architects,
Lawyers, Managers, IT professionals and Entrepreneurs. Further,they
are now also working as scientists in India's most prestigious
research organization like Indian Space Research Organisation, Bhabha
Atomic Research Centre, DRDO.
History
From the 1850s these communities were loosely referred to as the
"Depressed Classes". The early part of the 20th century saw a flurry
of activity in the British Raj to assess the feasibility of
responsible self-government for India. The Morley-Minto Reforms
Report, Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms Report, and the Simon Commission
were some of the initiatives that happened in this context. One of the
hotly contested issues in the proposed reforms was the topic of
reservation of seats for the "Depressed" Classes in provincial and
central legislatures.
In 1935 the British passed The Government of India Act 1935, designed
to give Indian provinces greater self-rule and set up a national
federal structure. Reservation of seats for the Depressed Classes was
incorporated into the act, which came into force in 1937. The Act
brought the term "Scheduled Castes" into use, and defined the group as
including "such castes, races or tribes or parts of groups within
castes, races or tribes, which appear to His Majesty in Council to
correspond to the classes of persons formerly known as the 'Depressed
Classes', as His Majesty in Council may prefer." This discretionary
definition was clarified in The Government of India (Scheduled Castes)
Order, 1936 which contained a list, or Schedule, of castes throughout
the British administered provinces.
After independence, the Constituent Assembly continued the prevailing
definition of Scheduled Castes and Tribes, and gave (via articles 341,
342) the President of India and Governors of states responsibility to
compile a full listing of castes and tribes, and also the power to
edit it later as required. The actual complete listing of castes and
tribes was made via two orders The Constitution (Scheduled Castes)
Order, 1950[4], and The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950[5]
respectively.
Constitutional framework for safeguarding of interests
The Constitution provides a framework with a three pronged strategy
[6] to improve the situation of SCs and STs.
Protective Arrangements - Such measures as are required to enforce
equality, to provide punitive measures for transgressions, to
eliminate established practices that perpetuate inequities, etc. A
number of laws were enacted to operationalize the provisions in the
Constitution. Examples of such laws include The Untouchability
Practices Act, 1955, Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention
of Atrocities) Act, 1989, The Employment of Manual scavengers and
Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993, etc.
Compensatory Discrimination - provide positive preferential treatment
in allotment of jobs and access to higher education, as a means to
accelerate the integration of the SCs and STs with mainstream society.
Compensatory discrimination is also popularly referred to as
Reservation.
Development - Provide for resources and benefits to bridge the wide
gap in social and economic condition between the SCs/STs and other
communities.
SC means Sonar Chaand, ST means Sonar Tukro.
National commissions
To effectively implement the various safeguards built into the
Constitution and other legislations, the Constitution, under Articles
338 and 338A, provides for two statutory commissions - the National
Commission for Scheduled Castes, and National Commission for Scheduled
Tribes.
History
In the original Constitution, Article 338 provided for a Special
Officer, called the Commissioner for SCs and STs, to have the
responsibility of monitoring the effective implementation of various
safeguards for SCs/STs in the Constitution as well as other related
legislations and to report to the President. To enable efficient
discharge of duties, 17 regional offices of the Commissioner were set
up all over the country.
In the meanwhile there was persistent representation for a replacement
of the Commissioner with a multi-member committee. It was proposed
that the 48th Amendment to the Constitution be made to alter Article
338 to enable said proposal. While the amendment was being debated,
the Ministry of Welfare issued an administrative decision to establish
the Commission for SCs/STs as a multi-member committee to discharge
the same functions as that of the Commissioner of SCs/STs. The first
commission came into being in August 1978. The functions of the
commission were modified in September 1987 to advise Government on
broad policy issues and levels of development of SCs/STs.
In 1990 that the Article 338 was amended to give birth to the
statutory National Commission for SCs and STs via the Constitution
(Sixty fifth Amendment) Bill, 1990[7]. The first Commission under the
65th Amendment was constituted in March 1992 replacing the
Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and the
Commission set up under the Ministry of Welfare's Resolution of 1987.
In 2002, the Constitution was again amended to split the National
Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes into two separate
commissions - the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and the
National Commission for Scheduled Tribes
Distribution
Sachar Committee report of 2006 revealed that scheduled castes and
tribes of India are not limited to the religion of Hinduism. The 61st
Round Survey of the NSSO found that almost nine-tenths of the
Buddhists and one-third of the Sikh's in India belonged to the
notified scheduled castes of the Constitution while one-third of the
Christians belonged to the notified scheduled tribes of the
Constitution.
Religion Scheduled Caste Scheduled Tribe
Buddhism 89.50% 7.40%
Christianity 9.00% 32.80%
Sikhism 37.0% 0.90%
Hinduism 22.20% 9.10%
Zoroastrianism - 15.90%
Jainism - 2.60%
Islam 0.80% 0.50%
Sikh Light Infantry is the Regiment of Indian Army. The Sikh Light
Infantry comprises the Mazhabi (dalit) and Ramdasia Sikh soldiers.It
is well known for their dountless daring, loyalty courage, and
tenacity,it is one of the oldest Regiments of the Indian Army.
Scheduled Caste Sub-Plan (SCSP)
The strategy of Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan (SCSP) which was evolved in
1979 is one of the most important interventions through the planning
process for social, economic and educational development of Scheduled
Castes and for improvement in their working and living conditions. It
is an umbrella strategy to ensure flow of targeted financial and
physical benefits from all the general sectors of development for the
benefit of Scheduled Castes. Under this strategy, population[8]. It
entails targeted flow of funds and associated benefits from the annual
plan of States/ Union Territories (UTs) at least in proportion to the
SC population i.e. 16 % in the total population of the country/the
particular state. Presently, 27 States/UTs having sizeable SC
populations are implementing Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan. Although the
Scheduled Castes population, according to 2001 Census, was 16.66
crores constituting 16.23% of the total population of India, the
allocations made through SCSP in recent years have been much lower
than the population proportion. Table below provides the details of
total State Plan Outlay, flow to Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan (SCSP) as
reported by the State/UT Governments for the last few years especially
since the present UPA government is in power at the
2004-2005 108788.9 17656 2065.38 11.06 68.3 5591
2005-2006 136234.5 22111 16422.63 12.05 74.3 5688
2006-2007 152088 24684 21461.12 14.11 86.9 3223
2007-2008* 155013.2 25159 22939.99 14.80 91.2 2219
Information in respect of 14 States/UTs only and as on 31-12- 2007
Source: Network for Social Accountability (NSA) http://nsa.org.in
Prominent menmebrs of SC/STs
B. R. Ambedkar , also known as Babasaheb, was an Indian jurist,
political leader, Buddhist activist, thinker, philosopher, historian,
anthropologist, orator, prolific writer, economist, editor, scholar,
revolutionary and the revivalist of Buddhism in India. He was also the
chief architect of the Indian Constitution.
Dr. Faguni Ram, Ph.D(3-Time Member of Parliament and Ex-Minister of
State)
Prem Singh (MLA)
Kashi Ram, Founder of Bahujan Samaj Party
Lala Ram Ken, Member of Parliament(7th and 8th), India
Divya Bharti, Late Bollywood actress
Babu Jagjivan Ram, Former Deputy Prime Minister of India.
Mayavati, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.
Sushilkumar Shinde, Cabinet Minister for Power in the Manmohan Singh
government
K. R. Narayanan, tenth President of India
Shibu Soren, current Chief Minister of Jharkhand state in India
Ajit Jogi, first chief minister of the state of Chhattisgarh, India
Bangaru Laxman, former President of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
Birsa Munda, freedom fighters in the Indian struggle for independence
against British colonialism
Jyotirao Phule, was an activist, thinker, social reformer, writer,
philosopher, theologist, scholar, editor and revolutionary from
Maharashtra, India in the nineteenth century
Damodaram Sanjivayya (1921-1972) (First dalit Chief Minister of a
state in India and first dalit President of Indian National Congress
party)
G. M.C. Balayogi (1951-2002) (First dalit speaker, Lok Sabha, India )
K. S. R.Murthy IAS, Retired, Former MP, Lok Sabha
See also
List of Scheduled Tribes in India
Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act,
1989
Forward caste
Other Backward Classes
Schedule Caste
Notes
^ Census of India - India at a Glance : Scheduled Castes & Scheduled
Tribes Population http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/India_at_Glance/scst.aspx
^ Who are Dalits?
http://www.dalitnetwork.org/go?/dfn/who_are_the_dalit/C64
^ The Adivasis of India
http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Dalit-tribal/2003/adivasi.htm
^ THE CONSTITUTION (SCHEDULED CASTES) ORDER, 1950]1
http://lawmin.nic.in/ld/subord/rule3a.htm
^ 1THE CONSTITUTION (SCHEDULED TRIBES)
http://lawmin.nic.in/ld/subord/rule9a.htm
^ http://nhrc.nic.in/Publications/reportKBSaxena.pdf
^ The Constitution (Amendment)
http://www.constitution.org/cons/india/tamnd65.htm
^ http://www.planningcommission.nic.in/plans/stateplan/scp&tsp/noteguidelinesFor.doc
v • d • e
Reservation in India
Indian caste system
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_caste_system
· Scheduled castes and tribes
· Other Backward Classes
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Other_Backward_Class
· Forward classes
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forward_class
· Kalelkar Commission
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalelkar_Commission
· Mandal Commission
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandal_Commission
· 2006 anti-reservation protests
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2006_Indian_anti-reservation_protests
· Youth for Equality
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_for_Equality
· IIT reservation policy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reservation_policy_in_Indian_Institutes_of_Technology
· Poona Pact
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poona_Pact
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scheduled_castes_and_scheduled_tribes
List of Scheduled Tribes in India
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This is a full list of Scheduled Tribes in India, as recognised in
India's Constitution; a total of 645 district tribes. The term
"Scheduled Tribes" refers to specific indigenous peoples whose status
is acknowledged to some formal degree by national legislation. A
collective term in use locally to describe most of these peoples is
"Upajati" (literally "clans/tribes/groups"). See also the Scheduled
Castes and Tribes page for further explanation.
Andhra Pradesh
1. Andh
2. Bagata
3. Bhil
4. Chenchu, Chenchwar
5. Gadabas
6. Gond Naikpod, Rajgond
7. Goudu (in the Agency tracts)
8. Hill Reddis
9. Jatapus
10. Kammara
11. Kattunayakan
12. Kolam, Mannervarlu
13. Konda Dhoras
14. Konda Kapus
15. Kondareddis
16. Kondhs, Kodi, Kodhu, Desaya Kondhs, Dongria Kondhs, Kuttiya
Kondhs, Tikiria Kondhs, Yenity Kondhs
17. Kotia, Bentho Oriya, Bartika, Dhulia, Dulia, Holva, Paiko, Putiya,
Sanrona, Sidhopaiko
18. Koya, Rajah, Rasha Koya, Lingadhari Koya (ordinary), Kottu Koya,
Bhine Koya, Rajkoya
20. Malis (excluding Adilabad, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Khammam,
Mahbubnagar, Medak, Nalgonda, Nizamabad and Warangal districts)
21. Manna Dhora
22. Mukha Dhora, Nooka Dhora
23. Nayaks-bandaru (in the Agency tracts)
24. Pardhan
25. Porja, Parangiperja
26. Reddi Dhoras
27. Rona, Rena
28. Savaras, Kapu Savaras, Maliya Savaras, Khutto Savaras
29. Sugalis, Lambadis
30. Thoti (in Adilabad, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Khammam, Mahbubnagar,
Medak, Nalgonda, Nizamabad and Warangal districts)
31. Valmiki (in the Agency tracts)
32. Yenadis
33. Yerukulas.
34. Banjaras ( in Khammam, warangal, karimnagar, medak, Ranga reddy,
Adilabad, Nalgonda )
Assam
In the Autonomous Districts
1. Chakma
2. Dimasa, Kachari
3. Garolo
4. Hmar
5. Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam
6. Any Kuki tribes including:
(i) Biate, Biete
(ii) Changsan
(iii) Chongloi
(iv) Darlong
(v) Doungel
(vi) Gamalhou
(vii) Gangte
(viii) Guite
(ix) Hanneng
(x) Haokip, Haupit
(xi) Haolai
(xii) Hengna
(xiii) Hongsung
(xiv) Harangkhwal, Rangkhol
(xv) Jongbe
(xvi) Khawchung
(xvii) Khawathlang, Khothalong
(xviii) Khelma
(xvix) Kholhou
(xx) Kipgen
(xxi) Kuki
(xxii) Lengthang
(xxiii) Lhangum
(xxiv) Lhoujem
(xxv) Lhouvun
(xxvi) Lupheng
(xxvii) Mangjel
(xxviii) Misao
[xxviiib] Negrito
(xxix) Riang
(xxx) Sairhem
(xxxi) Selnam
(xxxii) Singson
(xxxiii) Sithou
(xxxiv) Sukte
(xxxv) Thado
(xxxvi) Thangngeu
(xxxvii) Uibuh
(xxxviii) Vaiphei
7. Hajong
8. Lakher
9. Man (Tai speaking)
10. Any Mizo (Lushai) tribes
11. Mikir
12. Any Naga tribes
13. Pawi
14. Syntheng
15 Burya Sikh
16. Thengal Kachari
Non-autonomous Assam districts
1. Barmans in Cachar
2. Bodo
3. Deori
4. Hojai
5. Sonowal
6. Lalung
7. Mech
8. Mising
9. Rabha
10.[-bandaru]]
Bihar
1. Asur
2. Baiga
3. Banjara
4. Bathudi
5. Bedia
6. Binjhia
7. Birhor
8. Birjia
9. Chero
10. Chik Baraik
11. Gond
12. Gorait
13. Ho
14. Karmali
15. Kharia
16. Kharwar
17. Khond
18. Kisan
19. Kora
20. Korwa
21. Lohara, Lohra
22. Mahli
23. Mal Paharia
24. Munda
25. Oraon
26. Parhaiya
27. Santal
28. Sauria Paharia
29. Savar
Gujarat
1. Barda
2. Bavacha, Bamcha
3. Bharwad (in the Nesses of the forest of Alech, Barada and Gir)
4. Bhil, Bhil Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Mewasi
Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Tadvi Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala, Pawra, Vasava,
Vasave
5. Charan (in the Nesses of the forests of Alech, Barada and Gir)
6. Chaudri (in Surat and Valsad districts)
7. Chodhara
8. Dhanka, Tadvi, Tetaria, Valvi
9. Dhodia
10. Dubla, Talavia, Halpati
11. Gamit, Gamta, Gavit, Mavchi, Padvi
12. Gond, Rajgond
13. Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Dhor Katkari, Son Kathodi, Son
Katkari
14. Kokna, Kokni, Kukna
15. Koli (in Kutch district)
16. Koli Dhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolgha
17. Kunbi (in the Dangs district)
18. Naikd], Nayak, Cholivala Nayak, Kapadra Nayak, Mota Nayak, Nana
Nayak
19. Padhar
20. Paradhi (in Kutch district)
31. patelia in dahod district
21. Pardhi, Advichincher, Phase Pardhi (excluding Amreli, Bhavnagar,
Jamnagar, Junagadh, Kutch, Rajkot and Surendranagar districts)
22. Pomla
23. Rabari (in the Nesses of the forests of Alech, Barada and Gir)
24. Rathawa
25. Siddi (in Amreli, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Junagadh, Rajkot and
Surendranagar districts)
26. Vaghri (in Kutch district)
27. Varli
28. Vitolia, Kotwalia, Barodia.
29. Dhed
30. Khant
31. Bhangi, Mehtar
32. Balahi, Balai
33. Chamar
34. Chikva, Chikvi
35. Koli, Kori
36. Kotwal.
37. Vaghri (Patadi,Dasada,Mandal ,Gujarat)
[edit] Himachal Pradesh
1. Bhot, Bodh
2. Gaddi and Shippis
3. Kanauwra.
Karnataka
1. Adiyan
2. Barda
3. Bavacha, Bamcha
4. Bhil, Bhil Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Mewasi
Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Tadvi Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala, Pawra, Vasava,
Vasave
5. Chenchu, Chenchwar
6. Chodhara
7. Dubla, Talavia, Halpati
8. Gamit, Gamta, Gavit, Mavchi, Padvi, Valvi
9. Gond, Naikpod, Rajgond
10. Gowdalu
11. Hakkipikki
12. Hasalaru
13. Irular
14. Iruliga
15. Jenu Kuruba
16. Kadu Kuruba
17. Kammara (in South Kanara district and Kollegal taluk of Mysore
district)
18. Kanivan, Kanyan (in Kollegal taluk of Mysore district)
19. Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Dhor Katkari, Son Kathodi, Son
Katkari
20. Kattunayakan
21. Kokna, Kokni, Kukna
22. Koli Dhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolgha
23. Konda Kapus
24. Koraga
25. Kota
26. Koya, Bhine Koya, Rajkova
27. Kudiya, Melakudi
28. Kuruba (in Coorg district)
29. Kurumanas, Kumbara
30. Maha Malasar
31. Malaikudi
32. Malasar
33. Malayekandi
34. Maleru
35. Maratha (in Coorg District)
36. Marathi
37. Meda
38. Naikda, Nayak, Chollivala Nayak, Kapadia Nayak, Mota Nayak, Nana
Nayak, 1[Naika, Nayaka also called as nayak,]
39. Palliyan
40. Paniyan
41.[Pardhi, Advichincher, Phanse Pardhi
42. Petelia
43. Rathawa
44. Sholaga
45. Siddi
46. Soligaru
46. Toda
47. Valmiki
48. Varli
50. Vitolia, Kotwalia, Barodia
51. Yerava
Kerala
1. Adiyan
2. Arandan/ Ernadan
3. Eravallan
4. Hill Pulaya
5. Irular, Irulan
6. Kadar
7. Kammara (in the areas comprising the Malabar district as specified
by sub-section (2) of section 5 of the States Reorganisation Act 1956
(37 of 1956))
8. Kanikaran, Kanikkar
9. Kattunayakan
10. Kochu Velan
11. Konda kapus
12. Kondareddis
13. Koraga
14. Kota
15. Kudiya, Melakudi
16. Kurichchan
17. Kurumans
18. Kurumbas
19. Maha Malasar
20. Malai Arayan
21. Malai Pandaram
22. Malai Vedan
23. Malakkuravan
24.[Malasar
25. Malayan (excluding the areas comprising the Malabar district as
specified by sub-section (2) of section 5 of the States Reorganisation
Act, 1956 (37 of 1956)
26. Malayarayar
27. Mannan
28. Marati (in Hosdrug and Kasaragod taluks of Cannanore district)
29. Muthan
30. Mudugar
31. Muduvan, Muthuvan, Muduvan, Muthuvan
32. Paliyan, (Palleyan), (Palliyar), Paanan
33. Paniyan, Parayan
34. Ulladan
35. Uraly
36. Cholanaickan (In the Reserve Forests of Nilambur South and North
Forest Divisions of Malppuram Districts)
37. Kattunaickan (In the Reserve Forests of Nilambur South and North
Forest Divisions of Malppuram Districts)
Madhya Pradesh
1. Agariya
2. Andh
3. Baiga
4. Bhaina
5. Bharia Bhumia, Bhuinhar Bhumia, Bhumiya, Bharia, Paliha, Pando
6. Bhattra
7. Bhil, Bhilala, Barela, Patelia
8. Bhil
9. Bhunjia
10. Biar, Biyar
11. Binjhwar
12. Birhul, Birhor
13. Damor, Damaria
14. Dhanwar
15. Gadaba, Gadba
16. Gond, Arrakh, Agaria, Asur, Badi Maria, Bada Maria, Bhatola,
Bhimma, Bhuta, Koilabhuta, Koliabhuti, Bhar, Bisonhorn Maria, Chota
Maria, Dandami Maria, Dhuru, Dhurwa, Dhoba, Dhulia, Dorla, Gaiki,
Gatta, Gatti, Gaita, Gond, Gowari, Hill Maria, Kandra, Kalanga,
Khatola, Koitar, Koya, Khirwar, Khirwara, Kucha Maria, Kuchki Maria,
Madia, Maria, Mana, Mannewar, Moghya, Mogia, Monghya, Mudia, Muria,
Nagarchi, Nagwanshi, Ojha, Raj Gond, Sonjhari, Jhareka, Thatia,
Thotya, Wade Maria, Vade Maria, Daroi
17. Halba, Halbi
18. Kamar
19. Karku
20. Kawar, Kanwar, Kaur, Cherwa, Rathia, Tanwar, Chattri
21. Keer (in Bhopal, Raisen and Sehore districts)
22. Khairwar, Kondar
23. Kharia
24. Kondh, Khond, Khand
25. Kol
26. Kolam
27. Korku, Bopchi, Mouasi, Nihar, Nahul, Bhodhi, Bondeya
28. Kori, Korwa, Kodaku
29. Manjhi
30. Majhwar
31. Mawasi
32. Meena (in Sironj Sub-Division of Vidisha District)
33. Mundra
34. Nagesia, Nagasia
35. Oraon, Dhanka, Dhangad
36. Panika [in (i) Chhatarpur, Panna, Rewa, Satna, Shahdol, Umaria,
Sidhi and Tikamgarh districts, and (ii) Sevda and Datia tehsils of
Datia district)]
37. Pao
38. Pardhan, Pathari, Saroti
39. Pardhi (in Bhopal, Raisen and Sehore districts)
40. Pardhi, Bahelia, Bahellia, Chita Pardhi, Langoli Pardhi, Phans
Pardhi, Shikari, Takankar, Takia [in (i) Chhindwara, Mandla, Dindori
and Seoni districts, (ii) Baihar tehsil of Balaghat district, (iii)
Betual, Bhainsdehi and Shahpur tahsils of Betul district, (iv) Patan
tahsil and Sihora and Majholi blocks of Jabalpur district, (v) Katni
(Murwara) and Vijaya Raghogarh tahsils and Bahoriband and Dhemerkheda
blocks of Katni district, (vi) Hoshangabad, Babai, Sohagpur, Pipariya
and Bankhedi tahsils and Kesla block of Hoshangabad district, (vii)
Narsinghpur district, and (viii) Harsud tahsil of Khandwa district]
41. Parja
42. Sahariya, Saharia, Seharia, Sehria, Sosia, Sor
43. Saonta, Saunta
44. Saur
45. Sawar, Sawara
46. Sonr
1. Omitted and inserted by Act 28 of 2000, s. 20 and the Fourth Sch.
(w.e.f. 1.11.2000)
Maharashtra
1. Andh
2. Baiga
3. Barda
4. Bavacha, Bamcha.
5. Baki
6. Bharia Bhumia, Bhuinhar Bhumia, Pando
7. Bhattra
8. Bhil, Bhil Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Mewasi
Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Tadvi Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala Pawara, Vasava,
Vasave
9. Bhunjia
10. Binjhwar
11. Birhul, Borjee
12. Chodhara (excluding Akola, Amravati, Bhandara, Buldana Chandrapur,
Nagpur, Wardha, Yavatmal, Aurangabad, Beed, Nanded, Osmanabad and
Parbhani districts)
13. Dhanka, Tadvi, Tetaria Valvi
14. Dhanwar
15. Dhodia
16. Dubla, Talavia, Halpati
17. Gamit, Gamta, Gavit, Mavchi, Padvi
18. Gond, Rajgond, Arrakh, Agaria, Asur, Badi Maria, Bada Maria,
Bhatola, Bhimma, Bhuta, Koilabhuta, Koilabhuti, Bhar, Bisonhorn Maria,
Chota Maria, Dandami Maria, Dhuru, Dhurwa, Dhoba, Dhulia, Dorla,
Kaiki; Gatta, Gatti, Gaita, Gond Gowari, Hill Maria, Kandra, Kalanga,
Khatola, Koitar, Koya, Khirwar, Khirwara,Korku, Kucha Maria, Kuchaki
Maria, Madia, Maria, Mana, Mannewar, Moghya, Mogia, Monghya Mudia,
Muria, Nagarchi, Naikpod, Nagwanshi, Ojha, Raj, Sonjhari Jhareka,
Thatia, Thotya, Wade Maria, Vade Maria
19. Halba, Halbi
20. Kamar
21. Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Dhor Kathkari Son Kathodi, Son
Katkari
22. Kawar, Kanwar, Kaur, Cherwa, Rathia, Tanwar, Chattri
23. Khairwar
24. Kharia
25. Kokna, Kokni, Kukna
26. Kol
27. Kolam, Mannervarlu
28. Koli Dhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolkha
29. Koli Mahadev, Dongar Koli
30. Koli Malhar
31. Kondh, Khond, Kandh
32. Korku, Bopchi, Mouasi, Nihal, Nahul, Bondhi, Bondeya
33. Koya, Bhine Koya, Rajkoya
34. Nagesia, Nagasia
35. Naikda, Nayak, Cholivala Nayak, Kapadia Nayak, Mota Nayak, Nana
Nayak
36. Oraon, Dhangad/Dhangar
37. Pardhan, Pathari, Saroti
38. Pardhi, Advichincher, Phans Pardhi, Phanse Pardhi, Langoli Pardhi,
Bahelia, Bahellia, Chita Pardhi, Shikari, Takankar, Takia
39. Parja
40. Patelia
41. Pomla
42. Rathawa
43. Sawar, Sawara,
44. Thakur, Thakar, Ka Thakur, Ka Thakar, Ma Thakur, Ma Thakar
45. Thoti (in Aurangabad, Bhir, Nanded, Osmanabad and Parbhani
districts and Rajura tahsil of Chandrapur district)
46. Warli (Thane District)
47. Vitolia, Kotwalia, Barodia.
Manipur
1. Aimol
2. Anal
3. Angami Naga (Angami Naga in the state of Nagaland)
4. Chiru
5. Chothe
6. Gangte
7. Hmar
8. Kabui
9. Koirao
10. Koireng (Koren)
11. Kom
12. Lamgang
13. Mao
14. Maram
15. Maring
16. Any Mizo (Lushai) tribes
17. Monsang
18. Moyon
19. Paite
20. Purum
21. Ralte
22. Sema (Sema was renamed to original name "Sümi", a decade ago. This
tribe is in the state of Nagaland)
23. Simte
24. Suhte
25. Tangkhul
26. Thadou
27. Vaiphei
28. Zou
Meghalaya
1. Chakma
2. Dimasa, Kachari
3. Garo
4. Hajong
5. Hmar
6. Khasi, Jaintia, Syteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam
7. Any Chin-Kuki-Mizo Tribes including.-
(i) Biate, Biete
(ii) Changsan
(iii) Chongloi
(iv) Darlong
(v) Doungel
(vi) Gamalhou
(vii) Gangte
(viii) Guite
(ix) Hanneng
(x) Haokip, Haupit
(xi) Haolai
(xii) Hengna
(xiii) Hongsungh
(xiv) Hrangkhawl, Rangkhol
(xv) Jongbe
(xvi) Khawchung
(xvii) Khawthlang, Khothalong
(xviii) Khelma
(xvix) Kholhou
(xx) Kipgen
(xxi) Kuki
(xxii) Lengthang
(xxiii) Lhangum
(xxiv) Lhoujen
(xxv) Lhouvun
(xxvi) Lupheng
(xxvii) Mangjel
(xxviii) Misao
(xxvix) Riang
(xxx) Sairhem
(xxxi) Selnam
(xxxii) Singson
(xxxiii) Sitlhou
(xxxiv) Sukte
(xxxv) Thado
(xxxvi) Thangngeu
(xxxvii) Uibuh
(xxxviii) Vaiphei
8. Lakher
9. Man (Tai speaking)
10. Any Mizo (Lushai) Tribes
11. Mikir
12.Any Naga tribes
13. Pawi
14. Synteng
15. Boro Kacharis (inserted by Act 43 of 1987, s. 2 (w.e.f.
19-9-1987).)
16. Koch
17. Raba, Rava
Nagaland
(a list of the major tribes of Nagaland)
1. Angami
2. Ao
3. Chakhesang
4. Chang
5. Khiamniungan
6. Kachari
7. Konyak
8. Kuki
9. Lotha
10. Phom
11. Pochury
12. Rengma
13. Sümi / Sema (reverted back to their original name Sümi. British
called them Sema, the Angami name for them)
14. Sangtam
15. Tikhir
16. Yimchunger
17. Zeliang
Orissa
1. Bagata
2. Baiga
3. Banjara, Banjari
4. Bathudi
5. Bhottada, Dhotada
6. Bhuiya, Bhuyan
7. Bhumia
8. Bhumij
9. Bhunjia
10. Binjhal
11. Binjhia, Binjhoa
12. Birhor
13. Bonda, Bondo Poraja
14. Chenchu
15. Dal
16. Desua Bhumji
17. Dharua
18. Didayi
19. Gadaba
20. Gandia
21. Ghara
22. Gond, Gondo
23. Ho
24. Holva
25. Jatapu
26. Juang
27. Kandha Gauda
28. Kawar
29. Kharia, Kharian
30. Kharwar
31. Khond, Kond, Kandha, Nanguli Kandha, Sitha Kandha
32. Kisan Tribe
33. Kol
34. Kolah Loharas, Kol Loharas
35. Kolha
36. Koli, Malhar
37. Kondadora
38. Kora
39. Korua
40. Kotia
41. Koya
42. Kulis
43. Lodha, Shabar
44. Madia
45. Mahali
46. Mankidi
47. Mankirdia
48. Matya
49. Mirdha
50. Munda, Munda Lohara, Munda Mahalis
51. Omanatya
52. Oraon
53. Parenga
54. Paroja
55. Pentia
56. Rajuar
57. Santal
58. Saora, Savar, Saura, Sahara
59. Sounti
60. Tharua
61. Sahu
Rajasthan
1. Bhil, Bheel, Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri
Garasia,Mewasi Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Tadvi Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala, Pawra,
Vasava, Vasave
2. Bhil Meena
3. Damor, Damaria
4. Dhanka Tadvi, Tetaria, Valvi
5. Garasia (excluding Rajput Garasia)
6. Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Dhor Katkari, Son Kathodi, Son
Katkari, khatik
7. Kokna, Kokni, Kukna
8. Koli Dhor, Tokre koli, Kolcha, Kolgha
9. Meena
10. Naikda, Nayak, Cholivala Nayak, Kapadia Nayak, Mota Nayak, Nana
Nayak. (Nayak also called as nayaka)
11. Pateliya
12. Seharia, Sehria, Sahariya
Tamil Nadu
1. Adiyan
2. Aranadan
3. Eravallan
4. Irular
5. Kadar
6. Kammara (excluding Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk of
Tirunelveli district)
7. Kanikaran, Kanikkar (in Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk
of Tirunelveli district)
8. Kaniyan, Kanyan
9. Kattunayakan
10.Kochu Velan
11.Konda Kapus
12.Kondareddis(kabu)
13.Koraga
14.Kota (excluding Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk of
Tirunelveli district)
15.Kudiya, Melakudi
16.Kurichchan
17.Kurumbas (in the Nilgiris district)
18.Kurumans
19.Maha Malasar
20.Malai Arayan
21.Malai Pandaram
22.Malai Vedan
23.Malakkuravan
24.Malasar
25. Malayali (in Dharmapuri, Pudukottai, Salem, Tiruchi districts and
North and South Arcot regions)
26. Malayekandi
27. Mannan
28. Mudugar, Muduvan
29. Muthuvan
30. Palleyan
31. Palliyan
32. Palliyar
33. Paniyan
34. Sholaga
35. Toda (excluding Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk of
Tirunelveli district)
36. Uraly
37.Adi Dravidar
West Bengal
1. Asur
2. Adhikari
3. Badia [disambiguation needed], Bediya
4. Bhumij
5. Bhutia, Sherpa, Toto, Dukpa, Kagatay, Tibetan, Yolmo
6. Birhor
7. Birjia
8. Chakma
9. Chero
10. Chik Baraik
11. Garo
12. Gond
13. Gorait
14. Hajang
15. Ho
16. Karmali
17. Kharwar
18. Khond
29. Kisan
20. Kora
21. Korwa
22. Lepcha
23. Lodha, Kheria, Kharia
24. Lohara, Lohra
25. Magh
26. Mahali
27. Mahli
28. Mal Pahariya
29. Mech
30. Mru
31. Munda
32. Nagesia
33. Oraon
34. Parhaiya
35. Rabha
36. Santal
37. Sauria Paharia
38. Savar
39. Tamang
40. Subba
Tripura
Darlong [1]
Tipra
Riang
Jamatia
Chakma
Halam (Like, Hrangkhawl, Molsom, Bongcher, etc.)
Noatia
Mog
Kuki
Garo
Munda
Lushai
Oraon
Santal
Uchai
Khasia
Bhil
Lepcha
Bhutia
Chaimal
Mizoram
(Inserted by Act 34 of 1986, s. 14 and Third Sch. (w.e.f. 20-2-1987).)
1. Lusai
2. Chakma
3. Dimasa (Kachari)
4. Garo
5. Hajong
6. Hmar
7. Khasi and Jaintia, (including Khasi, Synteng or Pnar, War, Bhoi or
Lyngngam)
8. Any Kuki tribes, including,--
(i) Baite or Biete
(ii) Changsan
(iii) Chongloi
(iv) Darlong
(v) Doungel
(vi) Gamalhou
(vii) Gangte
(viii) Guite
(ix) Hanneng
(x) Haokip or Haupit
(xi) Haolai
(xii) Hengna
(xiii) Hongsungh
(xiv) Hrangkhawl or Rangkhol
(xv) Jongbe
(xvi) Khawchung
(xvii) Khawathlang or Khothalong
(xviii) Khelma
(xix) Kholhou
(xx) Kipgen
(xxi) Kuki
(xxii) Lengthang
(xxiii) Lhangum
(xxiv) Lhoujem
(xxv) Lhouvun
(xxvi) Lupheng
(xxvii) Mangjel
(xxviii) Missao
(xxix) Riang
(xxx) Sairhem
(xxxi) Selnam
(xxxii) Singson
(xxxiii) Sitlhou
(xxxiv) Sukte
(xxxv) Thado
(xxxvi) Thangngeu
(xxxvii) Uibuh
(xxxviii) Vaiphei
9. Lakher or Mara (Lakher was changed to Mara in 1988)
10. Man (Tai-speaking)
11. Any Mizo (Lushai) tribes
12. Mikir
13. Any Naga tribes
14. Pawi
Arunachal Pradesh
All tribes in the State including:
1. Abor
2. Aka
3. Apatani
4. Dafla
5. Galong
6. Khampti
7. Khowa
8. Mishmi
9. Monpa
10. Tangsa
11. Sherdukpen
12. Singpho
13. Phake
Goa
1 Velip
2 Gawada
3 Kunbis
[edit] Chhattisgarh
Agariya
Andh
Baiga
Bhaina
Bharia Bhumia, Bhuinhar Bhumia, Bhumiya, Bharia, Paliha, Pando
Bhattra
Bhil, Bhilala, Barela, Patelia
Bhil Meena
Bhunjia
Biar, Biyar
Binjhwar
Birhul, Birhor
Damor, Damaria
Dhanwar
Gadaba, Gadba
Gond, Arrakh, Agaria, Asur, Badi Maria, Bada Maria, Bhatola, Bhimma,
Bhuta, Koilabhuta, Kolibhuti, Bhar, Bisonhorn Maria, Chota Maria,
Dandami Maria, Dhuru, Dhurwa, Dhoba, Dhulia, Dorla, Gaiki, Gatta,
Gatti, Gaita, Gond, Gowari Hill Maria, Kandra, Kalanga, Khatola,
Koitar, Koya, Khirwar, Khirwara, Kucha Maria, Kuchaki Maria, Madia,
Maria, Mana,, Mannewar, Moghya, Mogia, Monghya, Mudia, Muria,
Nagarchi, Nagwanshi, Ojha, Raj Gond, Sonjhari, Jhareka, Thatia,
Thotya, Wade Maria, Vade Maria, Daroi.
Halba, Halbi
Kamar
Karku
Kawar, Kanwar, Kaur, Cherwa, Rathia, Tanwar, Chattri
Khairwar, Kondar
Kharia
Kondh, Khond, Kandh
Kol
Kolam
Korku, Bopchi, Mouasi, Nihar, Nahul, Bondhi, Bondeya
Korwa, Kodaku
Majhi
Majhwar
Mawasi
Munda
Nagesia, Nagasia
Oraon, Dhanka, Dhangad
Pao
Pardhan, Pathari, Saroti
Pardhi, Bahelia, Bahellia, Chita Pardhi, Langoli Pardhi, Phans Pardhi,
Shikari, Takankar, Takia [in (i) Bastar, Dantewara, Kanker, Raigarh,
Jashpurnagar, Surguja and Koria district, (ii) Katghora, Pali, Kartala
and Korba tahsils of Korba tahsils of Korba district, (iii) Bilaspur,
Pendra, Kota and Takhatpur tahsils of Bilaspur district, (iv) Durg,
Patan, Gunderdehi, Dhamdha, Balod, Gurur and Dondilohara tahsils of
Durg district, (v) Chowki, Manpur and Mohala Revenue Inspector Circles
of Rajnandgon district, (vi) Mahasamund, Saraipali and Basna tahsils
of Mahasamund district, (vii) Bindra-Navagarh, Rajim and Deobhog
tahsils of Raipur district, and (viii) Dhamtari, Kurud and Sihava
tahsils of Dhamtari district]
Parja
Sahariya, Saharia, Seharia, Sehria, Sosia, Sor
Saonta, Saunta
Saur
Sawar, Sawara
Sonr
Uttarakhand
Bhotia
Bauxa
Jaunsari
Raji
Tharu
[edit] Jharkhand
Asur
Baiga
Banjara (Kora)
Bathudi
Bedia
Binjhia
Birhor
Birjia
Chero
Chick Baraik
Gond
Gorait
Ho
Karmali
Kharia
Kharwar
Kond
Kisan
Korwa
Lohra
Mahli
Mal Pahariya
Munda
Oraon
Parhaiya
Santhal
Sauria Paharia
Savar
Bhumij
Sinlung
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Scheduled_Tribes_in_India
Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act,
1989
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act
Citation Official Act
Enacted by Parliament of India
Date enacted 11 September 1989
Summary
Prevention of the commission of offences of atrocities against the
members of the Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes
The Scheduled Castes and Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989
was enacted by the Parliament of India, in order to prevent atrocities
against Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. The purpose of the Act
was to help the social inclusion of Dalits into Indian society, but
the Act has failed to live up to its expectations.
Special Court
Special Court Justice Ramaswamy observed in the case of State of
Karnataka v. Ingale [1] that more than seventy-five percent of the
cases brought under the SC/ST Act end in acquittal at all levels. The
situation has not improved much since 1992 according to the figures
given by the 2002 Annual Report dealing with SC/ST Act (of the
Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment)[2] Of the total cases
filed in 2002 only 21.72% were disposed of, and, of those, a mere
2.31% ended in conviction. The number of acquittals is 6 times more
than the number of convictions and more than 70 percent of the cases
are still pending.[3]
Speedy trial
The framers of the SC/ST Act kept this aspect (the increasing number
of cases pending in the judiciary) in mind and provided for the
setting up of a Special Court for speedy trial of offences committed
under this Act.[4][5]
Implementation of Law
They failed, however, to give any real powers to Special Courts for
the admission of complaints. This is evident from the provision
relating to setting up of Special Courts which gives a false
impression that a case of atrocity can be directly filed with the
Special Courts.[6] Various State Governments have notified the Special
Courts, in accordance with the provision of the Act, but these courts
cannot take cognizance of any complaint directly. The Supreme Court,
in the case of Gangula Ashok v. State of AP,[7] clarified that Special
Courts can take cognizance of an offence only when a case is committed
to it by a magistrate in accordance with provisions of Section 193 of
Criminal Procedure Code (Cr.P.C). This means that a charge sheet
cannot be directly filed before a Special Court. When a Session Court
is constituted as a Special Court, it cannot take cognizance of an
offence without such a case being committed to it by magistrate unless
it is expressly provided so in the Act. Neither in the Cr.P.C. nor in
the SC/ST Act is there any provision which grants the power to Special
Court to take cognizance of the offences as an original jurisdiction
without the case being committed to it by a magistrate. Hence, it is
mandatory to go through the course established under the Cr.P.C.
Biases
Going through the normal judicial system is self degrading for any
dalit. This is because of the still existing biases of the court
judges. One example is the conduct of an Allahabad High Court judge
who had his chambers "purified" with water from the ‘ganga jal’
because a dalit judge had previously sat in that chamber before him.
[8] Another example is the case of State of Karnataka v. Ingale.[1]
The State of Karnataka had charged five individuals with violating the
SC/ST Act. At trial, four witnesses testified that the defendants had
threatened dalits with a gun in order to stop them from taking water
from a well. The defendants told the dalits that they had no right to
take water, because they were untouchables. The trial judge convicted
all of the defendants. On appeal, the Additional Sessions judge
confirmed the conviction of three defendants but acquitted two. On
further appeal to the High Court, the judge acquitted all the
defendants after rejecting the testimony of the four dalit witnesses.
The dalits finally got relief from the Supreme Court.
Contradictions
The legal regime is fraught with contradictions. While the legal text
is explicit in seeking remedies, the implementation of the text
appears to evade actual performance. Laws and legal processes are not
self executing; they depend on the administrative structure and the
judiciary with the anticipation that the social attitudes are driven
by notions of equity, social justice and fair play.[9] However, the
increasingly indifferent responses of those involved in the
implementation of laws protecting the weak, the oppressed and the
socially disadvantaged have persisted over the years and the system
has failed to provide for self-correction. What needs to be
appreciated is that victims of attrocites suffer not only bodily and
mental pain but also feelings of insecurity and socialavoidance which
is not present for the victims of other crimes. If the judge delegated
to protect them shows indifference, it further aggravates their
already vulnerable position.
Investigation
Section 23 of the Prevention of Atrocities Act authorises the Central
Government to frame rules for carrying out the purpose of the Act. It
was the drawing power from this section that the Scheduled Castes and
the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules of 1995 were
framed. According to Rule 7(1)[10] investigation of an offence
committed under the SC/ST Act cannot be investigated by an officer not
below the rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP). Various High
Courts have vitiated the trail based on the above rule and have
improperly set aside the order of conviction.[11]
Rank of investigating officer
The Andhra Pradesh High Court, in D. Ramlinga Reddy v. State of AP,
[12] took the position that provisions of Rule 7 are mandatory and
held that investigation under the SC/St Act has to be carried out by
only an officer not below the rank of DSP. An investigation carried
out and charge sheet filed by an incompetent officer is more than
likely to be quashed. Similarly, the Madras High Court in M.
Kathiresam v. State of Tamil Nadu[13] held that investigation
conducted by an officer other than a DSP is improper and bad in law
and proceedings based on such an investigation are required to be
quashed. The Courts without taking into consideration the inadequacies
of the State, have been punishing SC/STs for the same. Shri Pravin
Rashtrapal, Member of Parliament rightly pointed out that ther are
insufficient officers at that level.[14] His statement is supported by
the Annul Report of 2005-2006 of Ministry of Home Affairs.[15] Of the
total posts sanctioned by the government under Indian Police Service
(IPS) more than 15 percent of the posts are vacant. This basically
means that there is one IPS officer for 77,000 SC/STs.
Rehabilitation
According to the preamble of the SC/ST Act, it is an Act to prevent
the commission of offences of atrocities against SC/STs, to provide
for Special Courts for the trial of such offences and for the relief
and rehabilitation of the victims of such offences. The Madhya Pradesh
High Court also had the same view and observed in the case of Dr. Ram
Krishna Balothia v. Union of India[16] that the entire scheme of the
SC/ST Act is to provide protection to the members of the scheduled
castes and scheduled tribes and to provide for Special Court and
speedy trial of the offences. The Act contains affirmative measures to
weed out the root cause of atrocities, which has denied SC/STs basic
civil rights. The Act has addressed the problem the regarding the
dispensation of justice, but what the failed to deal with is the
problem of ‘rehabilitation’. There is mention of rehabilitation under
Section 21(2)(iii), but there are no provision addressing the same. As
it has been stated earlier that victims of atrocities are on a
different level when compared to victims of other crimes, hence there
should be special provision for the same. According to the report
submitted by the National Commission for Review and Working of the
Constitution[17] victims of atrocities and their families should be
provided with full financial and any other support in order to make
them economically self-reliant without their having to seek wage
employment from their very oppressors or classes of oppressors. Also
it would be the duty of the State to immediately take over the
educational needs of the children of such victims and provide for the
cost of their food and maintenance. SC/STs constitute 68 percent of
the total rural population. According to the 1991 Agricultural census
a large number of SC/STs are marginal farmers compared to the other
sections of the society and because of this the number of cultivators
are going down. In other words the landlessness is increasing at a
faster rate among SC/STs. At the same time the number of SC/ST workers
as agricultural labourer is increasing at a faster rate when compared
to other sections of the society. This basically implies that after
losing their land holdings SC/ST cultivators are becoming agriculture
labourers. Loss of land, on the one hand, is caused by atrocities
making the more vulnerable. This in turn fuels and promotes
continuance of atrocities and untouchability. Marginalisation is one
of the worst forms of oppression. It expelles a whole category of
people from useful participation in the society and therefore
potentially subjected to material depravation and this could even lead
to extermination. Moreover, this leads to the state of powerlessness
which perhaps is best described negatively; the powerless lack
authority, status and a sense of self.[18] Moreover, every right has
three types of duties:
Duties to avoid deprivation.
Duties to protect from deprivation
Duties to aid the deprived.
Though the SC/ST Act does cover the first two duties but totally
ignores the third one; duty to aid the deprived. Hence, it is
necessary to make the SC/STs self dependent.
Migration
Under constitutional provisions, a caste or tribe is notified with
reference to a State or Union territory. Hence a person born in state/
UT gets certificate of SC/ST if his/her father belongs to specified
caste/tribe in that state as SC/ST. If he/she migrates to another
state, he/she lose status for affirmative actions, i.e. benefit of
admission in educational institutes, reservation in government
employment etc. But he/she does not lose protection as guaranteed by
constitution like PoA & other Acts in any other state. In brief once a
person is notified as SC/ST in any one state/UT, he gets protection
under SC ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 throughout the
country, irrespective that caste or tribe is notified in the state/UT
where offence is occurred.
Suggestions
The statement of object and reason of the SC/ST Act clearly reveals
that the Act, in its letter and spirit, desires that dalits lead a
dignified life. However, even after 16 years of its existence in the
statute book, it has not shown its desired effect. The majority of the
beneficiaries of this Act are unaware of the legitimate claims of
leading a dignified way of life or are unwilling to enforce it
intensively. Even the Police, prosecutors and judicial officers are
unaware of this Act as was pointed out by Calcutta High Court in the
case of M.C. Prasannan v. State of West Bengal.[19] What further
aggravates the problem is the misapplication of the Act by police as
well as by the courts which ultimately leads to acquittals.[20]
Rural atrocities which are not covered under this Act
Social and economic boycott and blackmail are widespread. In view of
the fact that the main perpetrators of the crime sometimes co-opt a
few SC/STs with them and take advantage of local differences among the
SC/STs and sometimes they promote and engineer crimes but get them
executed by some members of SC/STs, the Act should be suitably amended
to bring such crimes and atrocities within the purview of the
definition of atrocities under the Act.[17] Likewise, the Special
Courts established under Section 14 of the Act are required to follow
the committal procedure under Cr.P.C. Such an interpretation prevents
the speedy trail envisaged under the Act. Further the absence of the
adequate number of special courts has also resulted in slow disposal
of atrocity cases and a huge back log.
External links
Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act,
1989
References
^ a b (1992) 3 S.C.R. 284
^ Annual Report on The Scheduled Castes and The Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 for the Year 2002, at p.12.
^ http://www.censusindia.gov.in 2001 Census
^ Upendra Baxi, “Crisis of Indian Legal System”, Amita Dhanda
(compiled by), “Law and Poverty Reading Material – B.A.B.L (Hons)”,
1st edition 2006, p.170.
^ Section 14.- For the purpose of providing for speedy trial, the
State Government shall, with the concurrence of the Chief Justice of
the High Court, by notification in the Official Gazette, specify for
each district a Court of Session to be a Special Court to try the
offences under this Act.
^ http://www.ncbc.nic.in National Commission for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes- Fourth Report 1996-97 & 1997-98, Vol. I.
^ AIR 2000 SC 740
^ "Human Rights Watch, “Broken People: Caste Violence Against India's
Untouchables"". Hrw.org. http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/india.
Retrieved 2008-12-29. http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/1999/india/
^ K.I. Vibhute, “Right to Live with Human Dignity of Scheduled Castes
and Tribes: Legislative Spirit and Social Response – Some
Reflections”, 44 JILI (2002) 469 at 481.
^ 7(1).— An offence committed under the Act shall be investigated by a
police officer not below the rank of a Deputy Superintendent of
Police. The investigating officer shall be appointed by the State
Government /Director General of Police/Superintendent of Police after
taking into account his past experience, sense of ability and justice
to perceive the implications of the case and investigate it along with
right lines within the shortest possible time.
^ In 2002 the conviction rate was a mere 2 percent. Report by Ministry
of Social Justice and Empowerment
^ 1999 Cr LJ 2918
^ 1999 Cr LJ 3938
^ Lok Sabha Debates, see http://164.100.24.208/ls/lsdeb/ls13/ses13/210803.htm
^ Ministry of Home Affairs - Govt of India - India an Overview - India
- History[dead link]
^ AIR 1994 MP 143
^ a b 11
^ Iris Young, “Justice and Politics of Difference”. Amita Dhanda
(compiled by), “Law and Poverty Reading Material – IV Semester B.A.B.L
(Hons)”, 1st edition 2006, p.29
^ 1999 Cr LJ 998 (Cal)
^ Karansingh v. State of MP, 1992 Cr LJ 3054 (MP)
http://tribal.gov.in/writereaddata/linkimages/poaact989E4227472861.pdf
Forward caste
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Forward Caste (also known as Forward class/community, General class),
in India, denotes peoples, communities and castes from any religion
who do not currently qualify for a Government of India Reservation
benefits (that is, set quotas for political representation) for Other
Backward Classes, scheduled castes and tribes.[1][2][3] Since the list
presented by the commission for OBC, SC, ST is dynamic (classes and
communities can be added or removed) and will change from time to time
depending on Social, Educational and Economic factors, the Forward
Classes also are subject to change from time to time. The Government
of India does not publish a separate list of forward classes.[citation
needed]
Population
Estimate the forward classes population as anywhere from 5-15%.[4][5]
However, they have not quoted sources for their estimations. National
sample survey estimates Forward Class population almost same as
Backward Classes at around 36%. Family health survey combined forward
classes population along with all communities of other religions. If
you exclude Backward classes of other religions, then it is around
38.6% which is more than Backward classes population. State wise
Forward Class Population can be found from the chart.
Population by State
Arunachal Pradesh - NA (6% Brahmin)[6]
Andhra Pradesh - 9.9% of the total population (3% Brahmin, 1.2% Raju,
3% Velama & 2.7% Komati).[7]
Intermediate castes: Reddy (6.8%), Kamma/Chowdary (4.6%) & Kapu (15.2%)
[8]
Assam - NA (4% Brahmin)[9]
Bihar - 13% (4.7% Brahmin, 4.2% Rajput, 2.9% Bhumihar & 1.2% Kayasth)
[10]
Chattisgarh - NA (2% Brahmin)[11]
Goa - NA (7% Brahmin)[12]
Gujarat - High Forward Castes: 13.1% (4.1% Brahmin, 4.9% Rajput, 3.0%
Vaishya & 1.1% Others); Middle Forwards: 12.3% (12.2% Patel / Kanbi &
0.1% Others); Lower Forwards: 24.2% (24.2% Gujarati Kshatriya)[13][14]
Haryana - 47% (6 to 8% Brahmin, 21% Jat, 9% Khatri / Sikh & remaining
mostly Vaishya)[15]
Himachal Pradesh - 56% (14 to 20% Brahmin, 28% Rajput & remaining
mostly Vaishya / Khatri).[16]
J & K - NA (11% Brahmin, remaining mostly Dogra Rajput)[17]
Jharkhand - 7% (3% Brahmin, remaining mostly Rajput / Bhumihar /
Kayasth / Bhadralok).[18] Baniya is OBC here.
Karnataka - 16% (3 to 5% Brahmin, 3% Maratha, 2% Bunt / Nair / Kodava
& remaining mostly Raju / Devadiga / Vaishya). Intermediate castes:
Lingayat (17%) [19]
Kerala - 26% of the total population (1.5% Brahmin, 14.5% Malayala
Kshatriya / Tuluva Kshatriya, 0.5% Ambalavasi, 9% Syrian Christians &
0.5% Others).[20]
Maharashtra - 40% (4% Brahmin, 29% Maratha & remaining mostly Prabhu /
Vaishya)[21]
Manipur - 43% (Brahmin / Kshatriya)
Madhya Pradesh - NA (5% Brahmin)[22]
Orissa - 47% (6 to 9% Brahmin, 35% Khandayat / Kshatriya & 5% Patnaik)
[23]
Punjab - NA (5% Brahmin)[24]
Rajastan - 46% (7 to 8% Brahmin, 8% Rajput, 8% Vaishya, 20% Jat & 2%
Jain)[25]
Sikkim - NA (7% Brahmin)[26]
Tamil Nadu - 12% (3% Brahmin & remaining mostly Vellalar).
Intermediate castes: Thevar (8%)[27]
Tripura - NA (3% Brahmin)[28]
Uttar Pradesh - 20% (9 to 10% Brahmin, 7.2% Thakur, 2% Vaishya, 1%
Kayasth). Intermediate castes: Jat (2.5%)[29]
Uttaranchal - 75% (20% Brahmin, remaining mostly Thakur)[30][31]
West Bengal - 35% (5% Brahmin, 8% Mahishya & remaining mostly
Kayasth / Thakur / Vaishya)[32]
Delhi - NA (12% Brahmin, 9% Khatri, 5% Jat & remaining mostly
Vaishya / Thakur)[33]
Economic and educational status
Based on NSS-99-00.Rural/Urban weightages based on 2001 census)
Based on NSS-99-00.Rural/Urban weightages based on 2001 census)The
Government of India does not collect community census data except for
SC/ST. Economic and educational level of various social groups are
gauged using large sample surveys. The National Sample Survey taken in
1999–2000 and the National Family Health Survey taken in 2005-2006 (or
perhaps an earlier round of the NFHS) estimated economic, educational,
and health indicators of various communities. These surveys were used
extensively in the report submitted by the oversight committee.[34]
Forward classes will have to compete only in the open category, as
they are considered socially, educationally, and economically
advanced. Currently the reservation proportion stands at 50% in
central-government educational institutions and central-government
jobs. However, in certain states such as Tamil Nadu, the reservation
percentage stands at around 69%.[35]
Economic status
The 1998–1999 National Sample Survey calculated the economic status of
forward communities separately for rural/urban areas in various income
brackets. It shows
Only 6.4% of forward classes in rural areas appear in upper income
bracket with per capita monthly income stands at above Rs 925 per
month.
30% of rural population is made up of forward classes.
More than 65% of forward classes per capita income stands below Rs 525
per month.
For urban areas:
Only 5.6% of forward classes appear in the upper-income bracket with
per capita income at or above Rs. 1925 per month (around US $40).
More than 25% of forward classes per capita income stands below Rs.
500 per month (around $10)
Educational status
Based on NSS-99-00.Rural/Urban weightages based on 2001 census)
More than 30% of forward classes above 15 years of age are
illiterate.
Only 8% of forward classes are graduates.
Around 85% of forward classes above 15 years of age have done equal to
or below secondary Education (10 Years of Education)
Reservation for economically backward among forward classes
Currently forward classes are only allowed to compete for seats in the
unreserved category in educational institutions and central government
jobs, irrespective of their educational/economical status in the
society. However, a significant percentage of the Forward Class
population lives below the poverty line and more than 30% of the
members of this community are illiterate. To meet their aspirations,
demands have been raised for providing separate reservations for the
poor among Forward Class populations. Many political parties like
Congress, BJP, Samajwadi Party, LJP, Rastriya Janata Dal, Communist
Party of India(Marxist), Bahujan Samaj Party[36][37][38][39] have
supported proposals for providing separate reservation for the poor
among the forward classes. These parties account for over 400 of the
542 members in the current parliament, as well as holding power in
most states in the union.
Indian Government surveys have pointed out that Poverty is widespread
in all communities. Indian definition of poverty is living life with
less than 0.25 US$/Day(Approx). Whereas United nations definition of
Poverty is living life with less than $1/Day.[1]. More than 65% of
forward classes will be living below poverty line if UN poverty
definition is considered.[2]
Timeline
1991: Congress government headed by Narasimha Rao introduced 10%
separate reservation for poor among forward classes.
1992: The Supreme Court has ruled in the Indra Sawhney case that
separate reservation for poor among forward classes as invalid.
Government has withdrawn separate reservation as per supreme court
judgement. (Many other verdicts given in same case has been overruled
by constitutional amendments like quota in promotions, exceeding 50%
reservations for Tamilnadu, judgement regarding creamy layer in the
same case was not implemented by Tamilnadu so far.)
2003: BJP government appointed a group of Ministers for suggesting
measures for implementation of separate reservation for poor among
forward classes. [4]
2004: Task force has been set up to work out modalities for providing
reservations to Poor among forward classes.No information available
regarding report submitted by this task force.[5]
2006: Present Congress Government appointed commission to study
separate reservation for economically backward classes.[6]
2006: Communist government in Kerala earmarked 12% seats in private
professional colleges for economically poor among forward classes.[7]
Many backward class leaders allege forward classes are over
represented in many spheres of life. State and central governments
have not released adequate data regarding representation of various
communities in their services and admissions to educational
institutions.Most of the Private companies in India does not collect
data regarding community of their employees. Very few reports are
available regarding representation of various communities in public–
private services and admissions in educational institutions.
In Tamil Nadu forward classes have secured around 1.9% of seats in
medical colleges in 2004 and 2.68 % seats in 2005 as against their
population percentage of 13%.See Also Caste-Based Reservations In
Tamil Nadu. This trend of poor representation has continued for the
last 10 years as claimed by lawyers in one of the Reservation cases.
[8]
Narendra committee report in Kerala has pointed out that forward
classes representation in public services and PSU units is around 36
to 38% which is more or less equal to their population.[9].
Karnataka Minister in state Assembly has announced that per capita
income of the Brahmins is lesser than all communities including
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.[10]
Oversight committee in its final report has indicated that forward
classes are placed better than backward classes in some indicators and
comparable with backward classes in few indicators and backward
classes are superior in some parameters like health indicators in
states like Assam, Maharastra, Haryana, West Bengal, etc.[11]
National Survey 99-00 indicates that forward classes are better placed
than SC/ST in almost all parameters. However, in rural
unemployment,forward classes score worse than all other communities.
Recently released Provisional report of National Survey 04-05 states
that Buying capacity of Backward Classes in rural and urban areas are
comparable to forward classes. It also revises Backward classes figure
as 41%. It also states that Landownership of Backward classes are
comparable to Forward Classes. It reiterates its earlier finding (in
99-00 survey) that forward classes are poorly employed (more
unemployment).[12]
Rural landholding pattern of various social groups calculated by
National Sample Survey 99-00 indicate that OBC and forward classes are
comparable in wealthiness.)
National surveys used rural landholding pattern to assess wealthiness
of various social groups. Its findings indicate that OBC and FC are
comparable and there is a very minor difference between them. There is
a big difference between OBC/FC and SC. Even Scheduled Tribes are
placed better than Scheduled Castes. Experts who analysed national
survey results point out that other backward classes are near average
in many parameters. Please refer chart.[13]
Shrinking educational opportunities
During April 2006, India’s Human Resource Minister announced that 27%
seats will be reserved exclusively for candidates from Other Backward
Classes in addition to existing 22.5 % reservation for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes.[14] This announcement was done when
polling process was underway in Tamilnadu and Kerala (States with
highest backward class population in India).[15] Incidentally many
opinion polls at that time were predicting rout of ruling UDF alliance
in these states.[16](UDF alliance subsequently won in Tamilnadu but
lost in Kerala). Election commission reprimanded Human Resources
Ministry for making such announcement when election process was in
progress.[17]
Sachar committee report indicated that Hindu OBC's enrollment in all
educational institutions is close to their populations in the 2004-5
national survey (page 93/425 of Sachar committee report). Union Human
Resources minister appointed panel to study about sachar committee
recommendations regarding Indian Muslims[3] but did not give his
opinion on this subject.
Impact of announcement on forward classes
After the implementation of OBC reservation, only 50% of seats are
available in open competition. All communities can compete in open
competition which means forward classes must secure between 72% and
78% of the 'open competition' seats in order to maintain their
representation in keeping with their estimated population of 36-39%,
whereas other communities will get major chunk of seats through
exclusive reservations. This has resulted in protests from Forward
Class community members and supporters from other communities under
the banner of Youth for Equality. They have pointed out following as
reasons for their protests.[18]
The Government has implemented reservations for the Scheduled castes
and Scheduled Tribes for the last 60 years, however the social and
economic situation of these groups has not shown much improvement.
This might be interpreted as an indication of the ineffectiveness of
reservation in higher educational institutions as a means of achieving
social equality.
Any difference between proportion of different communities in Higher
educational institutions is mainly because of difference in primary
school enrollment. (This fact was also confirmed in National sample
surveys and pointed out by Oversight committee in its final report).
Government should attack the cause instead of providing reservation at
higher education level Already 24% of college seats are with Other
backward classes. Providing another 27% seats will deprive chances of
forward classes.
Reservation on the basis of caste is cornered only by rich and
affluent. For example daughter of former President of India got
admission into Indian Foreign Services denying opportunity to another
poor person from her own community.
Certain Indian states has forward classes population of more than 50%
or close to 50%. In some of these states,no.of forward classes
admitted in educational institutions will be much less than their
population even if they secure 100% seats in open
competition.)Interestingly Government of India decided to introduce
27% reservations for other backward classes all over India. Many
states does not have even 27% of other backward class population as
per national sample surveys.(This includes major Indian states like
Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Goa, Maharashtra, Punjab, West
Bengal).[19].Some Indian states like Assam, Goa, Haryana, Himachal
Pradesh, West Bengal has more than 50% forward classes population
[20]which means no. of seats secured by forward classes will not be
equal to their population proportion even if they secure 100% seats in
open competition in central government institutions of these states.
Central government, however, excluded 27% reservations to other
backward classes to the areas with high tribal populations.[21].
References
^ http://books.google.com/books?id=bgpEIb4tNjgC&pg=PA2004
^ http://books.google.com/books?id=vCQ24WjlwZwC&pg=PA155
^ http://books.google.com/books?id=sTS4OO9lcdgC&pg=PA102
^ The Hindu
http://www.hindu.com/2006/08/11/stories/2006081104761500.htm
^ 'What more do the upper castes want?'
http://in.rediff.com/news/2006/may/16inter2.htm
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/download/1998.pdf
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ Reservations in Doubt: The Backlash Against Affirmative Action in
Gujarat, India by John R. Wood, Source: Pacific Affairs, Vol. 60, No.
3 (Autumn, 1987), pp. 408-430,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/2758881
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ 1968 Socio-Economic Survey, Govt. of Kerala
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?234783
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.outlookindia.com/images/brahamins_table_20070604.jpg
^ http://books.google.co.in/books?id=yInZdHn-pKoC
^ http://www.india-seminar.com/2004/534/534%20sanjay%20kumar.htm
^ MOSPI.NIC.IN
http://mospi.nic.in/mospi_nsso_rept_pubn.htm
^ Tamil Nadu's quota stir an assertion of its 69 percent? (NEWS
ANALYSIS) - India
http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/india/news/article_1285498.php/Tamil_Nadus_quota_stir_an_assertion_of_its_69_percent
^ ExspressIndia.com Link 01
http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=67190
^ ExpressIndia.com Link 02
http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=67837
^ The Hindu : National : Paswan for quota for economically backward
http://www.hinduonnet.com/2006/06/05/stories/2006060504941400.htm
^ The Hindu : Cong. for 'quota' for poor among forward castes
http://www.hinduonnet.com/2003/08/14/stories/2003081403450900.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forward_caste
chhotemianinshallah
Shekhar Iyer, Hindustan Times
Delhi, March 15, 2010
First Published: 00:26 IST(15/3/2010)
Last Updated: 01:30 IST(15/3/2010)
A blend of new faces and old hands will make up BJP president Nitin
Gadkari’s new team that he will announce on March 16 to end the three-
month-long suspense in the party.
That day marks the beginning of the Hindu New Year.
Those tipped to become general secretaries include former Rajasthan CM
Vasundhara Raje, former Jharkhand CM Arjun Munda, spokesperson Ravi
Shankar Prasad, Orissa leader Dharmendra Pradhan, and Himachal Pradesh
minister J.P. Nadda.
While Ananth Kumar, Ram Lal Agarwal and Thwar Chand Gehlot will remain
general secretaries, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, who was vice-president in
Rajnath Singh’s team, will be made general secretary, BJP sources
said. Navjot Singh Sidhu will also become a general secretary, while
Yashwant Sinha is expected to remain vice-president.
Among new secretaries, Gadkari is likely to induct Varun Gandhi.
Though Varun has sought a bigger profile, his mother Maneka is
persuading him to accept the role in view of the assembly polls in
Uttar Pradesh, the sources said.
Anurag Thakur, the young MP from Himachal Pradesh, will take over as
BJP yuva morcha chief, his predecessor Amit Thakker may be included in
Gadkari’s team as a secretary. Shahnawaz Hussain, who is heading the
BJP minority cell, may become a secretary. Among the women in the BJP
chief’s team, Smriti Irani and Saroj Pandey will be secretaries.
Party spokesperson Prakash Javadekar is likely to be elevated as vice-
president as are former Uttarakhand chief minister B C Khanduri and
former Delhi BJP chief Harshvardhan.
In keeping with the party’s decision to provide 33 per cent
reservation to women in the organisation, Gadkari intends to have at
least 13 women officer bearers and at least 40 national executive
members.
BJP names Rajay Sabha candidates from Punjab, Himachal
Indo-Asian News Service
New Delhi, March 15, 2010
First Published: 17:07 IST(15/3/2010)
Last Updated: 17:08 IST(15/3/2010)
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has decided to field Avinash Rai
Khanna in Punjab and Vimla Kashyap in Himachal Pradesh in the Rajya
Sabha elections.
In Punjab, three seats are expected to go to the ruling Akali Dal-BJP
combine and two to the Congress. In Himachal, the lone seat is
expected to go to the ruling BJP.
The decision was taken at the central election committee of the BJP
that met on Monday with president Nitin Gadkari in the chair.
The last date for filing nominations is March 16. Polling, if
necessary, will take place March 26.
The terms of Rajya Sabha members from Punjab -- Sports Minister M S
Gill, former minister Ashwani Kumar and D P Sabharwal (all Congress)
and V S Bajwa (Akali Dal) -- are ending April 9. The term of Akali Dal
member Naresh Gujral will end March 22.
In Himachal, Commerce Minister Anand Sharma's term ends April 3.
BJP sets up panel to probe Bareilly clashes
HT Correspondents, Hindustan Times
Lucknow, March 13, 2010
First Published: 21:49 IST(13/3/2010)
Last Updated: 01:23 IST(14/3/2010)
As Bareilly continued to remain on the boil for the 11th day on
Saturday, the BJP set up a three-member committee to inquire into the
communal violence.
The committee is headed by former Union minister Maneka Gandhi, an MP
from Aaonla that is adjacent to Bareilly. Gorakhpur MP Yogi Adityanath
and Meerut MP Rajendra Agrawal are the other two members, a party
release said.
On Saturday, a mob set fire to shops and vehicles in Qutabkhana and
Subzi Mandi areas, while curfew continued in the five police areas of
Kila, Baradari, Premnagar, Subhash Nagar and Kotwali. Fearing that
violence might spread to other areas the district administration did
not relax the curfew.
The ADG (Law and Order), Brij Lal, said that in order to restore
communal harmony the district administration was holding meeting with
the citizens. “The people residing on the outskirts of the city were
also invited to the meeting. Adequate police force was deployed and
the situation was under control,” he said.
The district administration is being blamed for mismanagement. “It’s a
clear case of mishandling by the district administration,” a police
officer said. “Tension was limited to four police areas, later it
spread.”
“On several occasions the decisions taken by the district
administration was by-passed and directives came from Lucknow that
curfew should be relaxed,” said a police officer posted in Bareilly.
The intelligence department, too, reportedly failed to alert the
administration.
The BJP is blaming the Mayawati government for the clashes. Trouble
began on March 2 during the Barawafat procession. A minor communal
clash led to curfew.
Maulana Tauquir Raza Khan, president of the Ittehad-e-Millat Council,
was arrested for his “rabble-rousing speech” that had led to communal
tension. He was released after some groups said Muslims would boycott
the BSP rally in Lucknow on March 15.
Gadkari support for Modi, state explores legal options
HT Correspondents, Hindustan Times
Ahmedabad/New Delhi, March 13, 2010
First Published: 01:31 IST(13/3/2010)
Last Updated: 01:33 IST(13/3/2010)
A day after the Supreme Court-appointed Special Investigating Team
(SIT) probing the 2002 Gujarat riots summoned Chief Minister Narendra
Modi for questioning, the state said it was exploring legal options
before it.
“Whatever are the right legal options available we will explore them
and, accordingly, what is required to be done would be done,” Gujarat
government spokesperson Jay Narayan Vyas said, adding that the state
government and Modi would cooperate with “the process of law”.
The SIT, which has summoned Modi to appear before it on March 21, was
acting on a petition filed by the widow of former Congress MP Ehsan
Jafri, who was murdered during the riots by a mob in Ahmedabad’s
Gulbarg Society.
The state Congress on Friday questioned the conduct of the Nanavati
Commission, set up to probe the riots.
“People have lost faith in the commission, (which is) operating for
almost eight years,” Congress leader Arjun Modhwadia said. “Even the
officers appearing for questioning are tutored by their seniors as
what to answer the commission.”
The BJP has come out in support of Modi, with party chief Nitin
Gadkari saying the Gujarat BJP leader would make a good prime
minister.
“We will cooperate with the judiciary, but we will back Modi one
hundred per cent. The events (riots) were unfortunate, but the blame
cannot be focused on Modi,” Gadkari told Headlines Today. “The UPA
simply wants to shoot Modi politically by using the CBI.”
This is the first time Gadkari, who took over in December, has
endorsed Modi for the top slot.
“He (Modi) is a role model for development politics,” he added. “A
decision on the party’s prime ministerial candidate will be taken by
senior leaders and the parliamentary body, but Modi is fully competent
– he has the ability, capacity and potential to lead this country.”
Smita hails Sonia Gandhi for women’s quota bill, praises Raj
HT Correspondent, Hindustan Times
Mumbai, March 11, 2010
First Published: 01:23 IST(11/3/2010)
Last Updated: 01:24 IST(11/3/2010)
Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray’s estranged daughter-in-law Smita on
Wednesday hailed Congress Party president Sonia Gandhi for getting the
women’s reservation bill passed in the Rajya Sabha.
“Mahatma Gandhi secured Independence for India. After so many years,
Sonia Gandhi has given freedom to the women masses of this country,"
she said at a press conference.
When asked about joining any political party, Smita — she is
reportedly keen to join the Congress — said she would join a party
that gives scope to her ambitions. “I can join any party,” she added.
Apart from Sonia Gandhi, Smita also praised Maharashtra Navnirman Sena
president Raj Thackeray, who is her brother-in-law, and Bharatiya
Janata Party leaders Nitin Gadkari and Sushma Swaraj.
“Like Balasaheb, Raj too has created his party out of nothing.
However, I don't approve his plank [against north Indians],”she said.
Dismissing Sena Executive President Uddhav Thackeray, as a leader who
is not on par with his father, she said: “There is a huge difference
between the leadership qualities of the two.”
Uddhav’s rise in the Sena had resulted in her downfall in the party’s
power circle.
On using the Thackeray surname though she is legally separated from
her husband and son of Sena chief, Jaideo, Smita said the Thackerays
gave her an identity and that’s why she would continue to use the
name.
BJP looks to gain mileage from support
Shekhar Iyer, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, March 07, 2010
First Published: 00:49 IST(7/3/2010)
Last Updated: 00:52 IST(7/3/2010)
The BJP will not let the Congress walk away with all credit if
Parliament passes the Women’s Reservation Bill.
A day after a whip to its MPs to back the bill, party leaders did not
mince words in saying that since the UPA coalition was in minority in
Rajya Sabha, the onus of getting it adopted was with the main
opposition.
Party chief Nitin Gadkari called an emergency meeting of the core
group on Saturday to discuss the bill.
“The core group unanimously decided to ensure passage of Bill,” he
said.
“The BJP is conscious of the fact that the UPA is in a minority in
Parliament. The BJP appeals to all parties to support this Bill. The
BJP has directed all its members to be present in Rajya Sabha and
ensure the passage of this Bill.”
Gadkari also made it clear that the role of the BJP in the passage of
the bill could not be underplayed.
“The BJP had first mooted the idea of this Bill in 1995 at its
national council meeting at Vadodara. The NDA had at first moved this
bill in Parliament. The BJP is the only political party that has
provided for one-third reservation in the party organisation for
women.”
Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj said the bill was a
dream of two senior leaders Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani.
BJP determined to get Women's Bill passed in Parliament
Press Trust Of India
New Delhi, March 06, 2010
First Published: 15:50 IST(6/3/2010)
Last Updated: 15:53 IST(6/3/2010)
Asserting that it was determined to ensure passage of Women's
Reservation Bill in Parliament, BJP on Saturday sought to make
political capital on the issue by stating that since the UPA coalition
was in minority in Rajya Sabha, the onus of getting it adopted was
with the main opposition.
BJP President Nitin Gadkari today convened an emergency meeting of the
party Core Group to discuss Women's Reservation Bill, which is set to
be tabled in Rajya Sabha on March 8.
"The Core Group unanimously decided to ensure passage of the
Constitution Amendment providing for one-third reservation for women
in Lok Sabha and state Assemblies," Gadkari said in a statement.
BJP has already issued a three-line whip to its Rajya Sabha MPs to be
present and vote for the Bill in the Upper House on Monday.
"The BJP is determined to ensure the passage of this Bill. The Bill
shows national aspiration and society has been waiting for it for the
last 15 years," Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Arun Jaitley said.
He said since the government is in a minority in Rajya Sabha, BJP
understands that it would have to play an important role in getting
the Women's Reservation Bill passed there.
It’s all about respect
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D Raja
March 04, 2010
First Published: 23:28 IST(4/3/2010)
Last Updated: 23:30 IST(4/3/2010)
A comedy of errors is on display in both Congress and BJP camps. While
it was an abhorrent sight to see Congress leaders trying to play
messiah to India’s Dalits some months ago by merely eating in Dalit
households, we now have the BJP playing catch-up with party president
Nitin Gadkari ‘doing a Rahul Gandhi’ by having lunch in a Dalit home
last month.
But what is downright comic is the Congress’s knee-jerk reaction to
Gadkari’s gesture. Congress spokespersons claimed that their party has
facilitated the “elevation of Dalits to [the positions] of Chief
Justice of India and Lok Sabha Speaker”. This is the same Congress
that had silently watched the then President K R Narayanan getting
dragged into a media controversy on the issue of him supposedly
overstepping his constitutional role and seeking to impose a policy of
affirmative action on the judiciary.
The Congress also seems to have forgotten that it was the Telugu Desam
Party that ensured the elevation of a Dalit to the post of Speaker for
the first time in the choice of G M C Balayogi, that too in a BJP-led
NDA regime.
The Congress and the BJP are not only trying to hoodwink the Dalits,
but they are also fighting it out for the elusive Dalit votebank in
Uttar Pradesh. Gadkari stated last month that Dalit leader B.R.
Ambedkar was like American civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.
Someone should tell Gadkari that by the time the struggles of King Jr
and others led to equal rights for African-Americans in 1964, it had
already been 14 years since Ambedkar had introduced civil rights in
the Constitution of India, having already achieved getting political
rights and the right to representation in political offices and
employment for Dalits as early as 1932. Next, Gadkari will say that
Mahatma Gandhi was like Martin Luther King Jr, rather than the other
way round. It is entirely a different issue that Indian and US
societies are alike in denying civil rights to their oppressed
communities.
The Congress is equally at fault for not criticising BJP leader Arun
Shourie for his book, Worshipping False Gods, in which the author
makes ridiculous attacks on the Dalit icon. One would go on to say
that the Congress has done nothing to further the ideals of Ambedkar
and has shown no interest in the upkeep of the Ambedkar Foundation
created by the National Front government during the leader’s centenary
celebrations. It was the NDA regime that bought the Ambedkar Memorial
on 26, Alipore Road in Delhi and also pushed the 81st, 82nd and 85th
amendments of the Constitution in favour of creating reservations for
Dalits.
It is time the Dalits call this Congress-BJP bluff. If the BJP and the
Congress indeed care for Dalits, both the national parties should
first ensure that the practice of manual scavenging is eliminated from
the states ruled by these parties in the next one year.
They should also ensure that these scavenging families never have to
fall back into this ignoble profession. They should also earmark a
part of the annual Budget under the Scheduled Castes sub-plan for
Dalits to make sure that enough is spent on the educational and
economic uplift of Dalit communities. This, especially at a time when
the budget of the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment has
decreased in the last Budget.
The first issue for any political party is to respect the rights of
Dalits. They should also respect the rights of Dalits to protest,
demand and claim remedies, safeguards and action from the government
that ameliorate their conditions quickly. Let’s first learn to respect
Dalits. Then maybe one day they will invite us home for lunch.
D. Raja is National Secretary, Communist Party of India and Rajya
Sabha member
The views expressed by the author are personal
http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/columnsothers/It-s-all-about-respect/Article1-515245.aspx
Misra panel: BJP’s chance to win over OBCs?
Vikas Pathak, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, March 03, 2010
First Published: 01:31 IST(3/3/2010)
Last Updated: 01:33 IST(3/3/2010)
With a government-appointed panel calling for reservation for
minorities, the BJP senses an opportunity to find favour with the
Other Backward Classes (OBCs) among Hindus.
The Ranganath Misra Commission has recommended 15 per cent quota for
Muslims in education and employment.
In case the recommendation falls foul of law — the Supreme Court has
capped reservation at 50 per cent and the provision will push it way
beyond the ceiling — a minority sub-quota within the OBC bracket has
been suggested. It means that from within the 27 per cent quota for
the OBCs, 8.4 per cent will be for minorities.
While the Mandal Commission, set up with a mandate to identify
educationally and socially backward, said the OBCs constituted 52 per
cent of India’s population, the National Sample Survey Organisation
put the figure at 41 per cent.
Though the government has not set a timetable for adopting the
suggestions, the Misra report can lead to political realignments.
The Congress can gain Muslim support, particularly in Uttar Pradesh
and Bihar. The Muslim-Yadav alliance nurtured by Mulayam Singh Yadav
and Lalu Prasad in UP and Bihar, respectively, could be tested as the
two groups will be in fight for the same quota pie.
And this is where lies an opportunity for the BJP to attract OBCs to
its fold — in line with new chief Nitin Gadkari’s emphasis on widening
the party’s social base. Traditional base of the BJP is upper caste
Hindus.
“We’ll oppose any attempt to take away the rights of backward Hindus
and give them to minorities,” deputy leader of Opposition in the Lok
Sabha Gopinath Munde, an OBC leader, said.
The BJP’s rise to power in the 1990s was accompanied by substantial
non-Yadav OBC mobilisation in the Hindi belt, particularly in UP,
which has 80 Lok Sabha seats.
From 45 per cent in the 1996 Lok Sabha polls in the state, the BJP’s
non-Yadav OBC vote share fell to 28 per cent in the 2004 polls,
according to the Delhi-based Centre for the Study of Developing
Societies. Recently, most of its candidates for the 11 UP assembly by-
polls forfeited their security deposit.
OBC vote can be crucial to the party’s revival.
Personal ambitions ruining BJP: Gadkari
Shekhar Iyer
Indore, February 18, 2010
First Published: 00:57 IST(18/2/2010)
Last Updated: 01:22 IST(18/2/2010)
The crisis in the BJP was not because of small leaders but the “over
ambitious” senior leaders who were seeking more and more in terms of
posts and perks for themselves, said party president Nitin Gadkari on
Wednesday.
Gadkari’s plain-speak came at a closed-door session on the opening day
of the three-day conclave of the party’s national executive near here.
BJP spokesman Ravi Shankar Prasad briefed reporters later.
“Our problems come not from small leaders but from the big ones, who
have got everything and yet are wanting more at any cost,” Gadkari was
quoted as having said.
Who did he mean? He didn’t name anyone.
“The party chief has only sought to present before the conclave the
weaknesses of the BJP that will have to go,” Prasad said, adding, “He
is asking everyone to think of the party.”
The closed-door session was attended by party seniors such as L.K.
Advani and Gadkari’s predecessor Rajnath Singh.
Advani endorsed Gadkari’s statement and said leaders’ egos was the
main problem.
Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Arun Jaitley was also present.
Party sources said Gadkari could be referring to the leadership tussle
that followed defeat in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, with L.K. Advani
wanting to retire.
Gadkari listed “personal ambition” as the single most debilitating
ailment plaguing the BJP.
With the RSS fully behind him, a confident Gadkari bluntly told the
leaders instead of seeking to pull down others, they should raise
their own bar of performance for optimum result.
He criticised the tendency of leaders to rush to the media with their
issues when things did not go their way.
Gadkari’s remark was seen by other BJP leaders as intended to serve as
a warning.
At 52, Gadkari is the party’s youngest president. And was brought in
by the BJP’s mother organisation, the RSS, to effect a generational
change, and give the party a young and dynamic leadership.
Since taking over, he has largely kept his peace with the party
stalwarts.
So far, at least.
The Wednesday speech is likely to go down in the party’s history as
the equivalent of Rajiv Gandhi’s radical promise to rid the Congress
of powerbrokers at his party’s centenary session in 1985.
Have a large heart, Gadkari pleaded with the seniors.
Chote dil se bade kaam nahi hota. (Small hearts and minds cannot
achieve big things.) Think of the country first, then the party and
yourself last, Gadkari said.
Acknowledging that distribution of ticket during the elections was a
sore issue, Gadkari said the ground rule should be that tickets must
be given only to those who were popular and could win.
“But, what we find is that everyone seemed to think of their future
only and not that of the party,” the party chief was quoted as having
said.
BJP to support separate Vidarbha in Parliament: Gadkari-Munde
2010-03-14 22:10:00
Last Updated: 2010-03-15 07:45:44
Nagpur: BJP national president Nitin Gadkari and party Deputy Leader
in Lok Sabha Gopinath Munde on Sunday assured to support separate
Vidarbha issue in Parliament when ever the UPA government brings the
Telangana state bill.
"Now the time has come when BJP will not allow UPA to move bill for
creating Telangana alone but will ensure that UPA includes separate
Vidarbha also in the Parliament", Gadkari and Munde told a public
rally here at Yeshwant Stadium, citing their party's unconditional
support to Women's Reservation Bill brought by the Congress-led UPA
government early last week.
Uddhav: Won't allow Mumbai to be separated from Maharashtra
Chief Ministers of BJP-ruled states Dr Raman Singh, Ramesh Pokhriyal,
and Deputy Chief Minister of Jharkhand, Raghuwar Das were prominent
who addressed the gathering.
BJP's young legislators Sudhir Mungattiwar (Ballarpur) and Davendra
Phadanvis (Nagpur-South-West) who took out "Yuwa Jagar" yatra, an
awareness campaign for youth from Shegaon (Buldana) and Chandrapur
respectively, on Sunday culminated their yatra into a public rally.
Munde, a former Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra, in a clear
signal to the alliance partner Shiv Sena, said as to why there should
not be two states of Marathi speaking people.
Statehood call shuts down Maharashtra's Vidarbha region
"When there can be many Chief Ministers from Hindi speaking states,
there was nothing wrong when two Marathi speaking Chief Ministers
occupying offices," he said.
Uddhav: Won't allow Mumbai to be separated from Maharashtra
2010-02-06 23:00:00
Last Updated: 2010-02-07 00:15:45
Pune: Alleging the UPA government is conspiring to separate Mumbai
from Maharashtra, Shiv Sena executive president Uddhav Thackeray
tonight said his party would oppose such a move and continue to take
to the streets to fight and keep the state undivided.
"On the lines of a separate Vidarbha, Congress government at the
Centre is planning to carve out a separate Mumbai state aligning the
metropolis with neighbouring Thane and Raigad," he said here, adding
the Sena would fight tooth and nail against the design to weaken and
factionalise Maharashtra.
Thackeray calls Shah Rukh 'traitor', no apologies says actor
Thackeray who was speaking during his public interview by noted
compere Sudhir Gadgil at S P College ground here, said his party's
stand against creation of separate Vidarbha was firm and undiluted
despite the contrary view of its ally BJP on the issue.
Thackeray alleged that Congress-led UPA was planning to create a
separate Mumbai state as the region generated maximum tax collection.
Thackeray calls Shah Rukh 'traitor', no apologies says actor
2010-02-06 20:50:00
Last Updated: 2010-02-06 21:58:45
Mumbai: On a day when Bal Thackeray labelled him a "traitor", Shah
Rukh Khan on Saturday stuck to his comments on Pakistani players in
IPL saying there was nothing "anti- national" and ruled out meeting
the Shiv Sena supremo on his own to sort out the controversy.
"I have not said anything that is anti-national or anti-Indian. I
stand by what I said and I would like to say that may be the group has
misunderstood me. There is no other reason because I have not said
anything I should feel sorry about," Khan, who arrived here after a
whirlwind promotional tour of New York, London and Berlin, told
reporters.
"I think what I said has been misconstrued. I am pro good relationship
with countries. I think we all are...," he said.
Asked if he would go to Thackeray's home 'Matoshree' to explain his
position, Khan said he had gone to the "senior" leader's residence
whenever he was called.
"I have been there so often. Yes, I would like to go and have drink
with him. But on this matter, I don't see...there is no reason for
going and asking...but if my stand needs to be explained to someone, I
have already done it. I don't think there is an issue on that front,"
Khan said.
In an editorial in the Sena mouthpiece, Thackeray wrote, "A Khan named
Shah Rukh tells us to love Pakistan but nobody feels suffocated due to
his treachery. Traitors, do whatever you want to do with the blessings
of Congress. Sena won't stop you..."
The actor, however, made it clear that he did not want to join issue
with Sena, describing Thackeray as an "elderly gentleman" whose
company he enjoyed.
'Bullying' not to be tolerated, says Maharashtra CM
2010-02-06 18:40:00
Last Updated: 2010-02-06 19:14:04
New Delhi: Maharashtra government on Saturday said it will ensure
security for screening of movies of actor Shah Rukh Khan, under Shiv
Sena threat for favouring inclusion of Pakistani cricketers in IPL,
and asserted that it will act against anyone trying to "bully"
others.
Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan said violation of law and
order by anybody will be dealt with strictly.
"All movies, be it of Shah Rukh's or anybody else's, if it is approved
by Censor Board, it will run and the government will protect it,"
Chavan told reporters at the sidelines of the Chief Ministers'
conference on price rise here.
"Even I will go and watch those movies," he said.
"We will make sure that not only Shiv Sena, but any person or any
organisation trying to create disturbance is dealt with strictly as
per the law of the land," he said.
The Chief Minister was replying to a question related to controversy
surrounding the movie star who is under attack by Shiv Sena for his
remark on Pakistani cricketers.
The Sena has threatened not to allow the release of Khan's upcoming
film 'My Name is Khan' on February 12.
Against the backdrop of Rahul Gandhi's visit to Mumbai remaining free
of any untoward incident despite Sena's call to show him black flags,
he said, "I do not want to take credit. I am happy about one thing
that they (Sena) understood it.
"I have said that the state will function as per constitution. The
government will take action against anybody who tries to bully
someone," Chavan said.
http://sify.com/news/bullying-not-to-be-tolerated-says-maharashtra-cm-news-national-kcgsEfabbfd.html
IANS
Statehood call shuts down Maharashtra's Vidarbha region
2010-01-20 11:40:00
Last Updated: 2010-01-20 11:58:49
Nagpur: Long distance and local services were disrupted, state
transport buses stoned and most private and government offices closed
as the daylong shutdown for a separate state of Vidarbha, to be carved
out of Maharashtra, began Wednesday.
Maharashtra police deployed heavy security in Nagpur and other major
towns of the 11 districts where the shutdown called by 68 political
parties and groups - Vidarbha Nirman Sangram Samiti (VNSS) - evoked a
spontaneous and enthusiastic response, the organisers said.
'All schools, colleges, a majority of government offices and over a
lakh commercial and business establishments in entire Vidarbha have
taken part in the shutdown,' said Vidarbha Jan Andolan Samiti (VJAS)
chief Kishor Tiwari.
The Vidarbha region comprises the districts of Nagpur, Chandrapur,
Gondiya, Bhandara, Gadchiroli, Wardha, Amravati, Yavatmal, Buldana,
Akola and Washim, with a total population of 30 million.
As part of the shutdown, the long distance Vidarbha Express was halted
briefly by the agitators, while attempts were made to stop other
trains entering from north, east and south India at various points,
railway officials said.
After suicides, shutdown hits life in Telangana
Huge traffic snarls were witnessed at the state's borders with
Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh as vehicular movement on the national
highways was stopped by pro-Vidarbha agitators.
Similarly, all traffic also came to a standstill on the state highways
and district roads in the entire region.
Nagpur city was deserted as all public and private vehicles remained
off the roads and commercial establishments downed shutters.
In Yavatmal, a group of 50 farm widows squatted outside the State Bank
of India office raising slogans for a separate state and for justice
to the farmers.
In several Yavatmal villages, rallies were taken out and local leaders
demanded a separate state of Vidarbha for the region's development.
People also enacted farmer suicides, consuming poison or immolating
them as crowds cheered and raised a chorus for a separate state.
r suicides, shutdown hits life in Telangana
2010-01-20 10:30:00
Last Updated: 2010-01-20 10:39:58
Hyderabad: Normal life in Hyderabad and nine other districts of the
Telangana region came to a halt as a 48-hour shutdown called by the
Joint Action Committee (JAC) of students began Wednesday to protest
the delay in the formation of a separate state out of Andhra Pradesh.
Since Monday, two students have killed themselves over the issue.
State-owned Road Transport Corporation (RTC) suspended its bus
services while shops, business establishments and educational
institutions remained closed.
All political parties have supported the shutdown. The JAC called for
a strike after two students, depressed over the delay in carving out a
separate Telangana state, committed suicide.
K. Venugopal Reddy, a final year student of MCA, set himself ablaze at
Osmania University here late Monday. Suvarnamma, a first year BSc
student in Mahabubnagar district, set herself ablaze late Tuesday.
Tension prevailed at Osmania University campus for the second
consecutive day as students continued their protest with the body of
Reddy. The JAC leaders, who sat in front of the Arts College building
with the body through Tuesday night, said they would not allow it to
be moved unless all MPs and state legislators from the region resign
in support of the Telangana statehood demand.
In an attempt to shift the body, police brought additional forces to
the campus on Wednesday morning.
The self-immolations triggered angry protests by students across
Telangana. The students' JAC called for a two-day shutdown Wednesday
and Thursday.
The politicians' JAC, which comprises all parties including the ruling
Congress, has supported the shutdown for Wednesday.
The JAC also announced that all elected representatives would submit
their resignations from Wednesday and those who have already done so
would press for their acceptance.
Five legislators of Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) and one of Praja
Rajyam Party (PRP) began a sit-in at the house of assembly speaker
Kirankumar Reddy on Tuesday night, urging him to immediately accept
their resignations. The speaker, however, sought two to three days to
take a decision.
With the legislators continuing their protest, the police took them
into custody. They were later released.
All 39 legislators of main opposition Telugu Desam Party (TDP) have
also decided to press the speaker to accept their resignations.
http://sify.com/news/after-suicides-shutdown-hits-life-in-telangana-news-education-kbuk4biegdg.html
Maneka Gandhi stopped from entering riot-hit Bareilly
2010-03-14 12:50:00
Noted animal-rights activist and Aonla MP Maneka Gandhi, who is
heading the three member panel appointed by the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) to monitor the situation in riot-hit Bareilly was on Sunday not
allowed to enter the city.
Sources said police personnel stopped Gandhi near Ghaziabad, while
enroute to Bareilly.
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President Nitin Gadkari had sent a three-
member team to riot-hit Bareilly to take note of the prevailing
situation.
Bareilly has been tense for several days following the release of a
cleric, who was arrested on charges of inciting clashes.
Mobs torched about 20 shops in the old Bareilly area on Saturday
though curfew was in force in most parts of the city affected by
communal violence. The authorities have rushed additional forces to
the city.
The Uttar Pradesh Government has ordered the closure of all
educational institutions there, and provided the police with a
helicopter to monitor trouble-hit areas. Uttar Pradesh Police had last
Monday (March 8) taken into its custody Maulana Khan, the leader of
Ittehad-e-Millat Conference. He was later released on Thursday (March
11) evening.
The right-wing Hindu outfit Bajrang Dal criticising his release soon
turned into action following which there was a violent backlash and
curfew was imposed in the areas of the city. (ANI)
Many new faces in Gadkari's new team; Anurag to be new BJYM Head
New Delhi, Mar 14: Many new faces will be find a place in BJP
President Nitin Gadkari's new team and the name of Himachal Pradesh
Chief Minister Prem Kumar Dhumal's son Anurag Thakur, an MP, has been
given the party's nod for the post of Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha
Chief, party sources said today.
The decision to appoint Anurag to the post of BJYM is likely to raise
the hackles of those in the party who have been raising their voice
from time to time against dynasty politics, they added.
Rajnath Singh, during his tenure as BJP President, had appointed his
son Pankaj Singh as the Head of the Uttar Pradesh unit of the BJYM,
but had rolled back his decision, saying that would set a wrong
precedent in the party and would only encourage dynasty politics.
Party MP from Pilibhit Varun Gandhi along with BJYM Chief Amit Thakar
is likely to be given the post of secretary. It might also court
controversy in the party as Varun had been at the centre of a storm
due to his alleged hate speech in the run-up to the Lok Sabha
elections last year.
Former Jharkhand Chief Minister Arjun Munda, youth leader Dharmendra
Pradhan and former Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje will be
made general secretaries in the new team of Mr Gadkari, which will be
announced on March 16 on the occasion of Hindu New Year Gudi Padwa,
almost three months after he took over the reins of the saffron party,
sources informed.
Party Spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad is being promoted to the post
of general secretary.
Ananth Kumar, Thawar Chand Gehlot, Ramlal have also been roped in the
new team of Mr Gadkari as general secretaries.
Yashwant Sinha, J P Nadda, Kalraj Mishra, Kiran Maheshwari, Saroj
Pandey, Karuna Shukla will also be there in the team.
Saroj Pandey is likely to be made Bharatiya Janata Mahila Morcha
chief.
The number of office-bearers and members of national executive has
also been increased, the sources added.
--UNI
BJP secy blames Bapu for Partition
Vikas Pathak, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, February 15, 2010
First Published: 23:54 IST(15/2/2010)
Last Updated: 23:55 IST(15/2/2010)
The BJP hasn’t said the last word on Partition yet.
Months after Jaswant Singh blamed Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel
for the country’s division on the eve of Independence and invited
expulsion from the BJP for praising Pakistan founder MA Jinnah, party
leader Balbir Punj has pointed the finger at Mahatma Gandhi.
The BJP’s national secretary and Rajya Sabha member has blamed Gandhi
for the “original sin” that culminated in Partition.
“Gandhiji’s unstinted support for restoration of Khilafat in faraway
Turkey in 1920s ultimately led to the Partition…,” Punj writes an
article in a booklet, Vikalp (Alternative).
Khilafat movement (1919-24) was aimed at restoring the office of the
Caliph abolished by the British.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s “Muslim First” policy is in the same
tradition, he adds.
The booklet was released in the presence of BJP president Nitin
Gadkari and senior leader L.K. Advani on the February 11, the death
anniversary of Jan Sangh ideologue Deen Dayal Upadhyaya. Jan Sangh was
the predecessor of the BJP.
Indian nationalism was always Hindu, says Punj. It was from Gandhi’s
time that Hindus got demoted to the status of a mere community. Salwa
Judums and the recent Orissa outbursts against evangelism (read
Kandhamal riots) are truly nationalist in nature, says Punj.
“All this history writing is because the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsewak
Sangh) was conspicuously absent during the national movement,” said
Jyotirmaya Sharma of Hyderabad Central University, an expert on
Hindutva politics.
Punj’s argument underlines the inconsistency of the Sangh Parivar in
resolving Gandhi, who is alternately condemned and appropriated.
While the BJP claims to follow Gandhian ideas right from its inception
in 1980 — in the first session former prime minister Atal Bihari
Vajpayee had invoked “Gandhian socialism” — glimpses of the pre-
Partition Hindutva critique of Gandhi as “pro-Muslim” does make its
way into the Parivar’s discourse now and then.
Bareilly yet to simmer down
Pioneer News Service | Lucknow
Curfew extended to more areas
With four more shops being gutted in curfew-bound areas of Bareilly
and resentment brewing among members of the majority community over
the release of riot accused Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan, the situation
in the strife-torn city remained tense on Saturday.
However, no further clashes were reported from anywhere since Friday
night. Earlier, on Friday evening, nearly 20 shops at a local
vegetable market were reduced to ashes, which the administration
claimed was due to a short-circuit and not orchestrated by any group
as was being alleged.
ADG (Crime, Law & order) Brij Lal claimed that the fire incidents were
due to short-circuits and claimed that if the situation remained
incident-free, the administration might relax curfew from Sunday.
As per reports, some shops in Subash Nagar area were reduced to ashes
and locals immediately alleged that it was the handiwork of a
particular community which indulged in wanton arson. However, ADG Brij
Lal and DM of Bareilly shot down the claim saying that it was due to a
short-circuit.
The fire was doused by the fire-tenders soon after they learnt of the
incident on Saturday morning.
Meanwhile, a large section of a community took to the streets to
protest the manner in which riot accused Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan was
released by the police.
The agitators claimed that the administration succumbed under the
pressure of a Cabinet Minister and bailed out Tauqeer claiming that
there were no evidence against him and that his arrest was made on the
basis of an FIR.
Sources even claimed that former DM Asheesh Goel was shunted out
because he refused to give a clean chit to the riot accused cleric and
release him as he believed that the administration had sufficient
grounds for his arrest.
The Maulana’s release fuelled tension in Bareilly on Friday. Members
from the community took to the streets in protest and torched business
establishment, vehicles and engaged in heavy brick-batting which left
50 persons injured, including a dozen cops and the SP City.
Following the violence, eight senior officers were rushed to Bareilly
to defuse the situation and curfew was extended in Subash Nagar area,
beside reimposing dusk to dawn curfew in the four police circles
stations, where curfew was earlier relaxed.
Meanwhile, BJP president Nitin Gadkari has appointed a three-member
team of senior party leaders led by Maneka Gandhi to visit the riot-
hit Bareilly and submit a report on the events there. “We will be
leaving on Sunday for Bareilly and will be back by evening,” Maneka
told PTI in New Delhi. The team, consisting of Maneka, Gorakhpur MP
Yogi Adityanath and Meerut MP Rajendra Agarwal, is expected to submit
a report to the party president on the steps taken to control the
riots and the relief given to the affected people.
COMMENTS BOARD ::
secular media
By vinay chandran on 3/14/2010 12:03:34 PM
when the majority community is attacked the socalled secular media
ignores it.
when it is the other way round they make a big fuss about it.
The Truth of Bareilly Riots
By Aditya on 3/14/2010 11:29:02 AM
It was a usual 12 wafaat procession going on for many years (mind it
Bareilly is great seat of Sunni Muslim school). The city has
unparalleled history of communal harmony and pluralistic life style.
No one among my parents and uncles remembers anything ever going wrong
between hindus and muslims for past as many decades as can possibly be
remembered by living generations. Then what went wrong???!!!
This procession was scheduled on the very day of Holi but in line with
the communal tolearance
Why Is this Incident Ignored by English News Channels
By Rajeev - UK on 3/14/2010 3:52:28 AM
Why are national english TV news channel not showing this news at all.
Its surprising that a leader who preached hate was released due to
pressure of roiters, this is India and Not SWAT valley. Where are the
secular leaders now why isnt that leader put behind the bars again.
YOU MAY LIKE TO READ...
Bareilly on brink, Maulana released - NDTV
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Sid Harth
This page deals with the Hindu varna. For other uses of this word and
similar words, see Brahmana, Brahman and Brahman (disambiguation).
A Brahmin (anglicised from the Sanskrit word IAST '; Devanagari ),
also known as Vipra, Dvija, Dvijottama (best of the Dvijas), (god on
Earth) is a member of a caste within Hindu society. Historically,
Hindu society consisted of four based on occupation and divine birth:
Brahmin (reciter of the Vedas as they came from the mouth of Brahma),
Kshatriya (protectors of Dharma, since they are the arms of Brahma),
Vaishya (mercantile and agricultural class, since they are from the
body of Brahma) and Shudra (artisan and labour class, since they are
from the feet of Brahma).
However, in addition to these four classes, there were many other
tribes mentioned in mythology such as Gandharvas, Yakshas, Kinnaras,
Kimpurushas, Rakshasas, Nagas, Suparnas, Vanaras, Vidyadharas,
Valikilyas, Pisachas, Devas, Vasus, Rudras, Maruts, Adityas, Asuras,
Danavas, Daityas, Kalakeyas, Mlechchas etc. Today, the Hindu society
in modern India is divided into four classes based on birth: Forward
Castes/communities (FCs), Backward Caste/communities (BCs), Scheduled
Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs).
In the 1931 caste census taken by the Colonial British government,
Brahmins were 4.32% of the total population. Even in Uttar Pradesh,
where they are most numerous, the Brahmins constituted just 9% of the
total populace. In Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh, they formed less
than 3% and 2% of the population respectively.
The Nirukta of sage Yaska says ' — A Brahmin is a person who knows
Brahman, the ultimate reality or God; hence Brahmin means, "knower of
God". However, the historical situation in Hindu society is that
Brahmins are the traditional priests and pundits (scholars). Today
however, many Brahmins are employed in secular occupations and their
religious traditions and culture are fast disappearing from their
lives.
History
The history of the Brahmin community in India begins with the Vedic
religion in ancient India. The Manu Smriti, an ancient Smriti, refers
to Aryavarta.The Vedas are the primary source of knowledge for all
brahmin practices. All the sampradayas of Brahmins take inspiration
from the Vedas. Traditionally, it is believed that Vedas are ' (not
written by either humans or God) and anÄ di (beginingless), but are
revealed truths of eternal validity. The Vedas are considered Åšruti
(that which is heard, signifying the oral tradition).
Due to the diversity in religious and cultural traditions and
practices, and the Vedic schools which they belong to, Brahmins are
further divided into various subcastes. During the sutra period,
roughly between 1000 BCE to 200 BCE, Brahmins became divided into
various Shakhas (branches), based on the adoption of different Vedas
and different rescension Vedas. Sects for different denominations of
the same branch of the Vedas were formed, under the leadership of
distinguished teachers among Brahmins. The teachings of these
distinguished rishis are called '. Every Veda has its own . The that
deal with social, moral and legal precepts are called Dharma Sutras,
whereas those that deal with ceremonials are called Shrauta Sutras and
domestic rituals are called Grhya Sutras. are generally written in
prose or in mixed prose and verse.
There are several Brahmin law givers such as Angirasa, Apasthambha,
Atri, Brihaspati, Boudhayana, Daksha, Gautam, Harita, Katyayana,
Likhita, Manu, Parasara, Samvarta, Shankha, Shatatapa, Ushanasa,
Vashishta, Vishnu, Vyasa, Yajnavalkya and Yama. These twenty-one
rishis were the propounders of Smritis. The oldest among these smritis
are Apastamba, Baudhayana, Gautama, and Vasishta Sutras.Manu Smriti on
learning of the Vedas
Nature of Brahmin
"Samodamastapah Saucham
Kshanthiraarjavamevacha
Jnanam Vijnaanamaastikyam
Brahmakarma Swabhavajam!"
Control on emotions, Control on senses, Purity, Tolerance, Simplicity,
Concentration and belief in knowledge and science
Duties of Brahmin
The six duties of a Brahmin are given as per the Sloka
"Adhyaapanam Adhyayanam
Yajanam Yaajanam Tathaa
Daanam Pratigraham Chaiva
Brahmanaanaamakalpayaat"
Teaching, learning, performing Yaaga, make performing Yaga, accept
Daana, and give Daana are the six duties of a Brahmin.
Practices
Adi Shankara (centre) is the Hindu philosopher whose tradition is
followed by Smarta Brahmins
Brahmins adhere to the principles of Hinduism, such as acceptance of
the Vedas with reverence, adherence to the position that the means or
ways to salvation and realization of the ultimate truth are diverse,
that God is one, but has innumerable names and forms to chant and
worship due to our varied perceptions, cultures and languages.
Brahmins believe in ' — Let the entire society be happy and prosperous
and ' — the whole world is one family. Some Brahmins practice
vegetarianism (Bengali Brahmins and Kashmiri Pandits are exceptions to
this).
Daily routine
Hindu Brahmins hold practice of Dharma more important than beliefs.
This is a distinct feature of the Dharmic religions. The practices
include mainly Yajnas. The daily routineA day in the life of a Brahmin
includes performing Snana (bathing), Sandhyavandanam, Japa, Puja,
Aupasana and Agnihotra. The last two named Yajnas are performed in
only a few households today. Brahmacharis perform Agnikaryam instead
of Agnihotra or Aupasana. The other rituals followed include Amavasya
tarpanam and Shraddha.
See Also: Nitya karma and Kaamya karma
Samskaras
Brahmins also perform sixteen major Samskaras (rites) during the
course of their life-time.The Forty Samskaras In the pre-natal stage,
Garbhadharana (Conception), Pumsavana (Rite for consecrating a male
child in the womb) and Simantonnayana (Rite for parting the hair of a
pregnant woman) are performed. During childhood, Jatakarma (Birth
ceremony), Namakarana (Naming ceremony), Nishkarmana (First outing)
Annaprasana (First feeding solid food), Choodakarana (First tonsure)
and Karnavedha (Piercing of the ear lobes) are performed.During
education of the child, Vidhyarambha (Starting of education),
Upanayanam (Thread ceremony- Initiation), Vedarambha (Starting of the
study of the Vedas), Keshanta or Godana (First shaving of the beard)
and Samavartanam or Snaana (Ending of studentship) are performed.
Suring adulthood, Vivaha (Marriage) and Anthyesthi (Funeral rites) are
the main ceremonies.
Sampradayas
The three sampradayas (traditions) of Brahmins, especially in South
India are the Smarta sampradaya, the Srivaishnava sampradaya and the
Maadhva sampradaya.
Status of Brahmins Today
Historically Brahmins have been not only ascetics, sages and priests
for millennia seeking welfare of the society, but also secular clerks,
merchants, agriculturists, artisans, etc. They were also very poor. In
the modern democratic India, the Brahmins are still not only poverty
stricken, but also shunted out of every opportunity,The status of
Brahmins in Andhra Pradesh
http://www.vedah.net/manasanskriti/puranam.html
#Poor_Brahmins Brahmin Poverty] despite the fact that Prime Ministers
like Jawaharlal Nehru, Venkatanarasimharao Pamulaparti (P.V. Narasimha
Rao), and Atal Behari Vajpayee have been Brahmins. French journalist
Francois GautierFrancois
Gautier.com
has written on the sad state of Brahmins in India today.Are Brahmins
the Dalits of today?
Contributions to modern India
Brahmins have contributed immensely to the making of modern Indiain
many fields like literature, science and technology, politics,
culture, scholarship, religion etc. In the Indian independence
movement, many Brahmins like Balgangadhar Tilak, Gopal Krishna
Gokhale, C. Rajagopalachari and others were at the forefront of the
struggle for freedom. After independence, Jawaharlal Nehru, a Brahmin
and an atheist, became the first Prime Minister of India. Later,
Brahmins like P.V. Narasimha Rao and Atal Behari Vajpayee became Prime
Ministers. even now after persecution of brahmans by politicians they
hold top posts in administration, academia ,business, army,
jouranalism etc. Infact it was those Brahmin leaders like
Rajagopalachari and Thilak who fought for the upliftment of the
socially backward dalits and their equality in the society.
See also:List of Brahmins
Persecution
The anti-Brahmin sentiment was first kindled in India by the Dravidar
Kazhagam movement in Tamil Nadu. Caste & the Tamil Nation -Brahmins,
Non Brahmins & Dalits This was a reaction to the Brahmin hegemony in
the Civil services under the British government. In later years, this
movement caught on in many other parts of India even after
independence.
Communities
http://en.allexperts.com/e/d/dr/dravidar_kazhagam.htm
http://en.allexperts.com/e/t/ta/tamil_nadu.htm
http://en.allexperts.com/e/b/br/british_india.htm
Brahmin castes in the Indian subcontinent are traditionally divided
into two regional groups: Pancha-Gauda Brahmins and Pancha-Dravida
Brahmins as per the shloka,
http://en.allexperts.com/e/i/in/indian_subcontinent.htm
करॠणाटकाशॠच तैलंगा दॠरावà¤
¿à¤¡à¤¾ महाराषॠटॠरकाः,गॠरॠजराà
¤¶à¥ चेति पञॠचैव दॠराविडा विà
¤¨à¥ धॠयदकॠषिणे ¦¦
सारसॠवताः कानॠयकॠबॠजा गौà¤
¡à¤¾ उतॠकलमैथिलाः,पनॠचगौडा इà
¤¤à¤¿ खॠयाता विनॠधॠसॠयोतॠतरवà
¤¾à¤¸à¤¿à¤¨à¤ƒ
http://en.allexperts.com/e/s/sh/shloka.htm
The classification first occurs in Rajatarangini of Kalhana.
http://en.allexperts.com/e/r/ra/rajatarangini.htm
http://en.allexperts.com/e/k/ka/kalhana.htm
See also
* Varnas
http://en.allexperts.com/e/v/va/varnas.htm
* Brahmanism
http://en.allexperts.com/e/b/br/brahmanism.htm
* Anti-Brahmanism
http://en.allexperts.com/e/a/an/anti-brahmanism.htm
*Brahmin Contribution to Other Religions
http://en.allexperts.com/e/b/br/brahmin_contribution_to_other_religions.htm
Notes
References
*Definitions: A Sanskrit English Dictionary by Sir Monier Monier-
Williams
*Mayne's "Treatise on Hindu Law and Usage.
Hindu Castes and Sects Jogendranath Bhattacharya.
Andhra Viprula Gotramulu, Indla Perlu, Sakhalu by Emmesroy Sastri.
History and Culture of Andhra Pradesh Rao PR.
History of India Herman Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund.
Acharalu sastriyataNarayanareddi Patil.
Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies Abbe J. A. Dubois
External links
*List Of Andhra Brahmins And Surnames
http://www.maganti.org/PDFdocs/brahmins.pdf
*Brahmins
http://www.vedah.net/manasanskriti/Brahmins.html
*Brahmins of Andhra Pradesh
http://www.vedah.net/manasanskriti/Brahmins.html#Brahmins_of_Andhra_Pradesh
*Poverty Stricken Brahmins
http://www.vepachedu.org/brahmana-tribe.html#The_Mouths_that_Recited_Vedas_are
*Source: Vepachedu Educational Foundation Inc.
http://www.vepachedu.org/
*Brahmin Sages and Branches (Gotras and Subcastes)
http://www.vedah.net/manasanskriti/Brahmins.html#Brahmin_Sages_and_Branches
* A Long List of Brahmin Castes and Sub-castes
http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/people/brahmins/list.htm
* Brahmin Yahoo Groups
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http://hinduism.about.com/od/basics/a/whois.htm
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http://en.allexperts.com/e/b/br/brahmin.htm
When will the Brahmin-Bania hegemony end?
The Brahmin and the Bania still control the economy, but now the
Shudra controls politics
Reply To All | Aakar Patel
On 9 April, the Supreme Court rejected a plea that the 2011 census be
caste-based. CII and Ficci oppose job reservations in the private
sector, but Manmohan Singh is keen. India’s population of Brahmins and
Banias and Jains all together is 6% or less.
Ruling axis: Jawaharlal Nehru, a Brahmin, became Prime Minister with
the blessings of Mahatma Gandhi, a Bania.
The Sensex comprises the 30 largest traded companies of India.
ACC is run by a Brahmin (Sumit Banerjee), Bhel is run by a Brahmin
(Ravi Kumar Krishna Swamy), Bharti Airtel is run by a Bania (Sunil
Mittal), Grasim and Hindalco are run by a Bania (Kumar Mangalam
Birla).
HDFC is run by a Bania (Deepak Parekh), Hindustan Unilever is run by a
Brahmin (Nitin Paranjpe), ICICI Bank is headed by a Brahmin (K.V.
Kamath). Jaiprakash Associates is run by a Brahmin (Yogesh Gaur), L&T
is run by a Brahmin (A.M. Naik), NTPC is run by a Brahmin (R.S.
Sharma), ONGC is run by a Brahmin (also called R.S. Sharma). Reliance
group firms are run by Banias (Mukesh and Anil Ambani), State Bank of
India is run by a Brahmin (O.P. Bhatt), Sterlite Industries is run by
a Bania (Anil Agarwal), Sun Pharma is run by a Bania (Dilip Shanghvi)
and Tata Steel is run by a Brahmin (B. Muthuraman).
Punjab National Bank is run by a Brahmin (K.C. Chakrabarty), Bank of
Baroda is run by a Brahmin (M.D. Mallya) and Canara Bank is run by a
Bania (A.C. Mahajan).
Also Read Aakar Patel’s earlier columns
Of India’s software companies, Infosys is run by a Brahmin (Kris
Gopalakrishnan now and Narayana Murthy and Nandan Nilekani before
him). TCS is run by a Brahmin (Subramanian Ramadorai). Wipro is owned
by a Khoja (Azim Premji). Khojas are Shia of the Sevener sect,
converted from the Luhana trading community (same caste as L.K. Advani
and M.A. Jinnah).
India’s two largest airlines are Kingfisher, owned by a Brahmin (Vijay
Mallya) and Jet, owned by a Bania (Naresh Goyal).
Of India’s mobile phone firms, Reliance Communications (Ambani),
Airtel (Mittal), Vodafone Essar (Ruia), Idea (Birla), Spice (Modi) are
owned by Banias. BSNL is run by a Bania (Kuldeep Goyal) and Tata’s
TTML is run by a Brahmin (K.A. Chaukar).
Cricket in India is run by a Bania (Lalit Modi) and before him it was
run by another Bania (Jagmohan Dalmiya).
http://www.livemint.com/2009/08/27220957/When-will-the-BrahminBania-he.html
Posted: Tue, Apr 7 2009. 12:30 AM IST
Economy and Politics
Mixing Vedas and code in new-age India
After seven years of juggling Vedas and school, Satya, a Tamil
Brahmin, had to make the big decision: whether to follow his family
and make a career in Hindu priesthood--or to forge his own new path.
As an undergraduate engineering student now, he has only temporarily
kept the decision on hold
Samanth Subramanian
Chennai: If this were 1989, or indeed 1979 or even 1799, S.
Sathyanarayanan would probably not possess the full head of hair he
does today. Instead, he would have shaved the front half of his skull
and then swept his remaining hair back to resemble a bulging half-
moon, knotted loosely at the back—a distinctive do for a young Brahmin
who would have been preparing to follow his father, his uncles and his
cousins into a career of Hindu priesthood.
Photo: Sharp Image
But this is 2009, and Sathya, as he introduces himself, has a short
but regular haircut, grown out from a few months ago, when he passed
his final year’s exams in a pathshala—Vedic school—run by the Sri
Ahobila Muth, a Hindu religious institution.
“We had to have our hair pulled back when we sat for our exams. It was
the rule,” he says. Sathya’s new look, though, fits right in at the
Rajalakshmi Institute of Technology, where he has started an
engineering degree, becoming the first in his family to attend
college. Sathya turned 18 in July, just as he was completing seven
years of Vedic education that came with a punishing schedule.
“Our Veda classes started at 4.30am and went till 7am,” he says. “Then
we had regular school from 9am to 4pm. Then more Veda classes from 4pm
to 7pm, and then supervised independent study in school from 7pm to
9pm.”
Apart from two monthly holidays, on the days after amavasya (no-moon
nights) and pournami (Tamil for full-moon nights), this arduous
regimen ran for six days a week; on Sunday, Sathya was still required
to attend Veda classes for five hours in the morning and two in the
evenings.
Also Read The boy who broke from tradition
“He’d never go anywhere but school, or maybe to the market to buy
vegetables” his mother Shanti remembers. “Every spare moment he could
get, he’d simply lie down and go to sleep.” Sathya saw his first movie
in a theatre when he was 16, and he got his first email address just
earlier this year. His only distraction, he admits, was the one
universally shared by Indian boyhood: Sunday evening games of cricket,
at a cramped ground near his house or in the narrow corridors of his
block of apartments.
BRAHMINICAL UPBRINGING
Sathya is short and slight, and he has a thin moustache, worn almost
out of rebellious joy that he is now no longer bound by the rules of
the pathshala, where every student had to be clean-shaven every day.
His slow grin fights its way through a mouthful of braces that he
wears to correct a misaligned jaw. “Because of that, my speech used to
be slurred, and I’d be very reluctant to talk in school, even to my
teachers,” he says. He had to give up flute lessons after two years
because his gums would begin to bleed. But the braces are helping—
Sathya still mumbles, but it sounds less like a medical problem and
more like a typical case of teenage shyness. “I find myself talking a
lot more willingly in college now.”
http://www.livemint.com/2009/04/06224522/Mixing-Vedas-and-code-in-newa.html
Posted: Fri, Nov 16 2007. 4:42 AM IST
Home
TN’s anti-Brahmin movement hits tradition, boosts real estate
Brahmins are finding ways to survive in changing times, while clinging
to old traditions
Priyanka P. Narain
Kannan’s house, which sits across the street from the ancient
Parthasarthy temple in the heart of Chennai, has not changed in 500
years: the palanquin his forefathers used now hangs on wooden beams
and he draws water from the same well as them. In his backyard, a
brown calf chews cud.
For centuries, Brahmin families such as Kannan’s have lived and worked
in the streets or villages around ancient temples. These four streets,
called the agraharam, created a subculture where Brahmin priests lived
a chaste life and performed traditional duties as priests and teachers
by running the temple and teaching the Vedas to students. They
essentially formed the ecosystem that ran the temples of south India.
Yet, against a backdrop of Tamil Nadu’s anti-Brahmin movement,
government policies outlawing the Brahmin-only colonies, skyrocketing
real estate prices and Brahmins’ declining social relevance, the
culture of the agraharam and people such as Kannan, who uses one name,
are becoming a rarity.
Earlier this year came another policy change—temple authorities will
now train their own priests, and priests no longer have to be
Brahmins, making older Brahmin priests all, but irrelevant.
With growing economic prosperity and migration, many of the streets
occupied by Brahmins in south Indian cities are finding it hard to
resist selling out.
Just memories? Interiors of Kannan’s 500-year-old house that sits
across the street from the Parthasarthy temple in Mylapore.
From Kannan’s house, it is easy to see the new white, pink and yellow
coloured buildings of residences, malls and coffee shops. Another
being constructed adjoins his backyard. He insists he will hang on—to
the past; to the identity.
“I would get about Rs3 crore for it (my house). But I will not sell. I
want my children and grandchildren to own it. Without this house, what
am I?” says Kannan, who has a postgraduate degree in economics.
Brahmins are finding ways to survive in changing times, while clinging
to old traditions.
Babu Das grew up helping his father run a canteen, or mess as it is
called in south India, inside his pink-coloured home at the
Kapaleeshwar temple agraharam in Chennai’s Mylapore area. The
Karpagambal Mess is famous for its authentic Tamil snacks, home-made
idlis and dosai served on banana-leaf plates while playing while
playing M.S. Subbalaxmi’s rendition of the Vishnu Sahasranama, the
thousand names of Vishnu.
Das inherited the canteen from his father, but does not know how old
the building is. “I love everything about this place. No one wants to
change anything about it. The people who come here to eat like it for
what it is. After all, money can buy you the latest trends, but will
it bring back this tradition?” he asks.
http://www.livemint.com/2007/11/16235400/TN8217s-antiBrahmin-moveme.html
Posted: Fri, Feb 19 2010. 9:37 PM IST
Culture
The Thackerays’ primitive charisma
The Senas have nothing constructive to offer Marathis. So what’s their
appeal? The Mumbai Marathi, better at renaming things than building
something himself, is disinherited from his city, and the Thackerays
give him an illusory sense of powerReply to All | Aakar Patel
All these events blocked eventually come to pass anyway, because the
control is cosmetic, and it wilts when the state decides to apply rule
of law. But that moment of theatre—when the media exhibits anguish—
produces the spotlight that nourishes the Thackerays. This is the
pattern to Shiv Sena’s actions.
It might appear that these actions are irrational, but the Thackerays’
method is cold and reasoned to squeeze out advantage. Witness the
discipline of Raj. He works his strategy with great care. On national
television he speaks Marathi no matter what language he is questioned
in. The Marathi loves this because it reflects his defiance.
There is a second reason why the Thackerays are compelled to make a
nuisance of themselves every so often. Unlike other parties, Shiv Sena
has a physical presence in neighbourhoods. These offices, run by local
toughs, are self-funded, meaning that they approach businesses and
residents for “donations”. This activity can be smooth only so long as
Shiv Sena radiates menace. The party is not effective if it isn’t
feared, and the grass roots reminds the leadership of this.
The Marathi pattern of resentment we have observed is visible
elsewhere in time.
India’s nationalist debate a century ago was dominated by the
Marathis: Tilak, Gokhale, Agarkar and Ranade. All four were Chitpavan
Brahmins, whose members are fair-skinned and unique for their light
eyes (like cricketer Ajit Agarkar and model Aditi Govitrikar).
Going against the current noise about Marathi in schools, Chitpavans
actually demanded to be educated in English. By 1911—100 years ago—
Chitpavans were 63% literate and 19% literate in English. This gave
them the edge over other Indians.
All four were on the most influential body in western India of the
time, Poona Sarvajanik Sabha. But English education had not exorcized
the native instinct. There they unleashed their pettiness on each
other. Agarkar and Tilak fought over leadership. Tilak was forced out
in 1890 after quarrels over social status and money. Gokhale took his
place but was opposed by Tilak who said the job required 2 hours of
work daily and so it couldn’t be done by a college principal. Ranade
was attacked in Tilak’s newspapers and Gokhale quit in 1895 because he
couldn’t work with Tilak’s friends. A jealous Tilak sabotaged the
Congress session held in Pune the same year.
When the Gujaratis—Jinnah and Gandhi—entered Congress, they
immediately eclipsed the Marathis, because they had the trader’s
instinct towards compromise. The Marathi Brahmin’s energy was then
channelled into resentment, this time against Muslims.
RSS, founded in 1925, is actually a deeply Marathi organization.
Hindutva author Savarkar, RSS founder Hedgewar, the great Golwalkar,
his successor Deoras and current sarsanghachalak Mohan Bhagwat are all
Marathi Brahmins.
Marathi resentment cuts down its own heroes. The first was Shivaji.
Marathi Brahmins refused to crown him though he controlled dozens of
forts in the Konkan. This was because he was a peasant from the
cultivator caste and not a Kshatriya. He had to invent an ancestry,
perform penance and bring in a Brahmin from Kashi before he could
crown himself in 1674, with the title Chhatrapati, meaning leader of
Kshatriyas.
Comments
What a blatant piece of crap!! And that too a center-spread in Mint!!
And what a branding! I have came across lies which stink of hatred
while reading this bullshit. Now I know that Tilak was a petty man,
was Brahmin, and is not much relevant. That Jinnah and Gandhi (who
calls Gokhle his Guru), were Gujaratis. Though, both owe a lot to
Maharashtra. I just want to ask this 'pseudo-expert' why Ambedkar was
borne in Maharashtra? Why Maharashtra had reformist stalwarts? Why,
when all other states (including GJ) in India were reeling under
Muslim rule, only Maharashtra created a king of people in Shivaji?
Shivsena-MNS are a different issue. Linking it to Marathis & Tilak-
Gokhle-Ranade-Agarkar & RSS, & painting all this as a Brahmin
conspiracy is disgusting. (And this fool thinks that there only 2 ends
to any economy - high and low. So one can run a company with a CEO and
a sweeper & both are non-Marathis in Mumbai as he claims.)
Ganesh
http://www.livemint.com/2010/02/19213129/The-Thackerays8217-primitiv.html?pg=2
Views
Reducing the poor to numbers
After 62 years of Independence, Dalit exploitation continues even if
the setting and players are different
With rising food insecurity, the proportion of the poor will
definitely soar (“Who count as India’s poor?” Mint, 2 October). The
same is true for those classified as vulnerable and stressed. It is
deplorable that our representatives fight like cats and dogs over
statistics and their reliability. This is nothing but a cheap attempt
to justify ratios and proportions established by surveys and censuses,
and by so-called think tanks who undertake the task of achieving
“comfortable numbers to play with”. This act of putting the cart
before the horse jeopardizes many lives while Nero enjoys his fiddle.
An attempt to place 50% of the population below the poverty line is
not only a welcome relief but pro-human and pro-life.
— Rohit Saroj
This letter refers to Mrinal Pande’s thought-provoking article “Caste
in a new mould ” (Mint, 9 October). After 62 years of Independence,
Dalit exploitation continues even if the setting and players are
different: refreshingly, not the usual whipping boys but the Brahmins.
If the Plan projects from the 1950s onwards have made people richer,
the ingenuity of the latter-day politicians in introducing an ever
expanding “OBC” (other backward class) list has given them a doubly
assured vote bank.
The article refers to the killing of 16 villagers in Bihar (Khagaria
district), originating in “land ownership and use”, an area in which
our post-Independence leaders enacted progressive statutes. For
example, Tamil Nadu (TN) is one of the early states which introduced
the salutary principle, “land to the tiller”. Several hundred Brahmin
mirasdars (landlords) had to part with the land to the actual tillers.
TN has not looked back since then, even if the Brahmin mirasdars had
to choose other livelihood options and even migrate. On the same
principle, Kurmis of Bihar cannot cite their holding 500 bighas in
Amausi if the Dalits were sharecroppers, managing and tilling the land
for generations. Bihar’s agricultural and revenue departments are
sufficiently endowed for ascertaining the factual situation and
deciding the issue. It is a grave mistake on their part to have let
the situation result in mass killings. Will the Dalits of Amausi ever
get the ownership of the land which they have been tilling for several
generations?
Pande has also touched on the role of education. The Brahmin
intellectual and statesman Rajaji, during his TN chief ministership,
introduced an educational system —earn while you learn —whereby all
would get primary and secondary education while learning their family
craftsmanship, which was vital for livelihood until their education
was completed. This would have avoided the worrying phenomenon of
increasing school dropouts, but he was unjustifiably branded as a
perpetrator of caste system. It is a little-known fact that long
afterwards, even in Britain, the New Labour intellectuals of Tony
Blair proposed a similar system for its citizens to enjoy the fruits
of the “knowledge economy”.
Until political powers stop viewing Dalit uplift as a vote bank issue—
or stop perpetrating the caste system by continuously expanding the
grouping called OBC—caste will not die nor will Dalits see progress.
The West is using the “human rights movement” to cash in on our
miseries, which we are trying to cure. This is one more area where the
government has failed in the international arena.
Sadly, this festering issue is witnessing a theatrical display.
Lately, Dalits and their neighbourhoods are being turned into tourist,
picnic or pilgrimage spots by politicians wanting to be noticed by
their leaders. It is an amusing spectacle to notice “mentions” that
they should not carry separate tiffin boxes but partake in the frugal
meals of the Dalits, and sleep on their humble charpoys. What an
innovative way to treat this festering sore.
— S. Subramanyan
http://www.livemint.com/2009/10/13222427/Reducing-the-poor-to-numbers.html
Posted: Sun, Oct 11 2009. 9:51 PM IST
Views
Caste in a new mould
The usual definition of caste oppression can no longer explain
emerging patterns of dominance
The Other Side | Mrinal Pande
In the first week of this month, 16 villagers were murdered in cold
blood by armed killers in Amausi village in Bihar. Of those murdered,
14 were Kurmis, the same caste as the chief minister of the state, two
were Koeries, also from the other backward classes (OBCs). Those who
understand the murky C of India know that the incident was not only
about settling some local scores. It was also sending an unambiguous
message to the Kurmis and other OBCs who have emerged as powerful
landlords in the state during the last few decades of OBC rule. The
locals insist that the killers were not Naxals as the police claimed,
but assassins hired by the newly empowered Dalit community of Mushars,
for settling old scores with Kurmi landlords. Whether the killers were
Naxals or hired assassins, two things are clear: One, usually a long-
standing land dispute lies at the heart of most violence in our
villages. And two, the usual definition of caste oppression can no
longer explain the emerging patterns of dominance and subjugation.
The genesis of the recent violence is said to lie in the report of a
recently appointed government commission on land reforms in Bihar. It
had suggested that the state government must protect the rights of the
landless sharecroppers, put a cap on land ceiling at 15 acres (for
both agricultural and non-agricultural land) and computerize all land
records. In Khagaria district, where the massacre took place, as
elsewhere in rural India, ultimately all fertile land is controlled by
the most powerful (read politically best connected) caste with the
landless Dalits as their sharecroppers. The Kurmis say they are the
titled owners of 500 bighas in Amausi, but Mushars quoting the report
say they have a bigger right to it since they have tilled it for
generations. This tension is what ignited the caste war.
When the issue of caste-based violation of human rights in India came
up at the 12th Human Rights Council in Geneva recently, it was
proposed that caste be put on a par with race. But in 2009, when we
talk about caste biases, we cannot overlook India’s actual electoral
politics. Here, being identified as a Dalit or backward leader offers
a distinct advantage and becomes the biggest guarantee of a
candidate’s electability. From Bihar to Tamil Nadu, they have voted
out upper caste groups regularly, but the unjust land ownership
patterns born of unfair state patronage extended by incumbent leaders
to their own community, persist. Expunging caste from school syllabi
has not helped either, and the learning system still remains unequal
and heavily biased in favour of the powerful and rich. This is because
of a confused and confusing language policy perpetuated by the new
rulers. They insist on government schools teaching the children
(mostly poor) in the regional languages, even though English is
undeniably the language of all power discourse and higher learning.
None of these leaders will educate their own children in the local
language, though.
Actually, the traditional characteristics and power of the Brahmins in
the traditional upper caste hierarchy (high learning, arrogance and
clever use of a certain elite language to build firewalls around
knowledge and information to keep it away from the commoners) are now
much more visible among India’s upper middle-class professionals,
whatever their caste. Whether backward, Dalit or forward, successful
children of the new dominant classes no longer acquire their basic
knowledge, skills and networking abilities in Brahminical Sanskrit,
but in English. Likewise, the power of the old-style, landowning
Thakur (Kshatriya), who killed a thousand tigers and routinely torched
Dalit huts, has been usurped by today’s political class, who ride lal
batti cars with similar disregard for laws, sirens blaring and black
cat commandos in tow. They hold power dialogues with neighbouring
warlords, make and break treaties—not the princes and nawabs who, if
they have not become penniless, have turned hoteliers and protectors
of wildlife. The traditional merchant class, thanks to family-based
businesses, may have retained some part of their old glory, but in the
global arena they are now heavily dependent on the neo-Brahmin: the
Indian Institute of Management-trained, multinationalized manager,
banker and expat consultant, who strides the global village and
carries vital knowledge in his laptop, as a Brahmin once carried in
his almanac.
All caste systems need a cleaning class. They are today the invisible
and unorganized freelancers. Moving from job to job, they help mop up
the night soil of the global village and provide the paymasters with
linguistic bridges into the vernacular heartland, where the markets
are also the votes.
Mrinal Pande likes to take readers behind the reported news in her
fortnightly column. She is a writer and freelance journalist in New
Delhi. Comment at theoth...@livemint.com
http://www.livemint.com/2009/10/08230128/Caste-in-a-new-mould.html?h=D
Posted: Fri, Jan 2 2009. 12:09 AM IST
Home
Mayawati leads BSP’s ‘elephant’ to temple towns
A Rs250 crore package to revamp Mathura was announced in August; now
Rs800 crore has been allocated for Varanasi
K.P. Narayana Kumar
New Delhi: To win both the hearts and minds of voters across the
country as India gets ready for the national elections in April, Uttar
Pradesh chief minister and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) leader Mayawati
is deliberately targeting an overhaul of urban infrastructure in
pilgrim towns, such as Varanasi and Mathura, which see a large influx
of Hindu pilgrims.
Poll sops? BSP leader Mayawati. Nand Kumar / PTI
After announcing a Rs250 crore package for Mathura in August, Mayawati
announced an Rs800 crore revamp plan for Varanasi last week.
“By announcing these, Mayawati is telling the people—especially the
non-Dalits—that they should not judge her or the BSP by their past (as
a party that catered mainly to those at the bottom of India’s caste
pyramid) and, instead, think of the future they are trying to create
by catering to wider sections,” says Dalit writer Chandra Bhan Prasad.
Both Mathura and Varanasi are already covered under the Jawaharlal
Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) a Rs50,000 crore
Centrally funded scheme that ties grants for urban renewal projects to
a set of mandatory reforms that municipalities have to enact to be
eligible to receive the grants.
As of 30 June, Varanasi had one water supply and one solid waste
management project worth a combined Rs159 crore granted under JNNURM,
while Mathura had one solid waste management project.
The urban infrastructure development package for Varanasi includes
drinking water, sewerage and solid waste disposal schemes, apart from
improving power supply to places of tourist interest, including the
ghats along the banks of the Ganga river.
The Mathura-specific projects that were announced earlier in August
included improvement in tourist facilities and new road projects.
In the 2007 assembly elections, of the total 12 seats in Mathura and
Varanasi districts, the BSP, which won four seats, was the only party
that gained seats compared with the previous elections in 2002, when
it had won just one seat.
The main opposition at the Centre, the Bharatiya Janata Party, lost
one and the Congress party, the Central ruling coalition leader,
managed to retain the lone seat it had won in Mathura in 2002.
A senior priest with the Sankat Mochan temple in Varanasi said it was
quite likely that Mayawati would benefit if she were to carry out the
planned works.
“Caste politics has been played by all political parties, where
promises specific to interest groups are made before polls. So there
is nothing wrong in Mayawati announcing more development of temple
towns keeping the upcoming elections in mind. At the end of the day,
people want development. Let us see what Mayawati can do,” said this
religious leader who didn’t want to be identified.
Mayawati and senior BSP leader S.C. Mishra couldn’t be contacted
despite repeated attempts.
A study conducted by the New Delhi-based think tank Centre for the
Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) showed that the BSP had increased
its share of upper-caste votes in Uttar Pradesh from 23% in the 2002
assembly elections to 31% in 2007. The share of Brahmin votes for the
party increased from 6% in 2003 to 17% in 2007, after it handed out
tickets to Brahmins and other backward class (OBC) candidates.
“It is interesting to note that among Brahmins, 27% of poor Brahmins
voted for the BSP, while only 12% of the rich voted for it,” said
Pravin Rai, an analyst with CSDS.
Ajoy Bose, the author of Behenji, a biography of Mayawati, has noted
that of the 206 seats the BSP had won in 2007, 51 were held by
Brahmins.
http://www.livemint.com/2009/01/01231639/Mayawati-leads-BSP8217s-8.html
Posted: Sun, Sep 27 2009. 10:32 PM IST
Columns
Opportunity, challenges for Indian banks in UK
The Indian banks in United Kingdom are trying hard to reach out to the
Indian community at Southall, Wembley, Birmingham, Harrow, Slough,
Ilford and Leicester
Banker’s Trust | Tamal Bandyopadhyay
Thursday afternoon, I sneaked into the Camden Centre on Bidborough
Street at King’s Cross, before London’s oldest Durga Puja was formally
opened for worshippers. Ajay, a local doctor and accomplished Rabindra
Sangeet singer, was rehearsing for his evening programme while a few
others were putting up a Bank of Baroda banner on the dais where Ajay
and other artistes were to perform.
Indian banks’ overseas business model hasn’t changed— festivals and
community gatherings continue to be the most critical points of sale.
On Wednesday, S.R. Sharma, managing director of Punjab National Bank
(International) Ltd, or PNB International, the UK subsidiary of
India’s second largest public sector bank, headed to Norwood Park in
south London after office hours. He was invited by P.L. Suri, a
customer, to attend a satsang, a programme of devotional speeches and
songs. Sharma met Suri’s guru and many of his friends and is hopeful
of converting at least some of them into customers.
State Bank of India, or SBI, operating in London since 1921, has an
asset base of $7.3 billion (Rs35,040 crore); PNB International, just
two years old in the UK, has assets worth $625 million. There are
other Indian banks, too, in the UK such as Bank of India, Bank of
Baroda, Canara Bank, Syndicate Bank and a subsidiary of ICICI Bank
Ltd, which has the biggest UK balance sheet among all Indian lenders.
Based on 2001 statistics, UK’s ethnic minority population is about 4.6
million, close to 8% of the country’s total population. In 2001,
Indians accounted for 1.8% of the total population. Since then it has
gone up to about 2% and Indian bankers are chasing this chunk and no
one is willing to miss a single opportunity to reach out to the Indian
community at Southall, Wembley, Birmingham, Harrow, Slough, Ilford and
Leicester. Sharma recently convinced the UK chapter of the Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, a charitable public trust-run institution dedicated to
the promotion of education and culture, to distribute its newsletters
to 1,500 members across the UK in PNB International envelopes every
month. Last year, his bank sponsored a few awards at the annual
function of London’s Goud Saraswat Brahmin Sabha, an organization of
the Konkani-speaking Hindu Brahmin community.
Also Read Tamal Bandyopadhyay’s earlier columns
These marketing gimmicks are paying off. PNB International’s deposit
base has gone up from $103 million in December 2008 to about $280
million now and the number of accounts from 4,419 to 10,075. The
global meltdown has also helped. Up to £50,000 is covered by deposit
insurance and many consumers have now started keeping deposits in
various Indian banks, including SBI, for fear of losing their money in
case of a bank failure. According to Rajnish Kumar, regional head and
chief executive of SBI’s UK operations, the bank did not have too many
local customers until September last year, but in the past one year it
has got many, and now non-Indians account for about 10% of State
Bank’s UK customer base.
Indian banks are also developing new deposit products to attract
money. SBI, for instance, offers a step-up rate structure where a
depositor is paid 3.75% for one year money, but the rate progressively
goes up if the money is kept longer. For five years, it can fetch as
much as 5%. From customers’ point of view, the step-up structure is a
better option than a plain vanilla deposit scheme where one is hugely
penalized for withdrawing money ahead of maturity. But these products
can help only to a certain extent and Indian banks won’t be able to
mop up much unless they start offering other facilities such as debit
cards.
Unlike India, where such cards function on the chip and signature
principle, in the UK it’s the chip and PIN (personal identification
number) norm and consumers punch in the code after every transaction
and don’t sign a charge slip. The technology is quite expensive. SBI
is working on it while ICICI Bank, Bank of Baroda and PNB
International already have it. Each time a bank’s debit card holder
uses another bank’s ATM to withdraw money it needs to pay for such
transactions, but it also earns a commission when customers use the
card for shopping. The debit card offering has possibly helped PNB
International get the salary accounts of the Indian High Commission in
London, which had been banking with SBI and HSBC Holdings Plc. PNB
International now runs the salary accounts of about 125 high
commission employees, including Nalin Suri, the new high commissioner.
All Indian banks seem to be keen on collecting deposits, but when it
comes to giving loans, they continue to meticulously stay away from
retail Indian customers. The main reason behind the diffidence of
Indian banks is possibly the lack of a credit history for most of
their customers. There are a few agencies that sell credit history
data, but until a bank attains a critical mass in loan accounts, no
agency tracks the data of its customers. This means the customer of an
Indian bank can default on loan repayments and yet continue to get
credit from local banks as this information will not be known to
them.
Banks in the UK aren’t required to keep money with the central bank or
buy government bonds. But things will change as the Financial Services
Authority, the banking supervisor, is planning to ask banks to invest
8-10% of their assets in government bonds. Since such bonds are low-
yielding, the new norm will hit Indian banks’ profitability. One way
of protecting their bottom line could be the creation of retail
assets. But this has to be done with caution as KYB (know your
business) is as important as KYC (know your customer) for banking in
the post-Lehman days.
Tamal Bandyopadhyay keeps a close eye on all things banking from his
perch as Mint’s deputy managing editor in Mumbai. Please email your
comments to banker...@livemint.com
http://www.livemint.com/2009/09/27223257/Opportunity-challenges-for-In.html
Posted: Fri, Feb 6 2009. 11:05 PM IST
Culture
Fringe takes centre stage
The importance of being Mahesh Elkunchwar and Satish Alekar in Marathi
theatre; the plays of poet, painter and doctor Gieve Patel
Marathi playwrights Mahesh Elkunchwar and Satish Alekar occupy the
same place as their better-known counterparts Vijay Tendulkar and
Girish Karnad in the theatre-active centres of India. Even the most
culture-specific of their plays have been performed in other
languages. Now, Oxford University Press has published the collected
plays of Elkunchwar and Alekar (in separate volumes), thus bringing
some of their most important plays out of their Indian context into a
wider domain.
Modern times: (clockwise from top left) Satish Alekar (Kumar Gokhale);
Mahesh Elkunchwar (Vivek Ranade); and a scene from Alekar’s play,
Atirekee.(Theatre Academy, Pune)
Elkunchwar’s Wada Chirebandi (Old Stone Mansion), which deals with the
crumbling values of a landowning Brahmin family of Vidarbha, has been
performed in Hindi, Bengali, Kannada and even Garhwali.
Alekar’s Mahanirvan (The Dread Departure), which takes an ironic look
at the funeral rites of Marathi Brahmins using the keertan (devotional
song) form of story-telling to underline its black humour, has been
staged in Rajasthani, Punjabi, Gujarati, Bengali, Konkani, Tamil and
Kannada. Begum Barve, a tragi-comic look by Alekar at the glorious
tradition of sangeet natak (musical theatre) in Maharashtra, has been
brilliantly adapted in Hindi, using nautanki (traditional/folk
theatre) in place of sangeet natak, and in Gujarati, using the music
plays of Bhangwadi as a parallel.
Plays by both playwrights have been read and performed in American
universities as well.
Although both began writing around the same time, their first plays
were staged a few years apart. Elkunchwar’s early plays, published in
the prestigious literary magazine Satyakatha, attracted the attention
of Vijaya Mehta (née Jaywant). She directed four of them in quick
succession in the same year, 1970, for her theatre laboratory,
Rangayan. Alekar’s early plays were also published in Satyakatha, but
were not performed on the established “fringe” stage. Instead, they
became popular on the inter-collegiate drama competition circuit.
Contemporaries though they are, Elkunchwar and Alekar are driven by
widely different concerns. Elkunchwar’s preoccupations, to put it in a
nutshell, are about creativity, life, sterility and death. In his
early plays, his characters are manifestations of these ideas rather
than flesh and blood people. In his later plays, for instance Wada
Chirebandi, they are delicately delineated human beings of many
shades.
Whatever his theme or mode, Elkunchwar’s plays are marked by his
mastery over dramatic structure, each play having a well-defined
beginning, middle and end. His language, which began as an unstoppable
outpouring in his early plays, quietened down later to an economic,
rhythmic prose, full of eloquent silences.
http://www.livemint.com/2009/02/06211922/Fringe-takes-centre-stage.html
Posted: Thu, Jul 23 2009. 9:54 PM IST
Columns
Rita and Mayawati stoop too low to conquer
This is a tragedy, while the Congress’ provocation is merely a form of
low farce, because Mayawati is a historical political figure, whereas
Rita Joshi is a political creature and Rahul Gandhi is a fifth-
generation dynast
High Windows | Mukul Kesavan
The recent contretemps between Rita Bahuguna Joshi and Mayawati has
been the most depressing sequence of events in post-general election
politics. The gratuitous ugliness of it ought to make the observer of
Indian politics despair.
Speechless: Rita Joshi visits her house soon after it was torched by
miscreants. AFP
Joshi’s part in this squalid quarrel isn’t surprising. The daughter of
the late chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, Hemvati Nandan Bahuguna, she
has had a political career of the sort that’s politely described as
chequered. She has been in and out of the Congress; she has fought for
elective office as an Independent, as a Samajwadi Party candidate and
as a Congresswoman. Apart from winning the mayoralty of Allahabad, she
has lost every other election that she has contested. But despite her
recent electoral defeat in Lucknow, her political career has been on
the upswing; she is the chief of the Uttar Pradesh Congress Committee
(UPCC) and given the Congress’ resurgence in UP during the last
general election, her star has been in the ascendant.
I was in Moradabad during Azharuddin’s election campaign when she
addressed the Congress faithful at a political rally held in the
grounds of the palace of a Muslim grandee. It was apparent from her
speech that she had cast herself, in a long and ignoble Congress
tradition, as a family loyalist. She urged the Congress workers
assembled there to make sure that they assembled in their thousands
for “Rahulji’s” scheduled stop in Moradabad. The turnout for Rahul
Gandhi’s constituency visit seemed rather more important to her than
the turnout in the general election.
I imagine that as a creature of 10 Janpath, Joshi was taking her cue
from Rahul Gandhi’s strategy to aggressively project the Congress’
presence in UP when she made her infamous remark about rape. Trying to
make the point that the UP government’s policy of giving financial
compensation to rape victims was inadequate and demeaning, she is
reported to have said: “Throw such money back at Mayawati and tell
her, ‘if you’re raped, I am ready to give you a crore’.”
It’s hard to believe that any responsible political figure, leave
alone a politician whose father was a UP Brahmin, could polemicize
against a Dalit woman chief minister in terms as crass and offensive
as these. It’s even harder to believe that the Congress party, whose
erstwhile dominance in that state was based upon an electoral
combination of Dalits, Muslims and Brahmins, would respond to Joshi’s
speech with a pro forma expression of regret and disapproval without
censuring or disciplining her. Sonia Gandhi was content to distance
herself from the form of words used by her apparatchik, while her son
was even more aggressive in his response, insisting that Joshi’s
choice of words was unfortunate but that her critique was valid.
Rahul Gandhi’s willingness to write off Dalits in general and Jatavs
in particular in UP by doing as little as possible to discipline
Joshi, is of a piece with the Congress’ cynical willingness to find
new electoral combinations in the Hindi heartland. So the UPCC chief’s
willingness to appeal to a casteist electorate’s worst instincts is
depressing, but unsurprising.
What’s rather more disheartening is the UP chief minister’s response
to Joshi’s provocation. She was charged under several non-bailable
sections of the law, including the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act,
1989, and remanded to judicial custody. Had Mayawati contented herself
with this, with demonstrating the awful retribution that Indian law
visits upon those who seek explicitly or by implication to humiliate
or intimidate Dalits, she would have made her point, consolidated her
reputation as a no-nonsense opponent of inflammatory rhetoric and
stood out as a defender of the downtrodden.
But she didn’t. Newspapers and news channels reported that Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) goons set fire to Joshi’s home in Lucknow and
ransacked it. A few days later the BSP member of Parliament allegedly
behind this act of arson was rewarded with the deputy chairmanship of
the Uttar Pradesh State Sugar Corporation. Instead of casting herself
as the guarantor of the public peace in UP, the chief minister seemed
to go out of her way to stand out as the embodiment of the lawlessness
and state impunity that has characterized UP politics in recent
times.
This is a tragedy, while the Congress’ provocation is merely a form of
low farce, because Mayawati is a historical political figure, whereas
Rita Joshi is a political creature and Rahul Gandhi is a fifth-
generation dynast. Mayawati is the first Dalit chief minister of
India’s largest state and the first Dalit ever to be seen as a
credible candidate for the prime ministership of the republic. Instead
of fulfilling her historic potential, she has chosen to fritter it
away by allowing the media to assimilate her to the thuggish politics
of her home state.
It’s unfair to expect Mayawati to set higher standards than Mulayam
Singh Yadav or Amar Singh or Rita Joshi, but pioneering politicians
from plebeian backgrounds owe it to the people they represent to set
an example. Mayawati could have made an example of Joshi within the
law; by seeming to step outside it, she has sold herself short,
betrayed a political trust and given her enemies and the enemies of
the bahujan samaj that she claims to represent, a weapon. It’s unfair
to expect Mayawati to be India’s Obama, but not too much to ask,
surely, that she not turn herself into UP’s Ahmadinejad.
Mukul Kesavan, a professor of social history at Jamia Millia Islamia,
New Delhi, is the author of The Ugliness of the Indian Male and Other
Propositions
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Posted: Thu, Oct 22 2009. 12:12 AM IST
Columns
Maoist documents point to erudite research
It is important to go beyond the government-engineered media movement
that has largely dismissed Maoists as being from the lunatic fringe
seeking to destroy the “Shining India” and “Imagining India”
narratives of the India dream
Root Cause | Sudeep Chakravarti
A former director general of police of Chhattisgarh once commented as
to how well Maoist documents were prepared. “These appear to be
written by educated people—JNU types.”
He then looked sharply at me. “Are you from JNU?” he asked, referring
to Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University, often painted as left-leaning.
I disabused him of the notion, but I agree entirely with his point:
Whatever the extreme politics and polemic, documents and statements by
Maoist rebels are erudite and clear. These are not ravings of
stereotypically wild-eyed, frothing intellectuals, but the thoughts of
deliberate, yet intensely angry ideologues who invite people to join
battle against the current nature and practice of Indian politics,
administration and law-keeping.
All that Kobad Ghandy, a recently arrested Maoist leader, repeatedly
muttered to television cameras as he was being led to a Delhi court by
police was: “Bhagat Singh zindabad”. Long Live Bhagat Singh. This
revolutionary occupies pride of place in official histories of India’s
freedom movement. His likenesses are evident in countless public
places across northern India; indeed, in India’s Parliament. Those who
battle Maoists know this well.
Also Read Sudeep Chakravarti’s earlier columns
It is important to go beyond the government-engineered media movement
that has largely dismissed Maoists as being from the lunatic fringe
seeking to destroy the “Shining India” and “Imagining India”
narratives of the India dream. This is part of government’s lateral
tactic in a battle—“psy-ops” or psychological operations—much like
what public relations professionals and warring corporate siblings
practise.
Alongside, the Union government is engaged in intense on-ground
security operations with a self-declared mandate to arrive at a
conclusion within the next three years.
But it knows what it is up against, the same as the incredulous former
police chief of Chhattisgarh. So too do his colleagues in Karnataka—a
marked state, as it were—know the facility with which Maoist rebels
plan.
As far back as 2002, the Maoists prepared a document titled Social
Conditions and Tactics—A report based on preliminary social
investigation conducted by survey teams during August-October 2001 in
the Perspective Area. The “perspective area” were Central Malnad,
including parts of Udupi district, and the adjacent districts of
Shimoga, Chikmaglur and Dakshina Kannada. It offers insight into the
planning and argumentative conviction that go into developing a
revolutionary base.
Malnad is the “ghat” region of Karnataka comprising 10 districts, from
Belgaum in the north-west to Chamarajnagar in the south. It includes
nearly half of Karnataka’s forest area, nearly all of its iron ore and
manganese riches, major concentrations of areca—betel nut—cardamom and
other spices, and coffee. It records a large tribal population and
caste prejudice. The Maoist survey recorded a fairly large percentage
of landless and poor farmers, and domination by the upper castes—
Brahmins and Vokkaligas, among others. The landless received daily
wages as much as 15% less than the norm. In places, the survey
recorded between 10% and 32% of land without title deeds and
consequent “encroachment” by wealthier peasantry and landlords.
The survey, which referred to particular villages only with designated
alphabets to maintain secrecy, recorded high interest rates on account
of private moneylenders, and high indebtedness. As many such
moneylenders were also landlords—comprising 4% of the population but
owning a quarter of all land—inability to repay led in numerous cases
to a member of the family, usually a youngster, being bonded as farm
or plantation labour.
The survey tracked the fall in prices for several categories of areca,
pepper, cardamom and coffee. Inevitably, daily wages dropped. This was
recorded as the overall impact of “semi-feudalism”, free-market
pricing, lowering of import restrictions, and in some cases—such as
coffee—overproduction.
In great detail, the survey noted which Brahmin landlord was “known to
break two whipping sticks on the backs of his tenants”; where a
landlord had links with Mumbai’s timber mafia; where “Jain landlords”
evicted tenants unable to pay rent; and which temples in the region
had links with powerful politicians and businessmen. There was also a
list of weapons in the surveyed villages.
The survey recommended that Maoist support must be developed in the
area by “strictly secret methods”. These should include secret front
organizations of women, “coolies” and Adivasis. Village-level clusters
of militias should in turn be guided by the local guerilla squad
assigned to that territory—one such squad would have under its care
800 sq. km and four squads would form an interlinked team to control
3,200 sq. km.
The plan is on the ground.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia.
He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a
column alternate Thursdays on conflicts that directly affect business.
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Posted: Wed, Feb 3 2010. 11:45 PM IST
Columns
Naxalism and angst of Jharkhand tribals
With pressure from major businesses to deliver on now-dusty
memorandums of understanding and from Maoists--as they reconnoiter new
areas and call in old debts--Jharkhand will witness more churn
Root Cause | Sudeep Chakravarti
Jharkhand has for some time resembled a tragicomic circus.
This is where a former state health minister, Bhanu Pratap Shahi, told
media in early 2007 of a novel method of combating Maoist rebels—
interchangeably known as Naxalites. One vasectomy in a “Naxalite-
dominated” village would mean that many “potential comrades less”, the
minister offered, in a situation of “many mouths to feed and little
food to eat”.
A state chief minister, Madhu Koda, received an official certificate
from the Limca Book of Records, India’s version of the Guinness World
Records, for becoming the first independent legislator to gain that
position. He formed a government with four other legislators and the
support of the United Progressive Alliance.
Also Read Sudeep Chakravarti’s earlier columns
Koda is now history, accused of using his tenure to amass a fortune
along with some cronies and allies, mainly from concessions to
mining.
The newest chief minister, Shibu Soren, has this past fortnight
troubled hawks for suggesting negotiations with Maoist rebels in the
state. Leaks to media mentioned slowed police operations against
Maoists. Such moves would, according to conventional wisdom, permit
Maoists breathing room to regroup and gain ground. Failed peace talks
in Andhra Pradesh in 2004, and overtures in Orissa, are held up as
examples of what not to do.
Soren, too, carries baggage, marked as he is by scandals such as money-
for-votes during the premiership of P.V. Narasimha Rao; and the death
of a once-trusted lieutenant. But it is important to understand
Soren’s background with fellow travellers, as it were.
Jharkhand is blessed with iron ore, manganese, coal, limestone,
graphite, quartzite, asbestos, lead, zinc, copper, and some gold,
among others. It supplies to the region electricity from thermal and
hydroelectric plants. But there has always been a discrepancy between
generating wealth and its application.
The Jharkhand region received minimal development funds from undivided
Bihar based on a time-honoured presumption: tribals live there, and
they need little. Resettlement and rehabilitation issues were—and
continue to remain—poor on delivery.
The area’s displaced tribals were gradually organized by a tribal
rights and right-to-statehood organization, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
(JMM), which also took on exploitation by a concert of contractors,
moneylenders and public servants. Bihar’s response was to send a large
team of armed police, which intimidated and arrested at will. To
protest, an estimated 3,000 tribals gathered in September 1980 in Gua,
a mining-belt town near Saranda forests to the state’s south, for a
public meeting.
There was an altercation with police. The police fired; the tribals
fought back with bows and arrows. Three tribals and four policemen
died; human rights activists place the number of tribal deaths at
100.
Both groups took their wounded to Gua Mines Hospital, where the
tribals were made to deposit their bows and arrows before the hospital
took in their injured. Then the police opened fire on the now unarmed
tribals, killing several more.
The police, thereafter, went on a rampage in nearby villages, in much
the same way as some of their colleagues in Chhattisgarh: looting and
destroying homes; molesting and killing as much for revenge as
suspicion of collusion with rebels.
JMM leader Guruji—Soren—became a bulwark for key tribal leaders, who
led movements in Saranda to prevent the illegal felling of trees such
as sal and teak.
As resentment peaked through the 1980s and 1990s, leaders sought
allies with greater firepower: the Maoists—through the Maoist
Communist Centre (MCC), the key rebel entity in undivided Bihar. This
alliance of expediency has since matured.
Saranda is a Maoist area of operation and sanctuary. MCC has merged
into the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the presiding
conglomerate. Besides attacks against police and paramilitary, looting
weaponry and imposing levies on small to big businesses to fund the
rebellion, Maoists have also carried out spectacular strikes. For
instance, they shot dead member of Parliament and bête noire Sunil
Mahato and three others as they watched a football match at Baguria in
early 2007.
Leaders with deep roots, such as Soren, understand the dynamics of
tribal aspiration and angst. Soren can, on a good day, still hold the
power to bring disparate issues to the table for resolution of
conflict. But tribal leadership is otherwise compromised, adding to
the rot and ineptitude that have marked governance in Jharkhand since
it attained statehood in 2001.
Even funds meant for modernization of police forces are known to have
been appropriated to purchase sports utility vehicles for ministers.
With pressure from major businesses to deliver on now-dusty
memorandums of understanding and from Maoists—as they reconnoiter new
areas and call in old debts—Jharkhand will witness more churn.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia.
He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a
column alternate Thursdays on conflicts that directly affect business.
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: Wed, Nov 18 2009. 10:13 PM IST
Columns
Cos open to accusations of complicity with govt
If businesses find it difficult to comprehend morality, they could at
least work to understand liability
Root Cause | Sudeep Chakravarti
The flap these past weeks about Tata Steel Ltd’s proposed 5.5 million
tonnes a year project in Bastar district of Chhattisgarh triggered
thoughts of a recent conference on human rights and business. I can’t
talk much about that meeting at Manesar, near Delhi, sponsored by a
relatively new London-based institute, as we were bound by the Chatham
House rule. But I can discuss my personal observations as they do not
vary in private or public; as well as broad parameters of discussion
without specifically naming participants.
There was a senior representative from Tata Sons Ltd at the conference
this past summer, as well as his corporate social responsibility (CSR)
colleagues from ArcelorMittal, JSW Steel Ltd, Royal Dutch Shell and
Lafarge SA. Except Shell, others are between them currently engaged in
either contentious or tricky projects in central, north or north-east
India. Alongside executives were arrayed human rights activists,
lawyers, tribal representatives, self-declared liberals from Delhi’s
seminar circuit, and corporate practitioners and consultants from
Europe and the Americas.
Also Read Earlier columns by Sudeep Chakravarti
The purpose was to take inputs about the Indian situation to evolve
corporate best practice guidelines across the world as to the
experience of relocation and rehabilitation—frequently the curse of
projects—and work in conflict areas. The meeting was well timed, too,
seeing several popular protests against large projects and special
economic zones; and the outright concern of locating projects in areas
of Maoist influence.
A broad thought came through, surprisingly, from several executives.
The bean counters and boardroom “suits” that operate in India don’t
care about the socio-economic impact at ground zero. The project
blueprint is absolute in terms of cost in time, finance, man-hours and
return on investment. As activists joined the discussion, it became
ever more evident that CSR ends up being a tool to buy out
“opposition” with money, a primary school or health centre, some tube
wells. Responsibility ends there. The governments of the states where
the projects are to be located—with their political leadership,
bureaucracy and police—become an extension of corporate will.
Such an approach led to Singur for Tata Motors Ltd; the relocation of
the project to Gujarat worked through similar, though non-violent,
channels as the government there had already pre-empted protest by
releasing vast stocks of pre-acquired land. Tata Steel’s loud
clarifications that it had been “allocated” land in Chhattisgarh; and
its denial that a public hearing on the project in mid-October was
attended by hand-picked villagers in a room heavily guarded by state
police and local toughs, suggests a worrying trend: this conglomerate
has learnt little from its recent collective experience.
In Chhattisgarh, it is likely to face protests that could easily
escalate to violence as the administration lends a hand to shoehorn
the project. There is little doubt too that Maoist-front organizations
and militias will leverage toeholds offered by such an approach, the
same as they have done to a project by Essar Steel in the state’s
Dantewada district.
What drives a corporation to pursue a project in a clear zone of
conflict? Why do businesses feel strengthened, even invulnerable, if
they are in direct or moral partnership with government? Why do
project planners ignore the fact that the principle of eminent domain,
which permits the government to expropriate land for public good, is
abused in spirit and execution? Why don’t consultants, whom
corporations pay millions of dollars to scope a project, clarify
political and security risks?
The fig leaf of government having appropriated land—and so, business
being absolved of all responsibility—is mandated by India’s mai-baap
culture, a benevolent dictatorship deeply prevalent in the
relationship between business and politics. While this proved to be
the bedrock of much of India’s economic growth, businesses will, in
today’s charged rights and legal environment, be open to accusations
of complicity with government. Globalized Indian businesses are
additionally vulnerable, under international laws, to legal action
even in other countries if accusations of negative complicity with
government are proven. Moreover, there would be a public relations
fallout.
In plain words: it will be difficult to explain away aggressive
presence in a conflict zone where a project clearly stands to gain by
government forces killing off rebels. And it will be difficult to deny
moral responsibility for the death and displacement of innocents in
such a conflict. If businesses find it difficult to comprehend
morality, they could at least work to understand liability.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia.
He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a
column alternate Thursdays on conflicts that directly affect business.
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Posted: Wed, Sep 23 2009. 10:33 PM IST
Columns
Denying development is privileging violence
If the body count swings against the rebels and their support militia,
government will declare victoryRoot
Cause | Sudeep Chakravarti
A major offensive against Maoist rebels by the CoBRA (Commando
Battalion for Resolute Action) paramilitary force is under way in the
forests and tribal homelands of southern Chhattisgarh.
Besides being the present-day heart, as it were, of the rebellion, it
is also a region where the government of Chhattisgarh has agreed in
principle to locate nearly $30 billion (Rs1.44 trillion) of investment
in minerals, metals, and electricity.
If the body count swings against the rebels and their support militia,
government will declare victory. If it goes against CoBRA, Maoists
will crow. TV crews will move in. People who track such phenomena—the
Maoist rebellion in India as well as prime ministerial pronouncements
as to its demerit—will receive calls for commentary on the who, what,
why and where of it all. It will be a circus, as always. And key
truths will, after a time, be reburied.
Maps detailing the current spread of Left-wing rebellion usually show
the overlap in forested areas, which provide rationale, recruits and
shelter. But the Maoist movement has long ago moved beyond the jungle.
Maps that detail other characteristics and topography are hence more
productive.
I’m fond of quoting at such times Omkar Goswami, who runs the New
Delhi-based CERG Advisory Pvt. Ltd. He was struck some years ago by
what current minister for environment Jairam Ramesh told him about an
“east of Kanpur characterization of India”.
Also Read Sudeep Chakravarti’s earlier columns
Ramesh’s point: the regions west of Kanpur, marked by the longitude
80.24 (east), were doing better, while those to the east of it were
“withering away”.
Goswami decided to check Ramesh’s hypothesis by collecting data on
India’s districts, development blocks and villages. His colleagues and
he pored over this data for two years, and alongside, used data from
the Census of India 2001 to map an India based on ownership of, or
access to, 11 assets and amenities: Whether the household had a bank
or post office account, a pucca house, electricity connection, owned a
TV set; owned a scooter or motorcycle; used cooking gas, had an
inhouse drinking water source or one within 500m; had a separate
kitchen area, a separate toilet, a separate and enclosed bathing
space, and a telephone.
CERG then took the results of these indicators of necessity and basic
aspiration, what it termed the Rural India District Score, and mapped
it. The districts were ranked in six grades, with accompanying
colours: Best (dark green), Good (light green), Better than Average
(very light green), Average (white), Worse than Average (orange) and
Very Poor (red).
Central India showed great patches of white and orange, and splashes
of red. Moving east into Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, eastern Andhra
Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal and most of north-eastern India,
it’s a sea of red and orange with peripheral white and 10 islands of
varying shades of green—one being Kolkata.
The white bank of “average” spreads south into peninsular India, with
some orange penetrations of “worse than average” in Karnataka and
Tamil Nadu.
The “east of Kanpur” districts are dropping off the development map,
Goswami concluded. “Getting the benefits of growth to these districts
is the greatest challenge of development and political economy.”
If political leaders and policymakers were to open similar statistical
tables of socio-economic growth and demographic spreads of the
marginalized and the dispossessed, and look at maps of attacks and
penetration by the disaffected in general and Maoists in particular,
they would see the current and future course of what they label
“menace” and “infestation”. They would see how they are privileging
violence, by denying development until violence forces the hand.
There are several studies that prove it. A particularly striking one
is by a senior police officer, Durga Madhab (John) Mitra, who
published a paper in 2007 called Understanding Indian Insurgencies:
Implications for Counter-insurgency operations in the Third World,
during a sabbatical at the Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War
College.
The Planning Commission received an excellent report last year from an
expert group it commissioned, comprising political economy, security,
and legal specialists, some of them former senior police and
intelligence officers.
Titled Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas, the
report’s frank expression pleasantly stunned even cynical human rights
activists long used to government’s blinkers.
Mitra received polite attention at the ministry of home affairs. The
Planning Commission report is filed away—as such things often are. I
hope to draw attention to key outlines and recommendation in these and
other documents in future columns.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia.
He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a
column alternate Thursdays on conflicts that directly affect
business.
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: Thu, Aug 27 2009. 1:02 AM IST
Columns
Andhra grapples with Maoists, new acronymsThe state already has at
hand several Union government-controlled paramilitaries, in their
acronyms CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force), IRB (India Reserve
Battalion), and the newly formed and giddily named CoBRA (Combat
Battalion for Resolute Action), aimed at Left-wing rebellionRoot Cause
| Sudeep Chakravarti
Beyond the urban bling of Hyderabad lies territory that is giving Y.S.
Rajasekhara Reddy headaches. At a New Delhi conference of chief
ministers to discuss internal security, convened by Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh in mid-August, the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh
said he wanted three districts by the state’s border with Orissa to be
formally declared Maoist-affected.
Despite several years of anti-rebel operations—a mix of specially
trained forces, better weapons, infiltration, better equipped police
posts, utter disregard for human rights niceties, and rehabilitation
packages for Maoists—the fire burns.
While Maoists have retreated in the north, central and southern parts
of the state, the forested, hilly and coastal east tells a different
story. Reddy’s key concern is that several power, irrigation and
mining projects planned for the east would be in jeopardy. “Maoists
find such activities as ideal pastures,” he said.
Maoists do, as these activities typically involve displacement of
populations, and the imperfect exercises breed great resentment—rebel
tinder. Alongside, Maoists have taken common cause against Special
Economic Zones and the effects of globalization, not just in Andhra
Pradesh but across the country.
The rebels have bureaus in most states tasked with recruitment,
agitation and raising the level of cadre strength and “awareness”.
This is to seed rebellion in several ways, a prelude to “protracted
war” to gain political power.
This is a lateral expansion of thought and activity to keep up with
the times, as it were, extending the Maoists’ traditional turf of
fighting for agrarian, tribal and caste issues.
This is the continuation of a process from as far back as 2004, when a
definitive Maoist document, Urban Perspective: Our Work in Urban
Areas, recommended that “The centres of key industries should be given
importance as they have the potential of playing an important role in
the People’s War”—what Maoists call their armed movement.
In 2007, Muppala Laxman Rao, the chief of the Communist Party of India
(Maoist), stressed another thought from the document. “We have to
adopt diverse tactics for mobilizing the urban masses into the
revolution,” said Rao, better known by his nom de guerre Ganapathy,
“take up their political-economic-social-cultural issues …”
Reddy is described by Maoists, relatively gently, as “mercenary”. His
predecessor, N. Chandrababu Naidu of Telugu Desam Party, even five
years after losing the chief ministership, is mentioned in Maoist
journals as “the known and despicable American stooge”. This is in
great part for Naidu’s unabashed worship of Bill Gates, and PowerPoint
frenzy to tout “Cyberabad” at both local and global investment
seminars even as large swathes of the state lay in tatters; and
farmers killed themselves by the thousands, driven by debt and
desperation.
Congress’ Reddy learnt from Naidu’s mistakes and opted for more
inclusive policies. Among other things, he launched the Indiramma
(Mother Indira) project with fanfare in early 2006. A double entendre
of pleasing masters and political economy—the acronym expands to
Integrated Novel Development in Rural Areas and Model Municipal Areas—
it sought to cover every village panchayat in three years and provide
what the state has not in decades. Primary education to all; health
facilities where there are none; clean water; pucca houses with
latrines; electricity connections to all households; roads; and so on.
The halting success of the project, in bits reborn as the Andhra
Pradesh Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, contributed to Reddy’s re-
election earlier this year. However, his recent remarks are revealing.
Andhra Pradesh has battled post-Naxalbari rebels for three decades. It
raised a now-hardened special force, the Greyhounds, to combat rebels.
But the stick-and-carrot policy of the state has proved patchy.
Policing and brutal suppression of Maoists has not effectively been
replaced in these areas by development works and delivery of dignity
to the poor and marginal. And so, these places continue to be deeply
vulnerable to Maoist activity. Reddy is understandably nervous about
developments in eastern Andhra Pradesh, both for their immediacy and
potential to reignite churn elsewhere.
To battle Maoists and other forces such as radical Islamism, Reddy at
the New Delhi conference said Andhra Pradesh has established a new
force: OCTOPUS. It stands for Organisation for Counter Terrorism and
Operations.
The state already has at hand several Union government-controlled
paramilitaries, in their acronyms CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force),
IRB (India Reserve Battalion), and the newly formed and giddily named
CoBRA (Combat Battalion for Resolute Action), aimed at Left-wing
rebellion.
As Reddy must realize, acronyms with aggressive intent can only go
part of the way.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia.
He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He will
write a fortnightly column on conflicts that directly affect business.
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Posted: Wed, Sep 9 2009. 10:39 PM IST
Columns
It is time lessons were learnt in West Bengal
The government of West Bengal has diligently courted grief
Root Cause | Sudeep Chakravarti
All it takes to go from chutzpah to chaos is a blind corner. Few in
recent times would know this better than the policymakers of West
Bengal—and their enforcers.
The Singur episode with Tata Motors Ltd is now a modern classic of how
not to work with government intervention. Another contemporary classic
is from Nandigram, several hours’ drive south of Singur. Here the
state government and Indonesia’s Salim Group were prevented by public
protests in 2007 from going ahead with a massive special economic zone
(SEZ), a venture of New Kolkata International Development Pvt. Ltd (a
joint venture of Salim Group, Unitech Ltd and a company owned by a
Salim associate) and West Bengal Industrial Development Corp.
Both projects faced intense public agitation over the practice of some
bureaucrats, police, and leaders and cadre of the ruling Communist
Party of India (Marxist), or CPM, strong-arming farmers to part with
land—both cultivable and not—to the state, and for such acquisitions
to be passed on to proposed businesses.
Also Read Sudeep Chakravarti’s earlier columns
Earlier this week, West Bengal’s department of information technology
(IT) yanked a couple of project sites at Rajarhat on the outskirts of
Kolkata it had offered Infosys Technologies Ltd and Wipro Ltd. The
firms were expected to take up residence in a proposed IT park. A
scandal from the preceding fortnight, violence involving local land
sharks and political mafia that had helped purchase land for a resort
in the area—and were allegedly involved in procuring land for the IT
park—gave the government cold feet. “The government does not want to
be involved in any illegal activity,” a press release from the
department announced. “… (We) cannot proceed with the project.”
Infosys and Wipro should rest easy. Increasingly, businesses with
global footprint, ambition and stock listings that ride investment on
direct government intervention or inadvertent intervention in areas of
any conflict—a war, civil war, or violence rooted in corruption and
political mismanagement—could find themselves in court at home and
elsewhere.
A slim document titled Red Flags: Liability Risks for Companies
Operating in High-risk Zones, published in 2008 by International Alert
(www.international-alert.org) and Fafo Institute (www.fafo.no) lists
several grounds for litigation, including some that are commonplace in
India. Under international law, expelling people from their
communities by “the threat or use of violence to force people out of
their communities can be a crime”, Red Flags maintains. “A company may
face liability if it has gained access to the site on which it
operates, where it builds infrastructure, or where it explores for
natural resources, through forced displacement.”
Other points of liability include “engaging abusive security
forces” (directly or through the proxy of state police or
paramilitary) to effect and perpetuate a project; and “allowing use of
company assets for abuses”, such as overlooking mistreatment of people
by security forces and providing company facilities for such activity
to take place.
The government of West Bengal has diligently courted grief. Since it
assumed power in 1977, the CPM, more than its coalition partners, has
skilfully built a ground-up network, a broederbond of cadre and
leaders that thrives on a mix of intimidation, corruption and
administration. They gradually came to control the politics, political
economy and business, and dealt harshly with the opposition. This
cracked spectacularly in Singur and Nandigram, where Maoist rebels and
the Trinamool Congress got the flak—or credit—for engineering foment
which should have been placed at the doorstep of the state’s Marxist
leadership and its system of patronage.
In the Lalgarh region, which I visited past June during the
confrontation between security forces and a team of tribals and Maoist
rebels, it was easy to track “anti-establishment” targets. Almost
without exception, the largest and best homes, and businesses and
farmland belonged to, or were controlled by, the local leadership of
the CPM. Rebels and aggrieved residents killed many, and chased away
more.
JSW Steel Ltd is setting up a plant in neighbouring Salboni. Chief
minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee narrowly escaped an assassination
attempt by Maoists in November, when he was returning to Kolkata after
attending the foundation ceremony at the site of the plant. Two
ministers from New Delhi were with him.
There is nothing to indicate that this region has become less restive
after intervention by security forces, and businesses that choose to
work in this area do so at their own risk—all risk. Surely it is time
lessons were learnt in West Bengal and elsewhere in India.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia.
He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a
fortnightly column on conflicts that directly affect business.
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Posted: Wed, Jan 13 2010. 10:20 PM IST
Columns
Implosion in Nepal will subsume ‘red corridor’
Nepal had for long been at a dead-end politically and economically and
this in great part assist the Maoists in the country
Root Cause | Sudeep Chakravarti
A precept of the Pashupati to Tirupati theory of sub-continental
Maoism was the seamless meshing of Nepal’s rebellion with that of
India’s. While there certainly were fraternal links—providing
sanctuary; attending key meetings; occasional training of cadre; and
such—Nepal’s war was its own.
With renewed militancy of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal
(Maoist), or UPCN (Maoist), which has brought government near to
standstill, and disrupted economic activity in this already
impoverished country, there is again speculation of Maoist meshing.
Those who indulge in it fail to acknowledge Nepal’s dynamics; and the
fact that developments in Nepal can have far-reaching implications for
India beyond the obvious laboratory lessons of Left wing extremism and
its immediate aftermath.
Nepal had for long been at a dead-end politically and economically,
which in great part assisted Maoists there to achieve their initial
goal in 12 years—from the first attack on a police camp in 1996 to
helping to overthrow a seedy monarchy and to run a democratically
elected government for several months, until May. As premier, the
sharply dressed Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who encourages the
nom de guerre of Prachanda (fierce) even led a business delegation to
India.
Also Read Sudeep Chakravarti’s earlier columns
India’s Maoists are lower in the revolutionary arc, as it were. They
are the first to acknowledge that their task of national domination is
made difficult on account of India’s socio-economic growth, increasing
opportunities for that growth and expanding power of government, armed
forces and police.
The danger in Nepal today is one of socio-economic implosion as much
as its corollary: a resumption of hostilities between hardline
Maoists, and a coalition government undermined by charges of nepotism
and corruption. The government, controlled by moderate Marxists and
the Nepali Congress, is at loggerheads with Dahal’s party over several
issues.
Arguably the most contentious of these is the integration of Maoist
combatants—now located in seven major peace camps across Nepal—into
the mainstream. Proposals call for integrating them with former
enemies: Nepal army and police. The Maoists’ public spat with the then
army chief over this enabled in great part for Dahal’s former allies
in the constituent assembly, the Marxists, to pull the plug on his
government last year.
Among other things, subsequent turmoil has slowed progress towards
Nepal’s Holy Grail, the promulgation of a new constitution by this
May. The constitution is crucial for the process of peace and
reconciliation, further guarantee that decade-long hostilities, which
took an estimated 14,000 lives and ended in 2006, do not resume.
Maoists make no secret of an ambition to resume power—a legitimate
objective of a party. Dahal and his deputy, Baburam Bhattarai, have
told me, as they have several media persons, of their goal. Maoists
are clear that they will employ any approach short of outright war,
thus far, to achieve it. Dahal is fond of using the word bisfot, or
explosion.
And though their supporters and critics alike are agreed that there
can be no lasting peace in Nepal without Maoist participation, the
Maoist cause has been diminished, for instance, by their employing the
often-thuggish Young Communist League (YCL). A growing paramilitary,
YCL is used to enforce trade unionism—most hospitality industry unions
in Kathmandu are Maoist-controlled—intimidate opponents, and provide
numbers at Maoist rallies.
To increase all-round pressure, Maoists are reaching out to groups
that shored up the rebellion—and voted for them in the 2008 elections.
UCPN (Maoist) declared its “fourth phase of struggle” last week. Mass
gatherings are to be held between 19 January and 24 January, addressed
by the crème of Maoist leadership in regions that represent ethnic
minorities such as Limbu, Kirant, Sherpa, Tharu, Bhote-Lama, and
Madhesi—long-disenfranchised people of Indian origin concentrated in
Nepal’s southern Terai belt—and caste minorities, which together make
up about 70% of Nepal’s population.
There is talk of autonomous regions based on this mix. Should it come
to pass, it would dilute the influence of the hill Bahun, or Brahmin,
community and upper caste Hindu leadership long-dominant in politics,
the bureaucracy and army.
The exercise for India and other countries will now be to gauge the
tipping point for robust democracy—or an irredeemable one. The latter
outcome will contribute to conditions of an implosion of Nepal. Large-
scale migration of destitute into India; a 1,700km-long unstable
border with worrying security implications; and weakened economic
interaction with Nepal—India accounts for 70% of its trade—will
subsume any concern of a Red Corridor.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia.
He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a
column alternate Thursdays on conflicts that directly affect business.
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Why I Am Not a Hindu
Ramendra Nath
Originally published by Bihar Rationalist Society (Bihar Buddhiwadi
Samaj) 1993.
Electronically reprinted with permission.
I have read and admired Bertrand Russell's Why I Am Not a Christian.
On the other hand, I have also read and disagreed with M.K.Gandhi's
Why I Am a Hindu. My acquaintance with these writings has inspired me
to write this essay explaining why I am not a Hindu, though I was born
in a Hindu family.
The Meaning of "Hindu"
The word "Hindu" is a much-abused word in the sense that it has been
used to mean different things at different times. For example, some
people even now, at least some times, use the word "Hindu" as a
synonym for "Indian". In this sense of the term, I am certainly a
"Hindu" because I do not deny being an Indian. However, I do not think
that this a proper use of the term "Hindu". There are many Indians
such as Muslims, Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians as well as
rationalists, humanists and atheists who do not call themselves
"Hindu" and also do not like to be described as such. It is certainly
not fair to convert them into Hinduism by giving an elastic definition
of the term "Hindu". Besides, it is also not advisable to use the word
"Hindu" in this sense from the point of view of clarity. The word
"Hindu" may have been used in the beginning as a synonym for
"Indian" [1], but, at present, the word is used for people with
certain definite religious beliefs. The word "Hindu" belongs to the
category of words like "Muslim", "Christian", "Buddhist" and "Jain"
and not to the category of words like "American", "British",
"Australian", "Chinese" or "Japanese". There are, in fact, many
Indians who are not Hindus, and on the other hand, there are many
Hindus who are not Indians , for example, those who are citizens of
Nepal, Sri Lanka and some other countries.
In the religious sense, the word, "Hindu" is often used broadly to
include Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs in addition to those who are
described as "Hindu" in this most restricted sense of the term, that
is, the adherents of Vedic or Brahmin religion. For example, the
expression "Hindu" is used in the Hindu law not only for those who are
Hindu by religion but also for persons who are Buddhists, Jains and
Sikhs by religion. This, again, is too broad a definition of "Hindu".
If we consistently use the word "Hindu" in this sense, we will have to
say that Japan is a Hindu country!
The above definition of "Hindu" is clearly inadequate from a
philosophical point of view. Buddhism and Jainism, for instance,
explicitly reject the doctrine of the infallibility of the Vedas and
the system of varna-vyavastha, which are fundamental to Hinduism, that
is, if the term "Hinduism" is used in its most restricted sense.
Therefore, clubbing together Buddhists and Jains or even Sikhs with
those who believe in the infallibility of the Vedas and subscribe to
the varna-vyavastha is nothing but an invitation to confusion.
Though I agree with Buddhism in its rejection of god, soul,
infallibility of the Vedas and the varna-vyavastha, still I am not a
Hindu even in this broad sense of the term "Hindu", because as a
rationalist and humanist I reject all religions including Buddhism,
Jainism and Sikhism. However, in this essay I am concerned with
explaining why I am not a Hindu in the most appropriate sense of the
term "Hindu", that is, the sense in which a person is a Hindu if his
religion is Hinduism in the restricted sense of the term " Hinduism".
In this restricted sense of "Hinduism", Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism
are excluded from its scope. I also maintain that this is, at present,
probably the most popular sense of the term, and every body should, in
the interest of clarity, confine its use, as far as possible, to this
sense only, at least in philosophical discourse.
Radhakrishnan, for example, has used the term "Hindu" and "Hinduism"
in this restricted sense when he says in his The Hindu View of Life
that, "The chief sacred scriptures of Hindus, the Vedas register the
intuitions of the perfected souls." [2] Or, when he says that
"Hinduism is the religion not only of the Vedas but of the Epics and
the Puranas." [3]
Basic Beliefs of Hinduism
Gandhi, too, has used the term "Hindu" in this restricted sense, when
writing in Young India in October, 1921, he says:
I call myself a sanatani Hindu, because,
I believe in the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas and all that goes
by the name of Hindu scriptures, and therefore in avatars and
rebirth.
I believe in the Varnashram dharma in a sense in my opinion strictly
Vedic, but not in its present popular and crude sense.
I believe in the protection of the cow in its much larger sense than
the popular.
I do not disbelieve in idol-worship. [4]
One may be tempted to ask, at this point, whether all the beliefs
listed by Gandhi are really fundamental to Hinduism. In my opinion,
(I) the belief in the authenticity of the Vedas and (II) the belief in
the varnashram dharma are more basic to Hinduism than the belief in
cow-protection and idol-worship. [5] Though it cannot be denied that,
in spite of attempts by reformers like Kabir, Rammohan Roy and
Dayanand Saraswati, idol-worship is still practiced widely by the
Hindu masses, and there is, at present, a taboo on eating beef among a
large number of Hindus. In any case, I am in a position to establish
the fact of my not being a Hindu by asserting the contradictory of
each of the above statements made by Gandhi:
In other words, I assert that I am not a Hindu, because,
I do not believe in the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas and all
that goes by the name of Hindu scriptures, and therefore in avatars
and rebirth.
I do not believe in the varnashram dharma or varna-vyavastha either in
the sense in which it is explained in Hindu dharma shastras like
Manusmriti or in the so-called Vedic sense.
I do not believe in the Hindu taboo of not eating beef.
I disbelieve in idol-worship.
However, while explaining why I am not a Hindu, I will concentrate
mainly on (I) the belief in the authenticity of the Vedas, and (II)
the varnashram dharma , which I consider more fundamental to Hinduism.
Besides, in the concluding section of the essay, I will briefly
discuss moksha, which is regarded as the highest end of life in
Hinduism, and some other Hindu doctrines like karmavada and
avatarvada.
The infallibility of the Vedas
First of all, let me explain what do I mean by saying that "I do not
believe in the Vedas", and why I do not do so.
The schools of ancient Indian thought are generally classified by
orthodox Hindu thinkers into two broad categories, namely, orthodox
( astika) and heterodox ( nastika). The six main Hindu systems of
thought -- Mimamsa, Vedanta, Sankhya, Yoga, Nyaya and Vaisheshika --
are regarded as orthodox ( astika), not because they believe in the
existence of god, but because they accept the authority of the Vedas.
[6]
Out of the six orthodox systems of Hindu thought, Nyaya system is
primarily concerned with the conditions of correct thinking and the
means of acquiring true knowledge. According to Nyaya system, there
are four distinct and separate sources of knowledge, namely, (i)
perception (ii) inference (iii) comparison, and (iv) testimony or
shabda.
Shabda, which is defined in the Nyaya system as "valid verbal
testimony" is further classified into (i) the scriptural ( vaidika),
and (ii) the secular ( laukika). Vaidika or scriptural testimony is
believed to be the word of god, and therefore, it is regarded as
perfect and infallible .[7]
Mimamsa or Purva Mimamsa, another orthodox Hindu system is "the
outcome of the ritualistic side of the vedic culture". However, in its
attempt to justify the authority of the Vedas, Mimamsa elaborately
discusses different sources of valid knowledge. Naturally enough,
among the various "sources of valid knowledge", Mimamsa pays greatest
attention to testimony or authority, which, too, is regarded by it as
a valid source of knowledge. There are, according to Mimamsa, two
kinds of authority -- personal ( paurusheya) and impersonal
( apaurusheya). The authority of the Vedas is regarded by Mimamsa as
impersonal. [8]
As mentioned earlier, according to Nyaya, the authority of the Vedas
is derived from their being the words of god. But Mimamsa, which does
not believe in the existence of god, declares that the Vedas like the
world, are eternal. They are not the work of any person, human or
divine. The infallibility of the authority of the Vedas, according to
Mimamsa, rests on the "fact" that they are not vitiated by any defect
to which the work of imperfect persons is liable. [9]
Thus, orthodox Hindu schools like Nyaya and Mimamsa regard the
testimony of the Vedas as infallible, though they give different
reasons for doing so. Well-known orthodox Hindu theologians like
Shankar and Ramanuja believed in the authority of the Vedas.
Manusmriti, too, upholds the infallibility of the Vedas. As pointed
out by S.N.Dasgupta, "The validity and authority of the Vedas were
acknowledged by all Hindu writers and they had wordy battles over it
with the Buddhists who denied it." [10]
The point worth noting is that though popularly Hinduism is a theistic
religion, it is not essential to believe in the existence of god for
being an orthodox Hindu -- belief in the authority of the Vedas is
more important.
When I say, "I do not believe in the Vedas", what I mean is that I do
not regard the testimony of the Vedas as a valid source of knowledge.
In other words when I say, "I do not believe in the Vedas", I do not
mean that each and every proposition contained in the Vedas is false.
It is quite possible that one may find a few true statements in the
Vedas after great amount of patient research. But I assert that the
truth or the falsity of a proposition is logically independent of its
being contained or not contained in the Vedas. A proposition is true
if there is a correspondence between the belief expressed by it and
the facts. Otherwise, it is false. So, a proposition contained in the
Vedas might be true, that is, if there is a correspondence between the
belief expressed by it and the facts, but it is, I insist, not true
because it is contained in the Vedas. I categorically reject as
invalid every argument of the form: "The proposition P is contained in
the Vedas. Therefore, the proposition P is true".
Besides, I also assert that some propositions contained in the Vedas
are certainly false. For example, according to Purusha-Sukta of Rig
Veda , Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras originated
respectively from the mouth, hands, thighs and feet of the purusha or
the creator. I categorically reject this statement as false. I
maintain that varna-vyavastha is a man-made social institution and it
has nothing to do with the alleged creator of this world.
I also reject both the reasons put forward in support of the
infallibility of the Vedas. I neither regard them to be "the words of
god" nor I consider them to be eternal and impersonal. I believe that
Vedas were conceived, spoken and written by human beings. The question
of their being "words of god" simply does not arise, because there are
no good reasons for believing in the existence of god. The existence
of an omnipotent, omniscient and benevolent god is totally
inconsistent with the presence of suffering and evil in this world. It
is impossible for god to exist. [11]
Similarly, Vedas could not have come into existence before human
beings appeared on this earth, and before Sanskrit language came into
existence. And there are no good reasons for believing that Sanskrit
language came into existence even before human beings appeared on this
earth!
As far as Gandhi is concerned, though he liked to describe himself as
a sanatani Hindu, he was, in fact, not a completely orthodox Hindu.
For example, in the article quoted earlier in this essay Gandhi goes
on to add, "I do not believe in the exclusive divinity of the Vedas. I
believe the Bible, the Koran, and the Zend-Avesta to be as much
divinely inspired as the Vedas. My belief in the Hindu scriptures does
not require me to accept every word and every verse as divinely
inspired, I decline to be bound by any interpretation, however learned
in may be, if it is repugnant to reason or moral sense. "[12](emphasis
mine)
I seriously doubt that this position will be acceptable to an orthodox
Hindu. In fact, Gandhi's position comes very close to that of
rationalists and humanists when he says that "I decline to be bound by
any interpretation however learned it may be, if it is repugnant to
reason and moral sense". However, since he refused to say in so many
words that he did not believe in the authority of the Vedas, Gandhi
may be described, in my opinion, as a liberal Hindu with an eclectic
approach towards religion. On the other hand, my position is radically
different from that of Gandhi, because I do not consider either the
Vedas or the Bible, the Koran and Zend-Avesta or any other book to be
divinely inspired.
Varna-vyavastha
Before discussing varna-vyavastha or varnashram dharma, let me clarify
in the very beginning that I am not interested in giving my own
interpretation of what varna-vyavastha is or ought to be in its ideal
form. I am interested, firstly, in giving an objective exposition of
varna-vyavastha as contained in recognized Hindu scriptures like Vedas
and dharmashastras like Manusmriti; and secondly, in mentioning my
reasons for rejecting varna-vyavastha. In doing so I will concentrate
on the chaturvarnya (four-fold division of society) aspect of varna-
vyavastha.
We have already noted that the first reference to varna (class based
on birth or caste) is to be found in the Purusha-Sukta of the Rig
Veda . The reference to the four ashrams or stages of life, namely,
Brahmcharya, Garhastya, Vanprashta and Sanyas is to be found in the
Upanishads. These are, in their turn, related to the four purusarthas
or ends of life, namely, dharma (duty), artha (wealth), kama
(satisfaction of sensual desires) and moksha (liberation). Out of
these, the Upanishads attach maximum value to sanyas ashram and moksha
purusartha, which is regarded as the highest end of life. [13]
The system of varnashram dharma is upheld by popular Hindu scriptures
like Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagvat-Gita. In Ramayana, for example,
Ram kills Shambuka simply because he was performing tapasya (ascetic
exercises) which he was not supposed to do as he was a Shudra by
birth. [14]
Similarly, in Mahabharata, Dronacharya refuses to teach archery to
Eklavya, because he was not a Kshatriya by birth. When Eklavya,
treating Drona as his notional guru, learns archery on his own, Drona
makes him cut his right thumb as gurudakshina (gift for the teacher)
so that he may not become a better archer than his favorite Kshatriya
student Arjuna!
The much-glorified Bhagvat-Gita, too, favors varna-vyavastha.[15] When
Arjuna refuses to fight, one of his main worries was that the war
would lead to the birth of varna-sankaras or offspring from
intermixing of different varnas and the consequent "downfall" of the
family. [16] On the other hand, Krishna tries to motivate Arjuna to
fight by saying that it was his varna-dharma (caste-duty) to do so
because he was a Kshatriya. In fact, Krishna goes to the extent of
claiming that the four varnas were created by him only. [17] Thus,
Arjuna's main problem was being born a Kshatriya. Had he been a
Brahmin or a Vaishya or a Shudra by birth, he would have been spared
the trouble of fighting a destructive war. Even the much-applauded
doctrine of niskama karma is nothing but an exhortation to faithfully
perform one's varnashram dharma in a disinterested manner. [18]
The celebrated orthodox Hindu theologian Shankar, too, was a supporter
of varna-vyavastha. According to him, Shudras are not entitled to
philosophical knowledge. [19] However, the most elaborate exposition
of varnashram dharma is to be found in Manusmriti, an important
dharmashastra of Hindus. Let us turn to it in order to have a close
look at the varna-vyavastha.
Manusmriti
In the very first chapter of Manusmriti, it is clearly stated that
Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras were created by Brahma
(creator of this world) from his mouth, hands, thighs and feet
respectively. [20]
Manu claims that the same Brahma, who created this world, also created
Manusmriti and taught it to him. [21]
The duties of the different varnas are also mentioned in the
Manusmriti. The Brahmins were created for teaching, studying,
performing yajnas (ceremonial sacrifices), getting yajnas performed,
giving and accepting dan (gifts).[22] The Kshatriyas were created for
protecting the citizens, giving gifts, getting yajnas performed and
studying. [23] The Vaishyas were created for protecting animals,
giving gifts, getting yajnas performed, studying, trading, lending
money on interest and doing agricultural work. [24] The Shudras were
created by Brahma for serving Brahmins and the other two varnas
without being critical of them. [25]
It is interesting to note that studying, getting yajnas performed and
giving gifts or charity are common duties of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and
Vaishyas; whereas teaching, accepting gifts and performing yajnas are
reserved exclusively for Brahmins. The Shudras, of course, are denied
the rights to study, getting yajnas performed by Brahmins or even
giving gifts to them.
Manusmriti further states that having originated from the mouth of
Brahma, being elder and being the repository of the Vedas; Brahmins
are the masters of the entire universe. [26] Besides, Brahmins alone
act as a sort of post office for transmitting food to the gods and the
dead, that is to say, the gods and the dead eat food through the
mouths of Brahmins (apparently because they do not have mouths of
their own). Therefore, no one can be superior to Brahmins.[27] All
others are said to enjoy everything owing to the Brahmins' mercy.[28]
The Manusmriti clearly states that Brahmins alone are entitled to
teach this dharmashastra and none else. [29]
Manusmriti refers to the Vedas, which are to be regarded as the main
valid source of knowledge about dharma, as shruti and to
dharmashastras as smriti. No one is to argue critically about them
because religion has originated from them. [30] Any nastika (non-
believer) or critic of the Vedas, who "insults" them on the basis of
logic, is worthy of being socially boycotted by "noble" persons. [31]
In short, the main features of chaturvarnya as elaborated in the
Manusmriti are as follows:
1. Division of Hindu society into four varnas on the basis of birth.
Out of these only the first three, namely , Brahmins , Kshatriya and
Vaishya, who are collectively known as dwija (twice-born) are entitled
to upanayan and the study of the Vedas. Shudras as well as women of
dwija varnas are denied the right to study.
2. Assigning different duties and occupations for different varnas.
This is to be enforced strictly by the king. [32] According to
Manusmriti, if a person of lower caste adopts the occupation of a
higher caste, the king ought to deprive him of all his property and
expel him from his kingdom. [33]
3. Treating Brahmins as superior and other varnas, namely, Kshatriya,
Vaishya and Shudra as inferior to him in descending order with the
Shudra occupying the bottom of the hierarchy. A Brahmin is to be
treated as god and respected even if he is ignorant. Even a hundred-
year old Kshatriya is to treat a ten year old Brahmin as his father.
[34] Brahmin alone is entitled to teach. If a Shudra dares to give
moral lessons to a Brahmin, the king is to get him punished by pouring
hot oil in his ear and mouth. [35] Similarly, if a Shudra occupies the
same seat as a Brahmin, he is to be punished by branding his waist
(with hot rod) or getting his buttocks cut! [36]
4. Treating women as unequal. Women, that is, even women belonging to
Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya varna are not entitled to upanayan and
the study of the Vedas. For them, marriage is equivalent to upanayan
and service of their husbands is equivalent to the study of the Vedas
in the gurukul.[37] Even if the husband is morally degraded, engaged
in an affair with another woman and is devoid of knowledge and other
qualities, the wife must treat him like a god. [38] A widower is
allowed to remarry but a widow is not. [39] Besides, women are not
considered fit for being free and independent. They are to be
protected in their childhood by father, in youth by husband and in old
age by son. [40] They should never be allowed by their guardians to
act independently. [41] A woman must never do anything even inside her
home without the consent of her father, husband and son respectively.
[42] She must remain in control of her father in childhood, of husband
in youth and of son after the death of her husband. [43]
5. Treating different varnas as unequal for legal purposes. The Hindu
law as codified by Manu is based on the principle of inequality. The
punishment for a particular crime is not same for all varnas. In fact,
the punishment varies depending on the varna of the victim as well as
the varna of the person committing the crime. For the same crime, the
Brahmin is to be given a mild punishment, whereas the Shudra is to
given the harshest punishment of all. Similarly, if the victim of a
crime is a Shudra, the punishment is mild, and the punishment is harsh
in case the victim is a Brahmin. For example, if a Brahmin is awarded
death sentence, it is sufficient to shave his head, but Kshatriya,
Vaishya and Shudra are to actually die. [44] If a Kshatriya, a
Vaishya, or a Shudra repeatedly gives false evidence in the court, he
is to be punished and expelled from the kingdom, whereas the Brahmin
is not to be punished, he is to be only expelled. [45] If a person has
sexual intercourse with a consenting women of his own varna, he is not
to be punished. [46] But if a person of lower varna has sexual
intercourse with a woman of higher varna, with or without her consent,
he is to be killed. [47] If a Brahmin forces a dwija to work for him,
he is to be punished. [48] But if a Brahmin forces a Shudra to work
for him, whether by making or not making payments to him, he is not to
be punished, because Shudras have been created only for serving
Brahmins.[49] If a Brahmin abuses a Shudra, he is to be fined mildly,
[50] but if a Shudra abuses a Brahmin, he is to be killed. [51] On the
other hand, even if a Brahmin kills a Shudra, he is merely to perform
penance by killing a cat, frog, owl or crow, etc. [52] Thus a Shudra
is to be killed for abusing a Brahmin, whereas a Brahmin is to be let
off lightly even if he kills a Shudra. Such is the unequal justice of
Manusmriti.
In fact, this system of graded inequality seems to be the very essence
of the varna-vyavastha. Whether it is the choice of names, [53] or the
manner of greeting, [54] or the mode of entertaining guests, [55] or
the method of administering oath in the court, [56] or the process of
taking out the funeral procession, [57] at each and every step in
life, from birth to death, this system of graded inequality is to be
applied and observed. Manu does not even spare the rates of interest
on loan. For borrowing the same amount, Kshatriya has to pay more as
interest than Brahmin, Vaishya more than Kshatriya and the poor Shudra
has to pay the maximum amount as interest! [58]
6. Prohibiting inter-marriage between different varnas. According to
Manusmriti, a dwija ought to marry a woman of his own varna.[59] A
woman of the same varna is considered best for the first marriage.
However, a dwija may take a woman of inferior varna as his second wife
if he is overcome by sexual passion. [60] But Manu strongly
disapproves of Brahmins and Kshatriyas taking a Shudra woman even as
their second wife. They become Shudra if they do so. [61]
7. Supporting untouchability is also a part of the scheme of social
stratification outlined in the Manusmriti. Manu clearly mentions that
Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya, collectively known as dwija and the
Shudras are the four varnas. There is no fifth varna.[62] He explains
the origin of other castes by saying that they are varna-sankara
castes, that is to say, castes originating due to the intermixture of
different varnas, both in anuloma (upper varna male and lower varna
female) and pratiloma (lower varna male and upper varna female)
manner. [63] For example, Nishad caste is said to have originated from
anuloma relationship between Brahmin male and Shudra female,[64]
whereas C handala caste is said to be owing its origin to pratiloma
relationship between Shudra male and Brahmin female. [65]
Manu seems to be disapproving of pratiloma relationship more than the
anuloma, because he describes C handalas as the lowest of the low
castes. [66]
Let us see what Manusmriti, has to say about the C handala. The
Chandala, says Manusmriti, must not ever reside inside the village.
While doing their work, they must reside outside the village, at
cremation ground, on mountains or in groves. They are not entitled to
keep cows or horses, etc., as pet animals. They may keep dogs and
donkeys. They are to wear shrouds. They are to eat in broken utensils.
They are to use ornaments of iron, not of gold. They must keep moving
from one place to another, not residing at the same place for a long
duration. [67] They must not move around in villages and cities in
night hours. They may enter the villages and cities in daytime, with
king's permission, wearing special symbols (to enable identification),
and take away unclaimed dead bodies. [68]
Moreover, how is the "religious" person to deal with the Chandala? He
must not have any social intercourse (marriage, interdining, etc.)
with them. He must not talk to or even see them! [69] He may ask
servants (apparently Shudras) to give them food in broken utensils.
[70]
8. Granting divine and religious sanction to varna-vyavastha. Manu
gives divine and religious sanction to the varna-vyavastha by claiming
divine origin for the varnas as well as for the Manusmriti and
demanding unquestioning obedience of it.
So, that completes my exposition of the varna-vyavastha. I want to
emphasize in particular that my exposition does not contain any
exaggeration at all. The reader may check each and every statement by
comparing with the original Manusmriti in order to satisfy himself or
herself. I cannot help if the system is so unjust and so out of tune
with out existing values that even an objective exposition reads like
a severe condemnation. Nevertheless, I will now turn to my reasons for
rejecting varna-vyavastha: I reject varna-vyavastha because it is
irrational, unjust and undemocratic, being opposed to the democratic
and human values of liberty, equality and fraternity.
Criticism of varna-vyavastha
The varna-vyavastha is opposed to the value of liberty as it denies
the freedom to choose one's occupation and marriage partner to one and
all. Everyone must join the occupation of his varna and must marry
within his varna. Similarly, it denies the freedom to study to the
Shudras and woman in particular. Even the dwija must study the Vedas
before he studies anything else. Otherwise, he becomes a Shudra.[71]
(Incidentally, according to Manusmriti, there are several ways by
which a Brahmin or dwija may become a Shudra but there is no way by
which a Shudra may become a Brahmin. A Shudra must always remain a
Shudra.)[72]
What is worse, the Chandala is even denied the freedom to reside at a
place of his choice or to wear clothes and ornaments of his choice. He
is not even free to keep pet animals of his choice.
The conflict between varna-vyavastha and the value of equality is more
than obvious. As I mentioned earlier, the system of graded inequality
seems to be the very essence of varna-vyavastha. It denies equal
respect to all in society. It denies equality before law. It denies
equal access to marriage partners. It denies equal access to jobs. The
occupation of teachers and priests, for example, is reserved
exclusively for Brahmins. Finally, it also denies equal access to
education and knowledge.
A Brahmin, according to Manu, must not teach the Shudra and woman even
if he dies with his knowledge without imparting it to anybody. [73] On
the other hand, if anyone studies the Vedas on his own he or she will
go straight to hell. [74] In other words, cent percent reservations
for dwija males in the sphere of education.
The varna-vyavastha is most unfair to the Shudras and the
untouchables. They are denied respect, knowledge, power and wealth.
They are denied access to occupations considered respectable, just as
they are denied access to men and women of upper varnas for marriage.
The Shudras are virtually reduced to being slaves of the Brahmins in
particular and the dwijas in general, whereas the untouchables are
regarded as outcast -- beyond the pale of the society. The women are
generally treated as sexual objects and as unfit for being independent
and free.
As far as fraternity is considered, we must not expect it to exist in
a society, which is so unequal and unjust. A Shudra's waist is to be
branded or his buttocks are to be cut only because he occupies the
same seat as the Brahmin. The "religious" are not to talk or even look
at a Chandala. Inter-marriage is prohibited. Manu seems to be most
eager to prevent inter-mixing of the varnas. Thus, the Hindu social
order is based on the isolation and exclusiveness of the varnas.
The Manusmriti not only outlines a totally undemocratic and unjust
social system but also gives divine, religious sanction to this man-
made social institution of chaturvarnya. Some Hindus, including
apparently learned "thinkers" and writers, smugly wax eloquent about
Hinduism being the most tolerant and liberal religion of the world.
Is there any other religion, which sanctions slavery and
untouchability? Is there any other religion in which only persons born
in a particular caste ( Brahmin) are entitled to become priests?
Slavery is not peculiar to India or to Hinduism, but carrying it to
the extremes of untouchability, and granting it divine and religious
sanction is peculiar to Hinduism.
Similarly, some Hindus may be tolerant, just as some of them are
intolerant, but Hinduism or Hindu religion is not tolerant at all,
either socially or intellectually. Manusmriti, for example, clearly
says that anybody who argues critically and logically about
dharmashastras ought to be ostracized. [75] Non-believers, including
freethinkers, rationalists and Buddhists, are not to be entertained
respectfully as guests; though, mercifully, they may be given food.
[76] The families of non-believers are destroyed sooner than later
according to Manu. [77] A state with a large number of Shudras and
nastikas soon meets its destruction. [78] Manusmriti is full of
abusive epithets for freethinkers and non-believers. The unorthodox
( nastikas) are sometimes equated with the Shudras, sometimes with the
Chandalas, sometimes with thieves and sometimes with lunatics! [79]
Such is the generosity of Hindu dharma.
Apologies for varna-vyavastha
Let me now consider what the apologists of varna-vyavastha have to say
in its defense.
A standard defense of varna-vyavastha is to say that it is a system of
division of labor. It is easy to grant that division of labor is
essential for any complex society, but it is equally easy to see that
varna-vyavastha is not a system of division of labor based on aptitude
and capability. It is a system of division of labor based on birth .
Besides, it has other associated features such as feeling of
superiority and inferiority, inequality before law, denial of equal
access to knowledge and prohibition against inter-marriage.
What have these features to do with the division of labor?
Division of labor is found in all societies, but varna-vyavastha is
not. Thus, trying to justify varna-vyavastha as division of labor is a
futile exercise.
Another standard defense of the varna-vyavastha is to say that the
system was originally based on aptitude and capability. Whether it was
actually ever so is a subject for historical research. Most probably,
the racial theory of the origin of castes is true. However, even if we
grant for the sake of argument that the varna-vyavastha was originally
based on aptitude and capability, how does it help? We cannot say that
because the system was originally, some time in remote past, based on
aptitude and capability; therefore we ought to gladly suffer the
present system based on birth. It hardly makes any sense at all!
In any case, Manusmriti was most probably written between200 BC and
200 AD [80] and the system as outlined in it is totally based on
birth. Gautam Buddha, who lived in sixth century BC, challenged the
infallibility of the Vedas as well as the varna-vyavastha. There are
several passages in Tripitaka, mainly in Digha Nikaya and Majhima
Nikaya which are "directed against the claims of the Brahmans to be of
different origin from the rest of humanity, born from the mouth of
Brahma, having a hereditary prerogative to teach, guide and
spiritually govern the rest of the society." [81] In Majhima Nikaya
Buddha is quoted as refuting varna-vyavastha on several occasions.
According to Buddha, it is unreasonable to decide one's place and
functions in society on the basis of one's birth in a caste. Buddha is
also quoted as insisting that in the eyes of the law all persons ought
to be treated as equal, irrespective of the caste or varna in which he
or she is born. [82] Thus, it is obvious that even if the system of
varna-vyavastha ever existed in its ideal form -- which is doubtful --
it had already degenerated by the time of Buddha, that is, about 2500
years back.
The most blatant defense of varna-vyavastha, however, is to say that
human beings are born unequal, and, therefore, it is natural and
normal for children to join the occupation of their fathers.
Surprisingly and sadly, no less a person than Gandhi defended varna-
vyavastha in a similar manner.
To quote Gandhi: "I believe that every man is born in the world with
certain natural tendencies. Every person is born with certain definite
limitations which he cannot overcome. From a careful observation of
those limitations the law of varna was deduced. It establishes certain
spheres of action for certain people with certain tendencies. This
avoided all unworthy competition. Whilst recognizing limitations, the
law of varna admitted of no distinction of high and low; on the one
hand it guaranteed to each the fruits of his labors and on the other
it prevented him from pressing upon his neighbor. This great law has
been degraded and fallen into disrepute. But my conviction is that an
ideal social order will only be evolved when the implications of this
law are fully understood and given effect to". [83]
Again, "I regard Varnashrama as a healthy division of work based on
birth. The present ideas of caste are a perversion of the original.
There is no question with me of superiority or inferiority. It is
purely a question of duty. I have indeed stated that varna is based on
birth. But I have also said that it is possible for a shudra, for
instance, to become a vaishya. But in order to perform the duty of
vaishya he does not need the label of a vaishya. He who performs the
duty of a brahman will easily become one in the next
incarnation." [84]
So, varna-vyavastha, according to Gandhi, is a "healthy division of
work based on birth", which takes into account the "natural
tendencies" of human beings and avoids "unworthy competition."
This apparently plausible defense of varna-vyavastha is, in fact, most
unscientific. It is a well-known and scientifically verified fact that
acquired characteristics are not inherited biologically, only genetic
qualities are transmitted from one generation to another. For
instance, carpentry is an acquired characteristic; just as knowledge
of philosophy is an acquired quality. Neither a carpenter's son or
daughter is born with the knowledge of carpentry, nor is a
philosopher's daughter or son born with the knowledge of philosophy.
These are acquired characteristics and, therefore, they cannot be
inherited biologically. If sometimes, though not always, a carpenter's
son becomes a good carpenter or a philosopher's daughter acquires a
good knowledge of philosophy, without being formally initiated into
these disciplines, it is not because they are born with the required
knowledge, but only because of the favorable environment at home,
which enables them to acquire these characteristics. The result could
be different if their places were to be interchanged.
One may say that though the knowledge of carpentry of philosophy in
not inherited biologically, the mental qualities enabling one to
acquire the requisite knowledge is inherited. Some physical and mental
qualities are, no doubt, inherited but this does not mean that parents
and their children are always identical in physical or mental
qualities. It is a well known fact -- anybody can verify this by
careful observation -- that due to different permutations and
combinations of chromosomes and genes offspring of same parents are
not always identical to one another or to their parents. More often
than not, they are different. For instance, one son or daughter of
same parents may be tall and another short. The colors of skin, hair
and eyes may differ likewise. What is true of physical characteristics
is equally true of mental qualities. Thus, a child may or may not have
the mental characteristics, which his father has.
Therefore, it is totally unscientific to forcefully restrict children
to the occupations of their forefathers.
It is true that all human beings are not equal in the sense of being
identical in physical or mental qualities. But it does not follow from
this that they ought to be denied equal opportunity to join a vocation
of their choice or that they ought to be denied equality before law or
equal respect as human beings in the society.
As for "unworthy" competition, how do we know that the competition is
unworthy unless all are, to begin with, given equal opportunity? Take
the example of Gandhi himself. He was a bania by caste. Yet, in spite
of some serious aberrations such as supporting varna-vyavastha based
on birth and linking politics with religion, he performed fairly well
in the role of a national leader. It would have been a great loss for
the nation if in the name of avoiding "unworthy" competition in
politics, Gandhi would have been confined to running a grocery shop.
Similarly, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was born in an "untouchable" caste, but
he played an important role in the drafting of the democratic
constitution of independent India. He also taught in a college for
some time. To use the terminology of varna-vyavastha, he ably
performed the work of a Brahmin.
Is it possible to imagine how many Ambedkars we may have lost by now
owing to the restrictive varna-vyavastha?
As we have noted earlier, varna-vyavastha is a closed system of social
stratification without any scope for upward social mobility. To quote
M. Haralambos, author of a textbook on sociology, "A person belongs to
his parents jati and automatically follows the occupation of the jati
into which he was born. Thus no matter what the biologically based
aptitude and capacities of an untouchable, there is no way he can
become a Brahmin. Unless it is assumed that superior genes are
permanently located in the Brahmin caste, and there is no evidence
that this is the case, then there is probably no relationship between
genetically based and socially created inequality in traditional Hindu
society." [85]
Returning to Gandhi, though Gandhi was opposed to untouchability and
caste, he did not carry his opposition to its logical conclusion.
Inconsistently enough, he continued to support the varna-vyavastha
based on birth. At one stage, he even supported restrictions on
interdining and intermarriage. As he wrote in Young India in 1921,
"Hinduism does most emphatically discourage interdining and
intermarriage between divisions... It is no part of a Hindu's duty to
dine with his son. And by restricting his choice of bride to a
particular group, he exercises rare self-restraint. Prohibition
against intermarriages and interdining is essential for the rapid
evolution of the soul. "[86] (emphasis mine)
Later Gandhi moved away from these orthodox ideas, and started
supporting intercaste marriages. Finally in 1946, he refused to
solemnize any marriage at Sevagram Ashram unless one of the parties
was an untouchable. [87] May be he would also have given up varna-
vyavastha if he had lived longer. That, however, is in the realm of
imagination, the fact is that Gandhi supported varna-vyavastha. It is
worth noting that he invented his own conception of varna-vyavastha,
which, according to him, had nothing to do with the feeling of
superiority and inferiority or with prohibition against intermarriage.
We find here in Gandhi a quaint mixture of conservatism and
reformism.
I would like to dispose of one last objection before concluding this
section. One may say that the Hindu law at present is quite different
from what Manu desired, and presently Hindus in general do not follow
Manu in totality. This is true. The Hindu law at present, for
instance, allows inter-caste marriage and prohibits bigamy and child
marriage. It permits divorce. It also allows widow remarriage and
grants equal rights to daughters in father's property. Nevertheless,
there seems to be a gap between the progressive Hindu law and the
conservative social practices of the Hindus. A majority of Hindu
marriages are still within the caste and very few Hindu women actually
claim or get a share in father's property.
The Indian constitution has rightly made special provisions, such as
reservations in services for scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and
other socially and educationally backward classes, to enable them to
enter occupations and positions of power, which had been traditionally
denied to them. No doubt, some upper caste liberal Hindus, too,
support the policy of reservation. But, by and large, the Hindu upper
castes are far from fully reconciled to this progressive step as is
evident from violent and aggressive anti-reservation agitation
spearheaded by upper caste students from time to time. This kind of
reactionary agitation aimed at preserving the present dominance of
upper castes in education and the services enjoys considerable support
and sympathy in the upper caste dominated media as well as the
academia.
On the whole, the Hindu society is yet to fully exorcise the ghost of
Manu. Caste based on birth and untouchability still exist in the Hindu
society, in spite of the fact that untouchability has been abolished
by the Indian constitution. The distribution of education, power and
wealth continues to be uneven in the Hindu society, with the dwijas
being on the top and the Shudras and untouchables being at the bottom.
Teaching is no more an exclusive preserve of Brahmins, but the
occupation of Hindu priests is still fully reserved for Brahmins,
though this fact does not arouse the ire of our fervent anti-
reservationists.
Moksha, Karmavada and Avatarvada
Moksha is traditionally regarded as the highest end of life in Hindu
religion. The "endless cycle of birth and death" is considered a
bondage from which one must attain liberation, that is moksha or
mukti.
This whole concept of bondage and liberation is based on the unproved
assumption of life after death, and the existence of soul ( atma)
which continues to exist apart from the body even after death. In the
famous words of Gita, the soul changes bodies just as human beings
change clothes. [88]
Now, there are no good reasons for believing in the existence of soul
or life after death or rebirth. These beliefs are not at all supported
by incontrovertible scientific evidence. According to S.N. Dasgupta,
"there has seldom been before or after Buddha any serious attempt to
prove or disprove the doctrine of rebirth. The attempts to prove the
doctrine of rebirth in the Hindu philosophical works such as Nyaya,
etc. are slight and inadequate." [89]
However, even before Buddha, Lokayat had disproved the existence of
soul, life after death, rebirth, heaven and hell on an empirical
basis, as these things are never perceived. [90]
Thus, in absence of any evidence to the contrary, it is reasonable to
believe that each one of us has got one and only one life . Once a
person is dead, he is dead for ever. Never to be reborn. Mind,
consciousness, memory and life cannot outlast the destruction of brain
and body. This is the harsh truth; howsoever we may dislike it.
The belief in soul seems to have originated from primitive animism.
[91] If this belief continues to persist, in spite of total lack of
evidence in its support, it is only because of human beings' inability
to come to terms with, or to squarely face, the reality of death. One
likes to believe that one's near and dear ones, who are dead and
finished forever, actually continue to live in some other imaginary
world, and that they will also be reborn one day. One draws comfort
from the thought that one will not die even after death, and continue
to live in some other form. It is paradoxical that, first, the fear of
death and love of life makes one readily accept the belief in the
immortality and rebirth of soul without adequate evidence, and, then,
getting rid of this alleged cycle of birth and death itself becomes
the topmost religious aim! [92]
The problem of getting "released" from the alleged cycle of birth and
death is a pseudo-problem (in the sense that one is trying to get rid
of something which simply does not exist) and moksha is an imaginary
ideal which has nothing to do with the reality. Instead of running
after the imaginary ideal of moksha, it is far better to concentrate
on improving and living well this one and only life, which we have.
Mimamsa, which is an orthodox Hindu school of thought, considers
attainment of heaven ( swarga), instead of moksha, as the highest end
of life. References to heaven and hell are also to be found in the
Manusmriti. The belief in heaven is fairly widespread at popular
level. However, the ideal of the attainment of heaven, too, is based
on unproved assumptions, like life after death and the existence of
heaven, and, therefore, it cannot be accepted.
Another related doctrine is the Hindu belief in karmavada or the so-
called law of karma. According to this doctrine, every human being
gets the fruits of his actions either in the present or in some future
life. Whatever a human being is in his present life is the result of
his own actions in the past life or lives.
This, again, is a totally unverified and unverifiable doctrine based
on the assumption of the "cycle of birth and death". It is only a
convenient tool for explaining away the perceived inequality in human
society. The idea of karma is found in Buddhism and Jainism as well.
However, these religions do not support varna-vyavastha. But in
Hinduism the doctrine of karma, along with the idea of god, has been
used for providing ideological support to the unjust varna-vyavastha
and for making it appear just and fair. In Hinduism the so-called law
of karma merely serves the purpose of legitimizing the unjust varna-
vyavastha by making the Shudras and the "untouchables" meekly accept
their degrading position as a "result of their own deeds" in imaginary
past lives, and by assuring them "better" birth in "next life" if they
faithfully perform their varna-dharma in their present lives. [93] In
this way, this doctrine prevents them from revolting against this man-
made undemocratic system, which has nothing to do with alleged past
and future lives.
Lastly, I come to the Hindu doctrine of avatarvada. According to this
doctrine, whenever religion is threatened in this world, god takes
birth as an avatar to put things back into order. Ram and Krishna, for
example, are popularly regarded as avatars by the Hindus.
Belief in avatarvada, too, is logically unjustifiable and merely makes
one run away from one's own responsibilities. Instead of making
efforts to improve their own condition, those who believe in
avatarvada keep waiting for an avatar to take birth. Since god does
not exist, there is no question of his being born on this earth as an
avatar. (Let me add here that I also do not believe in the truth of
statements like "Jesus is the son of god" or "Mohammed is the
messenger of god".)
Not only I do not regard Ram or Krishna (or anyone else) as an avatar
of god, I also do not regard them as ideal personalities. Ram, as
mentioned earlier, was on upholder, of the varna-vyavastha. His cruel
behavior with Sita, after fighting a destructive war with Ravana to
get her released, is too well known to need recapitulation. [94]
Krishna, on the other hand, is portrayed in the Mahabharata as the
teacher of Bhagvat Gita , a book which expounds untrue and harmful
doctrines like the belief in god and immortal soul, avatarvada,
karmavada, varnashram dharma and the doctrine of moksha.
In Mahabharata Krishna adopts and advocates adoption of unfair means
like lying and deception for achieving one's ends. Obviously, he did
not believe in the doctrine of purity of ends and means. There are
several flaws in the character of Krishna as portrayed in the
Mahabharata, Bhagvat and Harivamsa. These have been ably enumerated by
Dr. Ambedkar in his The Riddle of Ram and Krishna . I refer the
interested reader to this work for a fuller treatment of this subject.
[95]
Conclusion
To conclude, I categorically reject major Hindu religious beliefs
including the doctrine of the infallibility of the Vedas, varnashram
dharma , moksha, karmavada, and avatarvada. I am not an admirer of Ram
and Krishna, and I also do not believe in idol worship or the Hindu
taboo of not eating beef. I support logical and scientific thinking;
and a secular, rational morality based on human values of liberty,
equality and fraternity. Therefore, I am not a Hindu by conviction,
though I am a Hindu by birth.
Endnotes
[1] S. Radhakrishnan, The Hindu View of Life (Bombay: Blackie & Son
(India) Ltd., 1979), p. 12.
[2] Ibid., p. 14.
[3] Ibid., pp. 16-17.
[4] M.K.Gandhi, "Aspects of Hinduism" in Hindu Dharma (New Delhi:
Orient Paperbacks, 1978), p. 9.
[5] Ninian Smart, "Hinduism" in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy (ed. in
chief, Paul Edwards) Vol. IV (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc.
& The Free Press, 1972), p.1.
[6] S.N.Dasgupta , A History of Indian Philosophy , Vol. 1 (Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1975), pp. 67-68.
[7] Chatterjee and Datta, An Introduction to Indian Philosophy .
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] S.N.Dasgupta, Op. Cit., p. 394.
[11] I have discussed the question of the existence of god in my small
Hindi book Kya Ishwar Mar Chuka Hai? (Patna: Bihar Buddhiwadi Samaj,
1985, 1995). See, Is God Dead? (An introduction to Kya ishwar mar
chuka hai? ) [Patna: Buddhiwadi Foundation, 1998]
[12] M.K.Gandhi, "Aspects of Hinduism" in Hindu Dharma , pp. 9-10.
[13] A.L.B., "History of Hinduism" in The New Encyclopaedia
Britannica , Vol. 8 (Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., 1981),
pp. 910-11.
[14] B.R. Ambedkar , Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches,
Vol. 4, Riddles in Hinduism (Bombay: Education Department, Government
of Maharashtra, 1987), p. 332.
[15] Y.Masih, The Hindu Religious Thought (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,
1983), pp. 192-93.
[16] Bhagvad-Gita I: 40,41, 42,43.
[17] B.G. IV: 13.15.
[18] Y.Masih, Op.Cit., p.208, Also see, pp. 224-25.
[19] V.P.Verma, Modern Indian Political Thought (Agra: Lakshmi Narain
Agarwal, 1991), pp. 50-51.
[20] Manusmriti (MS) I: 31.
[21] MS I:58.
[22] MS I:88.
[23] MS I:89.
[24] MS I: 90.
[25] MS I: 91.
[26] MS I: 93, Also see, X: 3.
[27] MS I: 95.
[28] MS I: 101.
[29] MS I: 103.
[30] MS II: 10,13.
[31] MS II: 11.
[32] MS VIII: 410.
[33] MS X: 96. Also see, Kautilya, Arthshastra I: 3, Quoted by J.N.
Farquhar in An Outline of the Religious Literature of India ( Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1984), p. 44.
[34] MS II: 135.
[35] MS VIII: 272.
[36] MS VIII: 281.
[37] MS II: 67.
[38] MS V: 154.
[39] MS V: 168,157.
[40] MS IX: 3.
[41] MS IX: 2.
[42] MS V: 147.
[43] MS V: 148.
[44] MS VIII: 379.
[45] MS VIII: 123.
[46] MS VIII: 364.
[47] MS VIII: 366.
[48] MS VIII: 412.
[49] MS VIII: 413.
[50] MS VIII: 268.
[51] MS VIII: 267.
[52] MS XI: 131.
[53] MS II: 31,32.
[54] MS II: 127.
[55] MS III: 111,112.
[56] MS VIII: 88.
[57] MS V: 92.
[58] MS VIII: 142.
[59] MS III: 4.
[60] MS III: 12.
[61] MS III: 14,15,16,17,18,19.
[62] MS X: 4.
[63] MS X: 25.
[64] MS X: 8.
[65] MS X: 12.
[66] Ibid.
[67] MS X: 50,51,52.
[68] MS X: 54,55.
[69] MS X: 53.
[70] MS X: 54.
[71] MS II: 168.
[72] MS VIII: 414.
[73] MS II: 113; X: 1.
[74] MS II: 116.
[75] MS II: 11.
[76] MS IV: 30.
[77] MS III: 65.
[78] MS VIII: 22.
[79] MS III:150, 161; IX: 225. From a humanist point of view, there is
nothing wrong in being born as a Shudra or a Chandala, but in the
context of the Manusmriti, these are abusive epithets.
[80] Manusmriti (Varanasi: Chaukhambha Sanskrit Sansthan, 1982), pp.
10-11.
[81]A.K.Warder, Indian Buddhism (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1980),p.
163.
[82] Y.Masih, The Hindu Religious Thought, pp. 336-37.
[83] Nirmal Kumar Bose, Selections from Gandhi ( Ahmedabad: Navajivan
Publishing House, 1972), p. 265.
[84] Ibid., p. 263.
[85] M.Haralambos, Sociology Themes and Perspectives (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1980) pp. 27-28.
[86] N.K.Bose, Op.Cit., p. 266.
[87] Louis Fischer, Gandhi (New York: New American Library, 1954), pp.
111-12, Also see, N.K.Bose, Op.Cit., p. 267.
[88] B.G. II: 20-25.
[89] S.N. Dasgutpa, A History of Indian Philosophy , Vol. I, p. 87.
[90] Chatterjee and Datta. An Introduction to Indian Philosophy .
[91] See M.N.Roy, "The Transmigration of Soul" in India's Message
( Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1982), pp. 4-6.
[92] Probably "the cycle of life and death" is considered "bondage"
because it will presumably lead to death again and again. So,
primarily the doctrine of liberation seems to be a reaction against
death.
[93] "Those whose conduct has been pleasing will quickly attain a
pleasing birth, the birth of a Brahman or a Kshatriya, or a Vaisya;
but those whose conduct has been abominable, will quickly attain
abominable birth, the birth of a dog, or a hog, or an Outcaste."
Brihadaranyaka, quoted by J.N. Farquhar, An Outline of the Religious
Literature of India , p. 34, Also see, S.N.Dasgupta, Op. Cit., p.
363.
[94] See, my "Why I do not want Ramrajya" in Why I am Not a Hindu &
Why I do not want Ramrajya (Patna: Bihar Rationalist Society, 1995).
[95] B.R. Ambedkar, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches ,
Vol. 4, Riddles in Hinduism.
http://www.infidels.org/library/modern/ramendra_nath/hindu.html
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Modern Documents:
A Hindu Woman:
Answer to Why I Am Not a Hindu
Answer to Why I Am Not a Hindu
by A Hindu Woman
I
First, I wish to make clear that I have no quarrel with Mr. Ramendra
Nath for declaring that he is not a Hindu. He has listed four reasons
for declaring why he is not a Hindu:
"I do not believe in the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas and all
that goes by the name of Hindu scriptures, and therefore in avatars
and rebirth."
"I do not believe in the varnashram dharma or varna-vyavastha either
in the sense in which it is explained in Hindu dharma shastras like
Manusmriti or in the so-called Vedic sense."
"I do not believe in the Hindu taboo of not eating beef."
"I disbelieve in idol-worship."
As it happens, I am fully in agreement with the above statements. I do
not believe in the existence of any God or soul. Therefore the
question of scriptures as divine revelations, rebirth and avatars is
moot. I do not believe in the caste-system. I have eaten beef. Again,
since I do not believe in God the question of worshipping anything--
idols or otherwise--is moot. Nevertheless, I still call myself a
Hindu. However that is a completely separate matter.
Mr. Ramendra Nath has discussed in length why he rejects the Vedas as
infallible. Since I have no disagreement with him on these grounds, I
am skipping it.
He next attacks "varna-vyavastha or varnashram dharma." If it had been
a simple exposure of the evils of this system, again there would be no
problem. But what I essentially find troubling is that he does not
present a balanced appraisal. He rejects emphatically the story in the
Vedas that the Brahmins are created from God's mouth, the Kshatriyas
from his arms, Vaishyas from his thighs and Shudras from his feet--
plainly this story appeared later to account for a reality that was
already present. He dismisses evidence that originally it was nothing
more than a functional division which ultimately hardened into a rigid
system backed by the religious authority of the Brahmins and the
military might of Kshatriyas as something unimportant to the issue at
hand. After all, today the Hindu social system functions quite well in
the metropolises where the rules of purity and impurity regarding
caste are no longer important. Also when he discusses the evils from
which Hinduism has traditionally suffered, he ignores the good that is
in Hindu Dharma as well. In particular his criticisms against
Manusmriti or Manusamhita is one-sided. Above all he ignores the
entire picture to concentrate on certain negative aspects only. To put
it plainly, I think his account is biased.
II
Ramendra Nath charges that Ram kills Sambuka, a Shudra, because he was
performing tapasya or ascetic exercises which are the province of
Brahmins alone. Certainly the story is there. But what he does not
mention is that the story belongs to Uttarkanda (lit. "later
chapter"). Along with the story of Rama's adventure, every child is
also taught that this chapter was added much later and that Valmiki's
Ramayana ends with Rama's coronation. In Valmiki's Ramayana itself, we
have two very important stories: that of Guhak and Sabari. Guhak is a
Nishada king of Sringaverpur who is described as Rama's friend as dear
as life, with whom Rama stays while going to the forest
(Ayodhyakandya, chaps. 50-52). Shabari was a practitioner of
asceticism. Rama's first question on meeting her was, "Have you
conquered all that disrupts tapasya? Has your tapasya increased?";
from her hands Rama accepted food and her soul ascended to heaven
(Aranyakanda, 74). Nishadas are an 'uncivilized' forest-tribe who
include the Chandalas among them. Shabari is the feminine of shabar,
the hunter community. Manusmriti states that Nishadas are the
offspring of Brahmin male and Shudra female (an obvious afterthought)--
they are what we call today 'untouchable'. The shabars are designated
simply as 'mlechha,' completely outside Vedic/Hindu society, yet
Shabari performs perfect tapasya and goes to heaven blessed by the
avatar. The story has often been offered as proof that neither birth
nor gender is important in performing tapasya and going to heaven. The
apparent contradiction between Rama's behaviour towards them and
towards Sambuka need not puzzle anyone; the Sambuka story was clearly
added later to strengthen Brahmin hegemony. My question here is why
does Ramendra Nath ignore these points which are known to any ordinary
Hindu? The answer became clear when I looked at his citations. He was
simply quoting from another person's work rather than from the
Ramayana itself. Apparently he had not bothered to read the text he is
criticizing.
Next Ramendra Nath speaks of a certain episode in Mahabharata.
Certainly the story of Ekalavya is true. Because he was a Nishada,
Drona refused to teach him. The text explicitly states that being
nishada he was 'asprishya' (untouchable) and it is never allowable
that he should be put on a par with the general populace. Obviously
social stratification has taken place since Ramayana. When Ekalavya
learnt on his own, Drona made him cut off his finger. However,
Ramendra Nath places undue emphasis on the fact that Arjuna is his
Khastriya student. Drona asked for this terrible sacrifice because he
did not wish anyone to exceed his favourite Arjuna, who had promised
to give him whatever Drona desired materially. Caste here had nothing
to do with it.
More importantly, Ramendra Nath ignores those portions of this epic
which obviously belong to earlier stratas and which show a far more
humanitarian stance. The grandmother of both Kauravas and Pandavas (of
whom Arjuna is one) is only a fisherwoman. She had a liaison with a
Brahmin (which did not make the latter an outcaste) and gave birth to
an illegitimate son who became a sage himself and the writer of
Mahabharata. If she wants to marry into a respectable wealthy family,
to be a fisherwoman who ferries passengers on a boat and who has a
bastard child is definitely a handicap yet today even in developed
countries. Nevertheless, she marries a Kshatriya king, her sons become
kings and she is never reproached because of her sexual misconduct.
How could such miscegenation and its placid acceptance by the
population (which includes Brahmins) have been possible unless the
varnavyavastha in ancient times was very much a fluid system?
We also have the story of Dharmabyadh. A Brahmin had gained power to
work miracles by his penance and became arrogant because of this. When
a woman seems to ignore him, he becomes enraged. But the woman
demonstrates that merely by carrying out faithfully her duties as a
housewife she had gained even greater power; she tells him that only a
man who controls his sensual instincts, never hates another person,
thinks of all human beings as his own [kin], tells the truth always,
and never wanders towards unrighteousness--is acknowledged as a
Brahmin by the gods. He is then sent to a meat-seller known as
Dharmabyadh to learn what dharma is, as he is ignorant of it. The meat-
seller says, "I follow my ancestors' livelihood; I tend to the
elderly; I always speak the truth; I never show hatred for anyone; I
give to charity as far as I am capable; I never speak ill of anyone; I
eat the leavings of the gods, guests and servants [I eat after all
these have eaten]." It is these simple things that has elevated a meat-
seller above the powerful Brahmin (Vanaparva, 205-213).
Yuddhistira (the son of the God of Justice) is asked what is the cause
of being a Brahmin. He declares that neither birth nor learning makes
a Brahmin, that only proper conduct does. Even a Brahmin learned in
four Vedas cannot be considered as a Brahmin if his conduct is evil.
[However it must be noted that performing proper rituals is also
included in the passage as the mark of a Brahmin (Vanaparva, 312).] In
another place he is asked by a serpent who a true Brahmin is. He
answers, "The person in whom resides truth, charity, forgiveness,
courtesy, rejection of cruelty, austerity, is a Brahmin." The serpent
argues that the Vedas have given every varna their dharma or law.
"Therefore truth, charity, forgiveness, non-violence, rejection of
cruelty, and compassion based on Vedas is noticed even in Shudras. If
even in Shudras these symptoms of Brahamandharma appear, then Shudras
too can be Brahmins." Yuddhistira's answer is, "In many Shudras
symptoms of Brahmin appear, and among many of the twice-born, symptoms
of Shudras appear. Therefore it is not that to be born in a Shudra
family makes one a Shudra or that to be born in a Brahmin family makes
one a Brahmin. The persons in whom such behaviour [the qualities
mentioned above] ordained by Vedas appear are Brahmins and those in
whom they do not appear are Shudras" (Vanaparva, 180). From such
episodes it is obvious that the ideal was a high one and low castes
were honoured by society if they were virtuous. Critics would say that
the reality does not often match the ideal. True. But where is the
paradise on earth where there is no discrimination on the basis of
class, irrespective of the law? I do not see why varnavyastha should
be singled out with special virulence. It is simply that some
countries have made greater progress in doing away with systems like
feudalism (which was held to be reflection of cosmic hierarchy) and
slavery (backed by the story of Noah and his sons) while India is
starting to catch up.
Ramendra Nath argues that Gita too teaches every caste to do their
Dharma. Certainly if in these "enlightened" times a soldier like
Arjuna would refuse to fight on the battlefield when the war has
begun, the government would punish him and he would be called
"deserter" and "traitor." Again Shankar is pointed out as supporting
the caste-system. This is essentially true. But why does Mr. Ramendra
Nath slight the entire Bhakti and Tantric traditions in both North and
south India? Did not the practitioners of these traditions, many of
them Brahmins themselves, try to do away with caste? In such
movements, outcaste teachers and Brahmin students were common.
III
Next, Mr. Ramendra Nath--like many others--attacks Manusamhita. What
all these critics do is to imply that the entire book was written by
one man. Yet research has proved that many verses were added to the
main text throughout later ages and other verses left out or edited to
bring it in line with contemporary thought. (The interested reader can
look up the works of G. Buhler, P. V. Kane, and Max Muller.) The
result is that it is cris-crossed with contradictions.
Now let us take a close look at the book. Each of the verses he quotes
declaring the inferiority of Shudras and dominance of Brahmins, do
exist. Yet he also skips verses that directly contradict those verses.
"If a woman or lower (Shudra and younger) person performs goodly
ceremonies [holy or good works], then the Brahmachari must join them
with enthusiasm" (2:223). "The Shudra who devoid of jealousy engages
himself in honest work receives honour in this life and heaven in the
next" (10:128). (Of course another verse has been added immediately
after saying that Shudras cannot accumulate wealth because a rich
Shudra might despise Brahmins.) "A wife, jewels, knowledge, dharma
[religion/duty], rules of purity, good advice, vocational skills, can
be received by everyone from everyone else [irrespective of caste or
family]" (2:240). "A devout person can [I use 'can', but it is
actually in the imperative mood] accept even the best knowledge from
Shudras; accept ultimate truth from outcastes like chandalas; an
excellent wife even from low families" (2:238). Nothing can be more
amusing for a social historian than to see how Medhatithi, a Brahmin
commentator (c. A.D. 900) tries to explain away this verse. He argues
that "shubham [holy, best, pure] vidya [knowledge]" refers to logic,
magic formulas and singing and dancing. Similarly "param [ultimate,
best] dharma" is redefined as knowledge of local geography and
customs. Never mind that Mahabharata also defines--on the basis of
Manu--'param dharma' as knowledge of moksha/liberation which can be
acquired from anybody. Medhatiti's argument is that since low castes
are not eligible for religious knowledge they cannot teach anything.
Obviously the upper castes were anxiously trying to impose hegemony
over lower castes. Again, the verse stating that "he [the Brahmin] who
studies from a Shudra teacher or teaches a Shudra student" cannot
officiate in funeral ceremonies (3:156) offers evidence that Shudras
were teachers, a fact that the Brahmins wished to change. The rules
and later condemnations regarding marriages between castes offer proof
that for a long time it had not hardened.
Incidentally, may I ask how the terrible punishments inflicted on
Shudras can be reconciled with marriages between castes, both anuloma
and pratiloma, division of property among children born of such
'miscegenation,' rule that in distress a Brahmin might serve a Shudra
as a servant, or that a Brahmin householder must feed his Shudra
servants first, if he has any? There is a distinction between what
some men would like society to be and the social reality. For example,
Louis Dumont observed that power did not automatically reside in the
hands of any specific community. The caste that actually owned land in
a region enjoyed actual power; in many cases such power and property
lay in the hands of the Shudras. Though the Brahmins were the priests
they were actually dependant on the Shudras for their favour. Surely
Mr. Ramendra Nath knows that there are thousands of Brahmin families
whose only means of subsistence is being priests of low-caste
families?
Like Mr. Ramendra Nath, I too cannot help it that an objective reading
exposes how the caste system degenerated. He accuses that
untouchability and allowing men of one caste to become priests alone
is peculiar to Hinduism. But apartheid was peculiar to the rational
democratic white Christian races, as was the Holocaust peculiar to the
industrialized Nazi Germany. In neither case had it been claimed that
these two factors represent the sole face of Western culture. So once
again, why is varna-vavyastha presented as proof that Hinduism is
intrinsically evil, instead of realizing that untouchability is simply
the result of human love of power and not integral to Hinduism itself?
Now we come to women. Yes, Manusamhita does have these verses that
paint women as evil and deny them any freedom. But again we see how
other verses, remnants of earlier times, paint a different picture.
There is a whole portion called naribandana (Praise of women) where it
is insisted (3:55-62) that only a house where women are respected and
made happy is favoured by the gods and that--where women are treated
badly--all worship and ceremonies are in vain. There are verses such
as, "Mother is a thousand times holier [can also be read as worthy of
obedience] than the father" (2:145). "It is better that a daughter
should live at home till death rather than be given to an unworthy
husband; After menstruation, a girl should wait for three years and
then choose her own husband; If a girl at proper time should select a
husband herself, then she is not to be blamed" (9:89-91). "Any
relative [including a husband] who uses stridhan [lit. property of
woman which is both liquid cash and land, here a wife's], vehicles and
animals given for the wife to ride or a wife's clothes [and ornaments]
for himself, is a sinner who falls [into hell]" (3:52). I can give
other verses as examples.
Again Mr. Ramendra Nath charges that a widow cannot marry. Nothing
arouses my ire more than this statement. An illiterate villager might
be forgiven for believing this since this is the reality in many
places, but an educated Hindu would know better. These verses, of a
later origin, hold out inducements to widows not to remarry--such a
course would hardly have been necessary if widows never remarried.
"The woman who abandoned by her husband or left a widow marries of her
free will another man, is punurbhu and the son of such a union is
called pounorbhava"; "If a wife who is still a virgin, or a wife who
has left her husband to consort with another man returns to her
husband's home, then [another] ceremony of marriage can take
place" (9:195-196). Insistence in numerous verses that a Brahmin who
is a second husband or son of a woman's second marriage should not be
allowed to perform religious ceremonies merely prove that remarriages
were frequent. "While the mother is alive, if there is a dispute
between the son of the [first] husband and between a pournorbhava or a
golok (bastard born after the husband's death) regarding property,
then each son will receive the property that belongs to his biological
father" (9:191). "If the husband goes to foreign lands for holy
purposes, the wife will wait for 8 years; if he goes to study or earn
fame she will wait for 6 years; if he goes for pleasure then she will
wait for three years--after that she will marry again [alternative
explanation, she will go away somewhere else to support herself" (9:
76). Moreover the commentator Madhavacharya declares, "Manu has
ordained, if the husband is missing, dead, has become an ascetic,
impotent, or outcast, then the second marriage of woman is lawful
according to the shastras." Again this verse is present in
Naradasmriti, which is stated to be a collection of more important
verses of Manu. Not so surprisingly, this verse cannot be found in the
relatively modern edition of Manu we have today. Ramendra Nath is
strangely ignorant of history of his own country if he does not know
that Vidyasagar persuaded the British authorities to pass the widow-
remarriage bill by proving that it is enjoined in the shastras.
Mr. Ramendra Nath also gets excited while heaping scorn on the notion
that Hinduism is tolerant. Perhaps it has escaped his attention that
Hinduism is considered not tolerant socially as such, but from the
religious point of view. It is a religion that does not declare that
it has the sole monopoly on truth nor does it try to impose its gods
on other cultures by force. That is what is defined as religious
tolerance. Manusamhita certainly has many harsh things to say about
nastikas, but they are limited to denunciations. What did Hindus, Mr.
Ramendra Nath, actually do to disbelievers in this physical life?
Usually nothing. Buddha lived and preached peacefully. So did
Mahavira. The worst that some of them suffered was ostracism. But as
Ramendra Nath himself acknowledges (4:30), though rationalists and
freethinkers are not to be treated respectfully, they can be given
food, according to Manusamhita. For some reason Mr. Ramendra Nath
seems to think that a devout believer in God and afterlife should
welcome a disbeliever worshipfully (arcchana) as proof of his humane
attitude, yet in the same breath he denies that there is any human
value attached to the injunction that even hellbound disbeliveers are
to be fed. Considering the way Semitic religions have dealt with
unbelievers and apostates in the past (and do so even today), indeed
"such is the generosity of Hindu dharma."
Above all I find Mr. Ramendra Nath's focus on Manusamhita puzzling.
The British in an attempt to codify law focused exclusively on
Manusamhita. But why should an educated Hindu do so? There are
nineteen other dharmashastras all held to be of equal importance. He
ignores Arthashastra, the secular manual for Hindu kingdoms. He
ignores that every region had its own particular laws and every
community in it had its own set of customs which even the king was
forbidden to override. He ignores that often in villages--even today--
the shastras are only a hallowed name; if they routinely consult any
texts, those are the Ramayana and Mahabharata and often the two epics
are retold differently to suit that particular region. Unlike the
Bible, there is no text that forms the basis of Hindu law. The simple
result is that society varied from place to place and age to age. Yes,
class-system based on birth is wrong. Yes, the ugly face of caste is
encountered daily in many places in India. But the picture he presents
is one of absolute stratification, with the cruel Brahmins trampling
down the helpless Shudras for thousands of years. This picture is very
biased. In the first place, the Brahmins are not like the clergy of
church; only a certain percentage actually enjoys real power and
wealth. Secondly, from reading Mr. Ramendra Nath's article, no one
would have any idea of the low-caste royal dynasties like Mundas,
Chandellas, Nandas, Gurjjaras, Senas, the rule of the Lingyat
community, the rise of the Alvars, or the elevation of Reddies and
Jats to the warrior caste. Shivaji was a Shudra landowner who dreamt
of creating a Hindu empire (with all that it implies to him) and
brought the Mughal empire to its knees; he kept Brahmin ministers. A
1345 inscription of Reddi kings read, "With death of Ksathriyas [by
the Muslims], duty of defending cows and Brahmins fell to Shudras." It
was the Shudras who drove away the Muslim invaders and reestablished
Brahmanical educational institutes. If the Shudras, treated as Mr.
Ramendra Nath assumes followers of Manu treated them, say and do this
after gaining power (and when the Brahmins were at their nadir), then
obviously the Brahmins are a superior race who deserve to rule over a
spineless inferior caste.
IV
Just as Mr. Ramendra Nath concentrates on Manusamhita alone among the
dharmashastras, so too he concentrates on Gandhi alone. Apparently
Gandhi is to be taken as the representative of Hindu society at large.
Gandhi had supported varnashrama. But Gandhi had also said, (The
Collected Work of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXII, p. 121).
"I believe in varnashrama of the Vedas, which in my opinion is based
on absolute equality of status notwithstanding passages to the
contrary in the smritis and elsewhere."
"Every word of the printed works passing muster as `Shastras' is not,
in my opinion, a revelation."
"The interpretation of accepted texts has undergone evolution and is
capable of indefinite evolution, even as the human intellect and heart
are."
"Nothing in the shastras which is manifestly contrary to universal
truths and morals can stand."
"Nothing in the shastras which is capable of being reasoned can stand
if it is in conflict with reason."
Again, Vivekananda the monk came from a conservative family of the
nineteenth century and fiercely advocated doing away with
untouchability. He even declared that doing social service is more
important than worshipping God, because the former is true worship.
Rabindranath Tagore's family was orthodox and he himself was very
devout; yet he declared that though the caste-system has become
integral to Hindu society it must be done away with. There were as
many Hindus who attacked the caste-system as those who tried to defend
it. Similarly, the Shankaracharya of Puri recently declared that women
have no right to learn Sanskrit or read Vedas. The head priest at
Jagganath temple, on the other hand, has started training women
priests--yet both are pious Hindus. Why then is there the assumption
that all believing Hindus are retrograde?
Mr. Ramendra Nath grieves that the upper castes are not reconciled to
losing their power. That generalization is too sweeping. Some are not,
but the present generation has grown up accepting it. There is still
resistance, but is there any reason to think that the situation will
not improve? Even in England, full-fledged democracy did not spring up
miraculously with Magna Carta. The very fact he is able to write an
article such as this and post it on the Internet is proof that Hindu
society has undergone a sea-change. Again in speaking of agitations
against reservation policy for untouchables, he does not give the full
picture. Major factors in that agitation had been economics and
competence. Many untouchables have become rich by means of affirmative
policies and government aid. There is a substantial body of
untouchables and lowcastes who have now become middle-class and many
who have become legislators. However, they insist on their children
enjoying the same advantages they had enjoyed. But if they have become
rich, is it not unfair for their children to take advantage of the
policies meant for their poorer brethren? Again, why in reverse
discrimination shall the desperately poor of other castes be deprived
of government help and seats in educational institutions while those
who have become rich demand more advantages and money? This has led to
the extremely ridiculous situation of uppercaste people changing their
surnames by deed-poll and bribing officials to declare them
untouchables. More, those who have made it to the top now hog every
post and then lobby to pass laws for their own advantage so that the
benefits no longer trickle down to those who really need them.
Recently, members of the Dalit educated community themselves said that
the reservation policy is not working; a political party based on
backward votes immediately expelled those members who had dared to
utter such heresy. That is why those who agitated against widening of
the affirmative net were students--it is their future that is being
jeopardized in the name of social justice. The people of India wish
for a fairer affirmative policy--one that is based on poverty; the
poor alone should get preferential treatment.
About moksha, karma and avatarvada I have nothing to say on rational
grounds. However once again, it appears that the two Hindu epics need
defending on moral grounds. Rama is an avatar, but nowhere it is said
that all his behaviour is perfect. In particular, Mr. Ramendra Nath
singles out his notorious treatment of Sita--he makes her undergo
ordeal by fire to prove her purity. But what also needs recapitulating
is how the 'higher authorities,' so to speak, react to this. The soul
of Dasaratha, father of Rama, descends from heaven and begs Sita, "Do
not be angry; forgive my son for having abandoned you" (Yuddhyakandya,
120). More importantly Brahma appears and gives a long speech. The
gist of it is that since Rama is lord of all, why is he ignoring this
terrible event? He is God, so why he is meting out injustice to Sita?
(Yuddhykandya, 118). Rama's answer is that he knows himself only to be
a man, not a god. Since the Creator himself declares Rama's deed is a
sin, I do not see why the ordinary Hindu would face a moral dilemma
here and go on insisting Rama did no wrong. The case is the same with
Krishna. Many explanations have been given for his behaviour, but all
of them have one thing in common--it is acknowledged that he did wrong
and human beings must not follow his ways. Most telling is the
evidence of Mahabharata itself. After the war is over, Gandhari--the
only perfectly virtuous human--curses Krishna for the evils he had
committed; as her relatives and friends had been destroyed
[deceitfully by Krishna's advice], so too Krishna's family would be
destroyed and he himself will die a horrible death (Striparva, 25).
The curse comes true. Dharma or moral law of the universe would not
allow it to be otherwise. In other words God incarnate is accountable
to man--even an avatar must be punished.
Mr. Ramendra Nath also simply omits all positive aspects of Hinduism.
He makes no mention of the philosophies, logic systems, mathematical
contributions, music, temples, poetry, teachers and reformers, or the
heroes and heroines in myth and history. He simply makes no attempt to
explain the Hindu world-view or dharma (in the secular sense). Nor
does he give a full picture of Hindu history. Anyone reading his
article would get the impression that no decent man can call himself a
Hindu. (On the other hand I too can quote only favourable verses and
examples and give the impression that Hinduism is flawless.)
If Mr. Ramendra Nath had rejected Hinduism on rational grounds, then
this answer need not have been written. If he had balanced the good,
the bad and the ugly and then declared, "You have been judged and
found wanting", again this present article would not have a leg to
stand on. Let me repeat, it is the one-sided picture of Hindu culture
that I protest.
It is only right that a culture's worst excesses be condemned, but it
is only equitable that its highest ideals and what it has achieved
also be considered. By writing in such a superficial manner, he denies
a Hindu any pride in his heritage. Mr. Ramendra Nath would not allow
anyone to admire Rama as a human being, nor Yuddhisthira or Gandhari;
enjoy the philosophy and symbolism; be proud of either high caste or
low caste leaders and teachers, or of reformers who came from Hindu
society itself--or even how Buddhism, Jainism, Zorastrianism and
Judaism have been protected by the Hindu community. Above all, he
makes it seem as if reform and Hinduism are inherently incompatible.
Gandhi said, "My belief in the Hindu scriptures does not require me to
accept every word and every verse as divinely inspired .... I decline
to be bound by any interpretation, however learned it may be, if it is
repugnant to reason or moral sense" (The Collected Work of Mahatma
Gandhi, The Publication Division, Government of India, Vol. XXI, p.
246). Yet Gandhi was only following Hindu law. Every shastra and epic
states that no age is identical to other ages, therefore the law of
every age must be different. Dharma changes from age to age depending
on circumstances. It is this that has allowed Hinduism to withstand
ravages or war and time, constantly remoulding itself to survive.
http://www.infidels.org/library/modern/a_hindu_woman/answertohindu.html
and/or www.mantra.com/jai
By Anand Holla
bademiyansubhanallah
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Ganesha Demolition – Symbolic Act of Hatred
(http://voi.org/2009030380/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/
ganeshademolition–symbolicactofhatred.html)
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Combating Defamation of Religion
By Vinod Kumar, on 27-03-2009 12:12
Published in : Vinod Kumar, Column - Vinod Kumar
On November 24, 2008 - By a vote of 85 to 50, with 42 abstaining, the
UN General Assembly, Geneva adopted a draft resolutionm [ref -
http://www.unwatch.org/atf/cf/%7B6DEB65DA-BE5B-4CAE-8056-8BF0BEDF4D17%7D/DEFAMATION2008UNGA.PDF
] calling on all countries to alter their legal and constitutional
systems to prevent "defamation of religions," asserting that "Islam is
frequently and wrongly associated with human rights violations and
terrorism." Among other things, the resolution "urges states to take
actions to prohibit the dissemination ... of racist and xenophobic
ideas" and material that would incite to religious hatred. It also
urges states to adopt laws that would protect against hatred and
discrimination stemming from religious defamation.
The resolution puts Islam and some of the more controversial practices
associated with it beyond censure. The OIC (The Organization of
Islamic Conference) says that Muslims in Western countries have,
especially since 9/11, faced stereotyping, hostility, discriminatory
treatment and the denigration of “the most sacred symbols of Islam.”
The organization cites cases like newspaper cartoons caricaturing
Mohammed, and a Dutch lawmaker’s documentary released earlier this
year, linking the Koran to terrorism.
India, as one of the countries to abstain, said the text addressed the
problem insufficiently from a narrow perspective because it focused on
one religion. Western countries specially the US and France "This is
just the latest shot in an intensifying campaign of UN resolutions
that dangerously seek to import Islamic anti-blasphemy prohibitions
into the discourse of international human rights law," said Hillel
Neuer, executive director of UN Watch, an independent human rights
monitoring group in Geneva. The resolution puts the human rights and
freedom of speech and expression movement that has been the foundation
of progress in the West and thus the world back by several centuries.
It is evident that the resolution was supported or opposed on
emotional and political grounds.
Even if one was to go with the resolution, it fails to address a very
fundamental issue it wants to resolve. What is to be done if a
religion itself defames or insults other religion(s)? What if a
religion itself disseminates “xenophobic ideas” and contains “material
that would incite religious hatred.” while deploring hate speech,
felt strongly that people should be free to express their opinions in
challenging any ideology of hate. Human rights are indivisible and the
right to freedom of expression was at the essence of the right to
thought, conscience and belief.
The resolution is shortsighted and Islam centric and does nothing to
combat defamation of religions per se. Not only it takes human
civilization backwards, it will come to haunt the countries that
supported it. For a healthy and progressive society, all ideologies
should be open for open and constructive discussion.
http://voi.org/2009032799/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/combatingdefamationofreligion.html
Jinnah and Two Nation Theory
By Vinod Kumar, on 05-09-2009 23:30
Jaswant Singh by his book, Jinnah - India, Partition, Independence has
become kind of a folk hero in Pakistan and a darling of the
secularattii in India. No doubt, with this book, he has secured his
financial future, if he needed one, as one report from Pakistan says
‘they will be ordering the book by the millions.'
One of the main thrusts of his book is that Jinnah was not the "demon"
he is made out to be in India and that he was a secular Indian
nationalist and did not really want Pakistan. The demand for Pakistan
was just a strategy to seek more concessions and safeguards for the
Muslims in united India. Partition could have been avoided had Nehru
and Patel agreed for a federal decentralized India instead of a
centralized one. He casts Nehru and Patel as the villains for
conceding partition.
Whether partition was a good thing or bad and should one be demonized
or idolized for it depends on what side you are. Let us also for the
moment forget about Jinnah's secular and Indian nationalist
credentials as these are hardly his legacies. Jinnah's legacy is the
State of Pakistan. In this article let us focus on what caused
partition? Who was the real author of Two Nation theory - Hindus and
Muslims are two separate nations.
After his return from England, Jinnah worked ceaselessly and zealously
for the creation of Pakistan. An accomplished lawyer that he was, he
eloquently and very convincingly spelled out why was partition
necessary in his famous Presidential address to Muslim League
Convention at Lahore in March 1940 and in many other speeches,
interviews and writings. He said there never was any common ground
between the Muslims and the Hindus or desire on the part of Muslims to
live as equal with Hindus whom they had ruled for centuries. Hinduism
and Islam are two different and distinct social orders. It is only a
dream that the two can ever evolve a common nationality. "The hero of
one is the foe of the other. There is nothing that binds them
together." Enumerating all the differences between the two, he went on
to say that "to yoke two such nations under a single State must lead
to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be
so built up for the government of such a state." (India's Partition -
Process, Strategy and Mobilization, edited By Mushirul Hasan, Delhi,
1998, pp.56)
Jinnah stressed there was never one India and Hindus and Muslims had
never lived as one unit. History is testimony that last twelve hundred
years have failed to achieve unity and during the ages "India was
always divided into Hindu India and Muslim India. ... The present
artificial unity of India dates back only to British conquest and is
maintained by the British bayonet" -- he went on to say.
Last update : 05-09-2009 15:53
http://voi.org/20090905227/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/jinnahandtwonationtheory.html
Prof. Vijay Prashad and Hindu Holocaust Museum
By Vinod Kumar, on 26-09-2009 23:30
Prof. Vijay Prashad in his article Hindu Holocaust (News India Times,
Sept. 25, 2009) about Francois Gautier's fund raiser on August 16,
2009 in New Jersey for a Hindu Holocaust Museum in Pune, India has
made many assertions and statements which have no evidence in
contemporary or even subsequent recorded history. To keep the response
reasonable length let me address a few of the issues covered by him
and let the readers make their own judgment.
Prof. Vijay Prashad in his article Hindu holocaust (News India Times,
Sept. 25, 2009) about Francois Gautier's fund raiser on August 16,
2009 in New Jersey for a Hindu Holocaust Museum in Pune, India has
made many assertions and statements which have no evidence in
contemporary or even subsequent recorded history. To keep the response
reasonable length let me address a few of the issues covered by him
and let the readers make their own judgement.
Prof. Prashad wrote, and I quote the entire paragraph:
"Between Hindus and Muslims there has not been an endless rivalry for
social power. When Islam enters the subcontinent, it does not come in
the saddlebags of the Ghaznis or the Ghouris, but amongst the rumble
of goods brought by traders. Early conversions are not by the sword
but by the merchants . There was killing, but that was as much for
reasons of warfare and plunder as for reasons of God and tradition. An
interested reader might want to look at the distinguished historian
Romila Thapar's superb book "Somnatha: The Many Voices of a
History" (Penguin, 2005). There, Professor Thapar shows us that Mahmud
Ghazni's destruction of the Shiva temple in 1026 was driven not so
much by a fanatical religious belief but because his father,
Subuktigin, needed money to sustain his faltering kingdom in Central
Asia. Now it is certainly true, as historian Mohammed Habib put it,
that there was "wanton destruction of temples that followed in the
wake of the Ghaznavid army."
Actually this paragraph covers the gist of his arguments.
Let us discuss these one by one.
•1. No social rivalry between Hindus and Muslims:
To the contrary there never was any equivalence between the two ever
after the Muslims started invading India. In all Muslim chronicles,
almost without exception, Hindus are referred to as infidels - a
derogatory term in Islam.
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, a very prominent Muslim leader in the nineteenth
century asked Muslims to support British Raj as opposed to free India
where, by default, Hindus being majority would have an upper hand.
For Muslim scholars for Muslims to live under the Hindus was
unacceptable.
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (the originator of two nation theory) had said in
1888, as quoted by Sir Penderel Moon on page 11 of his tome, 'Divide
and Quit'. India, he said, is a country"inhabited by two different
nations" and there would necessarily be a struggle for power between
them, if the English were to leave India. "Is it possible, he had
asked, "that under these circumstances two nations - the Mohammedan
and Hindu - could sit on the same throne and remain equal in power?
Most certainly not. It is necessary that one of them should conquer
the other and thrust it down. To hope that both could remain equal is
to desire the impossible and the inconceivable."
On the issue of Hindu Muslim relations, no body could have put it
better than what Jinnah articulated in his famous Presidential address
to Muslim League conference in Lahore in 1940.
He said there never was any common ground between the Muslims and the
Hindus or desire on the part of Muslims to live as equal with Hindus
whom they had ruled for centuries. Hinduism and Islam are two
different and distinct social orders. It is only a dream that the two
can ever evolve a common nationality. "The hero of one is the foe of
the other. There is nothing that binds them together." Enumerating all
the differences between the two, he went on to say that "to yoke two
such nations under a single State must lead to growing discontent and
final destruction of any fabric that may be so built up for the
government of such a state." (India's Partition - Process, Strategy
and Mobilization, edited By Mushirul Hasan, Delhi, 1998, pp.56)
Jinnah stressed there was never one India and Hindus and Muslims had
never lived as one unit. History is testimony that last twelve hundred
years have failed to achieve unity and during the ages "India was
always divided into Hindu India and Muslim India. ... The present
artificial unity of India dates back only to British conquest and is
maintained by the British bayonet" -- he went on to say. (ibid. pp.
56)
Even Alberuni, thousand years ago, when there was not much Muslim
presence in India, could see there was no common ground between Hindus
and Muslims. He starts his book by discussing the differences between
the Hindus and the Muslims. He enumerates these differences at length
throughout the book. Warning his readers he wrote "the readers must
bear in mind that the Hindus entirely differ from us in every
respect...... The barriers which separate Muslims and Hindus rest on
different causes." ((Sachau EC, Alebruni's India, New Delhi, 1993, pp.
17 - 26)
Dr. Ambedkar in his books and frequent writings had alluded to
Muslim's macabre hostility against Hindus. He highlighted the fact
that the word 'but' used by Muslims to refer to any idol was a corrupt
form of "Budh" because there were hundreds of statues of Buddha in
Afghanistan and across the Middle East which were the first target of
iconoclast of Islam. That explains the use of the term 'but-shikan' by
Ghazanavi, Ghauri and other invaders. The destruction and pillage of
the famous Buddhist Seminary and University of Nalanda is another
example of the grossness of the wanton damage caused by Muslim
invaders.
Ethnic cleansing of Hindus by Muslims has continued even in recent
history, both in Pakistan and Bangladesh - even in Kashmir. In that
sense there has been a renewal of Hindu Holocaust. In Pakistan the
Hindu /Sikh population has plummeted from 23% in 1947 to less than 2%
today. In Bangladesh, it has dwindled from 35% to 8% during the same
period. During the same period Muslims have multiplied fast in India.
And the shame of Hindus having been ethnically cleansed from Kashmir
Valley, an important part of our bogus secular state, still torments
Hindu hearts!.
In fact, throughout history Islam has always used 'gross savagery' and
open recourse to terrorism as force multipliers e.g. building towers
of the heads of hapless Hindus beheaded by Muslim invaders of which
accounts are there in history books written by Muslim chroniclers.
(Baburnama, Delhi, 1998, pp. 573, 576 - to cite one example) And the
use of terror and savagery continues with renewed vigor even today.
The most morbid example of savagery in recent times was the beheading
by Ilyas Kashmiri (a commander of Pak-sponsored terror group) of an
injured Indian army officer (after capturing him on February 26,
2000). Ilyas Kashmiri went back to Pakistan with the head of the
hapless Indian army officer and presented it to top officers of Pak
army. Gen. Musharraf had given a cash reward of Rs. 1 lakh. Pictures
of Ilyas Kashmiri holding the head of the Indian officer were
published in Pakistani newspapers. Maulana Zahoor Ahmed Alvi of Jamia
Muhammadia, Islamabad, even issued a fatwa supporting slitting the
throats of Indian army officers in a similar manner [Source: News
item, 'Musharraf rewarded militant who killed Indian', (Indian Express
New Delhi, September 21, 2009, page 4).
Can Prof. Vijay Prashad deny these irrefutable facts?
•2. Islam came with Muslim traders:
Yes, in India there were traders from Arabia long before Islam was
born. These traders by virtue of their being Arabs, became Muslims
when Arabia became Islamic in the seventh century. Thus, one can say
Islam came to India with the traders. Yes, during the trading period,
there was no animosity against the Muslims or Islam. When did this
animosity begin? It was discussed by Alberuni a thousand years ago in
his famous ‘Indica' which we shall cover later. Not that there was any
resistance against but there were no conversions to Islam among the
general population to speak of. Initially Arabs, and later on Muslim,
traders married local women. Even Arab records show that India (read
Hindu) kings gave Muslims land to build their mosques and preach their
new religion. However, it might be mentioned that there is no evidence
of reciprocity of giving lands to Hindus or other religions in Arabia
after the birth of Islam. To the contrary, Prophet Muhammad's one of
the last three wishes/instructions to Muslims was to "expel all pagans
from the Arabian Peninsula." (Sahih Bukhari, New Delhi, vol. 4, p.
260, Chapter H 393)
What caused the animosity between Hindus and Muslims?
In the very first chapter of his book, Indica, Alberuni discusses the
differences between Hindus and Muslims, as written above. Alberuni
observes some of the reasons of Hindus' repugnance of Muslims are
complete banishment of Buddhists from countries, from Khurasan,
Persis, Irak, Mosul and Syria, first by Zoroastrians and then by
Islam. And then Muhammad ibn Kasim entered India proper, conquered the
cities of Bahmanwa and Multan and went as far as Kannauj - "all these
events planted a deeply rooted hatred in their hearts." (Sachau EC,
Alebruni's India, New Delhi, 1993, pp. 20-21)
Then he talks of Mahmud Ghaznavi: Sabuktagin weakened the borders of
India and afterwards his son Mahmud marched into India during a period
of thirty years and more. Mahmud utterly ruined the prosperity of
India and performed those wonderful exploits (emphasis mine), by which
the Hindus became like atoms of dust scattered in all directions, and
like a tale of old in the mouth of the people." Alberuni says "their
scattered remains cherish, of course, the most inveterate aversion
towards all Muslims." (ibid, pp. 22)
These are not even the tips of the proverbial iceberg, to understand
what was done to Hindu by Muslim invaders and then rulers. One has to
read the entire history recorded by the Muslim invaders and rulers and
other Muslim chroniclers to understand its full impact. After each
invasion, the survivors were offered conversion to Islam or death and
many converted. If circumstances allowed, many converted back to their
original faith. All through Muslim rule starting from bin Kasim, with
a few exceptions, Jiziya was imposed on non-Muslim subjects the burden
of which fell the heaviest on the poor. This, at times, led to mass
conversions of the entire castes. Islam might have come with the
traders but it did not result in any conversions to Islam. It were the
invasions and subsequent Muslim rule which did.
Politically motivated opinions that have no basis in recorded history
or wishful thinking that reflect how the things should have been, in
their flight of fancy imagination, is not history. It is, at best,
sheer fiction. Sadly, Prof. Vijay Prashad's characterization of Hindu
Muslim relations fall in this category. History is what actually
happened; fiction has no place in it.
•3. Reasons for temple demolition:
Prof. Prashad quotes Professor Thapar showing us that Mahmud Ghazni's
destruction of the Shiva temple in 1026 was driven not so much by a
fanatical religious belief but because his father, Subuktigin, needed
money to sustain his faltering kingdom in Central Asia.
It is unimaginable that Sabuktagin would have a kingdom in Central
Asia in 1926 after he died at Toormooz on his way to Ghizny from Balkh
in Shaban AH 387 (August AD 997).
In history of Islam Mahmud enjoys a very high position. He was given
the titles of Ameen-ul-Millat, defender of the faith and Yameen-ud-
Daulat, the right hand of the state by the Caliph of Baghdad - the
titles which had so far not been bestowed on any prince far or near,
notwithstanding their intense desire to receive such an honor. (Tarikh
Yamini, The History of India as Told by its own historians, Vol. 2,
New Delhi, 1996, pp. 24)
The plunders of Mahmud are legendary. When he displayed his loot from
India, he was declared "the richest monarch ever in history".
It is often said he was interested only in plunder and he was not much
of a religious person. Neither his record nor his Muslim chroniclers
agree with this characterization. From all contemporary records the
only inference one can draw is that he was a zealot Muslim and is so
regarded by Muslim scholars. As accepted even by Prof. Thapar and
quoted by Prof. Prashad that he plundered Somnath temple - but
actually the plunder and destruction of Somnath temple was of
relatively small scale in relation to other temples and places he
plundered and destroyed.
The case in point is the temple at Mathura. Mahmud was enchanted by
the grandeur of this temple. Utbi, secretary of Mahmud, in his Tarikh
Yamini described it as:
"The Sultan next directed his attacks against the sacred city of
Mathura. The city was surrounded by a massive stone wall, in which
were two lofty gates opening on to the river. There were magnificent
temples all over the city and the largest of them all stood in the
center of it. The Sultan was very much struck by its grandeur. In his
estimate it cost not less than 100,000,000 red dinars, and even the
most skillful of masons must have taken 200 years to complete it.
Among the large number of idols in the temples, five were made of pure
gold, the eyes of one of them were laid with two rubies worth 100,000
dinars, and another had a sapphire of a very heavy weight. All these
five idols yielded gold weighing 98,300 mishkals. The idols made of
silver numbered 200....... He seized all the gold and silver idols
and ordered his soldiers to burn all the temples to the ground. The
idols in them were deliberately broken into pieces. The city was
pillaged for 20 days, and a large number of buildings were reduced to
ashes." (Tarikh Yamini, The History of India as Told by its own
historians, vol 2, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 44)
Mahmud Ghaznavi invaded India at least sixteen times and each time he
left a trail of tears, human suffering and devastation. The tale of
his invasions as recorded by his secretary Utbi is blood curdling.
This is how Utbi describes one scene and this is not, by any means,
an isolated example:
"Many infidels were consequently slain or taken prisoner in this
sudden attack, and the Muslamans paid no regard to the booty till they
had satiated themselves with the slaughter of the infidels and
worshippers of sun and fire. The friends of God searched the bodies of
the slain for three whole days, in order to obtain booty." (ibid. pp.
49) The search for booty was secondary to killing.
Another place Utbi writes: "The blood of the infidels flowed so
copiously, that the stream was discoloured, notwithstanding its
purity, and people were unable to drink it." (ibid. pp. 40)
I can understand Mahmud's penchant for wealth. Many people have
insatiable thirst for wealth. Prof. Prashad might ask himself what
would drive a man to reduce to ashes such a marvelous structure and
break the idols to pieces if he was only interested in wealth? And
killing on such a large scale and so brutally?
Mahmud not only plundered and destroyed the Somnath temple, he ordered
the upper part of the idol to be broken and the remainder to be
transported to his residence, Ghazni, with all its trappings of gold,
jewels, and embroidered garments. Part of it has been thrown into the
hippodrome of the town, together with the Chakrasvamin, an idol of
bronze, that had been brought from Thanesar. Another part of the idol
from Somnath lies before the door of the mosque of Ghaznin, on which
people rub their feet to clean them from dirt and wet." (Sachau EC,
Alebruni's India, New Delhi, 1993, part II, pp. 103)
One would ask Prof. Thapar if the purpose of Mahmud's plunder of
Somnath was "driven not so much by a fanatical religious belief but
because his father, Subuktigin, needed money to sustain his faltering
kingdom in Central Asia" why would he spend it in transporting broken
pieces all the way from Somnath to Ghazni?
Prof. Prashad quotes Prof. Habib who admits that there was "wanton
destruction of temples that followed in the wake of the Ghaznavid
army." I am not surprised by it. Muslims historians are more open and
honest about the Muslim rule in India and its depredations than their
Hindu compatriots - the very Hindus who were at the receiving end for
centuries. I wonder if Stockholm syndrome has anything to do with it!
Coming back to our subject, temple destruction did not end with Mahmud
- it was just the beginning. These continued all the way till
Aurangzeb - the last great Mughal emperor. We will not go into those
details in this article.
Even today, the demolition of Bamiyan Buddha statues is a stark
reminder of what drove Muslim invaders of India to demolish Hindu
temples? There was no wealth hidden in Bamiyan Buddhas that the world
knows of.
In this so far we have covered only a very small part of Prof.
Prashad's article and not even scratched the surface of what Hindus
had gone through Islamic rule. Will Durant has called the Muslim
conquest of India the bloodiest story in history. The extent of
destruction of Hindu temples and massacres is beyond all human
imagination and a museum to their memory would be a just reminder to
all humanity of what might happen if one is not prepared to learn the
lessons from the past.
In the beginning of the article, Prof. Prashad wrote: "They claim that
over the past thousand years, millions of Hindus were killed, with the
intention to wipe Hindus off the map." Actually this is a very mild
statement and does not even come close to state the facts. According
to some estimates Hindus killed by Muslims over the centuries is about
80 million and the number of temples demolished into tens of
thousands. Timur Lang's massacre of 100,000 helpless Hindu prisoners
in one day by hands has no parallel in world history. (Malfuzat-e-
Timuri, History of India as told by its own historians, vol. III,
Delhi, 1996, pp. 436)
•4. Hindu Holocaust Museum:
Prof. Prashad also wrote: "The idea of the Hindu Holocaust casts the
Hindu as history's victim, who should now become history's aggressor
to avenge the past." It is evident that Prof. Prashad is drawing his
own conclusions without any evidence or basis. Making a museum to
portray the atrocities suffered by the Hindus in the past does not
imply they want to become "history's aggressors to avenge the past."
Jews have built Jewish Holocaust museums, are they avenging the past?
There are Black history museums all over the US. This does not mean
that these are meant to enslave the Whites "to avenge the past". A
museum is to remind the future generations of what happened - to
reflect the good and the bad; the pride and the shame. All countries
have museums. Actually it would have been only fair that such an idea
had come from the Muslims to show their disapproval of what their
ancestors had done to humanity for the sake of Islam. But that did not
happen and is not likely to happen either. If not the Muslims, then
this idea of Hindu Holocaust Museum should have come from liberal
progressive elite of independent India.
It is not surprising that Francois Gautier who is leading the movement
for a Hindu Holocaust museum is a Frenchman. He is the living legacy
of French progressive liberalism that waged the struggle against
religious fanaticism in the eighteenth century. Instead of making
light of Gautier's work, the liberal progressive elite worldwide
should join forces with him in exposing the depredations caused by
religious fanatics in India. Let India be the starting point and then
continue work elsewhere.
Prof. Prashad would do a great service if instead of spending his
valuable time and energy in criticizing Francois Gautier, he was
investigating what drove some people, in today's day and age, to
demolish two thousand years old Bamiyan Buddhas - a work of art and
human endeavor.
A sad reminder that the days of demolition of infidel idols are not
over yet.
Copyright: Vinod Kumar
September 25, 2009
Sri Sri and Jihad
The Times of India recently conducted a discussion between Islamic
scholar and peace activist Maulana Wahiduddin Khan and Hindu spiritual
leader Sri Sri Ravi Shankar on the issue of Jihad in the Quran and
Bhagvadgita. The discussion was moderated by Narayani Ganesh, a well
known Columnist.
Right at the beginning Maulana Wahiduddin started with "Let's discuss
the misunderstanding of the term jihad. Jihad is an Arabic word that
has neither a mysterious meaning nor relation to any sacred duty.
Jihad is a simple word; it means to struggle, to strive. Jihad is to
achieve a positive goal in life through peaceful means."
"The Prophet of Islam has said: "Do jihad against your own desires."
That is, doing jihad against yourself. So jihad means to control your
desires. Jihad is to discipline your own behaviour. The Qur'an says:
"Do jihad with the help of the Qur'an" (25:52). The Qur'an is a book
of ideology; it is not a weapon. So doing jihad with the help of the
Qur'an means to try to achieve one's goals through an ideological
struggle." He continued.
Before we accept the Mualana's definition of jihad let us look at the
subject of jihad from the basic scriptures of Islam and what other
Islamic scholars and commentators have said on the subject in some
details. One or two sentences here and there do not do justice to this
important topic.
Jihad has been going on in the world ever since Islam was born in the
seventh century but its latest manifestation has been, among other
places, most notably in Palestine, Chechnya, and Kashmir. Even, in
February 1998, when World Islamic Front issued a fatwa and a call for
Jihad to "every Muslim who believes in Allah and wishes to be
rewarded to comply with Allah's order to kill the Americans and
plunder their money wherever and whenever they find it", it did not
arouse much interest in the general public. It took direct assault on
9/11 on the fundamental symbols of what America stands for that it
created some curiosity. Today, Jihad is, no doubt, one of the most
discussed terms in the world.
What is Jihad? What drives a man to commit such horrendous acts
against humanity? What motivates Islamic terrorists? Why do they
operate under the name of Jihad?
Dr. Eyad Sarraj, a Palestinian psychiatrist answers (Newsweek, April
8, 2002)
"This is the influence of the Koran, the most potent and powerful book
for the past 14 centuries. God promised Muslims who sacrificed for
Islam that they would not die. They will live on in paradise. Muslims
hold to the promise literally."
How valid is this assertion?
What is Jihad?
View of traditionalists:
Dictionary of Islam defines jihad as "a religious war with those who
are unbelievers in the mission of Muhammad. It is an incumbent
religious duty, established in the Quran and in the Traditions as a
divine institution, enjoined specially for the purpose advancing Islam
and repelling evils from Muslims."[i]
In an introductory note to an article "Jihad in the Qur'an and
Sunnah" by Sheikh Abdullah bin Muhammad bin Humaid, ex-Chief Justice
of Saudi Arabia and of the Sacred Mosque of Mecca, Abdul Malik
Mujahid, General Manager of Maktaba Dar-us-Salam, Saudi Arabia on the
website (www.islamworld.net) writes:
"Jihad is regarded as the best thing, one can offer voluntarily. It
is superior to non‑obligatory prayers, fasting, Zakat, Umra and Hajj
as mentioned in the Qur'an and the Ahadith of the Prophet(pbuh). The
benefits of Jihad are of great extent and large in scope, while its
effects are far-reaching and wide-spreading as regards Islam and the
Muslims."
Sheikh Abdullah, ex-Chief Justice of Saudi Arabia defines Jihad as:
"Praise be to Allah swt Who has ordained Al-Jihad (the holy fighting
in Allah's Cause):
1. With the heart (intentions or feelings),
2. With the hand (weapons, etc.),
3. With the tongue (speeches, etc., in the Cause of Allah)
Allah has rewarded the one who performs it with lofty dwellings in the
Gardens (of Paradise)." [ii]
Other contrary Views
Many non-Muslim modernists, as Maulana Wahiduddin also said in this
discussion, in the West deny that it has anything to do with
violence.
Many academic Muslims also dissociate Jihad with "Holy War". "In its
primary sense it is an inner thing, within self, to rid it from
debased actions or inclinations, and exercise constancy and
perseverance in achieving a higher moral standard" - they claim.
"Jihad is not a declaration of war against other religions and
certainly not against Christians and Jews as some media and political
circles want it to be perceived. Islam does not fight other religions"
- they emphasize.
The Council on American-Islamic Relations, a Washington-based group,
asserts that jihad "does not mean 'holy war.'" Instead, jihad is "a
central and broad Islamic concept that includes the struggle to
improve the quality of life in society, struggle in the battlefield
for self-defense . . . or fighting against tyranny or oppression."
CAIR even denies that Islam includes any concept of a "holy war."
Many other who go under the banner of modernists hold similar views on
the nature of jihad.
How is one to conclude what Jihad really means in Islam?
Ironclad definition of anything to do with Islam and its practical
manifestations can only be derived from what the basic scriptures of
Islam have to say on any particular issue.
What are the basic scriptures of Islam and why are they so important?
The single most basic scripture of Islam is indeed the Qur'an. The
next after the Qur'an are the traditions - the Sunnah -- of the
Prophet -- also known as Ahadith. The Qur'an is compilation of the
Revelations from Allah to Prophet Muhammad and the Sunnah is what
Prophet Muhammad did or said. Of the traditions, the ones compiled by
Imam Bukhari and Imam Muslim are the most authentic.
Authenticity of Imam Bukhari's work can be judged from the fact that
he is reported to have collected over 300,000 Hadiths -- traditions of
the Prophet -- but "chose only approximately 7275 of which there is
no doubt about their authenticity." [iii] Each Hadith comes with its
line of transmission that leads directly to Prophet Muhammad or his
companions.
Why are the Qur'an and the Sunnah of the Prophet so important to
Muslims? Instead of giving my personal opinion let me say what Rafiq
Zakaria, an eminent Islamic scholar and also known as modernist
progressive secular Muslim has to say on this.
"To Muslims, the Quran is the creation of god. However, it is equally
important to remember that there could have been no Quran without
Muhammad. He is not only its transmitter but also the embodiment of
its teachings... Muhammad and the Quran are inextricably
intertwined." [iv]
"The Quran is, therefore, regarded by Muslims as immutable and
unchangeable, not metaphorically but literally. This is a matter of
faith for them, and reason can never deflect them from it." [v]
(Italics mine) He went on to say.
After enumerating the five pillars of Islam, he echos the sentiments
expressed above in another book and goes on to observe "it (the Quran)
contains guidelines a Muslim must follow." [vi]
Maulana Mawdudi, a great Islamic scholar and thinker expresses similar
views. Islam stands for complete faith in the prophet's teachings. It
stands for complete obedience to the system of life shown to us by the
prophet and any who ignores the medium of the prophet and claims to
follow God directly is not a Muslim. [vii]
Maulana Wahiduddin has also expressed similar opinions.
Human reason or direct approach to God without the medium of the
prophet makes one sinner, if not apostate from Islam. No freedom of
slightest deviation is allowed. One has to follow the teachings of the
Quran and of the Prophet.
If we want to understand why the Muslims carry out jihad, we have to
understand what the Quran and the Sunnah have to say on this topic.
The opinions of Islamic scholars and other commentators are not valid
if they are not in conformity with the above.
What do the Quran and the Sunnah have to say on the subject of Jihad?
There is no chapter devoted exclusively to the subject of jihad in the
Quran. The Ayats pertaining to jihad are spread throughout the Quran.
If one were to sort them out and present them in a concise manner, one
would, in all likelihood, be accused of quoting them out of context.
But in each of the authentic Hadis - the Sunnah of the prophet --
there is a section dealing with the practice of jihad. So let us turn
our attention to the Sunnah. On close scrutiny of the Sunnah as
compiled in Sahih Al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim, apart from the
traditions of the prophet, frequent reference is made to the Quran. So
what is recorded in these two books is both, the Sunnah of the Prophet
as well as the revelations from God. Imam Bukhari and Imam Muslim have
facilitated our work in informing us, in a concise form, what the
concept of jihad in Islam is?
Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Khan of Islamic University, Medina Al- Munawwara,
Saudi Arabia, the translator of Sahih Al-Bukhari, in the glossary of
Arabic words translates Jihad as "Holy fighting in the cause of Allah
or any other kind of effort to make Allah's word (Islam) superior
which is regarded as one of the principles of Islam." [viii]
Jihad defined:
Let us first try to find out what is Jihad? We don't have to too far.
The section on Jihad starts with invocation to Allah and Chapter I
opens quoting verses 9:111-112 of the Quran:
"Verily
Allah has purchased of the believers
Their lives and their properties;
For theirs (in return)
Is Paradise. They fight in His cause, so they
Kill (others) and are killed
It is a promise in truth which is binding on Him."[ix]
Allah has made a binding promise with His believers to kill in His
cause and if they are killed they will get Paradise in return.
And again it repeats in chapter 2 "the best among the people is that
believer who strives his utmost in Allah's cause with both his life
and property and goes on to quote verses 61:10,11,12 . It says "it
(fighting in Allah's cause) is a bargain that will save you from a
grievous punishment..... He will forgive you, your sins and admit you
into Gardens beneath which rivers flow, and to beautiful Mansions in
gardens of Eternity." And calls it "The supreme achievement." [x]
Indeed the promise of Gardens with Rivers and Mansions must have
sounded very alluring in the harsh desert climate of Arabia.
Evidently, it does even today.
The superiority of Jihad:
"A single endeavor (of fighting) in Allah's Cause in the forenoon is
better than the world and whatever is in it." Says Hadis 50 in chapter
5. [xi]
And "a place as small as a bow in Paradise is better than all that on
which the sun rises and sets (i.e. all the world)." And continues,
repeating, "A single endeavour in Allah's Cause is better than all
that on which the sun rises and sets." [xii]
The superiority of martyrdom is so great that "nobody would wish to
come back even if he were given the whole world and whatever in it,
except the martyr who, on seeing the superiority of martyrdom, would
like to come back to the world and get killed again (in Allah's
cause.)" [xiii]
And what is there in Paradise? Houris. "And if a houri from paradise
appeared to the people of the earth, she would fill the space between
Heaven and the Earth with light and pleasant scent and her head cover
is better than the world and whatever is in it." [xiv] Who would not
like to die to be in company of such houris?
Obligations of a Believer to Jihad
What are the obligations of a Muslim of a general call to arms and
what sort of Jihad and intentions are compulsory? Most people don't
like to fight and Muslims are no exception to it. But what are they to
do when Allah says:
"March forth, whether you are light (young, healthy and wealthy) or
heavy (ill, old and poor)
And strive with your wealth and your lives
In the way of Allah; that is better for you
If you but knew. Had it been a near gain (booty in front of them)
And an easy journey they would have followed you,
But the distance (Tabuk expedition) was long for them and they would
Swear by Allah (saying)
"If we only could, we would have surely have come out with you."
Allah reprimands:
"They destroy their own souls, and Allah knows
That they are liars." (9:41-42) [xv]
Allah continues His reprimand:
"O you who believe! What is the matter with you that when you are
asked to march forth in the Way of Allah, (i.e. Jihad), you cling
heavily to the earth? Are you pleased with the life of this world
rather than the hereafter? .... (the verse). If you march not forth,
He will punish you with a painful torment and will replace you by
another people and you cannot harm Him at all, and Allah is Able to do
all things." (9:38-39) [xvi]
Is Jihad obligatory:
This is best explained by Sheikh Abdullah bin Muhammad bin Humaid:
"So at first "the fighting" was forbidden, then it was permitted and
after that it was made obligatory- ( 1 ) against them who start "the
fighting" against you (Muslims)... (2) and against all those who
worship others along with Allah... as mentioned in SurahAI‑BaqaraSl
(II), Al‑lmran (III) and Baraat (IX)... and other Suras (Chapters of
the Qur'an).
Allah made "the fighting' (Jihad) obligatory for the Muslims and gave
importance to the subject‑matter of Jihad in all the Suras (Chapters
of the Qur'an) which were revealed (at Medina) as in Allah's
Statement:
March forth whether you are light (being healthy, young and wealthy)
or heavy (being ill, old and poor), strive hard with your wealth and
your lives in the Cause of Allah. This is better for you if you but
knew. (V.9:41). [xvii]
Rewards of Jihad:
Where would one killed in Jihad go? The Muslim killed in Jihad would
go to Paradise and "their's (i.e. those of the Pagan's) will go to
Hell Fire. [xviii]
What are the special benefits of fighting in Allah's cause?
Whoever believes in Allah and His Messenger and lives the life of a
good Muslim will rightfully go to Paradise, no matter if he fights in
Allah's cause or not. But there is a special place for those who do.
Paradise has hundred grades which Allah has reserved for Mujahidin.
The distance between each grade is like the distance between the
Heaven and the Earth. [xix]
And what will those who fight in Allah's cause get in Paradise?
Bat Ye'Or well known writer on Islam notes "the ideology of jihad was
formulated by Muslim jurists and scholars, including such luminaries
as Averroes and Ibn Khaldun, from the 8th century onward. For example,
Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) stated, "..the holy war is a religious duty,
because of the universality of the Muslim mission and the obligation
to convert everyone to Islam either by persuasion or by force...".
Modernists views refuted:
As noted above, Council of American Islamic Relations asserts that
Jihad is "struggle in the battlefield for self-defense . . . or
fighting against tyranny or oppression" But Sahih Muslim, one of two
most authentic traditions does not agree with it.
Self defense or oppression has nothing to do with the concept of
Jihad. It quotes Prophet Muhammad saying:
"I have been commanded to fight against people, till they testify to
the fact that there is no god but Allah, and believe in me (that) I am
the messenger (from the Lord) and in all that I have brought. And when
they do it, their blood and riches are guaranteed protection on my
behalf except where it is justified by law, and their affairs rest
with Allah."[xx]
Quoting Koran (9:39) "If you march not forth, I will punish you with a
painful torment and will replace you by another people and you cannot
harm Me at all, and Allah is able to do all things.", Sheikh Abdullah
bin Muhammad bin Hamid of Sacred Mosque of Mecca (Saudi Arabia) writes
"Allah disapproved of those who abandoned Jihad (i.e. they did not go
for Jihad) and attributed to them hypocrisy and disease in their
hearts, and threatened (all) those who remain behind from Jihad and
sit at home with horrible punishment. He (Allah) accused them with the
most ugly descriptions, rebuked them for their cowardice and spoke
against them (about their weakness and their remaining behind).[xxi]
Had Jihad been just "striving" and "an inner thing, within self, to
rid it from debased actions or inclinations" where was the need to
"march forth"? Why would Allah accuse those who did not "march forth"
of "cowardice", and "hypocrisy and disease in their hearts"?
To scholars of Islam the message of the Koran and Ahadith is clear.
It is true that not every Muslim is engaged in Jihad. It is true not
only today; it was true during the time of Prophet Muhammad also.
Those who did not were called hypocrites and their fidelity to Islam
was in question.
It is evident from the above that Maulana Wahiduddin's contention that
Jihad has "no relation to any sacred duty" and "it means to struggle,
to strive. Jihad is to achieve a positive goal in life through
peaceful means" have no foundation in Islamic scriptures.
And if Jihad, indeed, is "mental struggle against passion or internal
struggle" - it would be welcome, I am sure, by all non-Muslims. What
a non-Muslim is primarily interested in is Jihad that affects his (non-
Muslim's) survival. However, there is no evidence in the core
scriptures of Islam that Jihad is an internal struggle within the
self.
In support of his contention, the Maulana quoted verse 25:52 saying:
"The Quran says: ‘Do jihad with the help of the Quran'. As is the
common theme of the Quran ‘to fight with the unbelievers', the verse
quoted by the Maulana does not disappoint. It also says: "So do not
follow the unbelievers, and strive against them a mighty striving with
it." ‘It' might mean the Quran - the word Jihad does not occur in any
of the three translations I checked but by defining jihad as peaceful
struggle the Maulana has completely fooled a general unbeliever into
believing that the Quran asks his followers to fight peacefully.
In the whole discussion Sri Sri Ravi Shankar and the moderator, both
cut a sorry figure. The Maulana took them for an easy ride and neither
challenged the Maulana and presented the true meaning of jihad. It is
evident that Sri Sri Ravi Shankar has absolutely no knowledge of Islam
or even of its basics
The whole exercise of equating the Gita and the Quran is disingenuous.
The Gita and the Hinduism at large have no concept of jihad in the
Quranic sense. The Kurukshetra war is not about jihad but about
injustice which as the Maulana says does not exist in Islam - (In
Islam, there is no war against injustice). In Islam, whatever Allah
decrees is justice when it says: "God gives abundantly to whom He will
and sparingly to whom it pleases." (13:26) In the Gita the basic
theme is fight for righteousness - not for any god or religion or an
individual while to the contrary the basic theme in the Quran is to
fight for Allah against those who deny His Revelations.
In Kurukshatra war Sri Krishna did not exhort Arjuna to fight because
Sri Krishna wanted it or for a God - or for even Arjuna's sake but for
the justice. Against the injustice that had been done to the
Pandavas. This step was taken after all other means to bring justice
have been explored and exhausted.
Yes, like any other religious ideology, Islam also would like to
improve the life of its followers, in its own way but that is nowhere
called what is known as Jihad.
i Warraq, ibn. Why I am not a Muslim. New York, 1995, pp.12
ii Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp. xxiv
iii Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp.xvii
iv Zakaria, Rafiq, Muhammad and the Quran, Penguin Books, New York,
1991, pp. 3
v Zakaria, Rafiq, Muhammad and the Quran, Penguin Books, New York,
1991, pp. 4
vi Zakaria, Rafiq, The Struggle within Islam, Penguin Books, New
York, 1988, pp. 304
vii Mawdudi, Abul A'la, Towards understanding Islam, Islamic Circle
of North America, Montreal, 1986, pp. 61 (First published in Urdu in
India in 1932)
viii Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp. lxxiv
ix Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol.4, pp. 34
x Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 36-37
xi Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 41
xii Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp 41
xiii Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 42
xiv Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 42
xv Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 58-59
xvi Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 59
xvii Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp. xxvi
xviii Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 55
xix Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 40
xx Sahih Muslim, Translated by Abdul Hamid Siddiqi, New Delhi, 1994,
vol. 1, pp.17
xxi Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp.xxx-xxxi
© Copyright
[i] Warraq, ibn. Why I am not a Muslim. New York, 1995, pp.12
[ii] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp. xxiv
[iii] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp.xvii
[iv] Zakaria, Rafiq, Muhammad and the Quran, Penguin Books, New York,
1991, pp. 3
[v] Zakaria, Rafiq, Muhammad and the Quran, Penguin Books, New York,
1991, pp. 4
[vi] Zakaria, Rafiq, The Struggle within Islam, Penguin Books, New
York, 1988, pp. 304
[vii] Mawdudi, Abul A'la, Towards understanding Islam, Islamic Circle
of North America, Montreal, 1986, pp. 61 (First published in Urdu in
India in 1932)
[viii] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp. lxxiv
[ix] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol.4, pp. 34
[x] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 36-37
[xi] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 41
[xii] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp 41
[xiii] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 42
[xiv] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 42
[xv] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 58-59
[xvi] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 59
[xvii] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 1, pp. xxvi
[xviii] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan,
New Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 55
[xix] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp. 40
[xx] Sahih Muslim, Translated by Abdul Hamid Siddiqi, New Delhi,
1994, vol. 1, pp.17
[xxi] Al-Bukhari, Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by M. Muhsin Khan, New
Delhi, 1984, vol. 4, pp.xxx-xxxi
http://voi.org/20091003249/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/whatisjihad.html
How Javed Anand’s Ancestors Became Muslims
By Vinod Kumar, on 08-11-2009 12:56
Berating Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh, its Chief Mohan Bhagwat and then
Hinduism, Javed Anand in RSS, Here I Come (Asian Age, Oct 14, 2009)
http://epaper.asianage.com/ASIAN/AAGE/2009/10/14/Article/007/14_10_2009_007_005.jpg
wrote:
"Even otherwise, I have no difficulty in accepting the obvious---my
Hindu past---for I doubt if my forefathers were Sikhs , Jains or
Buddhists. The former are easily discounted for they arrived too late
on the scene. Jains? No way , they are not interested in Mughlai
cousin . As far Buddhists, I am unable to see what possible incentive
there was for them to abandon their faith."
"But converting from Hinduism is conceivable . I have been told since
childhood that we are Saddiquis. That's big if you are talking
hierachy ---being part of the extended parivar of none else than the
closest companion of Prophet Mohammed and the first Caliph of Islam
Abu Bakr. But this Arabisation drive Bhagwat Ji I suspect is quite
like Sansakritisation ---in search of respectability, status and
imagination at work. It's quite likely that my forefathers were Hindus
and "untouchable".
"Imagine Islam's appeal to one who is constantly told he is too
"impure" to be allowed entry inside a temple . Imagine the doors of a
mosque being flung open to him with invite--- Come, stand shoulder-to-
shoulder with the rest of us. No hierarchy here, no caste, no race,
"Sab ka Malik ek" . Who says you are too impure to enter a holy space
or hold a holy text ? Here's the Quran . Its your as much as anyone
else's Touch it, hold it, read it, kiss it, store it in your heart and
mind."
Last update : 08-11-2009 13:06
RSS and Mohan Bhagwat are just the props. Javed Anand's real target is
Hinduism.
"Imagine , Bhagwatji, does this not sound like celestial music to the
outcast such as my forefathers quite possibly were." Mr. Javed Anand
went on to write.
But evidently this did not sound like ‘celestial music to the
"outcast" brothers of the ancestors of Javed Anand otherwise after
fourteen hundred years of Islam's presence in India, with roughly half
of it as its rulers, and all the lollipops thrown at them with
accompanying privileges of belonging to the community of the rulers,
the problem of "outcasts" in Hinduism would not have existed. The fact
is that despite the open arms of Islam as Javed Anand claims, the
"outcasts" of Hinduism did not opt for Islam. Even in Pakistan where
even today every non-Muslim is treated as second class citizen and the
"outcast" Hindus even worse, the minuscule minority community of
"outcast" Hindus have not been attracted by this "celestial" music of
Islam. There are other reasons why the speculative "outcast" ancestors
of Javed Anand became Muslims.
Let us briefly review what might have been the reasons of Javed
Anand's ancestors conversion to Islam - "outcasts" or not.
•1. Early history:
Islam came to India with the Arab traders when Arabia was converted to
Islam. The new converts to Islam - who have been coming to India as
Arabs since long before Islam was born - were free to practice their
new religion. They were given land grants to build their mosques and
freedom to preach and convert from the local population while the
Prophet of Islam had wished to expel all pagans from the Arabian
peninsula. (Sahih Bukhari, vol. 4) There is no evidence that the
"celestial music" of Islam attracted many, if any, converts from the
"outcasts" of Hindu society even though there was no restrictions upon
their leaving the Hindu fold. Even in Arabia the conversion was not
all that an easy matter. Biographies of Prophet Muhammad and the
Koranic verses are a testimony to it. Those who did not convert were
given the status of dhimmies and a special tax named jiziya was
levied upon them. Islam's appeal in Arabia even after conversion must
not have been all that great so that the Prophet of Islam made leaving
Islam a crime punishable with death. Wonder why would anyone ever want
to leave the "celestial" music of Islam?
•2. Medieval History:
2a. Muslim Invaders: Every Muslim invader starting with bin Kasim who
came to India demolished and plundered Hindu temples. Killed all the
males and enslaved women and children - at times carried them off by
the hundreds of thousands to Arabia and Central Asian countries to be
sold off as slaves. At one point, there were so many Hindu slaves in
Ghazni that it looked like an Indian city. Men of honor in India were
working as domestic help in Afghanistan and beyond. Lakhs perished in
what is now - for good reason - called Hindukush. Those who converted
to Islam were spared. Desire to live as decent human being is a common
human weakness - no wonder many converted to Islam just to survive -
not necessarily the "outcasts" of Hindu society; most of them were the
elite of the Hindu society. When the invaders went back, those who
converted reverted back to the practice of Hinduism. But repeated
invasions and even harder treatment meted out to those who
reconverted, they found it expedient to remain Muslims in name even
though for long times they continued their infidel Hindu ways. Some
still do even after centuries of conversion. Thus it was found
necessary to start Tabligh movement to rid the practice of "evil"
infidel ways among the converted Muslims. This has been a continued
and still prevalent practice among the converted and the Tabligh
jamaat still has a Herculean task on its shoulders.
2b. Muslim Sultans: Muslim Sultans made the life of infidel Hindus
unbearable. According to sharia, jiziya and disproportionately heavy
taxes were imposed on the infidels. Sultan Ala-ud-din Khilji demanded
from learned men of Islam rules and regulations, so that the Hindu
should be ground down, and property and possessions, which are the
cause of disaffection and rebellion, should not remain in his house.
Qazi Mughisud-din of Bayana whom Ala-ud-din consulted as to the
legality of his measures towards Hindus, wholeheartedly justified Ala-
ud-din's rigorous policy and "pointed out that Islamic law sanctioned
sterner principle, so much so that, ‘if the revenue collector spits
into a Hindu's mouth, the Hindu must open his mouth to receive it
without hesitation." Ala-ud-din was gratified to learn that his
treatment of the Hindus was in full accordance with Islamic law and
assured the Qazi that he had given orders that the Hindu will not be
allowed to possess more than what is required for a bare
subsistence." (The History and Culture of the Indian People, vol. 6,
Bombay, 1990, pp. 24-25)
Could it be that the ancestors of Javed Anand - not necessarily the
"outcast" of Hindu society -- converted to Islam under these
circumstances?
2c. Akbar: Hindus got a little respite under relatively enlightened
policies of the third Mughal Emperor Akbar. He abolished the much
hated jiziya tax and treated non-Muslims in a more tolerant manner. He
let the Hindu princesses whom he married and were married to his sons
practice Hindu rituals in his palace contrary to usual practice of
converting them to Islam. He invited different religions for open
debate. This was not much liked by the orthodox Ulema and they accused
Akbar of apostasy of which there is no evidence. Akbar at best died an
eclectic. His death was celebrated by the orthodox ulema.
2d. Aurangzeb: Whatever goodwill was created by Akbar was soon undone
by his successors. Aurangzeb was the most orthodox of the Mughal
emperors. He has been called a ‘living pir' and is reported to have
memorized the entire Koran. His zealotry for Islam went beyond all
bounds of a sovereign. In the twelfth year of Emperor's reign' the
Vishwanath temple at Benaras, which seems to have been rebuilt, and
Keshav Rai temple at Mathura were demolished. Aurangzeb revived the
policy of demolishing temples in the wake of military campaigns which
had been followed by Delhi Sultans and occasionally by Shahjahan. In
pursuance of this policy hundreds of temples across India from Kuch
Bihar to Deccan were ruthlessly destroyed. Firman was issued that no
new temples should be built. Temples which were built in the past ten /
twelve years were classified in this category and while old temples
were spared but repairs to them were banned. Conversion to Islam was
officially promoted. The Emperor presided over the ceremony of
conversion as often as he could - these conversions were not from the
"outcasts" of Hindu society but from the zamindars, and influential
Rajputs and Jats who converted to gain favor with the ruling monarch.
(Shah Wali-Allah and his Times, SAA Rizvi, Australia, 1980, pp. 90)
S A A Rizvi observes:
"Gradually, criminals and corrupt and dishonest revenue officials
began to expiate their crimes by embracing Islam. (pp. 90)"
In 1679 officials were issued orders to realize the jiziya from non-
Muslims. The jiziya was so designed that its impact was the heaviest
on the poorest section of Hindu society who were subsequently deprived
of almost entire income from their property. This was all part of
deliberate policy to force the poorer section of Hindus to embrace
Islam. (ibid pp. 92)
Quoting Mirat-I Ahmadi Rizvi writes that the entire attention of the
Aurangzeb was directed towards strengthening the ‘manifest faith' and
to mold all affairs of the state - financial and political - according
to the sharia. In 1665, customs duty on the goods of Muslims was
levied at two and half percent and of Hindus at five percent. In 1667,
the duty on Muslims goods was totally forbidden. He issued a decree
that all posts of head clerk and above be filled with Muslims. (ibid
pp. 88)
2e. Shah Wali-Allah:
A contemporary of Abdul Wahhab of Saudi Arabia, Shah Wali-Allah's
(1703 - 1762) influence on Muslim thought in India cannot be
overemphasized.
Muslim historian I H Qureshi, (had been member of the Indian as well
as Pakistan Historical Records Commission, of the Council of the
Indian and Pakistan Institutes of International Affairs, of the
executive committees of the Indian History Conference and Pakistan
historical Society). wrote:
"Shah Wali-ullah was a man of encyclopedic learning. He was not one of
those scholars who keep different branches of knowledge in different
chambers of their mind.....The world has not produced many scholars
like him....During his lifetime his greatness was recognized by his
contemporaries and his claim to that he was MUJADDID - renewer of the
Faith -- of his century was not challenged by any one." (Ulema in
Politics -- I H Qureshi, Delhi, 1985, pp 126)
Shah Wali-Ullah is regarded as one of the greatest Muslim thinkers of
all times. This is just to emphasize what position Shah Wali-Ullah
holds in Islam and what his views about Hindus and proselytization
were?
"They (Imams) should preach that other religions were worthless since
their founders were not perfect, and their practice was opposed to
divine law, interpolations having made them unbelievable......" (Shah
Wali-Allah and His Times, SAA Rizvi, Australia, 1980, pp. 286)
"Another means of ensuring conversions was to prevent other religious
communities from worshipping their own gods. Moreover, unfavorable
discriminating laws should be imposed on non-Muslims in matters of
rules of retaliation, compensation for manslaughter and marriage, and
in political matters." (ibid pp. 286)
To streamline the Mughal administration, he wrote to Emperor Ahmad
Shah: " Strict orders should be issued in all Islamic towns forbidding
religious ceremonies publicly practiced by the infidels."(ibid pp.
294)
Most of Muslim rulers in fact did exactly the same, and many Muslim
countries do it even today. Saudi Arabia is the prime example. In
Saudi Arabia practice of any religion other than Islam is illegal. It
is reminiscent of the laws decreed by many Muslims rulers of India.
Aurangzeb, as stated above, had issued orders to ban public practice
of Hindu religion, construction of new temples and repair of old
ones.
"However, the proselytization programme of Shah Wali-Allah only
included the leaders of the Hindu community. The low class of the
infidels, according to him, were to be left alone to work in the
fields and for paying jizya. They, like beasts of burden and
agricultural livestock, were to be kept in abject misery and
despair."(ibid, pp. 286)
And the same people want us to believe Muslims have no caste
distinction. Even when Hindus were converted to Islam Hindus of higher
caste got relatively better treatment than the Hindus of the lower
castes. But still local converted Hindus were never treated as equal
to foreign Muslims. All Muslim administrations were full of first
generation Muslims from all over the Muslim world or their descendants
-- not of local converted Muslims.
2 f. Conversion from Buddhists:
"As far Buddhists, I am unable to see what possible incentive there
was for them to abandon their faith." Javed Anand wrote. Javed is
right, Buddhists had no incentive to convert to Islam and for that
matter neither did the Hindus or the Jains or the Zoroastrians.
Khurasan, Persis, Irak, Mosul, and the country up to the border of
Syria was Buddhistic. First Zoroastrians banished them from these
countries and pushed them to east of Balkh. Then came Islam and all
remnants of Buddhism were wiped off from Afghanistan and Central Asia.
(Alberuni's India, Delhi, 1993, pp. 21) Buddhist center at Nalanda was
wrecked by the marauders of Bakhtiyar Khilji about 1200 CE beyond
recovery, thus ending a continuous tradition of refuge and meeting-
place for ascetics which went back to the centuries before the Buddha.
(Indigenous Indians, Elst, Delhi, 1993, pp. 424) If anything was left,
the lofty statues of Buddha, carved on a mountain side were taken care
of the proud students of Islam - Taliban - in 2001.
True, Buddhists had no incentive to convert but Buddhism was destroyed
root and branch in Muslim territory but not in Hindu territory.
(Indigenous Indians, Elst, Delhi, 1993, pp. 424)
•3. Modern Times:
3a. Twentieth Century: In modern times, in the last century also there
were many conversions to Islam. The ones in Malabar, Noakhali, the
Punjab in 1947 stand out. All this is rather recent history and
details are easily available. All these conversions in the last
century were the result of matter of survival for the converted
whether it was Malabar or Noakhali or the killing grounds of Punjab in
the aftermath of the partition. The "outcasts" of the Hindu society
didn't exactly run to the mosques to hear its "celestial" music. On
the other hand let us see what the most outstanding leader of the
"outcasts" did?
3b. "Outcasts of Hindu society": There is no more prominent "outcast"
of Hindu society than Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. He is in all likelihood
the greatest intellectual of all times among the "outcast" - a term
Javed Anand likes to use. Dr. Ambedkar had carried out thorough
research of the genesis of Hindu caste system and Hindu scriptures,
Buddhism, Islam and Christianity. He renounced Hinduism but neither
did the "celestial music" of Islam nor its open doors lure him into
the lap of Islam. He spurned all offers to convert to Islam and
Christianity and opted for Buddhism. Why?
"Nothing is infallible. Nothing is binding forever. Everything is
subject to inquiry and examination.": Ambedkar wrote. (Dr. Ambedkar,
Writings as and Speeches, vol. 3, Govt. of Maharashtra, 1987 , pp 442,
quoted in Indigenous Indians, Koenraad Elst, New Delhi,1993, pp. 390)
This is quite in contrast to Islamic belief where "the Koran is the
word of God, immutable and unalterable; it contains guidelines which a
Muslim must follow." It is beyond any question or doubt. It must be
accepted as the Final Truth - the Last Word of Allah.
Not only Ambedkar did not convert to Islam he was opposed to Scheduled
castes converting to Islam. After Partition the scheduled caste
politician J N Mandal was given a seat in the Pakistani cabinet as a
showpiece to lure the Scheduled castes to convert to Islam. J N Mandal
accepted this against the advice of Ambedkar. It was a great
disappointment for Mandal and soon after he resigned.
(http://www.hvk.org/specialarts/mandal/mandal.html)
Ambedkar complained that Pakistan was not allowing the Scheduled
castes to emigrate to India and was forcibly converting them to Islam.
In order to increase the Muslim population, in Hyderabad also they
were being forcibly converted. He asked them not to put their faith
in Muslims or the Muslim League just because they do not like the
Hindus. It would be fatal for them to do so. He would see that all
those who were forcibly converted would be taken back into the fold,
he said. Whatever the oppression and tyranny the Hindus practised in
them, it should not warp their vision and swerve them from their
duty." (Indigenous Indians, Koenraad Elst, New Delhi, 1993, pp.
402-3)
•4. Conclusion
There are many faults in Hinduism. At least Hindus are aware of them
and they are working at it. But as seen above, any of the fault lines
has nothing to do with their conversion to Islam. Moreover, Hinduism
is not stuck in a fixed time frame. What was true of Hinduism
yesterday no longer holds true today and Hinduism of tomorrow will be
altogether a different entity. Whatever, Mr. Javed Anand might say or
think casteism is not the soul of Hinduism.
However, there is no historical evidence whatsoever to suggest that
the "outcasts" - a term Javed Anand likes to use - were so charmed by
the "celestial" music of Islam that they jumped into its arms as the
doors of mosques were flung open. Again, only six decades ago, Hindus
suffered untold misery of life and property but came to India. They
could have converted to Islam and stayed in the only land they had
ever known in history.
If it was the "evil" caste system of Hindus that "lured" them to the
"celestial" music of Islam, what made the Zoroastrians, Egyptians, the
Anatolians, the Kurds, the Buddhists, the Afghans, the Pagans of
Arabia - to convert to Islam? There runs a common thread.
Hinduism is open - there are no bars for people who want to leave it.
To the contrary Islam has to keep its door closed so that people don't
run out of it and thus made apostasy from Islam a crime punishable
with death.
Last, but not the least, Javed Anand, ruling out Jains as his
ancestors, wrote "Jains? No way , they are not interested in Mughlai
cousin." Javed thinks whoever converted to Islam was for a big
gourmet Mughlai dinner. What a sick sense of humor if he thinks it is
humorous. How I wish the Muslims had restricted their conversion
frenzy only to those who were interested in Mughlai feast.
http://voi.org/20091108287/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/tbd.html
On Hindu Cowardice and Muslim Bravery
By Vinod Kumar, on 10-01-2010 07:32
There is common perception that Hindus are cowards and Muslims are
brave. Even Mahatma Gandhi went on to write: "Hindu is a coward and a
Muslim a bully by nature."
This perception mostly results from the fact that a small number of
Muslims were able to defeat the Hindus and rule over them for
centuries.
If one were to analyze the underlying causes that led to the defeat of
the Hindus, there is no evidence to suggest that the Hindu is coward
-- Hindus just have different ideology -- a different set of
priorities and ideas about nature of things.
Hindu defeats were more intellectual and cultural. Muslims brought a
new ideology and a new kind of warfare to India -- one that at first
the Hindus did not understand. And today when they fully understand
it, they are not willing to adopt it.
The Hindu mind regarding "religious" warfare was first expressed by
none else than Alberuni, a scholar in Greek, Farsi and Arabic and an
astronomer in his own right, who came to India with Mahmud Ghaznavi,
stayed in India, learnt Sanskrit, read extensively all Hindu
literature, wrote 20 books including translations on India. In his
still available book Indica, he went on to observe:
"On the whole, there is very little disputing about theological
topics among themselves; at the utmost they fight with words, but they
will never stake their soul or body or their property on religious
controversy."
Hindus believed in open discussion of theological topics but did not
kill each other for their opinions and they could not understand why
would one kill others for differing on matter of theology or imposing
their own ideas on others.
Almost thousand years later, talking of the betrayal of king Dahir of
Debal, V S Naipaul went on to explain the Hindus' reaction to Muslim
invasions in the following words:
"It is the first of the betrayals that will assist the Arab conquest.
But they are not betrayals, really. They are no more than the actions
of people who understand only that power is power, and believe they
are changing rulers; they cannot conceive that a new way is about to
come."
Last update : 10-01-2010 07:34
Hindu kings, before Islam, fought incessantly but it made no
difference to general public -- they were not asked to change their
religion, their women were not raped, their temples and cities were
not plundered and desecrated. The war did not touch their personal
lives. All they got was another king.
A new way did dawn upon India after the conquest of Muhammad bin Kasim
but the cultural moorings of Hindu were so strong that they refused to
learn the new ways of Islam. That would have meant giving up Hinduism.
While civilizations of Arabia, Egypt, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Iran and
others crumbled before the Islamic onslaught, Hindus withstood it for
centuries. Had the Hindus been cowards, India today would have been a
purely Islamic state. They refused to be annihilated and were not
desirous of annihilating even the aggressor. Religious warfare, as
Alberuni observed, has no place in their ideology.
It is not Hindus lack of understanding of these new ways even after
almost 1300 years and even when Hindus were massacred in Pakistan,
they failed to retaliate in India. Even today after all the massacres
of Hindus in Kashmir, the Hindus don't want to fight in the name of
religion. Secularism in India is not an empty slogan or mere cosmetic
-- it is the very basis of Hindu beliefs and that is why a common
Hindu is still ashamed of Babri masjid demolition while a Muslim -- of
Hindu ancestry -- has no qualms or shame of the destruction of tens of
thousands of Hindu temples by Muslim invaders. The difference in
behavior is nothing but the ideology that one follows -- both have the
same genetic pool in their blood stream.
It is not without reason that despite what has been visited upon the
Hindus by the Muslims, Hindu India is still a secular country while
there is not a single Muslim country that subscribes to the ideal of
secularism. M J Akbar in his book The Siege within India admits that
India is secular because it is a Hindu majority country.
As far as Hindu bravery is concerned -- it is well documented in the
annals of Muslim victors themselves -- I need not go into details of
that. It is the Hindu psyche that refuses to act contrary to their
long held beliefs that killing in the name of religion is not the
right thing to do.
The success of the Muslim invaders came not from their being a martial
or superior race or being physically stronger -- it were the same
Arabs who had not done any "brave" acts other than trading in entire
history before Islam -- it was only after they took on the ideology of
Islam that preached them to be cruel to all infidels and spread the
"TRUE FAITH" that they went on the rampage. The Buddhist Afghans had
lived with their Buddhist/Hindu neighbors for a millennium -- it was
only after they adopted the creed of Islam that they went on the
rampage on those very people with whom they shared history and
culture.
A study of the lives and teachings of Muhammad and Buddha, Mahavir and
even Gandhi today will explain why the Muslims and the Hindus behave
the way they do. Physically and genetically an Indian/Pakistani Muslim
is no different from his Hindu compatriot -- it is the ideology that
one follows that makes the difference. It is the ideology that makes
them act so differently from each other.
The Vedic "Ekam satya, viprah bahuda vadanti" -- there is one truth
but people call it by different names -- is deeply engraved on and
continues to control the Hindu mind and actions while the Koranic
injunctions "Islam is the only true faith" and "Those who do not
believe in Our revelations shall be inheritors of Hell" continue to
guide the minds and lives of Muslims.
http://voi.org/20100110336/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/onhinducowardiceandmuslimbravery.html
India As Alberuni Saw It
By Vinod Kumar, on 17-01-2010 04:19
Abu Rihan Muhammad bin Ahmad, Alberuni as his compatriots called him
was born about A.D. 973, in the territory of modern Khiva, then called
Khwarizm. He came to as Ghazni as a prisoner of war1. He was an
astronomer, geometrician, historian and logician. He was so studious,
his earliest biographer tells us "he never had a pen out of his hand,
nor his eye ever off a book, and his thoughts were ever directed to
his studies, with the exception of two days in the year". He was
beyond comparison, superior to every man of his time in the art of
composition, in scholarlike accomplishments, and in the knowledge of
geometry and philosophy, and above all he had "most rigid regard for
truth."2 He accompanied Mahmud of Ghazni to India and stayed there for
many years, chiefly, in all probability in the Punjab, studied the
Sanskrit language and translated into it some works from the Arabic,
and translated from it two treatises into Arabic3. Sachau, translator
of Alberuni's Indica believes Alberuni "composed about twenty books on
India4, both translations and original compositions, and a number of
tales and legends, mostly derived from the ancient lore of Eran and
India." He was indeed a prolific writer and his works are stated to
have exceeded a camel-load.5
Let me also make another observation about Alberuni. He regards Hindus
as excellent philosophers and he felt strong inclination towards Hindu
philosophy but still he was a Muslim and at times does not fail to
point out the superiority of Islam over Brahmanic India. He attacks
Arabs but not Islam6. He wrote for those Muslims who "want to converse
with the Hindus, and to discuss with them the questions of religion,
science, or literature, on the very basis of their own civilization."7
While discussing astronomical calculations regarding the order of the
planets, their distances and sizes, he reminds the reader the purpose
of his book once again --- to discuss subjects "which either are
noteworthy for their strangeness, or which are unknown among our own
people (the Muslims) and our (the Muslim) countries."8
Having given a brief introduction, let us now see what Alberuni had to
say about India, the land, its people, its religion, its philosophy,
its sciences, and its literature.
•1. Hindu Muslim Differences:
Alberuni starts Indica by observing "the Hindus entirely differ from
us in every respect"9. First and foremost difference is the language.
Sanskrit is a language of enormous range, both in words and in
inflections. They call one and the same thing by various names and
unless one knows the context in which the word is spoken. Some of the
sounds of consonants are neither identical nor resemble with the
Arabic and Persian. And the Hindus write their scientific books in
metrics so that they can be committed to memory and thus prevented
from corruption. This metrical form of literary composition makes the
study of Sanskrit particularly difficult.10
Not only the language, the Hindus totally differ from us (Muslims) in
religion, as "we believe in nothing in which they believe" and vice
versa. He goes on to observe that on theological topics "at the utmost
they fight with words, but they will never stake their soul or body or
their property on religious controversy."11 Instead, he noted, all
their fanaticism is directed against foreigners whom they call
mlecchas i.e. impure and forbid any connection with them12. The Hindus
have concepts of pollution and never desire that once thing is
polluted, it should be purified and thus recovered. They are not
allowed receive anybody who does not belong to them, even if he wished
to be inclined to their religion13, he went on to write.
He wrote the customs and manners the Hindus differ so completely from
the Muslims that "they frighten their children with us, our dress and
our ways and customs" and decree us as "devil's breed". They regard
"everything we do as opposite of all that is good and proper".14 Some
of the reasons of Hindus' repugnance of Muslims are complete
banishment of Buddhists from countries from Khurasan, Persis, Irak,
Mosul and Syria, first by the Zoroastrians and then by Islam. And then
Muhammad ibn Elkasim entered India proper, conquered the cities of
Bahmanwa and Mulsthan and went as far as Kanauj -- "all these events
planted a deeply rooted hatred in their hearts."15
And then Sabuktagin choosing the holy war as his calling, called
himself a Ghazi, built those roads on Indian frontier which his son
Sultan Yamin-uddaula Mahmud, during a period of thirty years, used to
utterly ruin "the prosperity of the country, and performed those
wonderful exploits, by which the Hindus became like atoms of dust
scattered in all directions, and like a tale of old in the mouth of
the people." He goes on to say "their scattered remains cherish, of
course, the most inveterate aversion towards all Muslims."16
Alberuni does not talk much about Mahmud whom he calls "the lion of
the world, the wonder of his time" when he remembers him for
"breaking the strongest pillar of religion", 17 and his raids into
India, except a few times. Once about his ruining the prosperity of
the country as quoted above and second when he writes of his
demolition of the idol, in the year A.H. 416, at Somnath much revered
by the Hindus. The upper part of the idol was demolished and the lower
part transported to his residence in Ghazni with all its trappings.
One part of it, along with the bronze idol of Chakraswamin from
Thanesar, was thrown into the hippodrome and another part before the
door of the mosque of Ghazni, on which people rub their feet to clean
them from dirt and wet. 18
•2. On Hindus customs:
He found Hindus to be very proud of their country, their kings, their
religion, their sciences to the extent that he thought them to be
"haughty, foolishly vain, self-conceited and stolid."19
Many customs of the Hindus, he observed, differ from Muslims' "to such
a degree as to appear to us simply monstrous." Hindu customs, not
only, not resemble to Muslim customs but are the very reverse; and if
ever a custom of theirs resembles one of the Muslims, it has certainly
the opposite meaning. He goes on to say that it seems as if "they
(Hindus) had intentionally changed into the opposite".20
What are these customs of the Hindus that he observed that he thought
were the opposite of theirs?
"The Hindus eat singly, one by one, on a tablecloth of dung. They do
not make use of the remainder of a meal, and the plates from which
they have eaten are thrown away if they are earthen."
"They drink wine before having eaten anything, then they take their
meal. They drink the stall of cows but they do not eat their meat."
"In all consultations and emergencies they take advice of the women."
"They do not seek permission to enter a house, but when they leave it
they ask permission to do so."
"In their meetings they sit cross-legged."
"They magnify the nouns of their language by giving them the feminine
gender, as the Arabs magnify them by diminutive form."
"They consider the crepitus ventris as a good omen, sneezing as a bad
omen."
"They write the title of the book at the end of it, not at the
beginning".21
Last update : 17-01-2010 04:26
•3. Hindu Arithmetic:
On Hindu arithmetic Alberuni observed the Hindus do not use the
letters of their alphabet for numerical notation, as Muslims use the
Arabic letters in the order of the Hebrew alphabet. The use of Arabic
letters for numerals must not have been in wide use when Alberuni
wrote c.1030 CE, for these have been communicated to the Arabs in the
eighth and ninth centuries as he goes on to accept that "the numeral
signs which we use have been derived from the finest forms of Hindu
signs." Having observed the names of the orders of the numbers in
various languages he had come in contact with, Alberuni found that no
nation goes beyond the thousand including the Arabs. Those who beyond
the thousand in their numeral system are the Hindus who extend the
names of the orders of numbers until the 18th order.22
Pulisa has adpoted the relation between the circumference and
diameter of a circle to be 3 177/1250 which comes out to 3.1416.23
•4. Astronomy and sciences:
While ancient puranic traditions about the earth and heavens and their
creation still existed, but these were in direct opposition to the
scientific truths known to Indian astronomers.
While it is not possible to mention all the theories and concepts
prevalent at the time, let it suffice to say what some of the ideas
of Hindu astronomers that Alberuni found interesting were. Quoting
Brahamgupta, Alberuni wrote:
"Several circumstances, however, compel us to attribute globular shape
to both the earth and the heaven, viz. the fact that the stars rise
and set in different places at different times, so that, e.g. a man in
Yamakoti observes one identical start rising above the western
horizon, whilst a man in Rum at the same time observes it rising above
the eastern horizon. Another argument to the same effect is this, that
a man on Meru observes one identical star above the horizon in the
zenith of Lanka, the country of demons, whilst a man in Lanka at the
same time observes it above his head. Besides all astronomical
observations are not correct unless we assume the globular shape of
heaven and earth. Therefore we must declare that heaven is a globe,
and the observation of these characteristics of the world would not be
correct unless in reality it were a globe. Now it is evident that all
other theories about the world are futile." 24
Quoting Varahmira, he further continues:
"Mountains, seas, rivers, trees, cities, men, and angels, all are
around the globe of the earth. And if Yamakoti and Rum are opposite to
each other, one could not say that the one is low in relation to the
other, since low does not exist.... Every one speaks of himself, 'I am
above and the others are below,' whilst all of them are around the
globe like the blossoms springing on the branches of a Kadamba-tree.
They encircle it on all the sides, but each individual blossom has the
same position as the other, neither one hanging downward nor then
other standing upright." He emphasized: "For the earth attracts that
which is upon her, for it is the below towards all directions, and
heaven is the above towards all directions."
There was no consensus about the resting or movement of the earth.
Aryabahata thought that the earth is moving and the heaven resting.
Many astronomers contested this saying were it so, stones and trees
would fall from earth. But Brahamgupta did not agree with them saying
that that would not happen apparently because he thought all heavy
things are attracted towards the center of the earth.26
The above gives some idea as to the nature of discussion in astronomy
at that time but Sachau observes these ideas had not changes much
since the eighth century when the knowledge of Hindu sciences were
communicated to the Arabs.
On the topic of ocean tides, Alberuni wrote that the educated Hindus
determine the daily phases of the tides by the rising and setting of
the moon, the monthly phases by the increase and waning of the moon;
but the physical cause of the both phenomenon is not understood by
them.27
The Hindus have cultivated numerous branches of science and have
boundless literature, which with his knowledge, he could comprehend.
He wished he could have translated Panchtantra which in Arabia was
known as the not book of Kalila and Dimna.28
•5. Hindu Laws:
Hindu laws, Alberuni observed are derived from their rishis, the
pillars of their religion and not from the prophets i.e. Narayana..
"Narayana only comes into this world in the form of human figure to
set the world right when things have gone wrong. Hindus can easily
abrogate their laws for they believe such changes are necessitated by
the change of nature of man. Many things which are now forbidden were
allowed before". 29
•6. On pilgrimage and sacred places:
Pilgrimages, Alberuni noted, are not obligatory for the Hindus, but
"facultative and meritorious". Most of the venerated places are
located in the cold regions round mount Meru.30
About the construction of Holy ponds, let me quote his own words:
"In every place to which some particular holiness is ascribed, the
Hindus construct ponds intended for the ablutions. In this they have
attained to a very degree of art, so that our people (the Muslims),
when they see them, wonder at them, and are unable to describe them,
much less to construct anything like them. They build them of great
stones of enormous bulk, joined to each other by sharp and strong
cramp-irons, in the form of steps (or terraces) like so many ledges;
and these terraces run all around the pond, reaching to a height of
more than a man's stature. On the surface of the stones between two
terraces they construct staircases rising like pinnacles. Thus the
first step or terraces are like roads 9leading up and down). If ever
so many people descend to the pond whilst others ascend, they do not
meet each other, and the road is never blocked, because there are so
many terraces, and the ascending person can always turn aside to
another terrace than on which the descending people go. By this
arrangement all troublesome thronging is avoided."31
May be what he had in mind was Chand Baori well near Jaipur built in
9th century..
http://clipmarks.com/clipmark/FBBBCA69-8F08-4DCD-A351-9E93D9D31EBC/
•7. Hindu caste system:
No discussion of India would be complete without observation on the
contemporary caste system and rightly so Alberuni does miss it. He
describes the traditional division of Hindu society along the four
Varnas and the Antyaja -- who are not reckoned in any caste; but makes
no mention of any oppression of low caste by the upper castes. Much,
however the four castes differ from each other, they live together in
the same towns and villages, mixed together in the same houses and
lodgings. The Antyajas are divided into eight classes -- formed into
guilds -- according to their professions who freely intermarry with
each other except with the fuller, shoemaker and the weaver. They live
near the villages and towns of the four castes but outside of them.32
On the eating customs of the four castes, he observed that when eating
together, they form a group of their own caste, one group not
comprising a member of another caste. Each person must have his own
food for himself and it is not allowed to eat the remains of the meal.
They don't share food from the same plate as that which remains in the
plate becomes after the first eater has taken part, the remains of the
meal.33
Alberuni wrote extensively on India and on many aspects. It is
impossible to cover every topic in a rather small article but I have
tried to give some of the points which would look strange or were not
known to the Muslims.
1 Sachau E C, Alberuni's India, Low Price Publications, New Delhi,
1993, pp. viii
2 Elliot and Dowson, The History of India as told by its own
historians, Low Price Publications, New Delhi, 1996, vol. II, pp. 2
3 ibid., pp. 5
4 Sachau, pp. xxvii
5 Elliot and Dowson, vol. II, pp. 3
6 Sachau, pp.185,
7 Sachau, pp. xvii, xix, xxiii
8 Sachau, pp. ii - 80
9 Sachau, pp. 17
10 Sachau, pp.18-19
11Sachau, pp. 19
12 Sachau, pp. 19
13 Sachau, pp. 20
14 Sachau, pp. 20
15 Sachau, pp. 21
16 Sachau, pp. 22
17 Sachau, pp. ii - 2
18 Sachau, pp. ii - 103
19 Sacahu, pp. 22
20 Sachau, pp. 179
21 Sachau, pp. 180-2
22 Sachau, pp. 174
23 Sachau, pp. 169
24 Sachau, pp. 268
25 Sacahu, pp. 272
26 Sachau, pp. 276-7
27 Sachau, pp ii-105
28 Sachau, pp. 159
29 Sacahu, pp. 106 - 7
30 Sachau, pp. ii - 142
31 Sacahu, pp. ii144 - 5
32 Sachau. Pp. 101
33 Sachau, pp. 102
http://voi.org/20100117341/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/indiaasalberunisawit.html
From The Pages of History
By Vinod Kumar, on 31-01-2010 11:06
Earth's Rotation, Globular Shape and Gravity
When we talk of the earth going around the sun as it has always done,
its globular shape, the different seasons, different lengths of day
and night, mind goes back to Galileo and Copernicus, scared to death,
holding the truth back lest the fury of the church falls upon them for
letting the world know the reality of nature. When one thinks of
gravity one thinks of Newton sitting under an apple tree watching an
apple fall to the ground and Newton proclaiming "Lo! there is
gravity."
If I were to say Hindu philosophers talked and wrote about gravity and
the globular shape of the earth centuries before Newton and Galileo
and Copernicus, and quoted Hindu sources, I would not only be
dismissed as a "fanatical Hindu communalist" by our 'all-knowing-
secular intellectuals' but also incur their wrath. And who wants
that?
In order to state the truth and make it acceptable to our 'all-knowing-
secular intellectuals' let me seek the help of a Muslim scholar from
Central Asia. Who around 1030 AD wrote a very comprehensive book
"Indica" about India -- its literature, its philosophy, its religion,
its culture, its languages, its history, its geography, its customs,
its sciences including astronomy. I am talking about Abu-Raihan
Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Alberuni -- a scholar and a devout genuine Muslim
by all standards.
Before I go into what Alberuni wrote let us take some time to find out
more about this man -- Alberuni.
In the words of Edward Sachau -- translator of Alebruni's 'Indica':
"Mahmud marched into the country, not without some fighting,
established there one of his generals as provincial governor, and soon
returned to Ghazna with much booty and a great part of Khiva troops,
together with the princes of the deposed family of Mamun and the
leading men of the country as prisoners of war or as hostages. Among
the last was Abu-Raihan Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Alberuni. This happened in
the spring and summer of AD 1017."
"When he (Alberuni) was brought to Ghazna as a hostage, he enjoyed the
reputation of a great 'munajjim' i.e. "astrologer - astronomer". By
the time he wrote 'Indica' thirteen years later after his involuntary
immigration to Afghanistan, he was a master of astrology, both
according to the Greek and the Hindu systems.
"Alberuni felt a strong inclination towards Indian philosophy. He
seems to have thought that the philosophers both in ancient India and
Greece, held in reality the very same ideas, the same as seem to have
been his own i.e. of pure monotheism. He seems to have to have reveled
in the pure theories of Bhagavad-Gita. ... There can scarcely be any
doubt that the Muslims of later times would have found fault with him
for going to such length in his interest for these heathenish
doctrines" observes Sachau, but "still he was Muslim, whether Sunni or
Shia cannot be gathered from Indica. He sometimes takes an occasion
for pointing out to the reader the superiority of Islam over
Brahamanical India... He dares not attack Islam but attacks the
Arabs."
What was the object of his writing 'Indica'?
"The object which the author had in view and never for a moment lost
sight of, was to afford the necessary information and training to any
one (in Islam) who wants to converse with the Hindus, and to discuss
with them questions of religion, science, or literature, on the very
basis of their own civilization."
Alberuni came to India with Mahmud and stayed there. He learnt
Sanskrit and Hindu literature and sciences and indeed wrote a very
comprehensive book about India of those days. As a Muslim he praises
the 'wonderful exploits of Mahmud saying: "Mahmud utterly ruined the
prosperity of the country, and performed those wonderful exploits, by
which the Hindus became like atoms of dust scattered in all
directions" but as a scholar he laments "this is the reason, too, why
Hindu sciences have retired far away from those parts of the country
conquered by us, and have fled to places which our hand cannot yet
reach, to Kashmir, Benares, and other places."
It seems from above that his study was done in area which was under
Mahmud's control, most likely western Punjab. But still what he writes
is very illuminating. Let us now see what wrote about our subject:
astronomy in India and gravity and the solar system.
Quoting from Brahamgupta's Brahamsidhanta, Alberuni wrote:
"Several circumstances, however, compel us to attribute globular shape
to both the earth and the heaven, viz. the fact that the stars rise
and set in different places at different times, so that, e.g. a man in
Yamakoti observes one identical start rising above the western
horizon, whilst a man in Rum at the same time observes it rising above
the eastern horizon. Another argument to the same effect is this, that
a man on Meru observes one identical star above the horizon in the
zenith of Lanka, the country of demons, whilst a man in Lanka at the
same time observes it above his head. Besides all astronomical
observations are not correct unless we assume the globular shape of
heaven and earth. Therefore we must declare that heaven is a globe,
and the observation of these characteristics of the world would not be
correct unless in reality it were a globe. Now it is evident that all
other theories about the world are futile."
Last update : 31-01-2010 11:12
Earlier philosophers like Aryabhata, Vasishtha and Lata had also come
to the same conclusion and Alberuni goes on to quote Varahmira: "all
things which are perceived by the senses, are witness in favor of the
globular shape of the earth, and refute the possibility of its having
any other shape."
On the subject of the rotation of the earth Alberuni writes:
"As regards the resting of the earth, one of the elementary problems
of astronomy, which offers many and great difficulties, this, too, is
a dogma with the Hindu astronomers. Brahamgupta says in the
Brahamsiddhanta: 'some people maintain that the first motion (from
east to west) does not lie in the meridian, but belongs to the earth.
But Varahmira refutes them by saying: If that were the case, a bird
would not return to its nest as soon as it had flown away from it
towards the west.' And, in fact it is precisely as Varahmira says."
Alberuni agrees with Varahmira that earth does not rotate.
Alberuni goes on to quote Brahamgupta:
"The followers of Aryabhata maintain that the earth is moving and the
heaven resting. People have tried to refute them by saying that, if
such were the case, stones would and trees would fall from the earth.
Brahamgupta does not agree with them, and says that that would not
necessarily follow from their theory, apparently because he thought
that all heavy things are attracted towards the center of the earth.
He says: 'On the contrary, if that were the case, the earth would not
vie in keeping an even and uniform pace with the minutes of heaven,
the pranas of the times."
Alberuni does not agree with Brahamgupta and is unable to understand
the rotation of the earth and goes on to write:
"Supposing this to be true, and that the earth makes a complete
rotation eastward in so many breaths as heaven does according to his
(Brahamgupta's) view, we cannot see what should prevent the earth from
keeping an even and uniform pace with heaaven
Stubbornly he refuses to accept the theory of the rotation of the
earth and goes on to say:
"Besides, the rotation of the earth in no way impair the value of
astronomy, as all appearances of an astronomic character can quite as
well be explained according to this theory as to the other. There are,
however, other reasons which make it impossible."
Alberuni says he also has written a book on this subject in which ' we
have surpassed our predecessors' but does not tell what his theories
are?
On the question of gravity and other issues like top and bottom, high
and low, Alberuni quotes Brahamgupta and says:
"Scholars have declared that the globe of the earth is in the midst of
heaven, and that Mount Meru, the home of Devas, as well as Vadavamukha
below, is the home of their opponents; the Daitya and Dhanava belong
to it. But his below is according to them is only a relative one.
Disregarding this, we say that the earth on all its sides is the same;
all people on earth stand upright, and all heavy things fall down to
the earth by a law of nature, for it is the nature of the earth to
attract and to keep things, as it is the nature of water to flow, that
of fire to burn, and that of wind to set in motion... The earth is the
only low thing, and seeds always return to it, in whatever direction
you may throw them away, and never rise upwards from the earth."
Varahmira explains it further:
"Mountains, seas, rivers, trees, cities, men, and angels, all are
around the globe of the earth. And if Yamakoti and Rum are opposite to
each other, one could not say that the one is low in relation to the
other, since low does not exist.... Every one speaks of himself, 'I am
above and the others are below,' whilst all of them are around the
globe like the blossoms springing on the branches of a Kadamba-tree.
They encircle it on all the sides, but each individual blossom has the
same position as the other, neither one hanging downward nor then
other standing upright." He emphasized: "For the earth attracts that
which is upon her, for it is the below towards all directions, and
heaven is the above towards all directions."
Now these were the thoughts of Hindu philosophers as recorded by
Alberuni in the early part of the eleventh century and these had not
changed for centuries. Alberuni quotes heavily from Brahamgupta whose
Brahamsiddhanta was composed in AD 628. But it was Aryabhata, born in
AD 476, the first to hold that the earth was a sphere and rotated on
its axis and that the eclipses were not the work of Rahu but caused by
the shadow of the earth falling on the moon. His Aryabhatiya was
composed in AD 499.
It is clear from above that it was over a millennium before Galileo,
Copernicus and Newton that the Hindu philosophers had formulated the
theories about the globular shape and rotation of the earth and
gravity.
http://voi.org/20100131352/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/fromthepagesofhistory.html
My Name is Khan
By Vinod Kumar, on 15-03-2010 03:52
Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray's pronouncement not to let Shah Rukh
Khan's starrer My Name Is Khan be screened in Mumbai created much
sensation around the world and publicity for the film -- the publicity
that it could not have bought at any cost. Actually, Bal Thackeray's
action had nothing to do with the film itself - it was all about Shah
Rukh's saying that Pakistan is "great neighbor" whatever Shah Rukh's
definiotn of a "great neighbor" is. But anyway, film's name My Name is
Khan and its oft publicized credo "My name is Khan and I am not a
terrorist" in itself is quite provocative.
The film though made in India is set in the USA and deals in the
aftermath of September 11, 2001 attacks on the twin towers and the
pentagon. What was the purpose of making the film and declaring
basically that even though I am a Muslim but I am not terrorist? As
soon as the attacks happened American administration went out of its
way to insist and make a point that Islam has nothing to do with the
acts of terrorism and Muslims are patriotic citizens of the country.
So what was the point to go and tell the President of the United
States seven years after the act even though I am a Muslim, I am not a
terrorist - the President has been telling the world that from day
one. He need not be told what he has been proclaiming from day one.
If anyone that needed to be told the massage were the perpetrators of
the crime who carried out the act in the name of Islam.
Now then what was the film all about?
It seems the sole purpose the film was made was a propaganda for
Islam. But anything that is carried too far loses its appeal and that
is exactly what the film succeeded in achieving. Every film, every
story has to have some exaggeration to make a point - that is normal.
But when carried to beyond imagination and all limits, it turns
people off. The film may find appreciative audience in the Muslim
Middleast and other Islamic countries - and blind admirers of Shah
Rukh which are aplenty -- but it will turn off a neutral person. It
is difficult to imagine how Shah Rukh would have handled the character
of an autistic person had Dustin Hoffman not done the role in The Rain
Man - if the face of Shah Rukh is covered one would not know whether
it is him or Dustin. The story is weak.
Shah Rukh by doing the role has done a big disfavor to his image of
being a representative of the secular film industry of India. He is
now just an Islamic propagandist.
http://voi.org/20100315384/vinodkumar/column-vinodkumar/mynameiskhan.html
http://voi.org/vinodkumar/viewallarticles.html?list=1
Don't Block the 'Internet Hindus'
By Kanchan Gupta, on 15-03-2010 04:38
Hindus who are proud to assert their identity and fly the Tricolour
high have now found a new platform to have their say, the way they
want it, without fear of being shouted down. Tired of being derided by
pseudo-secularists in media who see nothing wrong with Muslim
communalism and Christian fundamentalism but are swift to pounce upon
Hindus for being ‘intolerant', their cultural ethos crudely denigrated
by the Left-liberal intelligentsia as antediluvian, Hindus have begun
to harness technology to strike back with deadly effect.
They are bright, they are well-educated, they are not burdened with
regional and caste biases, they are amazingly well-informed on
national issues and world affairs, they are rooted in Indian culture,
and they are politically alert. They hate being told they are wrong
when they know they are right. They have a mind of their own and
refuse to be led like sheep. Not surprisingly, they hold the Congress,
the Left and regional parties in contempt, as they do journalists who
cravenly ingratiate themselves with the establishment. For them, India
matters - and matters more than anything else. Meet the ‘Internet
Hindus'.
In recent days there has been a spate of articles disparaging the
‘Internet Hindus', variously describing them as "loonies", "fanatics",
"irrational", "Hindu Taliban" and, by an enraged news channel anchor,
"gutter snipes". Much of the criticism has come from left-of-centre
journalists who believe they have unfettered monopoly over media as
their inalienable birth right. Exalted members of Delhi's
commentariat, who are indistinguishable from the city's la-di-dah
socialites, tend to turn up their noses every time they hear the
phrase ‘Internet Hindus' as they would at the suggestion of travelling
by public transport. Others are given to contemptuously brushing aside
‘Internet Hindus' as being irrelevant and describing their views as
inconsequential. All this and more has neither dampened the spirit of
‘Internet Hindus' nor blunted their assertive attitude.
Here are some statistics, culled from an ongoing online survey, which
would help create a generic profile of ‘Internet Hindus'. The survey
is open to all Hindus who use the Internet; the response has been
overwhelming. Of those who have responded, 88.9 per cent have
identified themselves as ‘Internet Hindus', indicating they attach no
shame to the term though their critics would want them to feel
ashamed. Of the respondents, four per cent are aged 20 years and
below; 55 per cent are aged 30 and below; 31 per cent are 40 and
below; and, only 10 per cent are aged above 40. In brief, 90 per cent
of them are young Indians.
The educational profile of the respondents is awesome: 43 per cent are
graduates (most of them from top-notch engineering, science and
medical colleges); 46 per cent are post-graduates (a large number of
them have MBA degrees from the best B-schools); and, 11 per cent have
PhDs. It is understandable that none of them is unemployed. Those
without jobs are still studying (17.3 per cent) and can be found in
labs and classrooms of the best universities here and abroad. Of the
82.7 per cent who are employed, 3.1 per cent earn up to Rs 2 lakh a
year; 18.4 per cent earn up to Rs 6 lakh a year; 34.7 per cent earn up
to Rs 12 lakh a year; and, 26.5 per cent earn more than Rs 24 lakh a
year. Nearly 60 per cent of them frequently travel abroad on work and
holiday. Some 11 per cent have travelled abroad at least once.
Contrary to the impression that is being sought to be created by their
critics, ‘Internet Hindus' are open to ideas, believe in a plural, law-
abiding society and swear by the Constitution. They are often appalled
by the shenanigans of our politicians, including those of the BJP, and
are ruthless in decrying politics of identity and cynical vote-bank
policies. They have no gender prejudices and most of them think
banning FTV is downright silly in this day and age. The ‘Internet
Hindus' will not countenance denigration of their faith or biased
media coverage of events, but 91.9 per cent of them respect and accept
other religions. Asked if India is meant only for Hindus, an
overwhelming majority of them, responding to the survey, said, ‘Hell,
no!'
So why do they infuriate pseudo-secularists in media and make Delhi's
commentariat see red? There are three possible explanations. First,
the Net is beyond the control of those who control newspapers and news
channels. While the print and audiovisual media have for long excluded
contrarian opinion and denied space to those who disagree with absurd
notions of ‘secularism' or question the quality of reportage, the Net
has provided space to the ‘other' voice. Real time blog posts now
record the ‘other side' of the day's story ("The Prince was shouted
down in Bihar, not feted by students!"), Twitter affords instant micro-
blogging even as prime time news is being telecast ("That's not true.
I live in Bareilly. This is not how the riots began!"), and YouTube
allows unedited amateur videos of events (the Meraj riots, the
Islamist violence in Kashmir Valley) to be uploaded, giving the lie to
edited and doctored versions shown by news channels.
Second, unlike carefully selected ‘Letters to the Editor' in
newspapers and ‘Feedback' posted on news channel websites, the
reactions of ‘Internet Hindus', often savage and unflattering, cannot
be thrown into the dustbin or deleted with a click of the mouse.
English language media journalists, long used to fawning praise from
readers and viewers, are horrified that someone can actually call them
‘dumb' in public space and there's nothing they can do about it.
Third, the established elite, most of them middle-aged, are beginning
to feel threatened. Here's a new breed of Indians who have used merit
and not ‘connections' to make a mark in professional excellence, young
men and women who are educated and articulate, and are willing to
challenge conventional wisdom as preached by media ‘stars' who have
rarely, if ever, been questioned. The elite who dominate newspapers
and news channels are seen by ‘Internet Hindus' as part of India's
past, not future. As one ‘Internet Hindu' writes in his blog, "A large
number of ex-elite can't stomach fact that children of bankruptcy are
better travelled, better read and dominate the Internet!" Harsh, but
true.
We can describe the ‘Internet Hindus' as the "lunatic fringe", but
that won't change the fact that their tribe is growing by the day.
Soon, those on the fringe will move to the centre and their critics
will find themselves precariously perched on the fringe. The Right is
gaining ground as is the access and reach of the Net; newspapers and
news channels, the Left's last refuge, no longer command absolute
control over information flow. It would be unwise to ‘block' the voice
of ‘Internet Hindus', as then their clamour to be heard will further
increase and there is nothing we can do to silence them. The times
they are a-changin'.
Courtesy: http://www.dailypioneer.com/241956/Don't-block-the-‘Internet-Hindus'.html
http://voi.org/14mar2010/sourced/thepioneer/dontblocktheinternethindus.html
Editorial: The Guilty Men of Our Democracy
By The Editorial Team, on 15-03-2010 03:46
Gujarat and Anti-Sikh Riots
The law of the land should prevail. The highest and the mightiest
should respect the word and spirit of law. Otherwise the very
existence of democracy in the country would be threatened. It would be
a law of the jungle.
Yet, equally important is that the provisions of the Constitution that
provide for equality before law for however high or law, an individual
may be, irrespective of caste, creed and sex. But it is here that our
democracy is deficient.
The SIT constituted by the Supreme Court to investigate some cases of
Gujarat riots has summoned Gujarat Chief Minister Shri Narendra Modi.
The law should take its own course. Shri Modi is expected to extend
full cooperation and respect the law of the land.
But what raises eyebrows and pains the observers is the duplicity and
double standards being practiced by the judiciary, the media, the
intelligentsia and the so-called tribe of liberals and secularists.
The Gujarat riots and the 1984 anti-Sikhs riots have many similarities
and, in a sense, the latter riots were more heinous and cruel in the
sense that these were directed only against Sikhs and only in the
States ruled by the Congress. Shri Modi never justified the riots but
the then Congress President and Prime Minister Shri Rajiv Gandhi did,
saying on record having stated that "when a big tree falls, the earth
below is sure to shake". Yet, Shri Gandhi has been spared for the anti-
Sikh riots the epithets that are used for Shri Narinder Modi for
Gujarat riots.
More people died in anti-Sikh riots than in Gujarat riots. Delhi then,
and even now, for law and order is directly under the administrative
control. It is here that more than 3300 Sikhs died. The total number
of Sikhs having been butchered in different parts of the country is
more than 4000 while it is about 2500 in Gujarat which includes Hindus
too. For full three days, as per reports of successive Commissions of
Inquiry, the anti-Sikh rioters ruled Delhi and no FIRs were
registered. No military was summoned to quell the riots. The police
remained a silent spectator. Yet, the Congress which ruled at the
Centre and the States continued to remain the holy icon of piety,
secularism and rule of law. Even after 25 years the anti-Sikh riots
sufferers continue to suffer the agony of their loss with little hope
for justice.
Surprisingly, even the courts were not that condescending for Sikh
suffers as these have been for Gujarat riot victims. No Special
Investigating Teams were constituted by the courts which also did no
monitoring of the progress of investigations. Another stark reality is
that while Modi regime registered cases against rioters, prosecuted
them and many have been taken to their logical conclusions with many
convictions, the same is not true of anti-Sikh riots. Many MLAs, ex-
MLAs and other prominent workers of the ruling party in Gujarat are in
jails facing trial. The same cannot be said about anti-Sikh riots.
The human rights organizations which beat their chests for Gujarat
riot victims are, unfortunately and shamelessly, heartless for anti-
Sikh riot victims. They seem to have turned deaf, dumb and blind to
the realities of anti-Sikh riots.
The present Congress-led UPA government, too, for understandable
political reasons, has treated the Gujarat riot victims and anti-Sikh
riots differently. It has been more kind to the former than the
latter.
Why is that the whole system - whether the executive, the judiciary,
the media, intelligentsia and human rights organizations - are
treating the same ugly incidents differently? They are doing a great
disservice to the present system of government and the institutions of
the Constitution. Nobody can be more guilty or more innocent and
deserving more punishment than the other in the same circumstances in
this country.
Let it be a warning to all who matter. By their words and actions and
by indulging in discrimination and favourtism against one section or
the other, they are only venturing to defeat the very purpose and
spirit of democracy. It is they who will tomorrow be counted the
guilty men of our democracy.
http://voi.org/20100315383/14mar2010/editorial/editorial/editorial:theguiltymenofourdemocracy.html
Sita as an Empowered Indian Woman
Book- Review
The other day Rahul Mahajan got married on a reality TV show. His
marriage was of course for real, and one wishes him well in life. Some
one remarked that the show was a tribute to the new Indian woman who
had taken the unconventional path to choosing a life partner. He said
that it was the coming of age of the Indian Woman.
As I watched the final scenes of the show, I was reminded of a comment
a young woman had made some months ago in connection with the
Ramayana. "I do not wish to be a Sita -- meek and submissive. I am the
new Indian woman!"
Three 'new Indian women' stood decked in bridal finery, fluttering
nervously and waiting to be chosen in the final episode. The 'new
Indian women' felt nothing wrong in being commoditised and rejected in
front of a live audience of lakhs across the country. As for the
mythological Sita to whom our young friend had disparagingly referred,
remember that she had chosen her groom on her terms. If this is not
women empowerment, what is!
The following review done by me of a book on Sita adds to what I have
said:
In Search of Sita: Revisiting Mythology
Edited by Malashri Lal & Namita Gokhale
Yatra Books/Penguin Books
Rs 399/-
Perhaps the most enigmatic of all Indian mythological figures is Sita.
She has been in the country's subconsciousness for centuries largely
as the ideal Indian Woman. There has been a tendency by modern
commentators and feminists to run her down for being ‘passive' and
‘submissive' and failing to claim her rights at various stages of her
life, even when she was publicly humiliated for no fault of hers. That
being the case, it would come as no surprise if the ‘modern Indian
woman' is less than enthusiastic in holding her as her ‘hero.'
Given this context, one must welcome with open arms the excellent
collection of essays on Sita edited by Malashri Lal and Namita Gokhale
that seeks to firmly establish her image as a strong-willed woman who
charted her own course in a largely male-dominated society. The irony
is that she had to go through a series of trials and tribulations as a
result of machination by two women, Kaikeyi and Manthara. In Search of
Sita: Revisiting Mythology is a marvellous book that not only has
commentaries written by well-known authors but also contains various
versions of the epic Ramayan, depicting Sita's role. The anthology
also provides a range of "creative interpretations" of the ‘dutiful
and meek' wife of Rama.
What makes the book even more special is the ideological space it
provides to writers with different bends of mind. So, if there is
Meghnad Desai and Indira Goswami, there is also Tarun Vijay and Karen
Gabriel - the latter weaving for the reader an interesting Sita-
Draupadi syntax in a gender context.
It should be clear to the reader, if he or she were under some
illusion, that the character of Sita in the epic was never meant to be
submissive in the face of injustice - to her personally and to the
female gender. One must realise that she could not have become the
icon she is by being a frail figure, forever manipulated and bent by a
patriarchal system. And, as events were to prove, her devotion to her
husband and willingness to be his partner through thick and thin could
not be interpreted as a sign of subordination. Let us look at some of
the instances where her dominance is undisputed.
At her father's home before marriage, Sita would routinely lift
Shiva's bow with her left hand while mopping the floor. It is the same
heavy bow that several strong princes failed to move even an inch from
the ground at her svayamvara. Only Ram succeeded and married her.
Thus, Sita actually set the ground rule for choosing her groom. Is
this a sign of a weak woman?
When Rama was exiled for 14 years, Sita insisted on accompanying him.
Her husband told her categorically that she should not do so as the
exile order was only for him, but she overruled him in the presence of
a number of people. Does this indicate her ‘meekness'?
Abducted by Ravana and surrounded by adversaries, she successfully
fobbed off his advances and threats made directly and through others.
The Lankan king failed to persuade her despite using all means at his
disposal. Does this not show her determination and resolve in the face
of a grim situation?
Banished from the kingdom by Ram, a then pregnant Sita later brought
up her two children as a single mother, imbibing in them the qualities
of valour and fair play. And when they in their boyhood captured her
brother-in-law Laxman, she rushed to get him released, keeping aside
her grief at having been wronged by his family. Surely, this is a sign
of a strong and very mature woman.
Finally, it was her decision to leave the world as a rebuttal to a
demand to prove she had not been ‘defiled' while away from the
kingdom. Given her wrath over the humiliation and determination, it is
unlikely that Rama would have been able to persuade her to change her
mind even if he had tried. In the end, Sita set and lived by her own
terms. It is not easy to find a better example of determined
womanhood.
In Search of Sita is, thus, in many ways a tribute to an ancient icon
by modern India.
http://voi.org/20100315386/14mar2010/general/general/sitaasanempoweredindianwoman.html
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Thackeray says no concern for women's welfare in Bill
STAFF WRITER 19:54 HRS IST
Mumbai, Mar 15 (PTI) Days after supporting the Women's Reservation
Bill in the Rajya Sabha, the Shiv Sena now says the legislation is a
ploy to garner women's votes and does not have welfare of women at
heart.
"The bill has nothing to do with women's welfare. It is a ploy to get
women's votes," Sena chief Bal Thackeray said in a statement.
The 83-year-old leader's statement was circulated here as part of his
traditional message to supporters on the occasion of 'Gudhi Padwa'
tomorrow.
"Injustice against women continues. They are suffering due to rising
prices. Is it going to end because of the Bill," he asked.
"Sena has given a clarion call that along with the bill, women should
also get protection. But that is left aside and political colours are
being given," he said.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/566024_Thackeray-says-no-concern-for-women-s-welfare-in-Bill
MNS in film cash dock
OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
Mumbai, March 15: Mumbai police have arrested 11 Maharashtra Navnirman
Sena activists after film producer Ritesh Sidhwani complained that
they had tried to extort Rs 25 lakh from his film crew.
The producer’s complaint came a month after Shah Rukh Khan refused to
apologise to Shiv Sena patriarch Bal Thackeray whose party tried to
stall the release of My Name is Khan.
Sidhwani, the producer of Dil Chahta Hai, Lakshya, Luck by Chance and
Karthik Calling Karthik, and his film unit told Bandra police that the
11 MNS activists came to the set of the film Crooked at Mehboob Studio
on Sunday afternoon and demanded to know why foreign artistes were
being employed in the film and not local talent. Deputy commissioner
K.M. Prasanna said the film unit explained to them that the “foreign
artistes were required as the sequence recreated Istanbul, Turkey”.
But the activists would not budge.
Prasanna said the MNS workers then allegedly demanded Rs 25 lakh for
not using local artistes.
Ameya Khopkar, the MNS film wing chief denied the allegation of
extortion. “A blatantly false complaint of extortion has been filed
against our boys…. Our people had gone to the set after learning that
the film was using 136 foreign nationals from Afghanistan, Iran and
Russia though they did not possess valid work permits,” he said.
The arrests happened after Sidhwani approached Mukesh Bhatt, the vice-
president of the film producers’ association, and he called up
Maharashtra chief minister Ashok Chavan.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100316/jsp/nation/story_12221472.jsp
BJP-Left House unity rolls on
RADHIKA RAMASESHAN
New Delhi, March 15: The nuclear liability bill today gave the Left
and the BJP another chance to display their vaunted “unity”, kicked
off by the price rise and helped on by the women’s reservation bill.
The two main Opposition groups, which together outnumbered the
depleted Treasury benches in the Lok Sabha today, had braced
themselves to block the bill’s introduction.
Each had opposed the nuclear deal with the US, and the BJP had the
added motive of partially answering its in-house sceptics who felt it
had “put itself out” to bail the government out over the women’s bill.
Estranged UPA allies Mulayam Singh Yadav and Lalu Prasad too joined
forces with the BJP-Left today.
A deflated government, realising what it was up against, deferred the
bill’s introduction. Denied the opportunity for a showdown, the
Opposition still flaunted the new-found unity between the strangest of
bedfellows.
“The unity is actually a direct outcome of the nuclear deal that was
opposed by the BJP and the Left. The Samajwadi began by opposing it
but later changed its stand,” said CPM general secretary Prakash
Karat. He said the Left would appeal to all MPs on Tuesday to not
support it.
The poor attendance on the Treasury benches looked out of sync with
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s exertions since yesterday to try and
bring the Opposition around on the nuclear bill.
On Sunday, Singh had phoned Sushma Swaraj, leader of the Lok Sabha
Opposition, and Sitaram Yechury, the CPM’s leader in the Rajya Sabha,
to urge them to reconsider their resistance.
Recounting the conversation, Sushma told journalists: “I said we
cannot support. He said we will have problems with other countries to
which I replied, ‘But we have problems within our own country’. The PM
asked if he should ask the national security adviser to speak to me. I
said there is no point because the NSA already spoke to Arun Jaitley
(leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha) a month ago. But our
stand remained unchanged. I was polite but firm.”
Sushma then got in touch with the CPM and CPI floor leaders, and
Yashwant Sinha was told to speak to Mulayam and Lalu Prasad to firm up
the Opposition strategy.
Last week, Mulayam and Lalu Prasad had slammed the Left and the BJP
for being “in cahoots with the Congress” over the women’s bill. Today,
by participating in the Opposition unity, they gave the government a
foretaste of the problems it might now face in Parliament.
Government sources admitted that the stand-off was a “grim reminder”
of how precariously the ruling alliance was placed in the Lower House
minus the Yadavs.
“The only short-run tactic we can follow is to avoid business that
requires voting,” a minister said. The long-term strategy, he said,
was to scout for parties that could be counted on in a crisis “even if
this entails backroom deals”.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100316/jsp/nation/story_12221471.jsp
Maya Brahmin aide missing
TAPAS CHAKRABORTY
Lucknow, March 15: Mayavati today tried to reclaim her Dalit agenda on
the Bahujan Samaj Party’s 25th anniversary by clipping the wings of
Satish Chandra Mishra, the party’s “Brahmin face” whose clout had
dismayed many of her Dalit supporters.
Mishra, architect of the Brahmin-Dalit axis that lifted Mayavati to
power in the 2007 UP polls, has been taken off the BSP’s Brahmin
Bhaichara (Brotherhood) Committee and appointed chairman of the party
legal cell.
The chief minister herself made the announcement at the party’s mega
rally here to celebrate its silver jubilee. “There is no strict
boundary of work but Mishra’s priority would henceforth be legal
work,” she said.
More eloquent than her 95-minute speech was the unusual absence of
Mishra from the dais. The lawyer who had been Mayavati’s shadow for
the past half a decade stood among party workers far from the dais,
from where Mayavati reaffirmed her commitment to the Dalit cause.
“I don’t believe the party’s core agenda is being diluted. I vow not
to ever allow the Dalit movement to weaken or the head of a Dalit to
bow in shame,” she said.
Party sources said Mayavati had been jittery over accusations that her
party, born as a movement for social transformation, had become “an
opportunistic political party” interested only in capturing power.
On the face of it, Mishra’s new post may appear logical since Mayavati
is grappling with at least half-a-dozen cases against her party and
government. But Mishra had already been supervising the cases while
discharging his other duties.
Many Dalit leaders had looked on nervously as Mishra was included in
the state cabinet in 2007 and later sent to the Rajya Sabha, all the
while retaining his status as party No. 2. But a rift appeared between
him and Mayavati after the Brahmin vote deserted her in the 2009 Lok
Sabha polls.
Mayavati had mooted banishing Mishra to the legal cell at a party
meeting in July 2009, but backed off in the face of Brahmin murmurs.
Today, she made it official.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100316/jsp/nation/story_12221469.jsp
Monday, March 15, 2010
Seedhi Baat / Aajtak, March 14, 2010
'Bal Thackeray is a big leader'
Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray's estranged daughter-in-law Smita
Thackeray says politics and family are two separate things.
Part 2 Part 3 Part 4
Posted by Prabhu Chawla at 7:35 PM
http://prabhuchawla.blogspot.com/2010/03/seedhi-baat-aajtak-march-14-2010.html
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Video/0/42/video_page.jsp?vid=88274&part=1&secid=42
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Video/0/42/video_page.jsp?vid=88274&part=2&secid=42
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Video/0/42/video_page.jsp?vid=88274&part=3&secid=42
..ab.na.jaa..
Monday, March 15, 2010
Rajdeep Sardesai's letter to Uddhav Thackeray
Rajdeep Sardesai,a well known journalist,sent a letter to Uddhav
Thackeray,heir of the Shiv Sena, on the whole "Marathi manoos" issue.
Wiki : Rajdeep Sardesai
Wiki : Uddhav Thackeray
It makes for a very interesting read,seeing the reaction of a renowned
member of the Press addressing a political leader with much force.
Dear Udhavjee,
At the very outset, my compliments for the manner in which you've
literally 'stolen' the headlines from your cousin Raj in the last
fortnight. After the Assembly election defeat last October, there were
many who had written you off as a weak, namby-pamby politician, who
would be better off doing photography. But now, it seems that the
'fire' which burns inside Bal Thackeray is alive in the son too. After
years of struggling to establish yourself, you have finally discovered
the mantra for success as a Shiv Sena leader: find an 'enemy',
threaten and intimidate them, commit the odd violent act, and,
eureka!, you are anointed the true heir to the original 'T' company
supremo.
Your cousin has chosen to bash faceless taxi drivers and students from
North India, soft targets who are totally unprotected. You've been
much braver. You've actually chosen to target national icons: Sachin
Tendulkar, Mukesh Ambani, Shah Rukh Khan, powerful figures who most
Indians venerate. Shah Rukh is no surprise since the Sena has always
been uncomfortable with the Indian Muslim identity. Forty years ago,
your father had questioned Dilip Kumar's patriotism for accepting an
award from the Pakistani government. You've called Shah Rukh a traitor
for wishing to choose Pakistani cricketers in the IPL. That your
father invited Javed Miandad, the former Pakistani captain and a close
relation of Dawood Ibrahim, to your house is a matter of record that
we shall not go into today.
I am a little surprised that you chose to question Ambani and
Tendulkar though. The Sena has always enjoyed an excellent
relationship with corporate India. Why then criticise India's biggest
businessman for suggesting that Mumbai belongs to all? After all, no
one can deny that Mumbai's entrepreneurial energy has been driven by
communities from across India. The diatribe against Sachin is even
more strange. He is, alongwith Lata Mangeshkar, Maharashtra's most
admired and recognised face. Surely, you will agree that Sachin
symbolizes Maharashtrian pride in a manner that renaming shops and
streets in Marathi never can.
Of course, in-between some of your local thugs also attacked the IBN
Lokmat office. I must confess that initially the attack did leave me
outraged. Why would a political outfit that claims to protect
Maharashtrian culture attack a leading Marathi news channel? But on
reflection I realized that we hadn't been singled out: over the last
four decades, the Shiv Sena has targeted some of Maharashtra's finest
literary figures and journalistic institutions. That you continue to
live in a colony of artists while attacking artistic freedom remains
one of the many tragic ironies in the evolution of the Sena.
Just before the Assembly elections, you had told me in an interview
that you were determined to shake off the Shiv Sena's legacy of
violence. You spoke of the need for welfarist politics, of how you
were saddened that rural Maharashtra was being left behind. I was
impressed by the farmer rallies you had organized, by the fact that
you had documented farmer suicides in the state. I thought that Uddhav
Thackeray was serious about effecting a change in Maharashtra's
political landscape.
I was obviously mistaken. Farmer suicides still continue, the after-
effects of drought are still being faced in several districts, but the
focus is now squarely on finding high profile hate figures. You claim
to have a vision for Mumbai. Yet, on the day the Sena-controlled
city's municipal corporation's annual budget revealed an alarming
financial crisis, your party mouthpiece,Saamna, was running banner
headlines seeking an apology from Shah Rukh Khan. You asked your Shiv
Sainiks to agitate against Rahul Gandhi's visit to Mumbai, but why
have you not asked them to wage a war against the water cuts that have
made life so difficult for millions in the city?
At one level, I can understand the reasons for your frustration. The
Congress-NCP government in the state has been thoroughly incompetent:
the last decade has seen Maharashtra decline on most social and
economic parameters. Yet, the Shiv Sena has been unable to capture
power in the state. Your war with cousin Raj has proved to be self-
destructive. The Assembly election results showed that a united Sena
may have offered a real challenge to the ruling alliance. In fact, the
Sena and the MNS together garnered around 43 per cent of the popular
vote in Mumbai-Thane, almost seven per cent more than what was
obtained by the Congress-NCP combine. Yet, because your vote was
split, you won just nine of the 60 seats in the region, a result which
proved decisive in the overall state tally.
Your defeat seems to have convinced you that the only way forward is
to outdo your cousin in parochial politics. It's a strategy which has
undoubtedly made you a headline-grabber once again. Unfortunately,
television rating points don't get you votes or goodwill. There is
space in Maharashtra's politics for a regional force, but it needs to
be based on a constructive, inclusive identity.
Tragically, the Shiv Sena has never offered a serious social or
economic agenda for the future. Setting up the odd wada pav stall in
Mumbai is hardly a recipe for addressing the job crisis . Why hasn't
the Sena, for example, started training projects to make Maharashtrian
youth face upto the challenges of a competitive job market? Why
doesn't the Sena give regional culture a boost by supporting Marathi
theatre, literature or cinema? The wonderful Marathi film,
"Harishchandrachee Factory", nominated for the Oscars, has been co-
produced by Ronnie Screwvala, a Parsi, who like millions of other
'outsiders' has made Mumbai his home. Maybe, I ask for too much.
Tigers, used to bullying others for years, will never change their
stripes.
Post-script: Your charming son, Aditya, who is studying English
Literature in St Xaviers College, had sent me a collection of his
poems. I was most impressed with his writing skills. Let's hope the
next generation of the T company will finally realize that there is
more to life than rabble-rousing!
Jai Hind, Jai Maharashtra!
Posted by Malvika at 12:13 PM
http://ab-na-ja.blogspot.com/2010/03/rajdeep-sardesais-letter-to-uddhav.html
Mumbai made into dharamshala: Bal Thackeray
Mumbai, Mar 6 : Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray said Mumbai has been
made into a 'dharamshala' (free inn), thereby thrashing Maharashtra
Governor K Sankaranarayanan for saying 'anybody can live in Mumbai'.
"Saying that migrants will continue to come to Mumbai is akin to
betrayal of Maharashtra," Thackeray said in an editorial in party
mouthpiece Saamna on Saturday.
"Had Sankaranarayanan been the Governor of Karnataka, would he have
dared to say let hordes of migrants come to Bangalore?" the Sena chief
said.
"The governors who live in the sprawling Raj Bhutan by the Arabian Sea
are nothing but Congress pensioners. Raj Bhutan has lost touch with
people's sentiments, that's why you say such things."
Balasaheb further recommended permit system to stop 'migrant influx'
in Mumbai.
"Mumbai has been made into a dharamshala. The only way to stop the
influx of migrants is to start a permit system to impose curbs on
those coming here," Thackeray said.
On Friday, Sankaranarayanan had said: "Anybody can live in Mumbai.
Only Mumbai can compete with itself. The rich, middle class and the
poor co-exist here."
--IBNS
http://www.newkerala.com/news/fullnews-65284.html
le photo of Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray at his residence in
Mumbai. PTI Photo Photograph (1)
Bal Thackeray targets Maha Guv over 'Mumbai for all' remark
STAFF WRITER 10:49 HRS IST
Mumbai, Mar 6 (PTI) After batting maestro Sachin Tendulkar and
industrialist Mukesh Ambani, Maharashtra Governor K Sankaranarayanan
is the latest to face the Shiv Sena ire for saying that Mumbai belongs
to all.
"Saying that migrants will continue to come to Mumbai is akin to
betrayal of Maharashtra," Sena chief Bal Thackeray said in an
editorial in party mouthpiece 'Saamana' here today.
The Governor had said yesterday that "anybody can live in Mumbai. Only
Mumbai can compete with itself. The rich, middle class and the poor co-
exist here".
In an informal interaction with media persons, his first since taking
over the gubernatorial post, he said though civic and infrastructure
facilities needed to be upgraded in the megapolis, migration from
other parts of the country cannot be curbed.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/550675_Bal-Thackeray-targets-Maha-Guv-over--Mumbai-for-all--remark
chhotemianinshallah
STAFF WRITER 21:49 HRS IST
Satna (MP), Mar 15 (PTI) Criticising BJP national president Nitin
Gadkari's statement that Narendra Modi has qualities to become the
prime minister, senior Congress leader Digvijay Singh has said Modi is
neither fit for chief minister, nor suitable for prime minister's
post.
"Modi is not fit to be a chief minister, forget about being suitable
for prime minister's post," Singh said.
"BJP has always been making many tall claims and even their claim of
Modi being prime ministerial material will be exposed," he told
reporters here yesterday.
Ever since BJP had come to power in Madhya Pradesh, attacks on
minorities in the state have been on the rise, the Congress General
Secretary said.
The former Madhya Pradesh chief minister said after inquiring into the
attacks on Christians by BJP leaders, he will file a complaint on it
with the National Minority Commission.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/566294_Modi-not-fit-to-be-CM--forget-about-PM--says-Digvijay
File photo of BJP President Nitin Gadkari addressing a press
conference in Jammu. PTI Photo Photograph (1)
BJP President Nitin Gadkari constitutes his team
STAFF WRITER 16:49 HRS IST
New Delhi, Mar 16 (PTI) Three months after he took over reigns of the
party, BJP President Nitin Gadkari today brought in a mix of youth,
experience and women in his team of office bearers inducting
heavyweights like Vasundhara Raje and Ravishankar Prasad and
hardliners like Varun Gandhi and Vinay Katiyar.
Gadkari, who was considered as an RSS choice when he replaced Rajnath
Singh, has also given positions to some leaders said to be close to
the sangh parivar founthead.
Among them are Bhagat Singh Koshiyari (Vice President), Murlidhar Rao
(Secretary) and Tarun Vijay, who was Editor of RSS mouthpiece
"Organiser", as spokesperson.
Prominent Muslim face and three-time MP Shahnawaz Hussain, who was
widely tipped to become a General Secretary, has been appointed as
Spokesperson while Najma Heptullah has been retained as Vice
President.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/567220_BJP-President-Nitin-Gadkari-constitutes-his-team
Maha issues Ordinance to enhance jail term for terrorists
STAFF WRITER 17:20 HRS IST
Nagpur, Mar 16 (PTI) The State Government has promulgated an Ordinance
to enhance the prison term of terrorists, Maharashtra Home Minister R
R Patil said today.
The State Government has proposed 20, 40 and 60 years of jail-term for
terrorists involved in terror activities and since it is an
administrative requirement, the government has come out with an
Ordinance, Patil told reporters here.
In an informal chat, he said the Ordinance was issued yesterday. The
maximum imprisonment is 14 years in any kind of crime and the accused
person comes out of jail after availing the benefits due to good
conduct and parole.
Technically speaking, the convict is out after serving prison for
11-12 years. The State government was of the opinion that these
terrorists should not be let free or released early after committing
crime against state.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/567288_Maha-issues-Ordinance-to-enhance-jail-term-for-terrorists
Kandhamal says no to Togadia visit
STAFF WRITER 17:41 HRS IST
Bhubaneswar, Mar 16 (PTI) Authorities in Kandhamal district, which has
been violence-free for about a year, today decided not to allow VHP
leader Pravin Togadia to visit it.
"We will not allow VHP leader Pravin Togadia to visit Kandhamal as the
administration does not want to take any risk though things are in
good shape," District Magistrate-cum-Collector Krishna Kumar told PTI
over phone.
"The situation is absolutely normal in the district now," he said.
The state unit of VHP had earlier informed the Home department
regarding Togadia's proposed three-day visit to Orissa.
Togadia is scheduled to begin his visit to the state on March 18 and
visit Kandhamal the next day and spend the night at Phulbani, the
district headquarters of Kandhamal, VHP state secretary Gouri Prasad
Rath said.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/567377_Kandhamal-says-no-to-Togadia-visit
Christ picture: absconding publisher's bail rejected
STAFF WRITER 17:43 HRS IST
Shillong, Mar 16 (PTI) The Gauhati High Court has rejected the bail
plea of a Delhi-based publisher charged with printing a blasphemous
image of Christ in a book meant for junior students.
"The state police challenged the bail order (of the publisher of
Skyline Publication, Indra Mohan Jha) leading to its quashing by the
Gauhati High Court yesterday," DSP Vivek Syiem said.
The absconding publisher was granted interim bail by the Shillong
bench of the high court on March five.
The police had registered a case against the publisher under Section
295 (A) of the IPC for hurting the sentiments of people by publishing
the image of Christ holding a can of beer and a cigarette.
Syiem said in case Jha did not surrender, the police would have to
communicate with other states to trace him.
Over 120 books, carrying the picture, have been seized by police from
a convent school and a distributor.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/567383_Christ-picture--absconding-publisher-s-bail-rejected
Raje says she will perform new role with dedication
STAFF WRITER 17:44 HRS IST
Jaipur, Mar 16 (PTI) Newly-appointed BJP General Secretary Vasundhara
Raje today said she is a committed party worker and will fulfil the
new responsibility with utmost dedication.
"I am disciplined soldier of the party and have always peformed the
task assigned to me by the party sincerely and honestly.
"I will fulfil the new responsibility assigned to me by the party with
dedication," Raje said in a statement here.
Three months after he took over reins of the party, BJP President
Nitin Gadkari today appointed Raje as one of party's General
Secretaries.
Raje, a former Rajasthan Chief Minister, was unseated as Leader of the
Opposition in the state after the party's Lok Sabha debacle.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/567389_Raje-says-she-will-perform-new-role-with-dedication
March 21, 2010
Rebirth of BJP: Focus on Change
"A man is not finished when he is defeated, he is defeated when he
quits. Much the same can be said of a party. It is not finished when
it is defeated; it is defeated when it stops to think.
-Nitin Gadkari
By MV Kamath
The BJP, right now, has one advantage: The UPA government is on its
last legs. It is bereft of new ideas. The high cost of living is
spreading disaffection among the people who are becoming increasingly
disillusioned with the government. This is the time to think big and
hit hard and the BJP seems to have found the right man to fulfil that
envious task. As Gadkari himself said: The country comes first, the
party second and the individual last. Now he has only to prove it
beyond any shadow of doubt. IF the media’s reportage of the
proceedings of the meeting of the BJP to anoint Nitin Gadkari as its
new - and youngest - president has any meaning, it is this: The
Congress had better beware. A sea-change has come over the party which
is as stunning as it was unexpected. It is evident in Gadkari’s hour-
long presidential address and in the entire environment in which the
meeting took place that Gadkari has opened the door to an entire new
world. It is a brave new world which should capture the imagination of
the young and the uninitiated. Here is a man brimming with ideas, has
the courage to break away from tradition in dress and deportment which
should endear him to aam adami. For a president to wear a bush shirt
and trousers, to shun feet touching, even if it is a mark of respect
towards elders, is a break-away from the past that may sound a little
offensive to traditionalists but is an indication that Gadkari is
looking ahead to the future with daring.
Understandably his speech- maiden-had to deal with party affairs, but
indicated a conciliatory approach as when he appealed to the Muslims
to be gracious enough to let a temple to Ram, built on the disputed
structure site. The request sounded genuine. It was anything but
provocative, and hopefully will be received with becoming attention.
The time has come for Hindu-Muslim reconciliation and Gadkari’s appeal
makes a lot of sense. In the next few weeks Gadkari has to think out-
of-the-box.
Four issues call for deep thought: How to raise agricultural
production and keep the peasant from migrating to urban centers; how
to provide jobs for the GenNext; how to reduce corruption which has
become endemic and how to work out a plan to benefit the tribals. And
above all, how to go beyond Hindutva to a way of life that is nation-
embracing and appealing to all people of whatever caste, creed,
religion or community. Gadkari it seems evident, is breaking away from
the old moorings, which is just as well. One appreciates the guts the
RSS has shown in naming Gadkari as its presidential choice. Here is a
man who can relate to the young. Fancy his breaking into singing from
the presidential platform! The sheer novelty of the man’s thinking
takes one’s breath away. This is not being critical of the old
culture. But all things must change. As Tennyson beautifully put it:
"The old order changeth, yielding place to new and God fulfils himself
in many ways, lest one good custom should corrupt the world."
With the kind of approach Gadkari has shown, he is capable of adapting
to a new and changing world. He should be able to touch the hearts of
people of all age groups, especially that group which will come of age
when the next general elections take place. Giving advice to a party
these days is an hazardous exercise, as Pramod Mahajan, were he alive,
would have readily agreed. Shining India as a slogan did not sell. Not
that there were no geniuses in the BJP to give advice to LK Advani;
fullest advantage was taken of talent and technology, as one can be
sure, Sudhindra Kulkarni will testify. The best of minds surely had
made their contributions but something had gone wrong. The BJP ‘lost’
the last general elections. But there is no reason for the BJP to be
defeatist. It is in power in nine states, it has, as Gadkari
meaningfully pointed out, over 1,000 MLAs and a little less then 200
MPs. One must build on that strength. To succeed, BJP must work as a
united party and not as a divided house as it has been for some months
now. Personal egos have done considerable damage to the party. Gadkari
has forewarned that this must change. Gadkari is not, as some
theorists have made out, walking in Rahul Gandhi’s footsteps. He has
cut out a path all on his own. The broad road-map he has unveiled
suggests that he has learnt from the events of the immediate past.
Names count, but only upto a point.
Winston Churchill, who had led his country so successfully during the
Second World War was unceremoniously side-lined in the elections that
followed victory. Labour came to power. Margaret Thatcher years later
came on the scene and re-made Britain. And that was the right thing to
do. In India, one after another of ideas once considered sacrosanct
had to be given the go-by, like Jawaharlal Nehru’s concept of a
socialistic pattern of society, non-alignment, garibi hatao that
Indira Gandhi wanted to capitalise on, nationalisation of industries,
etc. have all bit the dust. The BJP now has only to break new ground
if it wants to make headway. The buzz words in Gadkari’s inaugural
address were antyodaya (welfare of the poorest), samajik samarasta
(social equality) and vikas (development). Very evocative words but
the highest importance should be on "development" in very field,
whether agriculture, industry, enterprise, education and most
especially job-creation.
Let us face it: The young are least interested in ideologies; what
they are looking for are well-paid jobs and the party must see how
best this can be accomplished. In his addres Gadkari said that "a man
is not finished when he is defeated, he is defeated when he quits.
Much the same can be said of a party. It is not finished when it is
defeated; it is defeated when it stops to think."
Gadkari would do well to send a team of experts to China to find out
how our troublesome neighbour has excelled in so many fields,
especially in the field of agriculture where its production per acre
is several times higher than that of India. China, to be sure, is not
an ideal society; it is run by a heartless dictatorship that cares a
tuppence for Human Rights. But there surely are areas of
administration from which India can learn a lot.
The point is that the BJP must break away from its past and project
itself as a forward-looking party which means business, especially in
regard to antyodaya. Village self-sufficiency is a Gandhian concept to
which some fresh thought needs to be given. The stress should be on
productivity, marketing and sales, inter-connection of villages with
roads to promote peasant mobility, and spread of technical expertise.
The BJP, right now, has one advantage: The UPA government is on its
last legs. It is bereft of new ideas. The high cost of living is
spreading disaffection among the people who are becoming increasingly
disillusioned with the government. This is the time to think big and
hit hard and the BJP seems to have found the right man to fulfil that
envious task. As Gadkari himself said: The country comes first, the
party second and the individual last. Now he has only to prove it
beyond any shadow of doubt.
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=336&page=34
March 21, 2010
Editorial
Varsha Pratipada Special, 2010
It is free fall
The buck does not stop
By R Balashankar
FROM India shinning to India suffering is the most colourful
description of Manmohan Singh’s regime heard on the floor of
Parliament during the budget session. The insensitivity of the UPA to
people’s agony and its arrogance of power have crossed all limits.
India is a nation with a great sense of justice. In its history there
is no dearth of instances where the rulers set higher standards for
themselves than for the commoner. They willingly courted heavier
punishment for their omissions and commissions unlike those of today
who suggest people not to take sweets if sugar price has gone high.
Compassion and empathy were the two qualities Indian scriptures
expected in the rulers. So we have the instances of Shibi, Dasharata,
Harischandra, Yudhishtira, Sri Ram, Dathechi and the list can go on
and on. The sense of justice and fair play was the touchstone for a
successful reign. Chakravarti Shibi set one of the most touching
examples in this regard.
Once, the legend has it, the Emperor was relaxing on the terrace of
the palace when a wounded pigeon fell on his lap and asked for
protection from an eagle that was chasing it for prey. Shibi offered
the bird safety but the eagle won’t leave its prey. The eagle demanded
the Emperor to be fair and release its prey, as it was within its
dharma in hunting for food and the Emperor had no right to interfere.
The Emperor on his part argued that it was his duty to give asylum to
the bird as it was seeking his protection for life. The eagle reminded
the Emperor his other duty not to deprive another creature of its
livelihood and redeem that dharma. The incident is both interesting
and instructive, for it was not the might of the Emperor but his sense
of justice that the eagle was putting to test. The Emperor stood high
and passed the test. And he presented a great example in self-
sacrifice to set the lesson for generations to come. He asked the
eagle what price he would have to pay so that the life of the pigeon
was saved. The eagle demanded the flesh of the king in equal weight to
that of the pigeon he wanted to be saved. Shibi passed the test and
proved to the world, the ruler is respected or loved not for his
arbitrariness but for his compassion and conciliation. Modern-day
rulers will laugh at this legend. But one cannot overlook the
message.
Social tragedies have become passé in India today, and the rulers-
people in power and position-go about as if there is no value for a
commoner’s life. India perhaps is the only country in the world where
human life is treated so cheap. The UP Chief Minister made it a matter
of prestige in her stand-off with the centre not to pay compensation
to the 65 victims of a tragedy in Pratapgarh. Many such situations go
unreported. The highlight however is the apathy of the establishment-
be it godmen, civic authorities, corporate tycoons or the elected
governments-for the value of life of an ordinary Indian, especially
Hindu.
Children who go to play do not return home because they get drowned by
stagnant water in pits dug by the Delhi Jal Board authority. Men and
women who go for early morning walk are discovered bleeding and dead
on the roadside because the civic bodies have dug up the pavement and
left it in a state of veritable hell for months, if not years.
Imagine the humongous tragedy of the people who assembled at the
ashram of Kripalu Maharaj in Kundu, Pratapgarh, for collecting a
utensil, a piece of sweet and Rs 20-the total value of which would not
exceed Rs 50. This is the level of poverty in the country whose
economic growth under globalisation is a matter of mere GDP and
statistics. Human beings have become numbers. Sixty-five people dead,
families devastated, children orphaned and mothers deprived of their
children. Even in the impoverished Sudan such incidents don’t happen
at this frequency. For, only a few years ago, over a 100 women died in
Uttar Pradesh capital in the stampede. They had come to receive free
saris being distributed by a politician. And we can safely bet that
nobody would be held responsible and punished for the loss of precious
human lives just as it happened in the sari tragedy or the temple
stampedes that keep repeating all over the country quite frequently.
Rural unemployment is so high that at every recruitment venue for army
and police personnel, the rush of job seekers leads to lathicharge,
firing, stampede and death.
Routinely, stampede occurs in places of worship. These are all
incidents in which people authorised to make arrangements, are to be
held culpable for the crime. One is not talking of the road accidents
and terror attacks. That statistics is now becoming listless.
One teenager was killed in Srinagar, allegedly unprovoked, by a BSF
constable. The police records, according to reports, said the boy was
a criminal. That official was however hounded by the state, his own
seniors and with discernible glee the newspapers reported that he has
been suspended. Only the jawans and security forces have no human
rights. They are treated as cannon fodder in their combat with
terrorists, Maoists and North-east outlaws. We take the loss of a
security personnel’s life so lightly, so routinely as if the state has
become morose. Is justice the privilege of only the terrorists and
their cohorts? A few weeks ago, terrorists and their supporters in J&K
disguised as lawyers fabricated a case of rape and murder of two
women. They created a huge ruckus. The media and the politicians there
held the state and defence forces to ransom. In the end it was proved
that the women were not raped, and they had committed suicide. Have
these lawyers been punished?
Even smaller nations like Philippines and Bangladesh have a better
track record of dispensing justice. The Marcos and Ershads got
punished there for their greed and crimes. In modern India, not one
politician has ever been punished. Nobody knows where the buck stops.
We don’t even know who should own up responsibility for the kind of
tragedies that have been discussed. There was a time, an air accident
or a train collision used to result in the resignation of the minister
in charge. Now the accidents have become commonplace and there is no
accountability.
So where does that leave the ordinary Indian? Those who have been
elected by them are not speaking up for them. The creation of an
informed public opinion, non-political social action for justice seems
the only way out. Varsha Pratipada marks a new cycle, an occasion that
prompts us to pause, think and move on. It is for each of us to do our
bit to make our society more sensitive, more assertive and restore the
value of each and every life sharing this planet.
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=336&page=2
February 21, 2010
Divisive politics get a deadly blow
Seven-member AP High Court bench strikes down Muslim quota as
unconstitutional, based on dubious data, and potentially encouraging
conversion
By R Mallikarjunarao
In the year 2004 Dr YS Rajasekhara Reddy, provided reservations to
Muslims in education and public employment to the extent of five per
cent. A five-judge bench said that this is illegal. After this the
farce of inquiry by Commission for Backwards Classes was enacted and
reservation was given to Muslims and Act was promulgated in 2005.
Another five-judge bench declared this 2005 Act is illegal.
Thereafter, the YS government issued another Act in 2007. A seven-
judge bench on February 8 declared this action illegal.
THE mask has been ripped apart by a seven-judge bench of the High
Court of Andhra Pradesh. The real face of slogan "reservation for
Muslims" was exposed. While dealing with the constitutional validity
of AP Reservation in favour of Socially Educationally Backward Classes
of Muslims Act, 2007, a seven-judge bench of the AP High Court
declared: "This 2007 Act is religion specific and potentially
encourages religious conversions and is thus unsustainable." This is
the third time the Congress government of AP has faced adverse
judgment on the issue of providing reservations to Muslims.
In the year 2004 Dr YS Rajasekhara Reddy provided reservations to
Muslims in education and public employment to the extent of five per
cent. A five-judge bench said that this is illegal. After this the
farce of inquiry by Commission for Backwards Classes was enacted and
reservation was given to Muslims and Act was promulgated in 2005.
Another five-judge bench declared this 2005 Act is illegal.
Thereafter, the YS government issued another Act in 2007. A seven-
judge bench on February 8 declared this action illegal.
The bench comprised of Chief Justice Anil Ramesh Dave Justice T Meena
Kumari, Justice B Prakasha Rao, Justice DSR Varma, Justice A Gopala
Reddy, Justice V Eswariah and Justice Goda Raghuram. The 137-page
judgment was given by the Chief Justice AR Dave on behalf of himself,
Justice A Gopala Reddy, Justice V Eswariah and Justice Goda Raghuram.
They declared the AP Reservation in favour of Socially Educationally
Backward Classes of Muslims Act, 2007 unsustainable. Justice T Meena
Kumari gave a separate judgment running into 77 pages allowing the
writ petitions but gave a different reasoning. Justice B Prakasha Rao
said that the seven-judge bench was to answer the reference regarding
the method to be adopted. He differed with the findings of the five
judges and did not set aside the state action. Justice DSR Varma
declared that he is differing with Chief Justice and Justice T Mena
Kumari and said that he will give his reasons later.
It may be recalled that the government issued Ordinance 5 of 2007
providing 4 per cent reservations to several selected groups of
Muslims in the fields of education and public employment. This was
preceded by inquiry by AP Commission for Backwards Classes. The
government had appointed Krishnan, a retired civil servant, the
advisor who submitted a report, which was sent to the BC Commission.
This Ordinance was challenged by Shravanti and several other students.
Some persons claimed that this will hurt the backward classes and
filed public interest petitions. During the course of hearing the AP
Legislative Assembly passed the bill and Act 26 of 2007 came into
force. Petitions were amended to bring this act under challenge.
The majority judgment pronounced by the Chief Justice said that the
action of the state government is solely based upon the report,
findings and recommendations of the commission and the procedural
error committed by the commission is fatal to its report and its
consequent recommendations. The court said that it is deplorable that
the commission was not even aware of total population of persons
belonging to groups of Muslims who have been selected to be put into E
category among the BC groups. The sample survey was found faulty and
the quick survey in the name and style of fast track method was termed
as "hit and run method". This was declared neither legal nor
sustainable. The sampling was "opportunity sampling and non-
probability sampling". The court said that the BC Commission failed to
formulate criteria for identifying the BC among the Muslims but simply
conducted a household survey in places close to its hand. It was
declared that the commission did not conduct survey objectively to
justify its recommendations.
Justice T Meena Kumari in a separate judgment dealt at length with the
report of commission and effect of its copying the report of Krishnan.
She said: "The report of the commission should be held to be
mechanical, perfunctory in nature and without application of mind as
the commission followed the report of PS Krishnan in verbatim."
Justice Meena Kumari said that the report of the commission is not
based on real facts, data mechanical perfunctory in nature and without
application of mind as the commission followed the report of PS
Krishna in verbatim’. Justice MeenaKumari said that the report of the
commission is not based upon real facts, data or analysis and is
without any proper survey. She reminded that the commission limited
its survey to six districts only for three days leaving the other
parts of the state. With the report of the commission found as
insufficient lacking any objectivity the Act 26 of 2007 which is based
upon the report was declared to be invalid and unconstitutional.
The UPA government was planning to provide for reservations to Muslims
based on the Ranganath Commission report. The seven judges of the AP
High Court have hampered this conspiracy.
‘‘The fast track approach adopted by the commission was nothing but a
non-scientific method,’’ Justice Dave said. It was neither ‘‘legal nor
sustainable’’, he declared. The action of the panel was also
criticised for its reliance on recommendations made by PS Krishnan.
The appointment of Krishnan is "protanto invalid", the bench said and
faulted the panel for relying on his findings.
Echoing the majority view in a separate judgment, Justice Meena Kumari
said the investigation by the panel was not based on real facts, data
or analysis and was without proper survey.
Justice Prakash Rao aired the minority view holding that the bench was
not called upon to adjudicate the list but was only required to answer
a legal reference. He said that the government had some data before it
on which it acted and thus could not be faulted. Justice DSR Varma
said he did not agree with the majority view and would give his
reasons shortly. The Advocate General sought suspension of the order
which was rejected by the bench.
The Andhra government has long struggled to provide quotas for
Muslims, who were first given reservation in July 2004, a month after
YS Rajasekhara Reddy came to power.
The bench further described findings of the AP Backward Classes
Commission - on which the quota law had been based - as
"unscientific". Within hours of the verdict, Chief Minister K Rosaiah
said his government would move to the Supreme Court and vowed to
restore the AP Reservation in favour of Socially and Educationally
Backward Classes of Muslims Act, 2007.
In a 5-2 majority ruling, the court found that the commission neither
evolved any criteria nor published these before inviting objections.
It had merely stated it had followed the two criteria evolved by the
Mandal Commission for identification of Socially Economic Backward
Classes (SEBCs) among non-Hindu community.
Chief Justice Dave, speaking for himself and Justices A Gopala Reddy,
V Eswaraiah and G Raghuram, faulted the enactment and said it was
religion-specific and potentially encouraged conversions and was thus
unsustainable.
The bench found fault with the commission for its excessive reliance
on data collated by the Anthropological Survey of India. That data,
the court ruled, was meant for determining the profile of the Indian
population and not for deciding on affirmative action for Muslims.
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February 21, 2010
Muslim Job Reservations Plan A Marxist Election Gimmick
By Ranjit Roy
The interesting highlights of the Marxist Chief Minister’s
announcement on Muslim job reservations are: The OBC reservation list
in West Bengal currently includes both Hindus and Muslims. Muslims are
now to be put under a separate list called Backward Muslim Community.
The new inclusion will take OBC reservations in West Bengal from 7 per
cent to 17 per cent.
KOLKATA: West Bengal Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s
announcement in Kolkata on February 8 that Muslim OBCs in the state
would now get 10 per cent job quota as recommended by the Ranganath
Misra Commission is, no doubt, an election gimmick to fool Muslim
voters. This is evident from the fact that the Chief Minister
announced his government’s policy decision on job reservations within
minutes of the Left Front partners’ meeting ended at the CPM
headquarters at Alimuddin Street in central Kolkata. It is a clear
attempt to win back the support of Muslims before the Congress decides
its stand on the controversial Ranganath Misra report placed before
the UPA government. With a dwindling Muslim support base to the Left
that led to serious election reverses in the 2009 Lok Sabha polls, the
CPM and its Chief Minister could not afford to wait for the Centre’s
decision. There are elections to 86 civic bodies slated for this year
before the final electoral battle for 294 Assembly seats in the state
early next year.
The interesting highlights of the Marxist Chief Minister’s
announcement on Muslim job reservations are: The OBC reservation list
in West Bengal currently includes both Hindus and Muslims. Muslims are
now to be put under a separate list called Backward Muslim Community.
The new inclusion will take OBC reservations in West Bengal from 7 per
cent to 17 per cent. Moreover, there is a paradox in Chief Minister’s
claim that the proposed reservation is not on the basis of religion
but on the basis of poor economic conditions. At the same time he has
announced that Muslim youths under the OBC category can apply for job
quota if their family income is below Rs 37,500 per month. Is it not a
contradictory statement of Marxist Bhattacharjee that a Muslim family
earning Rs 37,500 per month, not annually, is economically weak and
needs job reservation? Yes, even if one takes present economic
conditions of people in India irrespective of their religions and
faiths, it cannot be said that earning of Rs 37,500 per month is a
small amount and needed government protection. No doubt, job
reservation was announced by Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee with an eye on
Muslim vote bank.
Dr Pravin Togadia, VHP secretary general, has rightly said that
Andhra’s 4 per cent quota and West Bengal giving 10 per cent
reservations to Muslims are not isolated incidents. They are well
connected and are a part of a larger conspiracy against Hindus. This
criminal conspiracy of looting Hindus is being hatched to please
Muslim vote bank. At this moment, 78 per cent Hindu youths in India
are unemployed. At least 79 per cent Hindu farmers have lost their
land and crop. Yet, instead of helping them, Congress and Marxist
governments are showering favours on Muslims. There is no denying the
fact that such job reservations only encourage conversions to Islam.
In fact, while turning down a similar move by Andhra Chief Minister, K
Rosaiah, a seven-judge bench of the state high court observed that the
government’s offer of 4 per cent reservations to Muslims is
"unscientific, religion specific and potentially encourage
conversions". This is not the first time that Andhra government tried
to provide education and job reservations to please Muslims in the
state. The late Chief Minister, YS Rajasekhara, had offered 5 per cent
reservations to Muslims in July 2004. But Andhra high court had struck
down the move at the time.
Taking a cue from Andhra high court’s ruling, Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee’s decision will be challenged in Kolkata high court by a
group of nationalist lawyers. The state BJP president, Rahul Sinha,
has announced that the party supporters will stage state-wide
agitations against the proposed reservations for Muslims from February
13 onwards. Sinha told newsmen in Kolkata that the party’s national
president, Nitin Gadkari will be visiting West Bengal during the first
week of March to spearhead the agitation. Strangely, within 24 hours
of the Chief Minister’s announcement, the state food and supplies
department has selected 63 Muslim candidates out of a total 317 (17.5
per cent) for government jobs.
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February 21, 2010
Thinking Aloud
India is too big for the Marxists!
Jyoti Basu knew his politics, but not his economics. He made sure of
his vote bank through his million-acre land distribution programme but
when the programme came to a halt, he had nothing else in hand. He
believed that the programme would put so much cash into the hands of
farmers that it would spawn an industrialisation drive and create huge
employment. Nothing of the sort happened.
COMRADE Jyoti Basu, who passed away at the ripe old age of 95 years
last month, would be wondering what he has done to receive such
adulation from foreign newspapers, who never took his communism
seriously, and did not take kindly to him while he was alive. They are
calling him charming and elegant, as if they were referring to a
Hollywood model, not a rough-and-tumble politician from Kolkata. For a
man who was, or seemed to be, a virulent Marxist all his working life,
this would have been the biggest shock of his colourful life.
I have a feeling that the foreign newspapers know something we don’t.
It is possible that they never took his communism seriously, and it is
quite on the cards that they believed he was not really a communist.
Basu’s grasp of Marxism-Leninism was shaky, to say the least. In fact,
he never spoke in those terms. He was also not much of a national
leader, and rarely moved out of Kolkata, except to attend politburo
meetings. He almost never addressed meetings of workers, or any
meetings, in big towns and cities like Mumbai or Delhi which have more
workers than Kolkata. And he avoided making statements on things that
didn’t concern him, like, for instance, the fall of the Berlin Wall on
which the whole world went ga-ga, or the collapse of the Soviet Union
that followed, which was close to his heart, but on which he made no
comment either.
Basu was very much a home-bred politician, which is surprising,
considering he had spent four years in London and once confessed that
he was still a Londoner at heart. Jyoti Basu, a Londoner? The mind
boggles. Religiously, he visited London every summer and spent a
holiday there, but never, as far as his friends can recall, in Kashmir
or Darjeeling. It was said that he had a house there, and maybe even a
hotel, which was being run by his businessman son. I once saw him
having fish and chips in Camden Town, near Hampstead, but he did not
say hello. He was in a nice dark suit, a little tight for him, but
maybe he had purchased it in late ’thirties when he had spent years in
London. It was quite a sight.
There are, it is said, two types of communists: Those who smile, and
those who don’t. It is a minor difference, but one that tells us a
great deal about them. I have always believed that a communist who
smiles is far more dangerous than one who doesn’t, like an unsmiling
cat waiting for its next mouse. It was said that Jyoti Basu never
smiled-it was his trademark. It was true enough. He did not smile even
when he became Chief Minister in 1977, after a long career in the
streets of Kolkata. He did not smile even in 1996 when there was talk
that he would become the next prime minister.
I met him twice, once when he was a trade union leader, and another
time when he had become Chief Minister of his state. Both times, he
kept a stiff upper lip, never showing a single tooth, as children do
when facing the dentist.
I first met him when he was president of the trade union in my
company, or rather the company I worked for in Kolkata about fifty
years ago. Most of the talking at the meeting was being done by
company trade union bosses but Basu had come in case they needed help.
Basu hardly said a word throughout the meeting, and when it was over,
he left, also without saying a word.
The second time I saw him was in 1977 when he had become Chief
Minister. He must have been past sixty then, but he did not look a day
older than forty. We first met in his office which was being
renovated. After saying a few words, he took us into a small back
office, which he used for resting at lunch time. There was a small
bed, a couple of chairs and a small table on which was a tumbler of
water and a glass-just one glass.
Basu sat on the bed, and offered us the chairs. He spoke mostly in
monosyllables. Was he pleased that he had become Chief Minister? No
comment, just a shrug of the shoulders. What would he do now? We shall
see. There is so much poverty in West Bengal and industry is fleeing.
How do you propose tackling the situation? I am thinking about it. And
so on. Either he didn’t want to tell us anything, or he really had not
made up his mind. It was a wasted meeting.
Jyoti Basu knew his politics, but not his economics. He made sure of
his vote bank through his million-acre land distribution programme but
when the programme came to a halt, he had nothing else in hand. He
believed that the programme would put so much cash into the hands of
farmers that it would spawn an industrialisation drive and create huge
employment. Nothing of the sort happened. Money is not the only thing
you need for industry and business. You need businessmen behind money.
Basu & Co had frightened off businessmen by spewing poison against
them for years, and the Tatas and the Birlas and the Goenkas had fled
the state. Now that the communists were in charge, they refused to
come back.
It is not clear whether Basu knew all this, but, in the process, he
reduced the one-time leading industrial state in India to economic
backwater. Jyoti Basu will go down in history as the great destroyer
of Bengal, for the farmers who now own the land refuse to sell it to
businessmen, even to Tatas, who were forced to take their Nano
elsewhere, after spending crores on it.
Why are foreigners so pleased with Basu then showering him with
superlatives, now that he is no more? My hunch is that they are happy
that Jyoti Basu has damaged West Bengal beyond redemption, for the
state is where the British occupation of India began and also where
British business entrenched itself. The communists, led by Basu & Co,
were responsible for throwing out the businessmen and now the state
stands denuded of all industry and business. And the man who did it?
Their own Jyoti Basu, a man who studied in London, ate dinners in
Lincoln’s inn, as do all would-be barristers, and then came home and
finished his state. What more can the British ask for?
It is not the fault of Jyotibabu alone. The communists in Soviet Union
did the same and destroyed the country. Communists know their politics
backwards, but not their economics, though their guru, the great Marx,
makes great play with economic theories, and his great tome, Das
Kapital is essentially an economic treatise. But economics is
ultimately about people, for economic activity consists of buying and
selling, which involves buyers and sellers. But communists have never
understood people and have always taken them for granted. If people
become difficult, just go out and eliminate them, which is what Stalin
and Mao did. But Basu & Co could not do that in India. India is too
big for Marxists, for while Marx was born yesterday, India was born
five thousand years ago, and can have Marxists for breakfast.
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February 21, 2010
98th Hindu Maha Sammelan, Cherukolpuzha
Ranganath report anti-national-O Rajagopal
By S Chandrasekhar
SABARIMALA Ayyappa temple is on the banks of Pampa river. As the
season subsides, it is time for another massive gathering of Hindus,
at another bank of Pampa river, for the past 98 years. An estimated
five lakh Hindus from the Christian dominated belt of Kottayam, Idukki
and Pathanamthitta attended the Hindu Maha Sammelan at Ayroor-
Cherukolpuzha, that held for a week.
Started in 1913 by Swami Neelakanda Theertha Padhar, a disciple of
Vidyadhiraja Chattambi Swamiji, it has been going on un-intereptedly.
It was started to foster unity among the Hindus, check conversion and
educate Hindus about their religion, culture and traditions. It was
also a counter to the Maramom Convention of Christians going on for
103 years.
This year the Sammelan was inaugurated by H.H. Jagadguru Sri
Sivarathri Desikendra Swamiji of Suttur Mutt, Mysore on February. The
Swamiji is running lot of Hindu activities in Karnataka and is also
running 300 educational institutions including medical/ engineering
colleges. Around 7000 poor children are being educated by the Swamiji
in all institutions with free boarding and lodging.
Delivering his speech, the Swami said, Hinduism is in crisis for 1000
years due to Islamic and Christian invasions. "This is surviving due
to the wealth of puranas, upanishads, vedas and saints who appear
periodically whenever dharma is in danger. Great warriors like
Shivaji, Rana Pratap, Krishnadeva Ray have also protected Hindutva.
Just like our concept of Vasudhaiba Kutumbakam, Sanatana Dharma has no
religious and geographical borders. Its aim is total material well-
being and spiritual uplift of human race. Our worship of cow, nature,
trees, water sources have great relevance in the global warming
context". Swamiji concluded his speech by offering flowers at the feet
of Vidyadhiraja Swami and Sree Narayana Guru for preventing mass
exodus to Christianity and Islam. Had it not been for these saints,
Kerala would have been 100 per cent devoid of Hindus.
Shri O. Rajagopal, former Union Minister said that the ‘Temple Entry
Proclamation’ of 1936 was a land mark in the history of Kerala.
"The Vaikom Satyagraha, for movement of low caste Hindus, around
Vaikom Shiva temple was inspired by sages, saints and social reformers
like Sree Narayana Guru, Vidyadhiraja Swami, Vaikunta Swami, Ayyapu
Swami and NSS founder Mannath Padmanabhan. The satyagraha and march to
Travancore King’s palace at Thiruvananthapuram was a bond of Hindu
unity without bloodshed and caste hatred. Even brahmins like
Krishnaswamy Iyer and Congress leader Kamaraj joined the march.
Vivekananda called Kerala a ‘Mad House’ due to acute casteism
practised here. But very shortly Gandhi called Kerala’s visit a
Pilgrimage. This change was due to the Hindu unity efforts".
"In 1888, Sree Narayana Guru’s Pratishta of Siva in Aruvipuram led to
a chain of temple constructions and checked flow to Christianity and
Islam. Now Sadguru Mata Amritanandamayi has constructed twenty
‘Bhramasthan’ temples, where all gods are present. Out of the 49 world
civilisation only one is living and that is Sanatana Dharma".
Concluding his speech Shri Rajagopal called for dumping of the
Ranganath Mishra Commission Report. "The SC/ST all over India are in
great anger. By this report, the benefits enjoyed by them will have to
be shared with Christian and Muslim converts. He said it is not a
problem of SC/STs alone. The entire Hindu society has to protest
against this. This is an insult to Gandhiji who called them
‘Harijans’.
MLAs K.C. Rajagopal of CPM and Sivadasan Nair of Congress offered
felicitations. Former Travancore Devaswom Board President Upendranath
Kurup who is the moving force behind this sammelan, welcomed the
massive gathering.
Religions discources, cultural programmes, speeches by Hindu leaders,
Gita parayans, worship etc. form the highlight of the Sammelan which
will conclude on 14 February.
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=332&page=8
February 21, 2010
International seminar
ATM-like receipts in EVMs
NEW DELHI: Raising doubts over whether the electronic voting machines
are tamper-proof, Janata Party president Subramanian Swamy, on
February 6, 2010 mooted a new idea saying the Election Commission
should modify the EVMs so that one gets a receipt after casting the
vote as in the case of an ATM.
"That the EVMs are tamper-proof is a false claim. However, the
machines can be modified on the lines of ATM wherein we will get a
receipt after casting the vote which can be put into a sealed box," he
told reporters here.
This will make the electoral process more transparent and the receipts
can be referred to in case of any discrepancy, Swamy said.
He said an international conference of experts will be organised in
Chennai to "show that the machines are not tamper-proof".
The conference will be held on February 13 and will be attended by 35
experts from India, Germany, Netherlands and USA, he said.
Raising doubts over the accuracy of the EVMs, Swamy said that never
ever in a booth the total number of vote counts can be zero.
Swamy has also filed a PIL in the Delhi High Court on the use of EVMs
in Indian elections which is scheduled for hearing on February 17.
(PTI)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=332&page=39
February 21, 2010
Every third Indian is living below the poverty line
People living in the states of Orissa, Bihar and Chhattisgarh were
found to be among the poorest
THE report by economist Suresh Tendulkar used money spent by a person
on specific household goods and services to define the poor.
People living in the states of Orissa, Bihar and Chhattisgarh were
found to be among the poorest, the report said.
It also found that the number of poor in cities had decreased, while
those in villages had gone up.
The report has moved from the traditional method of enumerating the
number of people living in poverty by measuring their calorie intake
to one based on their spending on essential goods and services.
Based on the new method, it found 37.2 per cent of Indian people
living below the poverty line.
The report found that over 40 per cent of rural people survive on a
per capita expenditure of 447 rupees ($9.6) every month, spending on
bare essentials like food, fuel, clothing and footwear.
Correspondents say that for all of India’s impressive economic
progress, the number of Indians living in extreme poverty is not
declining fast enough.
Unless India commits itself to greater social spending and
intervention, it will be difficult to reduce poverty, correspondents
say.
(BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=332&page=40
February 21, 2010
Karmayogi touches the heart of youth at World Book Fair Suruchi
Sahitya stall makes an impact
Karmayogi, the documentary prepared by Shri Nitish Bhardwarj on the
life of second RSS Sarsanghachalak Shri Guruji attracted a large
number of youth visiting the 19th World Book Fair in New Delhi from
January 30 the February 7. The Suruchi Prakashan had made elaborate
arrangements for display of the documentary and other literature based
on the life of Shri Guruji at its stall in the Book Fair. According to
Shri Gautam Sapara, manager of Suruchi Prakashan, the documentary
attracted a large number of visitors to the stall and they were seen
eagerly trying to know the life of Shri Guruji and the historical
events of that period. Formed in 1970 and engaged in publishing good
quality books the Suruchi Prakashan participated in the World Book
Fair for the fifth time and this time it had hired double of the space
it used to hire in previous fairs. It sold more than 3000 books at the
Fair. RSS Sahsarkaryavah Shri Suresh Soni, Akhil Bharatiya Prachar
Pramukh Dr Manmohan Vaidya and many other noted authors and
dignitaries visited the stall. "More than 5000 visitors visited the
stall and gathered information about the books published by Suruchi
Prakashan. Encouraged with this year’s response we have decided to
make elaborate arrangements for the next Book Fair to be organised in
2012," he said.
(FOC)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=332&page=36
February 28, 2010
Legal hurdles on Muslim quota
By Sabyasachi Bandopadhyay
KOLKATA: The State government is set to face a legal hurdle in
implementing its decision for reservation of 10 per cent of government
jobs for Muslim OBCs with the BJP saying it would move the court
against the government’s decision.
"The Andhra Pradesh High Court has showed us the way and we are going
to challenge the State government’s decision in the Calcutta High
Court. What the State government has done is unconstitutional as you
cannot provide reservation on the basis of religion," said the BJP
president Rahul Sinha over the phone from Delhi. He said he would take
up the matter with party president Nitin Gadkari and the State unit
will observe a protest day on the issue.
The Congress government in Andhra Pradesh enacted a law on June 23,
2007 providing for 4 per cent reservation in education and government
jobs to 15 backward communities among the Muslims. After a lot of
legal wrangles, the High Court today declared the Act null and void.
The West Bengal government itself became skeptical whether its
decision on reservation for Muslims could be implemented. "The Andhra
High Court’s order will have to be kept in mind. We will have to be
ready for everything because somebody can go to court," said Abdus
Sattar, Minister of State for Minorities.(Courtesy: NaidnI Express)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=333&page=29
July 10, 2005
Opinions
AP reservations for Muslims
Let?s learn from history
By S.R. Ramanujan
Certainly no nation should live in its history because no nation can
afford to be stagnant. An important trait of nature is ?change? and a
nation has to keep pace with changing times. This does not mean that a
nation should forget history. On the contrary it has to learn from
history. Otherwise, its future history will be full of chaos and
confusion. When the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Dr Y S Rajasekhara
Reddy announces that his government would consider providing political
reservations for Muslims, either he doesn?t understand history or
doesn?t care to learn from history or is least concerned about the
undesirable consequences of such a decision.
The AP government?s decision to extend 5 per cent reservation for
Muslims in education and jobs is having a spiraling effect. The
Nationalist Congress Party general secretary Akhtar Rizvi wants a
similar facility to be given to the Muslims in Maharashtra. A Muslim
group in Bihar is demanding 20 per cent reservations in educational
institutions and government jobs along the lines of AP government
decision. Another Muslim organization wants Article 341 to be amended
to include dalit Muslims in the SC category. The Hyderabad MP and
their apparent of Sultan Salahuddin Owaissi, Asaduddin Owaissi wants
the 5 per cent reservation to be extended to the entire country,
because he perhaps looks at it from a national perspective being a
Member of the Lok Sabha. Not to be left out, Brahmana Seva Sangha
Samakya (never heard of this outfit till now) demands that the
government should extend to Brahmins also a similar reservation in
education, employment and political posts on par with Muslims.
We don?t need a BC Commission, appointed by the AP government, to tell
us that there are a good number of educationally and economically
backward Muslims in the country or in the state. It is a reality and
none should crib about affirmative action. But quota is not the answer
for social and historical reasons. Had a survey been done at the
national level on the geographical location of such backward Muslims,
we would have got certain facts that have been swept under the carpet
so far by vested interests in the community. The backwardness is
mostly prevalent among those regions that were under Muslim rulers
prior to the integration of princely states, whether it is Bhopal, Old
Delhi, Ahmedabad or Hyderabad. Take the case of Telengana districts
including Hyderabad old city under the Nizam rule and compare it with
the rest of the State. Even today Muslims in the old city of Hyderabad
are reluctant to learn Telugu. How can they compete for a job in the
rest of the State? Muslim leaders cornered all the benefits guaranteed
under the Constitution in terms of minority educational institutions.
Instead of using those institutions for eradicating the educational
backwardness of Muslims, they started selling the seats for non-Muslim
candidates and thus pushing the deserving Muslims further into
educational backwardness. Either they went to Madarasas or drifted
without even elementary education. That is the reason you find average
Muslim literacy at 17.7 per cent while the state average is 44 per
cent. The literates among Muslim women are just 4 per cent. These are
the figures now being quoted to establish educational backwardness of
Muslims.
AP government?s decision to extend 5 per cent reservation for Muslims
in education and jobs is having a spiraling effect. The Nationalist
Congress Party general secretary Akhtar Rizvi wants a similar facility
to be given to the Muslims in Maharashtra.
The moot question is how will the 5 per cent quote help in improving
the literacy level among Muslim women from 4 per cent to atleast 40
per cent. We need a multi-pronged approach to uplift the Muslim masses
in terms of education which will automatically lead to economic
prosperity. First, they must be weaned away from the communal clutches
of their leadership. Second, the government must do its best to create
awareness among the backward Muslims about the importance of
education. Third, encourage institutions floated by Muslims who have
no political interests. Fourth, ensure that no non-Muslims are
admitted into such institutions for a price. 5 per cent quota will
only help Muslim political leaders to flaunt it before their followers
and the ruling party to garner their votes. This is the short term
effect.
The long term effect is going to be catastrophic. Leave alone the
demand for similar quota from other states. What is going to cause a
body blow to the nation is the demand for political reservations. Now
that Muslims have been brought under ?E? category of backward classes,
so goes the demand, they should also be considered for reserved seats
in the local body elections to be held shortly in the state. It is in
this context, chief minister Dr Reddy told a delegation of Muslim
women that political quota for Muslims was under consideration of the
government. To predict what would be the consequences of such a
decision, one has to go back to history.
Thanks to L.K. Advani, people have started dusting the history books
from the shelves for a fresh look at pre-Independence history.
Whatever the interpretations of Gandhiji?s support to the Khilafat
movement and Jinnah?s opposition to it, whatever the reasons for the
rejection of Nehru?s Constitution and agreement on the Lucknow Pact,
one thing is clear which cannot be disputed by any historian. That is,
the provision for separate electorates and reservation for Muslims
sowed the seed for Partition of the country.
Even today Muslims in the old city of Hyderabad are reluctant to learn
Telugu. How can they compete for a job in the rest of the State?
Muslim leaders cornered all the benefits guaranteed under the
Constitution in terms of minority educational institutions.
What is the genesis for such political exclusivism? It was in 1906 a
35-member delegation of Muslims met in Simla to demand proportionate
representation for Muslims. Though this demand was not immediately
conceded, it acted as a catalyst for separate electorate for Muslims.
Jinnah supported the movement for separate electorate and the Congress
too accepted it in the Lucknow Pact. And the rest is history. Sri
Aurobindo commented on this development thus: ?What has created the
Hindu-Muslim split was not Swadeshi, but the acceptance of the
communal principle by the Congress. The recognition of that communal
principle at Lucknow made them permanently a separate political entity
in India which ought never to have happened?.
What Dr Rajasekara Reddy is trying to do now is to further consolidate
this division and to create more tension between castes and
communities leading to disastrous consequences to the unity and
integrity of the nation. It is disastrous for a nation if it fails to
learn from its history.
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=86&page=12
January 21, 2008
UPA has reduced Hindu youth to second class status in India
By O.P. Gupta, IFS (retd)
Minorities are first class citizens for the Congress Party, SCs are
the second class and the OBCs are the third class citizens. As per
Mandal Commission the OBCs are 54 per cent of population so on pro-
rata basis welfare schemes for OBCs should have been allocated Rs
25,200 crore.
The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) report of March 30,
2007 shows that unemployment rate among Muslims and Hindus of both
sexes in urban areas differs by just about 0.5 per cent, and, that 755
Muslims per 1000 were in self-employed category against only 427
Hindus per 1000 in 2004-05. This sample survey shatters the myth being
created by Congress and Communist parties that far more Muslims are
unemployed than the Hindus.
In Karnataka, literacy rate for Muslims as per Sachar Committee
(Table, page 287) is 70.1 per cent, Hindus (65.6 per cent). In Kerala,
Muslim literacy rate is 89.4 per cent, Hindus (90.2 per cent). Still
the Congress manifesto of 2004 declared all Muslims as educationally
backwards in Kerala and Karnataka to reserve jobs for Muslims with a
view to implement its core agenda of reducing job opportunity of Hindu
youngsters, hook or by crook.
The National Commission for Linguistic and Religious Minorities headed
by Justice Ranganath Misra in May 2007 has recommended sub-quota of
8.4 per cent for minorities within 27 per cent OBC quota, and,
reservation to Dalit minorities by including such converts under
Scheduled Caste category within the 15 per cent SC quota. It said that
in the 27 per cent OBC quota, an 8.4 per cent sub-quota could be
earmarked for the minorities with an internal break-up of six per cent
for Muslims and 2.4 per cent for other minorities. If dalit Muslims
and dalit Christians are clubbed into the 15 per cent quota they will
squeeze out SC Hindus as Christians and Muslims enjoy better literacy
than SC Hindus. Misra has been a Congress Member of Rajya Sabha.
So the grand agenda of the Congress Party, communist parties and
socialist parties to reduce percentage of Hindus below 85 per cent in
all government and public sector jobs, in educational institutions,
that too with notes and votes of Hindu voters has taken shape.
In minority run institutions a Hindu student with higher percentage of
marks may not get admission. SC and ST Hindu students are denied their
constitutional reservation quotas in minority institutions. Is it not
second class treatment to Hindu students?
For 2007-08 the UPA govt has introduced 20,000 special scholarships
for minority students for technical/professional courses. For minority
students studying in top 50 institutions [like IIMs, IITs etc], full
course fee is reimbursable. For those studying in other institutions
course fee up to Rs 20,000 per annum is reimbursable. Hostellers will
get maintenance allowance of Rs 1000 per month.
I served as Indian Ambassador over the last thirteen years when I saw ?
burning? urge among Hindu settlers to be treated with respect and on
equal footings with locals in matters of religion, education,
employment, economic matters and application of local laws. After a
gap of thirteen years, I returned to India in January 2007 and was
amazed to see just the reverse trend among Hindus living in India,
rather than demanding equality in all spheres even educated Hindus are
pushing their own kith and kins into second and third class status
vis-?-vis minority candidates by supporting such political parties
which openly declare that they will give first preference to minority
candidates over Hindus in matters of admissions into colleges,
employment in government and public sector, departmental promotions,
disbursement of bank loans etc.
Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, a Sikh politician while addressing
the National Development Council on Dec 9, 2006 publicly instructed
the civil servants, ?We will have to devise innovative plans to ensure
that minorities, particularly the Muslim minority, are empowered to
share equitably in the fruits of development. They must have the first
claim on resources?.
No wonder, budgetary allocation for welfare schemes for minorities in
the XIth Five Year Plan [2007-12] has been hiked to Rs 7,000 crore;
annual allocation to the Ministry of Minority Affairs has been suo
motu raised by the Planning Commission to Rs 1,400 crore from Rs 500
crore though this Ministry had sought annual allocation of Rs 1,100
crore.
The Ministry of Social Justice had sought Rs 16,100 crore for welfare
of SCs and OBCs, out of which Rs 11,185 crore was earmarked for SCs
and Rs 2,250 crore for OBCs. But reflecting the step motherly
treatment of Hindus by the Congress party, the Planning Commission
reduced allocation for their welfare schemes by Rs 3,000 with the
result budgetary allocation for welfare of SCs stands reduced to Rs
9,097 crore and for OBCs stands reduced to a peanut amount of Rs 1,588
crore. This is the price which SC and OBC Hindus had to pay for voting
the UPA parties.
Above datas show that minorities are first class citizens for the
Congress party, SCs are the second class and the OBCs are the third
class citizens. As per Mandal Commission the OBCs are 54 per cent of
population so on pro-rata basis welfare schemes for OBCs should have
been allocated Rs 25,200 crore.
It is painful to see how the class of ?secular, progressive and
liberal? Hindu politicians right from the days of the 1916 Congress-
Muslim League Lucknow Pact till date in form of the Sachar Committee
Report, Rangnath Misra Commission, the New 15-Point Programme of Prime
Minister, 15 per cent Plan Allocation to Minorities etc has been
systematically concocting false and fabricated justifications to
reduce, bit by bit, the educational, employment and economic (E3)
opportunities of all Hindu boys and girls, including SC, ST and
leftist Hindu boys and girls, pushing them to second and third class
status vis-?-vis minority boys and girls.
The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) report of March 30,
2007 shows that unemployment rate among Muslims and Hindus of both
sexes in urban areas differs by just about 0.5 per cent, and, that 755
Muslims per 1000 were in self-employed category against only 427
Hindus per 1000 in 2004-05. This sample survey shatters the myth being
created by Congress and Communist parties that far more Muslims are
unemployed than the Hindus.
It may come as another rude shock to those Hindu intellectuals who
have made it their business to plead concessions after concessions for
Muslims on pretext of Muslim educational backwardness that as per
Census Report of 2001 Muslim males have higher literacy rate than
Hindu males in eleven states (Andhra Pradesh, Andaman & Nicobar,
Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Kerala, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharastra,
Orissa, Pondicherry and Tamil Nadu).
In thirteen states, Muslim women enjoy higher literacy rate than Hindu
women [Andhra Pradesh, Andaman & Nicobar, Chhattisgarh, Daman & Diu,
Dadra & nagarhaveli, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh,
Maharashtra, Orissa, Pondicherry and Tamil Nadu, Statements 8a and 8b,
Census Report 2001].
The Sachar Committee [page 53] also admits that in ten states literacy
rate among Muslims are higher than even that of the upper caste Hindus
and also higher than SC/ST Hindus.
In Karnataka, literacy rate for Muslims as per Sachar Committee (Table
at page 287) is 70.1 per cent, Hindus (65.6 per cent) and SC/ST (51.5
per cent). In Kerala, Muslim literacy rate is 89.4 per cent, Hindus
(90.2 per cent) and SC/ST (80.8 per cent). Still the Congress
manifesto of 2004 declared all Muslims as educationally backwards in
Kerala and Karnataka to reserve jobs for Muslims with a view to
implement its core agenda of reducing job opportunity of Hindu
youngsters, by hook or by crook.
Not to be left behind in reducing percentage of Hindus in government
services, Karunanidhi flying in the face of facts is also harping on
educational backwardness of Muslims in Tamil Nadu.
The Sachar Committee (Table at page 287) reports that literacy rate of
Muslims in Andhra Pradesh is 68 per cent followed by Hindus (59.4 per
cent) and SC/ST (48.9) but Chief Minister Y.S. Rajasekhar Reddy (a
Christian) reserved five per cent seats for Muslims in educational
institutions and in government jobs on false plea of educational
backwardness of Muslims in Andhra Pradesh just to cheat Hindu youth of
their seats in colleges and their jobs in government. Those Hindus in
Andhra Pradesh who blindly voted to the Congress party in 2004 must be
feeling cheated.
According to the 2001 Census of India (Report on Religion Data)
Christian community enjoys higher literacy rate than Hindus; all India
literacy rate for Christian community was 84.4 per cent compared to
76.2 per cent of Hindus.
Right from 1954 the Congress party Prime Ministers at the Centre have
been issuing instructions to all Central Ministries as well as to all
State Governments to give special considerations to recruitment of
religious minority candidates in public services with implied hint to
reduce percentage of Hindus in public services. In 1983, Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi vide her 15-Point Programme for Minorities
became the first Prime Minister to have issued instructions to include
minority members in all the Selection Boards and departmental
promotion committees. The circular to induct religious minority
members in Selection Boards was again issued by the Rajiv Gandhi
Government and the Vishwanath Prasad Singh Government The Manmohan
Singh Government reiterated it in January 2007 with added condition of
making quarterly reports on progress of minority candidates actually
recruited and or promoted. After all the ?communally appointed
members? of the Selection Boards will have to show some result of
their being added to Boards and, thus, the intake of minority
candidates will go up and percentage of Hindu?s intake, whether
leftist or rightist, whether forward or backward, whether upper caste
or scheduled caste Hindus will automatically come down. This is
happening when overall unemployment situation is worsening in India
day by day.
The National Commission for Linguistic and Religious Minorities headed
by Justice Ranganath Misra in May 2007 has recommended sub-quota of
8.4 per cent for minorities within 27 per cent OBC quota, and,
reservation to Dalit minorities by including such converts under
Scheduled Caste category within the 15 per cent SC quota. It said that
in the 27 per cent OBC quota, an 8.4 per cent sub-quota could be
earmarked for the minorities with an internal break-up of 6 per cent
for Muslims and 2.4 per cent for other minorities. If dalit Muslims
and dalit Christians are clubbed into the 15 per cent quota they will
squeeze out SC Hindus as Christians and Muslims enjoy better literacy
than SC Hindus. Misra has been a Congress Member of Rajya Sabha.
The basic premise of this Commission report is to ensure 15 per cent
representation?proportionate to the minority population?to the
minorities in Government jobs and educational institutions. ?The break-
up within the recommended 15 per cent earmarked seats in institutions
shall be 10 per cent for Muslims and the remaining five per cent for
the other minorities, however, if the Muslims cannot avail 10 per cent
quota, the rest should go to the non-Muslim minorities and in no case
shall any seat within the recommended 15 per cent go to the majority
community?, the Misra report said.
So the grand secular agenda of the Congress party, the Communist
parties and various socialist parties is to reduce percentage of
Hindus below 85 per cent in all public services and in all educational
institutions. Those Hindus who oppose this grand agenda are dubbed as
communal Hindus. As we know at present Hindus constitute more than 95
per cent of all public services. So all those Hindus who have school
going children and grand children must wake up to protect interests of
their wards.
No wonder, inaugurating the National Conference of State Minority
Commissions on November 2, 2006, Dr Manmohan Singh, PM said: ?It is
essential that communal peace and harmony should be maintained and the
minorities get a fair share in Central and State Governments jobs?.
According to press reports of November 26, 2006 the National
Commission for Minorities (NCM) asked the Union Home Ministry to
ensure a fair representation of religious minorities in the police and
paramilitary forces.
Suppose there are 10,000 vacancies to be filled up. So, seats reserved
for SC Hindus as per existing formula will be 1500, for ST Hindus 750
and for OBCs 2700. Now if 15 per cent jobs are reserved for minorities
as per recommendation of Justice Misra, general category seats for
which a Hindu can compete will come down to 8,500. So number of seats
for SC Hindus will get reduced to 1275, for ST Hindus will get reduced
to 637 and to OBCs 2295. If Misra?s recommendation of 8.4 per cent sub-
quota within quota is also accepted only 1591 seats will be left for
OBC Hindus. More meritorious minority candidates will naturally spill
over into general category seats.
So the grand agenda of the Congress party, communist parties and
socialist parties to reduce percentage of Hindus below 85 per cent in
all government and public sector jobs, in educational institutions,
that too with notes and votes of Hindu voters has taken shape.
Pseudo-secular Hindu politicians have passed such laws which enable a
minority student to get cheaper educational loans at three per cent
interest per annum from the National Minority Development & Finance
Corporation, whereas a Hindu student gets student loan at 12.5 per
cent to 14 per cent interest per annum from commercial banks. Minority
students are required to repay educational loans in five years after
completion of his course but in case of Hindu students repayment
starts one year after completion of course or six months after
obtaining employment whichever is earlier. One may see details at
(www.nmdfc.org).
A minority businessman gets margin money loans from NMDFC at five per
cent per annum but a Hindu gets commercial loan at 14 per cent to 18
per cent per annum from commercial banks. A Hindu student and a Hindu
businessman gets bank loans at much higher rates of interest and on
harsher terms whether he is a member of the Students Federation or
that of the NSUI or the ABVP.
On March 13, 2007 Finance Minister Chidambaram told the Rajya Sabha
that of the total priority sector lending, loans to minorities had
increased by 33 per cent to Rs 45,490 crore on March 31, 2006 as
against Rs 34,654 crore when the UPA Government took office in May
2004. The Finance Minister said that during the financial year 2005-06
credit to religious minorities was 8.18 per cent of the total priority
sector lending. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has committed to raise
credit to minorities to 15 per cent of the total priority sector
lending. In its Charter for Advancement of Muslim Community the CPI(M)
has also called to reserve 15 per cent of priority credits for
minorities. So, Hindu businessmen will increase their own difficulties
in getting bank loans by financing the elections of Congress Party and
UPA parties.
In minority run institutions a Hindu student with higher percentage of
marks may not get admission. SC and ST Hindu students are denied their
constitutional reservation quotas in minority institutions. Is it not
second class treatment to Hindu students?
A Delhi based Hindu student with better marks may not get admission in
any professional college in Delhi but a Delhi based Muslim student
with less marks is likely to get admission in professional courses in
Delhi such as in the Jamia Hamdard University in Delhi as this
University has reserved 50 per cent seats for Muslims claiming to be a
minority institution under Art 30(1) of the Constitution of India. Is
it not second class treatment of meritorious Hindu boys and girls?
Hindu candidates with better CV are denied appointments in minority
institutions.
Attempts are being made to declare the Jamia Millia University and the
Aligarh Muslim University as ?minority institutions? so that 50 per
cent seats in these Central Universities can be officially reserved
for Muslim students, and, thus, reduce Hindu students as second class
citizens at two more campuses.
For 2007-08, the UPA government has introduced 20,000 special
scholarships for minority students for technical/professional courses.
For minority students studying in top 50 institutions [like IIMs, IITs
etc], full course fee is reimbursable. For those studying in other
institutions course fee up to Rs 20,000 per annum is reimbursable.
Hostellers will get maintenance allowance of Rs 1000 per month. [] In
addition minority candidates appearing for competitive examinations of
civil services etc will be paid for attending coaching classes of
their choice. No such facility is available to Hindu students because
their parents vote for Congress party or socialist parties. []
Congress and Communist parties have, thus, imposed such a legal system
where a Muslim candidate or a Christian candidate has all the legal
rights to compete on equal footings with a Hindu candidate for
employment, but there are thousands and thousands of posts paid from
government funds for which Hindus just cannot apply, such as, posts of
Chairman of the National Minority Commission and Provincial Minority
Commissions, the posts of the Principal and Vice Principal of St.
Stephan?s College, Delhi University, heads of minority institutions
etc.
Under section 3 of the National Minority Commission Act, a Hindu can
not be its Chairman and at least five of its seven members including
Chairman shall have to be from amongst the minority communities.
Section 4 of the National Commission for Minority Educational
Institutions Act 2004 stipulates that only persons from minority
communities shall be eligible to be appointed as Chairman and members
of this Commission. Chairman and members draw salary and perks of a
Secretary to the Govt of India and a Hindu, howsoever, secular and
progressive stands debarred from holding these posts. Both Acts were
moved by the Congress party. So a person shall be denied appointments
to these posts under the State simply because he is a Hindu. Hindu
parliamentarians have thus downgraded their own younger generations by
enacting such anti-Hindu laws.
Minority Commissions have been set up to ensure that minorities are
not discriminated but there is no Commission to ensure that Hindus are
not victimized in India by minorities.
Such ill-treatments a Hindu voter has invited for himself and for his
children by giving his vote to the pseudo-secular parties or by
abstaining from voting. Every Hindu vote given to any pseudo-secular
party is going to be used to humiliate Hindu youth. A faithful and
firm handling of this inequality imposed by pseudo secular parties
upon Hindu youth will change the politics of India.
(The writer retired in the rank of Secretary to the Government of
India in the Indian Foreign Service (1971 batch). He served as
Ambassador to Finland, Estonia, Jamaica, Tunisia, Tanzania, Dominican
Republic etc., and Consul General, Dubai (UAE) and Birmingham (UK).)
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February 24, 2008
Editorial
Now A Christian Subsidy!
If there was a national award for inventing appeasement populism, the
first claimant for that would have been the Andhra Pradesh Chief
Minister Rajasekhara Reddy. The man who kick started the UPA Muslim
quota business in his state as the first act of his government in May
2004, has now offered to subsidise travel by Christians to their Holy
Land, meaning Israel-Palestine along the lines of the Haj subsidy for
Muslims.
The move is totally unconstitutional and the inspiration is blatantly
communal with a political agenda. Rajasekhara Reddy is a Christian,
like his party chief, though the community is not very numerous in his
state. In states where the Christians are in substantial number they
enjoy many privileges which are denied to the Hindus. Like the
reservation in jobs and education in Kerala and Tamil Nadu and the
pronouncedly Christian character of some of the North East states
where the state assembly sessions begin with Bible prayers. Nobody has
objected to them, but the Christian community is not known to go on
pilgrimages to foreign lands the way Muslims do. There has been no
demand of this sort from any quarter in the community. As such
Christians are educationally and economically well off.
Most church denominations have taken up a rigorous Indianisation plank
and have largely succeeded in this effort. This attempt at
secularisation is being sought to be torpedoed by certan over zealous
evangelical elements. Rajasekhara Reddy?s effort seems to encourage
such elements.
In the last four years there were many reports of aggressive
proselytising mission in the state. This had created tension in some
areas especially in Tirupati-Tirumalai, where after a series of
protests from Hindu groups the government had to issue a notification
prohibiting non-Hindus violating the sanctity of the Holy Hills.
Another controversy in the state is about the state government
systematically siphoning off thousands of crores from the temple
offerings for other irreligious activities. Yet another case is
pending in the High Court on the state government?s attempt to sell
away thousands of acres of temple property to make revenue for the
exchequer.
A state government with such questionable reputation has now mooted
the idea of Christian subsidy with some obvious ulterior intention.
Perhaps this might ignite a new wave of demands and protests and
grievance concoction. As such Christians, unlike the Muslims are a
contented community. They have no dearth of foreign funding. For
ecclesiastical training and studies Christians go to Vatican, and for
this they spent their own money. That is no pilgrimage. Jerusalem,
another holy place for Christians is a virtual war zone and
Christianity has no tradition of pilgrimage to Holy Land. In India
there are many places holy for them. It is not clear if Reddy has a
plan to subsidise such domestic pilgrimages also.
In any case, the Constitution does not allow discrimination in the
name of religion, caste and region. Every act of the UPA in these
matters has been fundamentally wrong. The Haj subsidy, which is
increasing every year, has now reached over Rs 4,000 crore annually.
This is over and above the spending on welfare and facilitation
arrangements by the states and the centre. It is high time the UPA put
an end to such cynical acts of perdition for temporary political
mileage.
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=225&page=3
February 24, 2008
Obituary
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi
He took meditation to the West
On behalf of the Hindu American community of USA, Vishwa Hindu
Parishad, America, has extended its deepest condolences to the large ?
family of devotees? of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi and described his death
as a great loss to the human race. Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, a spiritual
leader, who introduced the West to ?Transcendental Meditation?, had
passed away on February 5 at Vlodrop, a southern Dutch village at the
age of 91.
?Maharishi?s work is complete,? his Movement said in a statement. ?He
has done what he set out to do in 1957 - to lay the foundation for a
peaceful world, now Maharishi is being welcomed with open arms into
heaven.? Earlier, on January 11, the Maharishi had announced that his
public work had finished and that he would use his remaining time to
complete a long-running series of published commentaries on the
Vedas.
Maharishi was also famous as the guru to the Beatles, the Indian
spiritualist Deepak Chopra, and several other high-profile people.
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi is believed to have been born on January 12,
1917. He was born Mahesh Prasad Varma in Central India, the third of
four children. After graduating with a degree in physics at Allahabad
University in 1942, he left for the foothills of the Himalayas to
begin a 13-year spiritual apprenticeship with his guru Swami
Brahmanand Saraswati. When his mentor passed away in the early 1950s,
the Maharishi dedicated his life to spreading the teachings of his
guru. He started teaching meditation techniques around the world in
1959, starting in the United States.
The Maharishi originated the Transcendental Meditation (TM, a
trademark,) movement in 1957 and brought it to the United States in
1959. He set out on his international mission to achieve this vision
in 1959, beginning in Los Angeles, where he established his movement
with an initial following of 25 devotees. From this small beginning
the Maharishi over his lifetime developed a global organisation with
nearly 1,000 TM centres, property assets valued in 1998 at $3.5
billion and an estimated four million disciples. Maharishi?s TM
centres expanded all over the world to England, France, Russia,
Germany, South America, USA, etc. They were all held happily together
by a single and everlasting thread, i.e. meditation.
TM consists of closing one?s eyes twice a day for 20 minutes while
silently repeating a mantra to gain deep relaxation, eliminate stress,
promote good health and attain clear thinking and inner fulfillment.
Over the years since TM became popular, many scientists have found
physical and mental benefits from mediation in general and
transcendental meditation in particular, especially in reducing stress-
related ailments. Since the technique?s inception in 1955, it has been
used to train more than 40,000 teachers, taught more than 5 million
people, opened thousands of teaching centres and founded hundreds of
schools, colleges and universities.
This organisation helps a person find a way for the answers that every
person has been looking for since the beginning of the human
civilisation?who am I, where I came from, where am I going, and so on.
Maharshi lectured on the positive effects of meditation on body, mind
and intellect. He gave a new face to Vedic literature. Maharishi
explained the scientific nature of Vedic literature and demonstrated
how through that science one could live a peaceful life, reach one?s
highest potential and follow the path of self-fulfillment.
He was the only spiritual leader who held people together from all
religions of the world under one banner: Transcendental Meditation. In
the United States, his organisation is based in Fairfield, Iowa, where
it operates a university, the Maharishi University of Management
(MUM). In 2001, disciples of the movement incorporated their own town,
Maharishi Vedic City, a few miles north of Fairfield.
(FOC)
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February 24, 2008
UPA inducements for conversion
By Dr. Indulata Das
The communities designated as minorities, which include Muslims,
Christians, Sikhs, Budhists and Parsis (Zorastrains) account for 18.4
per cent of the India?s population according to 2001 Census. Among
them, Muslims constitute the largest group with 13.4 per cent of our
population followed by Christians 2.3 per cent. The percentage of
Muslim population in 1951 was less than 10 per cent and that of
Christian about 2 per cent. As analysed by various experts including
Justice Sachar, the high growth of Muslim population is contributable
to higher female fertility. Unchecked infiltration from the
neighbouring country, i.e. Bangladesh, has also enhanced the Muslim
population growth substantially, which according to a view articulated
by Justice Sachar in his report does not matter. The growth of
Christian population, however, is mainly due to conversion among
weaker sections of the society, particularly in SC/ST-dominated
regions. The methods employed for conversion include allurement,
deception and threats.
The policy pronouncements and programmes of the UPA-government seem to
have far reaching consequences in disturbing our social equilibrium.
In the name of development intervention to help the minority
communities, the new schemes that have been introduced actually amount
to division of our society. It is unthinkable to visualise inclusive
growth through policies and schemes that are divisive and segregative.
It will be pertinent to mention here some important features of newly
introduced schemes and ramifications of their implementation.
The merit-cum-means scholarship provides that a student of minority
community within annual family income of up to Rs. 2.50 lakh will
receive course fee of
Rs. 20,000 and scholarship of Rs. 10,000 per annum as hosteller and
Rs. 5000 per annum as day scholar. Although educational status of SCs,
STs and some of the OBCs in the country is worse than that of
minorities, the central government has not considered it necessary to
introduce a similar scheme for them. The scheme looks like a
government-funded inducement for conversion.
In addition to merit-cum-means scholarship, the central government has
started another scheme to provide post-matric scholarship to students
of minority communities. Accordingly, a student having annual family
income of up to Rs. 2,00,000, is eligible for post-matric scholarship
which includes course and maintenance allowances. It is to be noted
here that the family income ceiling for SC and ST students to be
eligible for post-matric scholarship is Rs. 1,00,000 and for OBCs Rs.
45,000. The income certificates for SC, ST and OBC students have to be
issued by the designated revenue officers as per the prescribed norms.
No such conditions exist for minority students. A self certification
to be filed on a non-judicial stamp paper regarding annual family
income of up to Rs. 2,00,000 for post-matric scholarship and Rs. 2.50
lakh for merit-cum-means scholarship is all that is needed. The
discrimination is evident.
The scheme of pre-matric scholarship approved by the central
government for students of minority communities provides for cost
sharing of the scholarship in between the centre and the state at
75:25 ratio. The central government does not consider introducing a
similar scheme for SCs and STs knowing it well that their educational
and economic status is worse than that of minorities.
The Prime Minister?s 15 Point Programme provides for ear-marking of 15
per cent budgetary allocations under priority sector programmes for
minorities. There are no additional allocations from the central
government for this purpose. It is to be remembered that majority of
SC and ST population is below the government-defined poverty line.
This is why 50 per cent to 60 per cent targets under most of the
priority sector schemes are required to be achieved by assisting SC
and ST families according to the relevant guidelines. Setting apart 15
per cent of schematic grants without any additional allocation under
the Prime Minister?s 15 Point Programme means diversion of benefits
meant for the poor SCs and STs to that extent. For example, under
Indira Awas Yojana, 60 per cent houses have to be given to the SC and
ST families as per the prescribed guidelines. Under the Prime Minister?
s 15 Point Programme, 15 per cent houses will have to be given to the
families of minority communities which account for about 4.5 per cent
of Orissa?s population. The fact remains that about 40 per cent of the
Muslim population lives in the urban areas where Indira Awas Yojna
cannot be implemented and STs do not change their social status.
In brief, the differential and more favourable scholarship norms for
minority students from primary to professional courses, and the
earmarking of 15 per cent plan resources under the 15 point programme
are not only divisive and segregative measures, they can also be
viewed as the central government sponsored incentives to promote
religious conversion. The society should judge whether inclusive
growth and social assimilation can be achieved through the
segregative, divisive and discriminatory communal budgeting. Whether
the parties in power actually mean development of minorities or want
to misuse them as ?vote banks? perpetually. There is no country or
society where inclusive growth and social integration have been
achieved through divisive policies and programmes.
(The writer can be contacted at Qtr. No. 5R 9, Forest Park, Unit-1,
Bhubaneswar, Orissa, 751009, indul...@yahoo.co.in)
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January31, 2010
A Report As A Charter of Divisiveness
By Kidar Nath Sahani
Of interest will be to know that even the then British Government
refused to include the Muslims and the Christians in the list of
Scheduled Castes when it prepared such a list in 1936.
Notably, the Commission has suggested an alternative route for
reservation to minorities if there is "insurmountable difficulty" in
implementing the recommendation for 15 per cent reservation. In this
regard it is said since minorities constitute 8.4 per cent of the
total OBC population according to the Mandal Commission Report, so in
the 27 per cent OBC quota, an 8.4 per cent sub quota should be
earmarked for minorities. (As per Commission’s suggestions, the
internal break-up should be 6 per cent for the Muslims, commensurate
with their 73 per cent share in the total minority population at the
national level and 2.4 per cent for other minorities.) This is a clear
effort to dilute the existing quota of the OBCs.
Unfortunately, during the last over sixty years politicians of various
shades with their politics of vote-bank and appeasement, have done
havoc to this spirit of ‘one and united nation’. Various Commissions
and Committees like the Mandal Commission, Sachar Committee and now
the Ranganath Misra Commission were formed to serve this end.
On the eve of the Sashtipurti, i.e. 60 years of the Republic, the
Congress is trying to do what its own leaders, the founding fathers of
the Republic refused to do, i.e., to divide the nation in the name of
religion by conceding religion based reservation. In the Constituent
Assembly, similar demands were firmly turned down by the luminaries
like Dr BR Ambedkar, Sardar Patel, Pt Nehru and C Rajagopalachari. But
the present government led by Congress wants to negate it all by
succumbing to pressures of vote-bank politics. It is trying to promote
such divisiveness through the back door.
The Constituent Assembly in its long debates aimed at making India one
united nation devoid of all such anomalies that had crept up in the
society in the past, and made it weak, divided and vulnerable. The
issue of giving representation to different groups like scheduled
castes and scheduled tribes, minorities-religious or linguistic, was
discussed at length. Going through the debates, one finds that to a
vast majority of members, including Baba Sahib Ambedkar, the very idea
of giving representation to various groups was not acceptable. Even Dr
Ambedkar did not want in the case of reservation for the SC and ST to
last for 10 years after Independence. This was the focus of the
debates and the spirit of the ‘Constitution’.
Unfortunately, during the last over sixty years politicians of various
shades with their politics of vote-bank and appeasement, have done
havoc to this spirit of ‘one and united nation’. Various Commissions
and Committees like the Mandal Commission, Sachar Committee and now
the Ranganath Misra Commission were formed to serve this end.
The Indian Constitution provides ample guarantees and opportunities to
all sections of society, irrespective of their religion, belief or
caste, for their healthy growth and progress. Yet, for political
interests such commissions and committees were constituted. The
reports they presented speak volumes.
The report of the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic
Minorities-better known as Ranganath Misra Commission, was tabled in
both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha at the fag-end of the winter
session of the Parliament, apparently in an attempt to avoid debates
and discussions. It was actually submitted to the Prime Minister over
two years ago, on May 21, 2007. For reasons best known to itself, the
government kept the report in cold storage for so long, though it was
almost immediately leaked in the media and was widely circulated.
The Commission was constituted on March 21, 2005. Formed in the
aftermath of controversies created by the Sachar Committee
recommendations, it was given the task to suggest criteria for
identification of socially and economically backward sections among
religious and linguistic minorities and to recommend measures for
their welfare.
The four-member Commission included Chairman Justice Ranganath Misra
who headed it along with three members-Tahir Mahmood, the late Anil
Wilson(Principal, St Stephens College), Mohinder Singh and Member
Secretary Asha Das.
The report makes three main suggestions:
I. Article 16(4), which is the constitutional basis for providing job
quotas to OBCs, should be the basis for providing reservation benefits
to minority groups who are socially and economically backward.
II. At least 15 per cent of seats in all non-minority educational
institutions should be earmarked for the minorities with 10 per cent
for the Muslims (commensurate with their 73 per cent share in the
total minority population at the national level) and 5 per cent for
other minorities.
The Commission also recommended 15 per cent share for the minorities
in all the government schemes like NREGA, Prime Minister’s Rozgar
Yojna, Grameen Rozgar Yojna, etc. Besides, it seeks the same 15 per
cent quota for minorities in government jobs, Central and State
services in all cadres and grades with a break-up of 10 per cent for
the Muslims and 5 per cent for others. (The report also calls for a
sub-quota in OBC quota clearly marked out for those minority
communities which come under the broad head of OBCs).
III. The Commission has asked for the de-linking of Scheduled Caste
status from religion and to make the SC net fully religion-neutral,
like that of Scheduled Tribes. Calling the caste system ‘all-
pervading’, the Commission says the Constitution while describing and
defining SCs and STs did not perceive a dimension of religion in it.
Of interest will be to know that even the then British Government
refused to include the Muslims and the Christians in the list of
Scheduled Castes when it prepared such a list in 1936.
More notably, arguing that religious freedom is a Fundamental Right,
the Commission has recommended continuation of SC reservation benefits
to those Dalits who convert to other religions by choice.
Apart from the above main recommendations, there are a plethora of
other recommendations focussing primarily on the Muslim community.
These are:
* Select institutions in the country like the Aligarh Muslim
University and the Jamia Millia Islamia should be legally given a
special responsibility to promote education at all levels to Muslim
students by taking all possible steps for this purpose.
* In the funds to be distributed by the Maulana Azad Educational
Foundation a suitable portion should be earmarked for the Muslims
proportionate to their share in the total minority population. Out of
this portion funds should be provided not only to the existing Muslim
institutions but also for setting-up new institutions from nursery to
the highest level and for technical and vocational education anywhere
in India but especially in the Muslim-concentration areas.
* Anganwaris, Navoday Vidyalayas and other similar institutions should
be opened under their respective schemes especially in each of the
Muslim concentration areas and Muslim families be given suitable
incentives to send their children to such institutions.
* Citing that the largest minority of the country, the Muslims, have a
scant or weak presence in the agrarian sector the Commission
recommended that special schemes should be formulated for the
promotion and development of agriculture, agronomy and agricultural
trade among them.
With regard to linguistic minorities, the only significant
recommendation is that the Commission wants the three language formula
to be implemented everywhere in the country making it compulsory for
authorities to include in it the mother tongue of every child.
Significantly, the above recommendations have not been unanimous.
Member Secretary of the Commission Asha Das has given a note of
dissent on the Commission’s recommendation for conferment of SC status
on Dalit converts to Christianity and Islam saying there was "no
justification" for it. She also appended a note of dissent saying she
did not agree with the recommendation of treating Christian/Muslim
Dalits at par with Hindu/Sikh/Buddhist Dalits.
Notably, the Commission has suggested an alternative route for
reservation to minorities if there is "insurmountable difficulty" in
implementing the recommendation for 15 per cent reservation. In this
regard it is said since minorities constitute 8.4 per cent of the
total OBC population according to the Mandal Commission Report, so in
the 27 per cent OBC quota, an 8.4 per cent sub-quota should be
earmarked for minorities. (As per Commission’s suggestions, the
internal break-up should be six per cent for the Muslims, commensurate
with their 73 per cent share in the total minority population at the
national level and 2.4 per cent for other minorities.)
This is a clear effort to dilute the existing quota of the OBCs.
In all, the report submitted by the Ranganath Misra Commission is a
charter of divisiveness and vote-bank politics. No wonder, it has got
flak from all sides. VHP has already threatened a nationwide agitation
if the government makes any move to implement the report. It has
termed the report as "Anti-constitutional anti-national and anti-
Hindu".
The report has also been condemned for being against the spirit of the
founding fathers of the Indian Constitution. It is alleged that if
implemented, it would particularly be damaging to the interest of the
vulnerable sections of Hindu society.
"Implementation of such a report is set to encourage religious
conversions, particularly among the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled
Tribes and other backward classes to take advantage of this
development," says Dr Pravin Togadia of VHP.
He further adds, "The present government is trying to undo the
conscious decision of the Constituent Assembly not to provide for
religion-based reservation." He also said that the implementation of
the report will mean death for the Hindu SCs, STs and OBCs and their
children.
It is strange that no word has been spoken against it by the people
who call themselves secular and pro-poor. Even the parties that thrive
on OBC politics are keeping silent. Only, some lone voices like that
of Buta Singh, the chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled
Castes, has made public his differences over giving reservation to
minorities from the SC quota.
On the contrary, all the quota-supporting entities such as the Left
parties, Samajwadi Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal and a section of the
Congress are putting pressure on the Centre to implement the report,
yet, the government sources acknowledge that implementing the
Ranganath Misra Commission report could be the toughest task ahead for
this government. As this involves the most crucial aspect of quotas,
which is the reservation under religious lines.
The only vocal support to the report has come from a number of Muslim
and Christian groups, and quite naturally so.
Secretary of the Indian Catholic Bishops Commission for dalit and
tribal groups, Father Cosmon Arokiaraj has welcomed the report and has
asked the government to pass the Bill without delay. Another Bishop,
Father Anthoniraj Thumma, head of an ecumenical forum in the State of
Andhra Pradesh, said that the government move would provide dalit
Christians constitutional protection. He added that in addition to
quotas in government jobs and seats in educational institutions, the
new move would also give dalit groups (converted) a right to contest
elections for seats reserved for such category.
It will now be interesting to see the ATR by the government on these
recommendations. As in the ATR, the government will have to make
public its ideas on how the reservation for the Muslims and the
Christians would be implemented.
The supporters for implementing it say that any move to provide
reservation to religious minorities is unlikely to be opposed by those
in the general category as reservation of seats for Dalit Christians
and Muslims within the existing quota for Dalits will not affect
them.
But that does not negate the fact that the Ranganath Misra report on
quotas for minorities is aimed at harvesting votes rather than
resolving the problem of backwardness of the minorities. It wrongly
invokes the "full sanction of the Article 16(4) of the Constitution"
for a 15 per cent reservation in government jobs for Muslims,
Christians and other minorities on the assumption that all minorities
must necessarily be backward.
What is being insidiously resurrected under the rubric of ‘under
representation’ is actually ‘communal representation’. Such emphasis
on inadequacy of representation on the assumption of backwardness will
encourage communally inspired demands for all.
Our founding fathers of the Constitution knew the dangers of such an
approach. That is why such communal approaches were specifically
excluded from the Constitution.
Lastly, it is not clear whether this new quota will be an OBC quota or
SC or ST quota. Or whether minority quotas will be written into these
quotas or added to them? If added, the overall quotas will become 64
per cent. And since quota over 50 per cent is not possible as per the
Constitution, the only option left would be to assimilate it in the
existing quota which, most certainly, would cause heartburn to the
OBCs, SCs and STs who will have their quota reduced from 50 per cent
to 35 per cent.
(The writer is former Governor of Sikkim and Goa.)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=329&page=4
January 21, 2008
UPA's rank communalism
Quota politics threatens to fragment India
By Sunita Vakil
The Congress has always aimed at erecting barriers between the
different communities rather than trying to break them down. Indeed,
the brand of secularism flaunted by the party is very much flawed. By
separating Muslim issues from the rest of the populace, it is only
treading the familiar ground of identity politics, that forms the core
of its survival.
Congress-led UPA government?s gusto of going overboard to woo Muslims
by allocating 15 per cent of funds during the 11th plan period
exclusively for minorities is indicative of its communal mindset that
is hellbent upon dividing India along religious lines.
The UPA government?s congenital tendency to succumb before the
minority separatism may run the risk of undoing the national
integration. It does not need an awful lot of imagination to surmise
that its coddling of India?s largest minority is in pursuit of its
vote bank politics. This is of a piece with the party?s absurd and
perverse practice of embarking on a path of dividing the country along
communal lines for acquiring power.
Notwithstanding its abstract homilies on secularism, the Congress has
always aimed at erecting barriers between the different communities
rather than trying to break them down. Indeed, the brand of secularism
flaunted by the party is very much flawed. By separating Muslim issues
from the rest of the populace, it is only treading the familiar ground
of identity politics, that forms the core of its survival.
The single-minded Congress focus on Muslim votes that makes it to
pursue a partisan course is giving airs to the speculation that the
ruling party cares only for minority concerns in the garb of
secularism. The UPA?s penchant for politics of appeasement is
increasingly becoming a hallmark of its governance. By injecting the
communal virus in almost all spheres of our national concern, the
ruling regime seems eager to create a separate electorate and
categorise society along religious identities. Resorting to blatant
appeasement the Congress is only giving succour to divisive forces
besides antagonising the numerically dominant community. It has
redefined secularism with its full-time attention on minority votes.
Moreover, the Congress leaders in their abhorrent zeal to placate
minorities seem to have forgotten that all Indians, irrespective of
their caste, creed or religions, have an equal stake in the national
well being. Of course, this is not to suggest that under class of
Muslims is to be kept out of the ambit of development. But it is
important for a vibrant democracy that every single person,
irrespective of religions has equal claim on the national resources.
Remaining stuck in the quagmire of communal quotas will only further
divide the nation.
In the past too, the Congress-led UPA government had meted out special
treatment to Muslims as a matter of state policy. Muslims have indeed
been perceived as potential vote banks right from the rule of Indira
Gandhi in whose regime Haj subsidies were announced. It is noteworthy
that no other religious community in India has been favoured with such
a sop. It was also her singular love for Muslim empowerment that made
her install Muslim chief ministers like Abdul Gafoor in Bihar, A.R.
Antulay in Maharashtra, Maimoona Taimur in Assam and Barkatullah in
Rajasthan continuing with this policy of crass minorityism, Rajiv
Gandhi overturned the Supreme Court judgement on the issue of
maintenance to Muslims divorcee Shah Bano. Later, shedding all
pretences of secularism the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh opened a
pandora?s box by playing directly to the gallery of Muslim voters with
his emphasis on minority development, particularly the Muslims in his
address to the National Development Council in December 2006. The
party has had the gumption to aggressively woo Muslims right from the
time it came to power in 2004. Its wholehearted exertions towards
reserving jobs and educational quotas for Muslims, attempts of
dividing army on communal lines, communalising banking and financial
institutions, protecting illegal Bangladeshi migrants, including a
Muslim League MP in the Union Council of Ministers, exonerating the
perpetrators of Godhra carnage are only some of the shameful acts
indulged in by the Congress-led UPA government which project it as
crude and outright communal. Even the former President Shri A.P.J.
Abdul Kalam has criticised the government-sponsored subsidies by
saying that ?dependency syndrome has stunted performance and
diminished transparency?.
It is quite ironical that when Congress and its pseudo-secularist
allies talk of ?Muslims First? policy, it is flaunted as social
justice and secularism. But when the BJP espouses the cause of a Ram
temple at Ayodhya, it is labelled as a divisive and communal outfit.
On the flip side, the UPA government doubts the authenticity of Ram
Sethu casting aspersions on the existence of Lord Ram. But on the
other side many of its leaders can be seen queuing up at Ram lila
performances for photo ops.
The UPA obsession with Muslim appeasement again came to the fore with
its undue focus on divisive issues like communal budgeting and plan
allocation. In pursuance of its wanton policy, the government has
shown undue haste in assuring grants to madrasas promoting Urdu and
reservation in various ministries. During the rule of UPA, Haj subsidy
has grown 200 times. It seems that the government has got itself so
much involved in the politics of appeasement, even to the exclusion of
other social, political and constitutional responsibilities.
Earlier, it was the British who planned a communal divide to meet
their political objectives. Now, history is repeating itself with the
Congress-led UPA taking help of the same divide-and-rule policy in
furthering of its goal.
Now, under the UPA dispensation, where secularism is synonymous with
Hindu bashing, the propagandists of the ruling regime give impetus to
separatism. There is an unconstitutional and unethical bias when it
comes to the rights of the majority community. In fact, it has been
since the time of Mughals a millennium ago that Hindus have been
discriminated against. It seems the time has come for a rehash of the
period when Hindus were treated badly. Their temples were looted as
well as zajia was levied upon them. This regime is also not so much
different from the earlier one. For instance, temple donations are
siphoned for the upkeep of Muslim religions places. Hard-earned money
of tax-payers is being squandered at the altar of Congress?s obnoxious
vote bank politics.
(The writer is senior editor with Kashur Gazette, Delhi.)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=221&page=27
January 21, 2008
Editorial
A separate growth
Aiding communalism with Plan Fund
By R. Balashankar
This Organiser Special on Republic Day is dedicated to national
unity.
The idea is to fight communalism. The UPA Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh has communalised the polity with his cynical Muslim first plank.
He introduced an obnoxious 15-point programme for Muslims and reserved
15 per cent of the 11th Plan Fund for minorities along with religion-
specific banking, budgeting and education.
In the following pages our expert analysts will show how the UPA plan
divides and discriminates the people of this country and how the
initiatives the ruling conglomerate has undertaken are akin to the 14-
point demands of the pre-1947 Muslim League. We want to forewarn the
nation through this exercise how in the guise of secularism the
national government has become a tool in the hands of destructive and
divisive elements and how it has acquired an unprecedented anti-Hindu
agenda. Secularism, to begin with, was a positive, almost indulgent
rhetoric under Jawaharlal Nehru; understandable in the aftermath of
Partition for which the League and its supporters in India were
responsible. Under Indira Gandhi it became vote bank politics. Rajiv
Gandhi and his successors made it appeasement. Under the UPA,
secularism is interpreted as brazenly anti-Hindu to the extent of
denigrating Hindu ideals becoming state policy.
In one of the most significant books written on minority problem in
India, Indian Muslims: Where Have They Gone Wrong?, Dr. Rafiq Zakaria
says, ?The British got, naturally, worried and they did whatever they
could to disrupt that (Hindu-Muslim) unity. They engineered riots,
they played politics by giving separate electorate to the Muslims,
they devised various methods both political and social?to keep the two
communities apart. They dangled grants and concessions alternately to
both the religious groups. Ultimately they saw to it that the country
was divided, through the distrust that they had so assiduously built
up between the two over the decades. To perpetuate their rule, they
followed the Roman policy of ?Divide and Rule?. But as Maulana
Mohammad Ali rightly put it: ?We divided and they ruled.? The blame
rests as much on our joint leadership as on the British; however in
the last stage it was Jinnah?s obduracy which struck the final blow to
our unity.? The UPA under Sonia Gandhi is playing the role of the
British, to divide and rule.
The historic parallels are strikingly similiar and ominous. Take this
instance, ?Before he opted for Pakistan, Muslim League leader
(Shaheed) Suhrawardy had decided to stay in India and lead the Bengal
Muslims in India. His letter to (Chaudhary) Khaliquzzaman on September
10, 1947, was eloquent and made interesting reading. He was faced with
the dilemma that unless Muslims derived their strength on account of
group solidarity they would not be respected by the Hindus. At the
same time solidarity and strength would raise suspicion about their
bona fides. Hence he suggested formation of strong Muslim pockets
dotted all over the country. His other alternative that both India and
Pakistan should strive to destroy the complex of superiority of their
majority populations and they should accept their minorities as their
own was a cry in the wilderness so far as Pakistan was concerned.?
(Islam: In India?s Transition to Modernity by M.A. Karandikar, Page
276-77)
Manmohan Singh seems to have entirely adopted Suhrawardy?s advice in
the last four years as Prime Minister.
The central government has identified 90 districts in the country as
minority concentrated for special development plans. An intriguing
aspect of this idea is that known Muslim-majority districts say in UP,
Assam, West Bengal, J&K or Kerala are not included in the select 90
list. It is said that altogether the Congress is thus focusing on
nearly 250 Lok Sabha constituencies for doling out excessive
privileges and central funds so as to develop them as captive pocket
boroughs. This may or may not work but the damage to the national
fabric is intrinsic.
In a similar instance, the centre has a plan to make minority students
reap benefits of dual scholarships which is not normally allowed in
the case of non-Muslim students. According to a plan announced by the
UPA in December 2007 Muslim students can avail scholarships
simultaneously from the Ministry of Minority Affairs and the Ministry
of Social Justice and Empowerment. This is under a 15-point programme
of the Prime Minister meant only for Muslims.
The Minority Affairs Ministry will distribute Rs 100 crore annually
for scholarships for Muslim students. This will run parallel to the
initiatives of other ministries targeted for the Muslims under the PM?
s new programme. The result is, the same set of people getting
pampered through numerous sources. A report said that 3,200 students
will get this benefit in the current academic year. The UPA followed
it up with reservations in educational institutions and recruitment.
It made an unsuccessful attempt to divide the Indian Army on communal
lines. All this is supposedly to empower the Muslims.
The UPA asked the banks and other financial institutions to have
special provisions for interest-free loans for Muslims along with a
package for 15 lakh special scholarships for Muslim students. The
Prime Minister has announced another programme to offer free coaching
for Muslim students preparing for the competitive examinations, for
which parents cough up lakhs. In the centrally funded Aligarh and
Jamia Milia Universities almost the entire seats and jobs are reserved
for this community.
Through a Constitution amendment, the UPA reserved majority seats in
all the non-aided educational institutions for the minority
communities setting them free from giving reservation quota for the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. But this benefit is not
available to Hindu-run self-financing institutions. This is a blatant
discrimination that will make these institutions financially unviable
and covertly promote religious conversions.
Under the UPA, Muslims need not follow any rule that is compulsory for
other citizens. They need not sing Saraswati Vandana or Vande Mataram
though there is nothing religious about it. There is no need to salute
the national flag or sing the national anthem. They need not register
marriages. In the event of terror attacks?nearly 6,000 people have
been killed in the last four years?there will be no combing operations
in Muslim localities. Not a single terror attack has been solved
during this period.
And now comes the permanent scourge in the form of communal budgeting
and plan allocation. All these are over and above the existing schemes
in the Departments of Social Welfare, Education etc. for promotion of
madrasas, Urdu, and reservation in various ministries for removing
backwardness. The UPA has also created a separate ministry for
minorities, now presided over by A.R. Antulay, a crude practitioner of
minority politics. During the four-year UPA rule, the Haj subsidy has
grown 200 times! The Muslims? ?right first to the national resources?,
as Manmohan Singh coined his absurdly ruinous idea, has become the
only existential agenda of this government. Should the majority Hindus
take this nonsense in stoic silence? Should not we get up and stop
this outrage on national security? This is worse than the regenerate
Wahabism introduced by Mahathir in Malaysia.
Manmohan Singh has no use for the more enlightened views of Jawaharlal
Nehru, who as India?s first Prime Minister laid the foundations of
Indian planning.
Calling planning the first attempt in India to integrate agriculture,
industrial, social, economic and other aspects of the country into a ?
single framework of thinking? in his speech on first draft five-year
plan, Nehru said, ?It has made people think of this country as whole.
I think it is most essential that India, which is united politically
and in many other ways, should, to the same extent, be united mentally
and emotionally also. We often go off at a tangent on grounds of
provincialism, communalism, religion or caste. We have no emotional
awareness of the unity of the country. Planning will help us in having
an emotional awareness of our problems as a whole. It will help us to
see the isolated problems in villages or districts or even provinces
in their larger context. Therefore, the mere act of planning, the mere
act of having approached the question of progress in this way and of
producing a report of this type is something on which we might, I
think, congratulate ourselves.?
Again, in a speech Laying the Foundations (Broadcast from the Delhi
Station of All India Radio, December 31, 1952), Nehru after a visit to
Kanyakumari said, ?From that southern tip of India, I pictured this
great country spread out before me right up to the Himalayas in the
north and thought of her long and chequered story. Ours is a wonderful
inheritance but how shall we keep it? How shall we serve the country
which has given us so much and make her great and strong?...?
?We look at our own country and find both good and ill, powerful
forces at work to build her and also forces, which would disrupt and
disintegrate her. We cannot do much to affect the destiny of this
world as a whole but surely we can make a brave attempt to mould the
destiny of our 360 (then) million people... In India, the first
essential is the maintenance of the unity of the country, not merely a
political unity but a unity of the mind and the heart, which precludes
the narrow urges that make for disunity and which breaks down the
barriers raised in the name of religion or those between State and
State or, for that matter, any other barrier. We must aim at a
classless society,? Nehru said. He added, ?Of course, you must plan
for everybody. No planning which is not for all is good enough. You
must always have that view before you and you must prepare the
foundations for the next step towards the final goal. And so, you
ultimately start a process which grows by itself.? Economic Democracy
(Speech in Parliament, New Delhi, December 15, 1952, Jawaharlal Nehru?
s Speeches: 1949-1953, published by The Publications Division,
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India)
I have quoted Nehru on Planning, only to underline how flawed Manmohan
Singh?s approach is.
There is an interesting survey taken up by the Left leaning socio-
scientific NGO Shastra Sahitya Parishad. Kerala: How it lives, How it
thinks, released in December 2006. According to the survey, it is not
minority Muslims or Christians but Hindus comprising 54.47 per cent of
Kerala?s 3.2 crore population who are at the economic downslide. The
survey, by the Marxist NGO, says Hindus in the state form the major
chunk of the state?s poor with over 39 lakh living below poverty line.
Condition of Hindus is worse than that of Christians and Muslims in
employment, land holding and income. And the survey says the condition
of so-called forward castes is more pathetic than that of the backward
caste Hindus.
In March 2007, the CPM released a Charter of Demands for the
Advancement of Muslim Community. A dangerous document reminiscent of
the Muslim League demands under Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Apart from
focusing on a communal quota for Dalit Muslims?a term that violates
the basic tenet of Islam, which professes equality of all members of
the faith?the charter demands introducing a sub-plan only for Muslims
for allocating separate development funds on communal lines. The party
was not satisfied with the 2007-08 budget allocation of Rs. 500 crore
for Muslim welfare. The wholesale adoption of the Sachar report by the
CPM appears ridiculous considering the abysmal record of the party in
Kerala and West Bengal in the social uplift of the Muslim community,
as underlined in the report. But the CPM?s Muslim courtship in Kerala
is so brazen that it has left the Muslim League way behind in communal
appeal. The Muslim League is being asked to prove its pro-Muslim
character by more zealous outfits ensconced under the CPM perch.
Encouraged by the indulgence of the UPA, Muslim outfits organised a
procession in the capital in March 2007 demanding state-wise quotas in
proportion to their population. Almost all the known Muslim
organisations came on one platform to seek full implementation of
religion-based reservation in jobs, education and growth fund
allocation all over the country. The UPA and the Sachar report have
clearly uncorked the jinn of pre-Partition communal virus.
The UPA has cynically injected a vicious brand of communalism in the
Indian polity with the hope that en bloc Muslim votes will permanently
become its captive preserve. The insincerity and dishonesty of this
Muslim appeasement is underlined by the poor record of its
implementation. On ameliorating the genuine grievances of the Muslims
both the Congress and the Communist-ruled states project a dubious
record. Similar is the sub-text written by more virulent votaries of
vote bank politics like Mulayam Singh and Lalu Prasad Yadav.
On the report of the Sachar Committee, the Prime Minister is again
working on reservations based on religion. This is ultra vires and
goes against every tenet of the Constitution. The Constitution does
not allow this kind of discrimination on caste or religious lines. A
constitutionally formed government is duty bound to treat everybody
equal on legal and policy issues.
Even by Congress standards Manmohan Singh?s prime ministership has
touched a new low. Earlier our prime ministers used to exhort the
countrymen to rise above caste, region and religion and be Indians
first and everything else afterwards. Here is a Prime Minister who
works overtime to violate the letter and spirit of the Constitution to
divide and discriminate the countrymen on communal lines. And he, like
his party, by no means appears contrite over such dangerous
perversion. His government is aggressively working towards a
polarisation of votes by pursuing a policy of minorityism, encouraging
social tension and disquiet. Had the Congress been really sincere
about uplifting the minorities or ameliorating their lot, it would not
have resorted to such tactless exhibitionism and poisonous promotion
of reactionary ideas.
On the Republic Day, 58 years after India became a secular democratic
republic, we are inquiring as to how will this politics of appeasement
affect national unity? Will it create contrived and bogus grievances
deepening divisions in the society or will it strengthen our sense of
oneness and belonging? The politics of appeasement started by the
Congress under Mahatma Gandhi in the early 1920s, resulted in the
country?s vivisection. The tragic history is not forgotten. The wounds
of Partition have not yet fully healed. But the UPA has embarked on a
course that mocks at those who talk about national integration. They
are not taking a calculated risk. The UPA is schemingly provoking a
divide through dubious machinations.
The Planning Commission reports say that at least 26 per cent of India?
s
population is living below poverty line. If emancipation of this
deprived segment is the priority why talk only of 13 per cent Muslims,
all of whom in any case are not below poverty line? As such, learned
maulanas of Muslim Personal Law Board have decreed that Muslims cannot
take to banking or insurance, polio drops or yoga classes, as these
militate against their religious dogmas.
The Sachar Committee claims that only three per cent of Muslim
children go to madrasas. The evolutionary volume was an attempt to
tell social scientists that the ?Missing Muslim? in jobs was not the
result of madrasa education. Sachar was trying to emphasise on a
chimera of conspiracy against Muslims for their backwardness. At
another place the report stated that the condition of Muslims is worse
than that of Dalits.
The notorious record of the UPA government is that it sees citizens as
communal compartments. By introducing the Sachar Committee and
Ranganath Mishra Commission to devise communal quota, by soft-pedaling
on terrorist outfits, indulging the Maoists by politicising internal
security and Islamising the foreign policy the UPA has created a
cantankerous mess of governance. Even its much-hyped Indo-US nuke deal
is in doldrums. The UPA gives the impression that it is working on an
agenda for national disintegration.
A valuable input in the debate came from Bibek Debroy, a well-known
economist. In his column in The Indian Express (June 12, 2007), Debroy
made an interesting observation. He said, ?A 21st century government
should recognise deprivation as an individual issue and defuse
collective tension based on caste or religion. Wherever there is an
attempt to segregate, mainstreaming never occurs and deprivation
becomes permanent. Contrast economic development in special category
Articles 370 and 371 states with Goa? Caste and religion are
attributes that should remain in the private domain, irrelevant for
public policy purposes. What should be relevant for policy is
deprivation based on class. Government permitting that is precisely
what should have happened?But governments won?t permit and will
intervene to encourage this collective caste-cum-religious identity. ?
It is a mindset that the UPA government has encouraged across the
board.?
The National Sample Survey undertook a study and concluded in June
last year that jobless rate among Hindus and Muslims is almost equal.
The Survey said that the Worker Population Ratio (WPR) for the male in
the age group of 15 and above in the educational level in urban India
among the Hindus and Muslims was equal at 71 per cent followed by
Christians at 64 per cent. Outside the education parameter in urban
India, the Survey says, the worker population ratio among the Hindu
male was barely three per cent higher than that for the Muslims at 56
per cent. This was 51 per cent for Christians. This data was released
by the NSSO under the Ministry of Statistics and Programme
Implementation for the year 2004-05. And this has exposed the bluff
that far more Muslims were unemployed than the Hindus. If this Survey
is any guide then it should be considered a big setback for the
advocates of more religion-based reservations as part of the so-called
affirmative action. The Survey said that the unemployment rate in
urban areas for both the Hindus and the Muslims was the same at four
per cent. This Survey revealed that both in urban and rural areas
there was only a negligible difference in the literacy rate of the two
communities. This revelation explodes the basis of the UPA-sponsored
vote bank quota politics and brings us back to what we said in the
beginning that deprivation has nothing to do with caste or religion in
the present milieu of globalisation, growth and urbanisation. The
allegations of rising income and wealth disparities between different
castes or religious groups?except for Scheduled Tribes who live in
concentrated blocks?has not been proved by any rational survey. But
who cares for facts, since politics in India is all about myth
making?
The UPA has done nothing to encourage national integration. Its
actions are so communally charged that it has refused to give
protection to Taslima Nasreen, even after she deleted all the
objectionable passages from her book, only to please the perverted
fanatics in her community. This might be the first instance in Indian
history that the country has turned its back on an asylum-seeker, who
was hounded out of her country, who was forced by her own hosts in
West Bengal to vacate her second home and has no other place to go.
But the UPA protects and felicitates M.F. Husain about whose
despicable, blasphemous cartoons Hindus have serious objection.
It seems there is no bottom to the depth to which the UPA can sink in
furthering its goal. It has communalised budgeting; it has
communalised banking and financial institutions; it tried even to
communalise the armed forces. It has vitiated the academia spreading
the venom of casteism and communalism and now it is out to destroy the
country by identifying districts as Muslim majority and pampering them
to promote communal segregation. It is bent on dividing the police
force as Hindu, Muslim and Christian, and nobody knows what else
remains to be fragmented on communal lines. Some more aggressively
lunatic in its ranks have even suggested to introduce a communal quota
in the judiciary as well and appoint judges after fixing their
religion tag. Is there any guarantee that people who get their
position only on their religious identity will behave impartially in
their execution of duty? And what will happen to the faith of the
citizens in the system and its commitment to delivering justice? What
will happen to this country once the people lose all hope of fair play
and fair deal under these votaries of fake secularism?
What is the BPL criterion? Those who earn above Rs 12 per day. But
what about the lucky above BPL people? According to the report of
National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS),
394.9 million workers, i.e. 80 per cent of India?s working population,
are in the unorganised sector and 80 per cent of them are among those
who live on less than Rs 20 a day. These are real poor and vulnerable,
the report says. We quote this statistics to show that poverty has
nothing to do with religion. And that politics should be about
marrying policies with the people.
A conservative estimate, supported by all empirical data, gives us a
statistics of almost 30 to 35 per cent of India?s population living in
subhuman conditions. This is not a comforting thought in the 61st year
of Independence. And to know that our political class has only
archaic, time warped ideas for giving opportunity to the less
privileged is a sad commentary.
The UPA as part of its poll-oriented thinking has constituted an equal
rights panel to ensure Muslim representation level. How myopic can the
ruling class get! In a country with over 35 per cent poor to have an
equal rights panel only for the 15 per cent minorities! Does the
government have no responsibility to the rest of the population?
If there is any poor, deprived in the country, it is the Hindu. His
land was taken away, his homes and temples were looted for centuries,
he was made to pay jazia, an oppression tax of slavery, for almost 800
years, for that long the Muslims and for another 150 years Christians
ruled this country. How can the ruling class till 1947, become
deprived needing special affirmative action? It is only the Hindu who
has some claim to a special treatment. And Pakistan was created, after
the bloodiest-ever holocaust in history, to pamper the Muslims. Every
corner of the country where Hindu is in minority is in the grip of
insurgency and terrorism. A convincing Hindu majority is the only
guarantee for the territorial integrity of this country. And by
artificially identifying 90 Muslim-majority districts is Manmohan
Singh trying to lay the foundation for another partition?
The Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has the gumption to claim that
this will not divide the society. It is not entirely surprising, only
God knows what more disastrous plans he has in mind to divide the
society further, that he thinks all that he has done so far is not
enough.
There is no economic or literacy backwardness that is exclusive to one
community. Yes, social and religious attitudes can ghettoize a
community. For that the state cannot do much.
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=221&page=2
January31, 2010
From Sachar to Ranganath Misra
A period of minority assertion, Hindu subjugation
By Dr JK Bajaj
"The High Level Committee on Social, Economic and Educational Status
of Muslim Community in India" set up in 2005 under the chairmanship of
Justice Rajinder Sachar by the Prime Minister, commonly known as the
Sachar Committee, was perhaps the most high powered of such bodies. It
made a comprehensive survey of the status of Muslims in almost all
fields of Indian economy, polity and society.
The six years of UPA rule have been a period of minority assertion.
During this period, the Government of India has assiduously sought to
promote the idea that Christian and Muslim minorities have special
rights and claims on Indian polity, which this government is committed
to honour. The Prime Minister of India himself has gone on record to
state that the minorities have the first right on the resources of
this country, and there have been statements from high governmental
and political authorities expressing the same intent.
These statements of intentions have been backed by institutional and
budgetary actions in favour of the minorities. A separate Ministry of
Minority Affairs has been created to specifically concern itself with
the rights and privileges of the minorities. And, a number of
commissions and committees have been set up to report on the condition
of minorities, and to suggest constitutional, legal, administrative
and fiscal arrangements to give effect to their special privileges and
rights.
"The High Level Committee on Social, Economic and Educational Status
of Muslim Community in India" set up in 2005 under the chairmanship of
Justice Rajinder Sachar by the Prime Minister, commonly known as the
Sachar Committee, was perhaps the most high powered of such bodies. It
made a comprehensive survey of the status of Muslims in almost all
fields of Indian economy, polity and society. The data collected by
the Committee did not show the Muslims to be particularly badly off in
any field. On the other hand, the data indicated a resurgent Muslim
community that was growing fast not only in numbers, but also in its
educational, economic and social status. The Committee, in any case,
went on to give wide-ranging recommendations for institutional and
economic arrangements to be made in favour of the Muslim community.
The Committee, in particular, recommended special treatment for
Muslims in all government schemes. It even recommended special
consideration for Muslims in the matter of disbursement of bank
loans.
Even before the Committee gave its report, the government had launched
a "New 15-Point Programme for the Welfare of the Minorities"; this was
a comprehensive programme for providing special privileges and rights
to the minorities in various walks of Indian polity and economy, for
creating and strengthening special institutional structures and
providing budgetary support for this purpose. The recommendations of
the Sachar Committee were then used for further empowering these
institutional structures and launching new programmes and initiatives
in favour of the minorities in general, and the Muslim minority in
particular.
The Sachar Committee, however, stopped short of recommending
reservations for Muslims in government jobs or in educational
institutions. The Report of the National Commission for Religious and
Linguistic Minorities, which has been recently released, has now
addressed that lacuna. This commission was set up in the Ministry of
Minority Affairs as early as October 2004 under the Chairmanship of
Justice Ranganath Misra. Dr. Tahir Mahmood, Dr. Anil Wilson and Dr.
Mohinder Singh were the other three Members. The Commission submitted
its report in May 2007, but it was made public only during the last
session of the Parliament.
In its report, the Commission has ventured where Justice Sachar had
hesitated to step. It has recommended an across the board 15 per cent
reservation for minorities in all government jobs and educational
institutions. Within this minority quota, the Commission has fixed a
sub-quota of 10 per cent for the Muslims and the remaining 5 per cent
for other minorities. In an extraordinary recommendation, the
Commission has specified that in case the quota for Muslims cannot be
filled for lack of appropriate candidates, it shall be offered to
candidates from other minorities, "but in no case shall any seat
within the recommended 15 per cent shall go the majority community".
The Commission has further clarified that this 15 per cent quota shall
be in addition to what the minority candidates secure on their own
merit in open competition.
The recommendations, if implemented, shall ensure that minorities have
a presence of more than 15 per cent in all walks of Indian public
life. According to the Commission’s own assessment, the educational
and economic status of all minorities excepting the Muslims is
considerably better than the majority. They are therefore likely to
get a substantial share in government jobs and educational
institutions on their own merit, as they do even now. The total share
of minority communities shall therefore turn out to be considerably
more than 15 per cent. From the way the recommendations are
formulated, the intention of the Commission seems to be to ensure that
the religious minorities as a whole have a larger say and share than
their numbers alone would allow.
The tone and tenor of the reports of both the Sachar Committee and the
Misra Commission are not merely to provide special privileges and
rights to the minorities, but also to disprivilege the majority. Both
reports revel in casting unfounded aspersions and making snide remarks
against the majority community. Sachar Committee, in fact, suggests
that it does not really matter whether Muslims or some other community
come to form the majority in India. Misra Commission wants to now
ensure that until the minorities do not become the majority, they
should enjoy a major share in the polity.
Incidentally, the proposal of 15 percent reservation in favour of
religious minorities seems odd in the context of the arguments that
the Ranganath Misra Commission has developed throughout the report.
The thrust of their argument is that reservations on the basis of
religious or caste identity are not justifiable. India should instead
have family-based reservations, and the families qualifying for such
reservations should be identified on the basis of thorough detailed
surveys based on well defined economic and educational criteria.
However, while formulating its recommendations, the Commission
suddenly terms this as the ultimate goal, and meanwhile recommends the
15 per cent reservation for religious minorities. This makes the
recommendations almost sound like a command performance.
The Commission has made another recommendation which, if accepted, has
the potential of drastically changing the religious complexion of
India. Giving its recommendations on an additional reference made by
the government, the Commission has recommended that the Presidential
Order of 1950, which excludes Muslims and Christians from the category
of Scheduled Castes, should be amended to de-link the Scheduled Caste
status from religion. The argument in this case is that the
Constitution "prohibits any discrimination on the ground of religion".
It is strange that a high judicial person can make one set of
recommendations on the basis of religion, and almost the next
paragraph invoke the principle on non-discrimination on the basis of
religion.
The effect of these contradictory recommendations is that those of the
Scheduled Caste persons who choose to convert to a minority religion
shall now be doubly privileged, first as members of minority religions
for which the Commission has recommended 15 per cent quota, and then
as members of the scheduled castes, for whom special constitutional
protection and quotas are available. An immediate consequence of the
acceptance of this recommendation would probably be to allow the so-
called crypto-Christians to formally declare themselves as Christians
and thus raise the proportion of Christians from the present 2.5 to
perhaps around 6.5 per cent.
Fortunately, the Member-Secretary of the Commission, Mrs. Asha Das,
has not consented to this particular recommendation and has appended a
dissenting note. The note, among other things, insists that there is a
difference between religions of Indian origin, and religions like
Islam and Christianity that have originated outside. And, therefore,
the privileges offered to Hindu, Sikh, Jain and Buddhist Scheduled
Caste persons cannot be extended to Muslims and Christians. It must be
seen as an unintended benefit of Ranganath Misra Commission Report
that the question of religions of Indian and non-Indian origin has
been now mentioned in an official document. It is also fortunate that
the National Commission on Scheduled Castes, headed by Buta Singh,
formally opposed the recommendation of the Ranganath Misra Commission
to allow members of the Christian and Muslim communities to claim
scheduled caste status.
It seems these detailed reports of various commissions and committees
do bring into the open some important facets of the situation of
minorities. The enormous data collected by the Sachar committee
brought into focus the great strides the Muslim community has made in
terms of sheer numbers, and in terms of educational and economic
attainments during the last two or three decades. Before the Sachar
Committee Report how many of us knew that female literacy amongst
Muslims is higher than Hindus in more than half of the Indian states?
And, that the Muslims are also economically much better of than Hindus
in those states. Ranganath Misra Commission Report has brought into
the open the question of difference between religions of Indian and
non-Indian origin. The report has underlined the fact that even high
government authorities cannot agree on this issue. Let us carry
forward the debates opened up by Justices Sachar and Misra.
(The writer is director, Centre for Policy Studies and can be
contacted at jatinde...@gmail.com)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=329&page=6
January 21, 2008
Manmohan obsessed with insidious identity politics
By Sandhya Jain
Muslim political assertion will impact upon all political parties
prone to relying upon the community for a consolidated vote share. The
CPM is already feeling the heat on this score in West Bengal;
observers say events in Nandigram contained an unstated component of
Muslim assertion for power within the hitherto bhadralok-dominated
party. In this connection, it may be pertinent to recall that
following Partition, the Muslim community voted en masse for the
Congress Party.
Fortunately, the National Commission for Scheduled Castes nipped one
UPA mischief in the bud by refusing to endorse the May 15, 2007
recommendations of the National Commission for Religious and
Linguistic Minorities that Scheduled Caste status be extended to ?
Dalit Christians? and ?Dalit Muslims?. NCSC chairman Buta Singh
resisted the move by Justice Ranganath Mishra to amend the
Constitution (SCs) Order, 1950, which restricted SC status to groups
among Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists.
The proposal by the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA)
government to allocate 15 per cent funds of development and welfare
schemes exclusively for minorities has triggered nationwide
resentment. In the interests of its own political survival, the
Congress Party would do well to rethink its tendency to nurture
communal vote banks as these are beginning to face the law of
diminishing returns.
Most politicians have short memories. Hence it will be in order to
briefly recall the 2004 Assembly election in Assam, where a new Muslim
political party, the Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF), startled
the nation with its performance. Muslims comprise 30 per cent of Assam?
s 26 million population and play a decisive role in nearly 40
constituencies that have hitherto been traditionally won by Congress.
Floated by wealthy businessman Badruddin Ajmal, AUDF contested on a
platform of safeguarding Muslim interests ?without closing the doors
to other communities?. It had an electoral understanding with the
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and gave tickets to Hindus. It
contested 66 of the 126 Assembly seats and won an impressive 10?a
greater achievement than the four seats that heralded the arrival of
the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh in the early 1980s.
The Assam election is worth recalling because though Congress managed
to form the government, Muslim religious leaders campaigning for AUDF
revealed it was the first step in a long-term vision of establishing a
pan-India Muslim political party. One has only to recall that the last
Muslim pan-India formation was the Muslim League to envisage the
possible consequences for the Republic. The comparison with the BSP is
also apt, because like Ms. Mayawati, Muslim parties will also eat into
the Congress vote share and further fragment the polity.
In fact, Muslim political assertion will impact upon all political
parties prone to relying upon the community for a consolidated vote
share. The CPM is already feeling the heat on this score in West
Bengal; observers say events in Nandigram contained an unstated
component of Muslim assertion for power within the hitherto bhadralok-
dominated party. In this connection, it may be pertinent to recall
that following Partition, the Muslim community voted en masse for the
Congress party. After consolidating their separate identity, they
united against the Congress in 1967 and brought the CPM to power.
Nandigram is the beginning of the challenge to CPM hegemony in West
Bengal. As the Hindu community looks for a new saviour, the BJP would
do well do rebuild an independent identity in the State, and not latch
on to the tails of the highly unreliable Mamata Banerjee.
Muslim leaders, both religious and political, are canny enough to
recognise that the Muslim community will remain educationally and
socially backward so long as it persists with the traditional system
of education in the madrasa. It is true that this does not necessarily
translate into economic backwardness, because Muslims largely hail
from artisan and other professional groups that manage to make a
comfortable living without formal education, as is true of similar
Hindu caste groups. But it cannot be denied that this education tends
to reinforce separateness and over-emphasise their religious
identity.
The UPA has erred grievously in creating a separate Ministry for
Minority Affairs. Since as many as 28 per cent of Indians live below
the poverty line, there was no legitimate basis for Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh to state that Muslims have the first claim on
resources, and to follow this up with the Eleventh Plan draft document
setting aside 15 per cent of all developmental and welfare funds for
minorities. It may be added that as in the debate over creamy layer in
caste quotas, so also, the minority quota will not differentiate
between needy and rich Muslims, and may thus end up cornered by
families with political clout or physical muscle. This is already
happening as banks have received instructions to grant loans first to
Muslim applicants; banks will naturally ensure that the recipient of
loans have some financial standing as that the loans can be repaid.
Hindus as a community will have to pay the price of this mindless
pandering to the Muslim community. Sadly, among political parties,
only the BJP has dared oppose these moves, with president Rajnath
Singh warning that this will intensify communal competitiveness and
strife. There is a legitimate fear that the UPA?s special 15-point
programme for minorities in the Eleventh Plan draft paper may trigger
competitive communal demands for budgetary allocations in all states.
It can also lead to caste-based demands for resource allocation, thus
destroying the traditional holistic approach to national development.
The BJP states roundly opposed ?communal budgeting? at the National
Development Council meeting in December 2007. Fearing social strife,
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi suggested that funds for various
schemes and programmes be allocated solely on the basis of socio-
economic criteria and execution entrusted to the States. Madhya
Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Chhattisgarh Chief
Minister Dr Raman Singh insisted that rather than caste or religion,
economic criteria alone determine allocation of funds for welfare
schemes. As economic deprivation is a quantifiable and objective
criteria, not prone to political manipulation, it would be worthwhile
if political parties could sit across the table and opt for economic
criteria over caste and community wherever there is a legitimate case
for special reservations or allocations.
Fortunately, the National Commission for Scheduled Castes nipped one
UPA mischief in the bud by refusing to endorse the May 15, 2007
recommendations of the National Commission for Religious and
Linguistic Minorities that Scheduled Caste status be extended to ?
Dalit Christians? and ?Dalit Muslims?. NCSC chairman Buta Singh
resisted the move by Justice Ranganath Mishra to amend the
Constitution (SCs) Order, 1950, which restricted SC status to groups
among Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists.
Shri Buta Singh candidly asserted that the basic parameter for
recognition as Scheduled Caste was ?untouchability?, which does not
exist in the theology of Christianity and Islam. Thus, the UPA will
not be able to poach upon the constitutional benefits for Hindu SCs
and extend them to Christian and Muslim converts. It is well known
that the recent violence in Kandhamal, Orissa, was caused by a
perverse attempt by converted groups to grab Scheduled Tribe quotas by
forcing the administration to give them ST certificates to which they
are not legally entitled.
(The writer is a senior journalist and can be contacted at
sandh...@airtelbroadband.in)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=221&page=13
March 25, 2007
A chargesheet
Hindus betraying Hindus
HINDU YOUTH REDUCED TO SECOND-CLASS STATUS
By O.P. Gupta, I.F.S. (retd.)
It is painful to see how a class of ?secular, progressive and liberal?
Hindu politicians right from the days of the 1916 Congress-Muslim
League Lucknow Pact till date in the form of the Sachar Committee
report has been systematically collaborating with Muslim and other
minority politicians in concocting justifications to reduce, bit by
bit, the educational, employment and economic (E3) opportunities for
Hindu boys and girls, including leftist Hindu boys and girls.
Religious minority institutions have been empowered by none other than
our ?secular? Hindu politicians to treat Hindu applicants as second-
class citizens of India at the mercy, whims and fancies of ?minority
managements? even where these institutions receive under Article 30(2)
state grants out of taxes largely collected from we Hindus.
As the political parties in their manifestos openly declare that they
will give special considerations to Muslims and Christians, they
cannot be accused of betraying Hindu youth. Those Hindu parents who
give their votes blindly to such political parties are the real ones
who by casting their votes to such parties accept in principle that
minority students be given special preference over their own children
and, thus, unknowingly, end up betraying their own children,
grandchildren and the Hindu youth.
It is painful to see how Hindu parents are being media managed to harm
and hurt educational, employment, economic and business opportunities
of their own children and grandchildren by giving their notes and
votes to such political parties which shout from their political
rooftops that they will give special preferences to Muslims and
Christians over Hindus.
Since the employment situation is worsening day by day, it is
important that those Hindu parents who have college going children or
grand children, and, those Hindu youth who will soon be entering into
employment market seriously look for and identify those Hindu
politicians who are bent upon to reduce their E3 space.
In January 2007, the Department of Personnel and Training, Government
of India, sent a note to all ?heads of departments, public sector
banks and financial institutions, quasi-government organisa-tions,
autonomous bodies and all appointing authorities,? asking them to ?
scrupulously observe? guidelines to make selection panels more
representative. All selection panels recruiting ten or more vacancies
must have one member belonging to a minority community.
What is more important, the departments have been instructed to submit
half-yearly and annual reports, beginning March 2007, detailing number
of vacancies at all levels?Groups A, B, C and D?and the number of
minorities hired. Dr Manmohan Singh is the Minister for DOPT. This
circular instructs to give special considerations to minorities in all
appointments, so danger bell is ringing loud and clear for all Hindu
job-seekers whether they are leftists or rightists that despite their
better profiles percentage of Hindu intake will be reduced adversely
affecting them all.
A one man Commission headed by Justice Ranganath Mishra was silently
set up by the UPA government which is looking at status of non- Muslim
minorities, and, is mandated to recommend ways of helping them get
better representation in government services. Its report is due by
March 31, 2007. So this Commission is also looking at ways and means
to further reduce percentage of Hindus in public services, bank loans
etc.
Suppose there are 10,000 vacancies, seats reserved for SC Hindus would
be 1500, for ST Hindus 750 and for OBC 2700. Not many Hindus know that
about 70 per cent of Muslims are already covered under the Mandal
Commission formula and are enjoying benefits under the 27 per cent
quota.
In Andhra Pradesh, the Congress government led by Shri Y.S. Rajsekhar
Reddy reserved five per cent of seats in government colleges and in
government jobs for Muslims. It means that only 9500 seats would be
available to all categories of Hindus and other minorities having
reserved 500 seats exclusively for Muslims. So, the number of seats
available for SC Hindus will get reduced to 1425 from 1500, the number
of seats for ST Hindus will get reduced to 712 from 750, and, the
number of seats reserved for OBC will get reduced to 2565 from 2700.
Number of general category seats in which caste Hindus fall will also
shrink from 5000 to 4500. So giving special preferences to minorities
over Hindu candidates, which is the core policy of Congress Party,
equally hurts educational and employment opportunities of all groups
of Hindus, whether SC Hindus, or ST Hindus, or OBC Hindus, or caste
Hindus, or leftist Hindus. It is mere arithmatic. If more than 500
Muslims got more marks than the last Hindu candidate, then Muslim
candidates will spill over into general category 9500 seats.
Incidentally in Andhra Pradesh Muslims enjoy higher literacy rate than
Hindus.
In February 2007, Chief Minister of West Bengal issued instructions
that ?at least 10 per cent of the appointees should be from the
minority community.? By courtesy of Leftist Hindu voters, the
percentage of Hindus? job intake is set to fall in West Bengal.
Shri Arif Mohammad Khan, a former Union Minister in the Rajiv Gandhi
government, has pointed out that 10 Muslim communities are already
part of the Scheduled Tribes and another 83 Muslim communities are
included in the OBC list. ?Together,? he maintains, ?they constitute
more than 70 per cent of total Muslim population leaving out only the
Muslim creamy layer.? Similarly, a good chunk of Christians are
already included in the Scheduled Tribe and the OBC category.
In Bihar, the OBC quota has been divided by ?secular? Hindu
politicians into backward and most backward to help put nine Muslim
groups in the first category and 27 Muslim groups in the second
category.
In Kerala and Karnataka, the Hindu politicians of Congress Party and
the Communist parties have declared the entire Muslim community
backward just to reduce the percentage of Hindus in colleges and in
government jobs.
In Tamil Nadu, 95 per cent of Muslims are included into backward
formula though Muslims have higher literacy rate in Kerala, Karnataka
and Tamil Nadu than Hindus.
Dr Manmohan Singh is a Rajya Sabha Member from Assam and no wonder
there is already five per cent reservation for Muslims in the
recruitment for the Assam Police, adversely affecting employment
opportunities for SCs, STs, OBCs and all other Hindus as shown above.
It is painful to see how a class of ?secular, progressive and liberal?
Hindu politicians right from the days of the 1916 Congress-Muslim
League Lucknow Pact till date in the form of the Sachar Committee
report has been systematically collaborating with Muslim and other
minority politicians in concocting justifications to reduce, bit by
bit, the educational, employment and economic (E3) opportunities for
Hindu boys and girls, including leftist Hindu boys and girls, pushing
them to second and third-class status vis-?-vis minority boys and
girls. It is a sad story of Hindus betraying Hindus.
This is symptomatic of the slave mentality, which is defined as a
tendency to harm, hurt and humiliate members of one?s own community so
as to appease ?others? at the cost of one?s own community. This habit
is also known as gulamiat pasand (GP) or Genetically Acquired Slave
Syndrome (GASS). These terms more accurately describe this class of
Hindus. Raja Jaichand, Mirza Raja Man Singh of Akbar time, Raja
Jaswant Singh of Aurangzeb time etc. were also Hindus but were GP type
carrying GASS virus. In rural areas they are called ?Jaichandi
Hindus?.
We Hindus are told day in and day out that India is a ?secular? state
where religion should be a private matter and every citizen is equal
before law. But in practice our secular Hindu parliamentarians and
legislators have been passing such laws where the State asks for the
religion of an individual and then discriminate against we Hindus. In
this game of secularism, Hindu youth turn out to be the worst victims
of GP Hindu politicians.
The Article 14 of the Constitution reads: ?The State shall not deny to
any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws
within the territories of India.? The Article 15(1) reads: ?The State
shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of
religion, race, caste, sex, and place of birth or any of them.? The
Article 29(2) reads: ?No citizen shall be denied admission into any
educational institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out
of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or
any of them.? The Article 30(1) reads: ?All minorities, whether based
on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and
administer educational institutions of their choice.? Article 30(2)
reads, ?The State shall not, in granting aid to educational
institutions, discriminate against any educational institution on the
ground that it is under the management of a minority, whether based on
religion or language.?
One may see that the pith and substance of the Article 30 is very much
there in the 14 Points of Jinnah because 28 out of 31 Muslim members
of the Indian Constituent Assembly which drafted the Indian
Constitution were elected on tickets of the Muslim League of Jinnah.
This fact is generally suppressed by ?secular? Hindu historians.
But on calculated mis-representations and soft-peddling by Attorney
Generals appointed by Congress governments, the Supreme Court of India
has ruled that equal treatment guarantee of Articles 14 and 29(2) was
not available to Hindu boys and girls in minority-run institutions,
and; that religious minority educational institutions under Article
30(1) can reserve up to 50 per cent of seats for co-religionist
candidates with the result Hindu students including comrades with
better marks do not get admissions in such institutions but minority
students with lower marks easily get admissions within their reserved
50 per cent quota.
Religious minority institutions have been, thus, empowered by none
other than our ?secular? Hindu politicians to treat Hindu applicants
as second-class citizens of India at the mercy, whims and fancies of ?
minority managements? even where these institutions receive under
Article 30(2) state grants out of taxes largely collected from we
Hindus. In the minority institutions, the SC Hindus and ST Hindus are
denied benefits of their constitutional reservations of 15 per cent
and 7.5 per cent under Article 15. And, for this misfortune of Hindu
boys and girls those Hindu voters are responsible who being unaware of
harm they inflict upon their own children cast their votes in favour
of ?secular? parties or don?t go to cast their votes at all.
Hindu politicians have passed such laws that enable a minority student
to get cheaper educational loans at three per cent interest per annum
from the National Minority Development & Finance Corporation. A
minority businessman can get margin money loan for business at five
per cent interest from NMDFC. Minority students are required to repay
educational loans in five years after completion of his course but a
Hindu student has to repay education loan after one year of completion
of his course. One may see details at (www.nmdfc.org ). A Hindu
student or a Hindu businessman gets bank loans at much higher rates of
interest and harsher terms whether he is a member of the Students
Federation or that of the NSUI or the ABVP etc. This ill-treatment a
Hindu voter has invited for himself and his children by giving his
vote to the so-called secular parties or by abstaining from voting.
Congress and other ?secular? Hindu politicians have invented such a
legal system where a Muslim candidate or a Christian candidate has all
the legal rights to compete on equal footings with a Hindu candidate
for employment, but there are thousands and thousands of posts paid
from government funds for which Hindus cannot even apply, such as the
post of the Principal and Vice Principal of St. Stephen?s College,
Delhi. GP Hindus have set up the National Minority Commission with
nominal Hindu presence to ensure that minorities are not discriminated
but there is no Commission to ensure that Hindus are not victimised by
minorities.
The National Minority Commission does not reflect the religious
demographic reality of India so it does not enjoy the confidence of
Hindus in general. Either more than three-fourth members of the
Minority Commission and other commissions should be Hindus in
proportion to their population or these should be abolished being
unrepresentative and undemocratic.
Dr Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister, his Sachar Committee and many
liberal Hindus make a lot of fuss that Muslims are under- represented
in civil services and in higher education. According to the Sachar
Committee [page 64], only four per cent of the total Muslim population
in India within age group 20 years and above are graduates. At page
65, the Sachar Committee reports that in case of Muslims (age 20 and
above) the number of graduates was under four million i.e. only 1.6
per cent of Muslims are graduates if their population as per Imam
Bukhari is taken to be 250 million or 2.6 per cent of Muslims are
graduates if their population is taken to be 150 million. Since only
educated persons can aspire for public jobs, it is natural that
percentage of Muslims in government jobs should not be more than 2.6
per cent. Muslim percentage in government service is already more than
this percentage by relentless efforts of Congress party to reduce the
Hindu percentage.
Sachar Committee reports that while 26 per cent of those above 17
years age and above complete matriculation, this percentage is only 17
per cent for Muslims. So the recommendation is to open more schools
and colleges in Muslim areas. The Sachar Committee does not tell that
bulk of Muslims who drop out from schools seek gainful employment and
start earning more at younger age than what they will earn even after
graduating. The Census Report 2001 [Statement 10] lets the cat out of
bag when it reports that in the category of household industries (HHI)
workers, Muslims representation was 8.1 per cent which is double the
national average of 4.2 per cent. This index is only 3.2 per cent for
Hindus. In the category of ?other workers? Christians enjoyed 52.8 per
cent representation, followed by Muslims (49.1 per cent) and Hindus
only (35.5 per cent). Thus, higher percentage of Christians and
Muslims are in jobs than Hindu percentage and still Hindu politicians
of ?secular? parties are working hard to reduce E3 space for Hindu
students that too with the help of the votes of Hindu parents.
In a significant development, after the tabling of the Sachar report,
Muslim MPs, cutting across party lines, handed over a wish-list of
sorts to Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh: IITs and
IIMs exclusively for Muslims, 5,000 schools, two lakh scholarships and
more campuses of the Aligarh Muslim University across the country. A
senior HRD official, present at the meeting, said, ?The MPs said since
IITs and IIMs have less than two per cent of Muslim students, the HRD
Ministry should create IITs and IIMs exclusively for Muslim children.?
Urdu schools, they also demanded, should be given adequate
infrastructure support. ?Minority-run societies and NGOs, if they wish
to open schools, should be given CBSE affiliation without any delay,?
an MP demanded. The Muslim MPs said that these suggestions should get
reflected in this year?s budget as well as the Eleventh Plan.
It is painful to see how Hindu parents are being media managed to harm
and hurt educational, employment, economic and business opportunities
of their own children and grandchildren by giving their notes and
votes to such political parties which shout from their political
rooftops that they will give special preferences to Muslims and
Christians over Hindu youth in matters of education, training
facilities, government jobs, jobs under police and paramilitary
forces, employment in banks and other public sector undertakings and
bank loans, educational loans, etc.
As the political parties in their manifestos openly declare that they
will give special considerations to Muslims and Christians, they
cannot be accused of betraying Hindu youth. Those Hindu parents who
give their votes blindly to such political parties are the real ones
who by casting their votes to such parties accept in principle that
minority students be given special preference over their own children
and, thus, unknowingly, end up betraying their own children,
grandchildren and the Hindu youth. I suggest rather than giving their
votes to their ?caste candidate,? Hindu parents should start casting
their votes in favour of welfare of their own children and
grandchildren as Muslim and Christian voters do.
The following data show that the Hindu politicians of the Congress
Party have history, habit and precedent of giving second-class
treatment to Hindus. Giving second-class treatment to Hindus still
continues to be the hidden agenda and core policy of the Congress
Party. The more the Hindus give their notes, votes and support to the
Congress Party, the more emboldened this Party becomes to treat them
and their sons and daughters as the second class.
Let us look at some manifestos of the Congress Party which has been
consistently promising that if elected it will give preferential
treatment to minorities over Hindus.
The 1996 Manifesto of Congress Party states: ?(i) The Congress regards
the 15-point programme for the welfare of the minorities as a charter
of duties. (ii) It has established the National Minority Finance and
Development Corporation?to support projects that promote the well-
being of minorities?with a capital of Rs 500 crore. (iii) A Rapid
Action Force comprising young men from different communities has been
set up. (It is understood that percentage of Hindus in this Force
under instructions of the Congress Governments is much below their
traditional 95 per cent) (iv)The Minorities Commission has been given
statutory status?.
Congress Manifesto of 1998: ?(i) Indira Gandhi?s 15-point programme
for minorities continues to be our blueprint. Each and every element
of this programme will be implemented with renewed vigour. (ii) The
Congress will create a new ministry for minorities to ensure better
coordination and integration. (iii) A high-powered commission will be
set up to examine and give recommendations on how the representation
of minorities in public services could be enhanced in a meaningful
manner. (iv) The Congress will amend the Constitution to establish a
Commission for Minority Educational Institutions and provide direct
affiliation for minority professional institutions to central
universities?.
Congress Manifesto 1999: ?(i) to ensure the reinvigoration of Indira
Gandhi?s historic 15-point programme and the monitoring mechanism
devised by Rajiv Gandhi. (ii) Measures will be taken to increase the
representation of minorities in all public, police and para-military
services both in the central and in state governments. (iii)The
Constitution will be amended to establish a Commission for Minority
Educational Institutions and to provide direct affiliation for
minority professional institutions to central universities (iv)The
National Minorities Development Corporation and the State Minorities
Development Corporations will be made direct-lending institutions?.
Congress Manifesto 2004: ?(i) The Congress believe in affirmative
action for all religious and linguistic minorities. The Congress is
committed to adopting this policy for socially and educationally
backward sections among Muslims and other religious minorities on a
national scale. (ii)The Congress commits itself to amend the
Constitution to establish a Commission for Minority Educational
Institutions that will provide direct affiliation for minority
professional institutions to central universities?.
Hindu readers may note that the 2004 Manifesto boldly stated: ?The
Congress has provided reservations for Muslims in Kerala and Karnataka
in government employment and education on the grounds that they are a
socially and educationally backward class?. But the Census report of
2001, as we have seen above, states that in Kerala and in Karnataka
literacy rate of Muslims was higher than that of Hindus. Even the
discredited Sachar Committee admits it. So it is dishonesty to call
Muslims educationally backward in Kerala and Karnataka states but
Congress and communist Hindu politicians are not ashamed to use false
data just to reduce percentage of Hindus in educational institutions
and in government jobs. Hindu voters of Kerala and Karnataka should
take note of this fraud being played on careers of their children with
help of their votes.
The Congress party and its UPA allies claim that they are the genuine
well wishers of the SC Hindus. Is it true? Christians are demanding
that their ?dalits? should be included in the 15 per cent reservation
quota available to SC Hindus. Muslims are also demanding that ?dalit
Muslims? be included in the same 15 per cent quota. No one knows
precise definition of ?dalit Christian? and ?dalit Muslims?. Since
Christians enjoy much better educational facilities as well as
literacy rate than Hindu SCs, it is natural that Christians will grab
a larger chunk of services within the 15 per cent quota further
worsening the employment opportunities of Hindu SC boys and girls.
Even Sachar Committee admits that Muslims also enjoy better literacy
rate of 59.1 per cent compared to 52.2 per cent for SC & ST Hindus.
Congress party and allies of UPA are supporting the demand to place ?
dalit Christians? and ?dalit Muslims? under the SC category. Shri
Abdul Rahman Antulay, Union Minister for Minority Affairs publicly
stated in November 2006 that it was time to include dalit Muslims and
dalit Christians in SC/ST Reservations.
Close on the heels of Prime Minister Sardar Manmohan Singh?s ?Muslim
first? remarks made at the National Development Council meeting, a
High Level Committee of the Human Resource Development Ministry led by
Shri M.A.A. Fatmi, Minister of State, has made a case for review of
the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order 1950 so as to include
Muslims and Christians in the SC category (Indian Express, February
19, 2007).
A NGO has already moved to the Supreme Court to include dalit
Christians into the SC definition by amending the 1950 order, and; no
wonder the Manmohan Singh-led Government may manage to lose this case
by not presenting the case of Hindu SCs properly. So the danger bell
for SC Hindu students is already ringing. The point is whether they
and their parents are aware about it.
In its 2004 manifesto, the CPI(M) promised to extend reservation
facility to ?dalit Christians? by including them in the 15 per cent
quota. The 1998 Joint-manifesto of all Left parties also promised to
include ?dalit Christians? into the SC reservations of 15 per cent
quota.
BSP leader late Kanshi Ram was reported to have assured support of his
party to include ?dalit Christians? in the Presidential Order of
1950.
DMK leader K. Karunanidhi, Chief Minister Tamil Nadu, also supports
inclusion of ?dalit Christians? into the SC category.
In September 2004, Ram Vilas Paswan, president of Lok Janshakti Party
had promised to grant Scheduled Caste status to socially and
economically backward Muslims. In December 2006, he supported a sub-
quota for Muslims within the 27 per cent OBC quota who are already
covered under the Mandal OBC formula while supporting demand to
include ?dalit Christians? and ?dalit Muslims? under the 15 per cent
quota. Shri V.P. Singh also supports a sub-quota for Muslims within
the 27 per cent OBC space.
On December 5, 2006 the Samajawadi Party led by Shri Mulayam Singh,
the Congress party and their other allies in UP passed a resolution in
the UP State Assembly demanding reservations for ?dalit? Christians
and ?dalit? Muslims within 15 per cent quota which will harm the
employment opportunities of SC and ST Hindus as Christians and Muslims
both enjoy higher literacy rate over SC and ST Hindus.
So those SC and ST Hindus who do not want to harm and hurt career
prospects of their children should never cast their votes in favour of
any of these secular parties. SC and ST Hindu job seekers and students
must explain difficulties which await them if their parents did not
exercise their votes with due caution or abstained from voting.
No parent knowingly wants to hurt career of his children so it is duty
of Hindu students studying in colleges and universities to brief their
parents the misfortune which will visit them if they voted to any
party which wants to include Christians and Muslims in the 15 per cent
quota. A parent is so busy in earning livelihood that he does not get
time to read the manifesto and thus understand dirty tricks of GP
Hindu politicians being played against Hindu Youth.
Since the employment situation is worsening day by day, it is
important that those Hindu parents who have college going children or
grand children, and, those Hindu youth who will soon be entering into
employment market seriously look for and identify those Hindu
politicians who are bent upon to reduce their E3 space.
The problem of unemployment continues to worsen day by day and in this
environment Congress and other secular parties are hell bent through
the Sachar Committee to reduce employment space available to Hindu
youth. The National Sample Survey Organisation?s latest report of
January 2007 shows that unemployment is much higher among youth (15-29
years age) as compared to overall population, and, that unemployment
is rising.
The unemployment rate in Delhi has gone up from 3.2 per cent in
1999-2000 to 5.3 per cent in 2004-05 and in Kolkata from 7 per cent to
8.1 per cent. (Indian Express February 16, 2007)
At the end of December 2005 about 393 lakh job seekers were waiting
for jobs on the live registers of 947 employment exchanges across the
country against which only 1.73 lakh got jobs in 2005. About 50 to 55
lakh new persons register every year with the employment exchanges
looking for jobs.
Over 52 lakh graduates and post-graduates were waiting for jobs in
December 2005 in all the employment exchanges.
According to the Sept 2006 National Sample Survey report, 58 per cent
of Indians were without jobs in 2004-05 and the unemployment rate was
higher among educated ones than among less educated ones. In rural
areas, 56 per cent of people were unemployed and in urban areas 63 per
cent were unemployed. According to a study by the Hewitt Associates,
by 2020, India will have the largest number of educated but unemployed
youth in the world.
M.V. Rajasekharan, Minister of State told the Lok Sabha (August 23,
2006) that annual growth rate of employment creation during the
1983-99 was 2.7 per cent which slowed to 1.07 per cent during
1994-2000. Shri Suresh Pachaury, Minister of State informed the
Parliament (August 23, 2006) that there was no proposal to remove ban
on creation of new posts in the government sector.
Mulayam Singh Yadav, Chief Minister of UP has been claiming that he
has fulfilled his promise to the Muslim community to raise percentage
of Muslims in the UP Police to 15 per cent.Traditionally percentage of
Hindus in the UP Police had been above 95 per cent. So the credit for
reducing job opportunities of Hindu youth in the UP Police should go
to those Hindu parents who vote for Mulayam Singh. It is a tragic case
of Hindu parents voting for someone who is determined to reduce
employment space of their own children.
In December 2006 press reported that Raghubansh Prasad Singh?s
Ministry of Rural Development, for the first time in the history of
Independent India, set aside Rs 1,000 crore for religious minorities
for the three schemes (i) Swarnajayanti Gram Swarojgar Yojana (SGSY)
(ii) Indira Awas Yojana (IAY) and(iii) Sampoorna Grameen Rojgar Yojana
(SGRY). Till now such physical and financial allocations were made
only for SCs and STs. Thus, under these three schemes, funds are
available to Hindus including those Hindus who had voted for Shri
Raghubansh Prasad Singh in the 2004 election and has been reduced by
Rs1000 crore by this Hindu politician. It is another tragic case of a
Hindu politician betraying his own Hindu voters.
Even the discredited Sachar Committee Report admits (page 53) that the
SCs and STs are still the least literate group both in urban and rural
India but Manmohan Singh thunders that ?Muslims? shall be have the ?
first? claim over national resources. We must stand up and tell this
minority politician who never won confidence of any Lok Sabha
constituency that if any group which has legitimate first claim over
national resources it is the group of farmers and SC & ST Hindus. For
the anti-Hindu policies of Manmohan Singh-led UPA government, the
price was paid by Captain Amrinder Singh specially in the urban areas
of Punjab in recently held assembly elections.
The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) data shows that level
of acute poverty is equally high among all communities including
Hindus also. As much as 84 per cent Hindus in the below poverty line
(BPL) category in rural areas live in conditions dubbed as ?below
double poverty line?. But showing its anti-Hindu bias, the Congress is
diverting huge funds only to address the poor among Muslims. Why it is
not simultaneously addressing the poverty of Hindus too?
(To be continued)
[Shri O.P. Gupta recently retired in the rank of Secretary to the
Government of India in the Indian Foreign Service (1971 batch). He has
served as Ambassador to Finland, Estonia, Jamaica, Tunisia, Tanzania,
etc., and Consul General, Dubai and Birmingham (UK).]
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=176&page=3
Sid Harth
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For religious demographics of the Republic of India, see Religion in
India.
A Statue of Shiva.
A Statue of the Buddha.
A Statue of Jain deity Bahubali.
Indian religions are the related religious traditions that originated
in the Indian subcontinent,[1]
namely Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism, and Sikhism, inclusive of their
sub-schools and various related traditions. They form a subgroup of
the larger classes of "Eastern religions" and also Indo-European
religions . Indian religions have similarities in core beliefs, modes
of worship, and associated practices, mainly due to their common
history of origin and mutual influence.
The documented history of Indian religions begins with historical
Vedic religion, the religious practices of the early Indo-Aryans,
which were collected and later redacted into the Samhitas, four
canonical collections of hymns or mantras composed in archaic
Sanskrit. These texts are the central shruti (revealed) texts of
Hinduism. The period of the composition, redaction and commentary of
these texts is known as the Vedic period, which lasted from roughly
1500 to 500 BCE.
The late Vedic period (9th to 6th centuries BCE) marks the beginning
of the Upanisadic or Vedantic period.[2][3] This period heralded the
beginning of much of what became classical Hinduism, with the
composition of the Upanishads, later the Sanskrit epics, still later
followed by the Puranas.
Jainism and Buddhism arose from the sramana culture. Buddhism was
historically founded by Siddhartha Gautama, a Kshatriya prince-turned-
ascetic, and was spread beyond India through missionaries. It later
experienced a decline in India, but survived in Nepal and Sri Lanka,
and remains more widespread in Southeast and East Asia. Jainism was
established by a lineage of 24 enlightened beings culminating with
Parsva (9th century BCE) and Mahavira (6th century BCE).[4]
Certain scholarship holds that the practices, emblems and architecture
now commonly associated with the Hindu pantheon and Jainism may go
back as far as Late Harappan times to the period 2000-1500 BCE.[5][6]
Hinduism is divided into numerous denominations, primarily Shaivism,
Shaktism, Vaishnavism, Smarta and much smaller groups like the
conservative Shrauta. Hindu reform movements such as Ayyavazhi are
more recent. About 90% of Hindus reside in the Republic of India,
accounting for 83% of its population.[7]
Sikhism was founded in the 15th century on the teachings of Guru Nanak
and the nine successive Sikh Gurus in Northern India[8]. The vast
majority of its adherents originate in the Punjab region.
Common traits
Aum
Sometimes summarised as "Dharmic" religions or dharmic traditions,
(though the 'subtler' meaning of Dharma or dhamma differs per
religion); Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism share certain key
concepts, which are interpreted differently by different groups and
individuals.[9][10][11]
Common traits can also be observed in both the ritual and the literary
sphere. For example, the head-anointing ritual of abhiseka is of
importance in three of these distinct traditions, excluding Sikhism.
Other noteworthy rituals are the cremation of the dead, the wearing of
vermilion on the head by married women, and various marital rituals.
In literature, many classical narratives and purana have Hindu,
Buddhist or Jain versions.[12]
All four traditions have notions of karma, dharma, samsara, moksha and
various forms of Yoga. Of course, these terms may be perceived
differently by different religions. For instance, for a Hindu, dharma
is his duty. For a Jain, dharma is righteousness, his conduct. For a
Buddhist, dharma is usually taken to be the Buddha's teachings.
Similarly, for a Hindu, yoga is the cessation of all thoughts/
activities of the mind.[13]
For Jains, Yoga is sum total all physical, verbal and mental
activities.
Rama is a heroic figure in all of these religions. In Hinduism he is
the God-incarnate in the form of a princely king; in Buddhism, he is a
Bodhisattva-incarnate; in Jainism, he is the perfect human being.
Among the Buddhist Ramayanas are: Vessantarajataka,[14]
Reamker, Ramakien, Phra Lak Phra Lam, Hikayat Seri Rama etc. There
also exists the Khamti Ramayana among the Khamti tribe of Asom wherein
Rama is an avatar of a Bodhisattva who incarnates to punish the demon
king Ravana (B.Datta 1993). The Tai Ramayana is another book retelling
the divine story in Asom.
Prehistory
"Priest King" of Indus Valley CivilizationEvidence attesting to
prehistoric religion in the Indian subcontinent derives from scattered
Mesolithic rock paintings such as at Bhimbetka, depicting dances and
rituals. Neolithic agriculturalists inhabiting the Indus River Valley
buried their dead in a manner suggestive of spiritual practices that
incorporated notions of an afterlife and belief in magic.[15]
Other South Asian Stone Age sites, such as the Bhimbetka rock shelters
in central Madhya Pradesh and the Kupgal petroglyphs of eastern
Karnataka, contain rock art portraying religious rites and evidence of
possible ritualised music.[16]
The Harappan people of the Indus Valley Civilization, which lasted
from 3300–1300 BCE (mature period, 2600-1900 BCE) and was centered
around the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra river valleys, may have worshiped
an important mother goddess symbolising fertility,[17]
a concept that has recently been challenged.[18] Excavations of Indus
Valley Civilization sites show small tablets with animals and altars,
indicating rituals associated with animal sacrifice.
Vedic tradition
Vedic period
Main article: Historical Vedic religion
See also: History of Hinduism
See also: Vedas, Upanishads, and Brahmanas
The Vedic Period is most significant for the composition of the four
Vedas, Brahmanas and the older Upanishads (both presented as
discussions on the rituals, mantras and concepts found in the four
Vedas), which today are some of the most important canonical texts of
Hinduism, and are the codification of much of what developed into the
core beliefs of Hinduism.
The Vedas reflect the liturgy and ritual of Late Bronze Age to Early
Iron Age Indo-Aryan speaking peoples in India. Religious practices
were dominated by the Vedic priesthood administering domestic rituals/
rites and solemn sacrifices. The Brahmanas, Aranyakas and some of the
older Upanishads (such as BAU, ChU, JUB) are also placed in this
period. Many elements of Vedic religion reach back to early Bronze Age
Proto-Indo-Iranian times. The Vedic period is held to have ended
around 500 BCE.
Akshardham the largest Hindu temple in the world.Specific rituals and
sacrifices of the Vedic religion include:
The Soma cult described in the Rigveda, descended from a common Indo-
Iranian practice.
Fire rituals, also a common Indo-Iranian practice (See
Zoroastrianism):
The Agnihotra or oblation to Agni.
The Agnistoma or Soma sacrifice (including animal sacrifice) .
The Agnicayana, the sophisticated ritual of piling the Uttara fire
altar.
The Darsapaurnamasa, the fortnightly New and Full Moon sacrifice
The Caturmasya or seasonal sacrifices (every four months)
a large number of sacrifices for special wishes (Kāmyeṣṭi)
The Ashvamedha or horse sacrifice.
The Purushamedha, or sacrifice of a man, imitating that of the cosmic
Purusha and Ashvamedha
The rites referred to in the Atharvaveda are concerned with medicine
and healing practices, as well as some charms and sorcery (white and
black magic).
The domestic (grihya) rituals deal with the rites of passage from
conception to death and beyond.
Vedanta
Main article: Vedanta
Hindu Swastika
The period of Vedanta (Sanskrit : end of Vedas), typically thought to
have begun around 600 BCE, marked the end of the evolution of the main
Vedic texts; it also accompanied the transformation of the semi-
nomadic nature of the Indo-Aryan tribes to agriculture-based polities,
as they increasingly formed permanent settlements in the Indo-Gangetic
plain and other parts of Northern India. This period was foreshadowed
by the Brahmanas that interpreted the four canonical Vedas in various
fashions, which finally led to the Upanishads. While the ritualistic
status of the four Vedas remained undiminished, the early Upanishads
mainly relate to spiritual insights. At this time, the concepts of
reincarnation, samsara, karma, and moksha began to be accepted in
ancient India outside the sphere of the priestly establishment i.e.
the Brahmana class. Some scholars think that these new concepts
developed by aborigines outside the caste system,[19] others detect
Sramana or even Ksatriya influence. These concepts were eventually
accepted by Brahmin orthodoxy, and were to form much of the core
philosophies of the later epics and Hinduism, as well as, against a
different philosophical and religious background, in Buddhism and
Jainism.
Astika and Nastika categorization
Main articles: Āstika and nāstika, Hindu philosophy, and Buddhism and
Hinduism
See also: Adi Shankara and Charvaka
Astika and nastika are sometimes used to categorise Indian religions.
Those religions that believe that God is the central actor in this
world are termed as astika. Those religions that do not believe that
God is the prime mover and actor are classified as nastika religions.
From this point of view the Vedic religion (and Hinduism) is an astika
religion, whereas Buddhism and Jainism are nastika religions.
Another definition of the terms astika and nastika, followed by Adi
Shankara, classifies religions and persons as astika and nastika
according to whether they accept the authority of the main Hindu
texts, the Vedas, as supreme revealed scriptures, or not. By this
definition, Nyaya, Vaisheshika, Samkhya, Yoga, Purva Mimamsa and
Vedanta are classified as astika schools, while Charvaka is classified
as a nastika school. By this definition, both Buddhism and Jainism are
classified as nastika religions since they do not accept the authority
of the Vedas.
Shramana tradition
Main article: Shramana
See also: Gautama Buddha and Mahavira
A statue of Gautama Buddha.
A statue of Mahavira.Vedic Brahmanism of Iron Age India co-existed and
closely interacted with the parallel non-Vedic shramana traditions.[20]
[21][22][23]
These were not direct outgrowths of Vedism, but separate movements
that influenced it and were influenced by it.[24]
The shramanas were wandering ascetics. Buddhism and Jainism are a
continuation of the Shramana tradition, and the early Upanishadic
movement was influenced by it.[25][26][27][28][29][30]
The 24th Jain Tirthankar, Mahavira (599–527 BCE), stressed five vows,
including ahimsa (non-violence), satya (truthfulness), asteya (non-
stealing) and aparigraha (non-attachment).
The historical Gautama Buddha, who was a Buddha, was born into the
Shakya clan of Angirasa and Gautama Rishi lineage,[31]
just before the kingdom of Magadha (which lasted from 546–324 BCE)
rose to power. His family was native to Kapilavastu and Lumbini, in
what is now southern Nepal.
The Ajivikas and Samkhyas, both of which did not survive, also
belonged to the sramana tradition.
Rise and spread of Jainism and Buddhism
Main articles: Pre-sectarian Buddhism, Indian Buddhism, Silk Road
transmission of Buddhism, and Jain community
See also: History of Buddhism and History of Jainism
Further information: Mauryan period and Gupta period
Buddhist Mahabodhi Temple
Both Jainism and Buddhism spread throughout India during the period of
the Magadha empire. Scholars Jeffrey Brodd and Gregory Sobolewski
write that "Jainism shares many of the basic doctrines of Hinduism and
Buddhism."[32] and scholar James Bird writes, "But when primitive
Buddhism originated from Hindu schools of philosophy, it differed as
widely from that of later times, as did the Brahmanism of the Vedas
from that of the Puranas and Tantras."[33]
Palitana Jain TemplesBuddhism in India spread during the reign of
Asoka the Great of the Mauryan Empire, who patronised Buddhist
teachings and unified the Indian subcontinent in the 3rd century BCE.
He sent missionaries abroad, allowing Buddhism to spread across Asia.
[34] Jainism began its golden period during the reign of Emperor
Kharavela of Kalinga in the 2nd century BCE.
Both Jainism and Indian Buddhism started declining following the rise
of Puranic Hinduism during the Gupta dynasty. Buddhism continued to
have a significant presence in some regions of India until the 12th
century. Jainism continues to be an influential religion in Gujarat,
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Karnataka.
Period after 200 BCE
Main articles: decline of Buddhism in India, Hindu philosophy, and
Pala Empire
Further information: Puranas
After 200 CE several schools of thought were formally codified in
Indian philosophy, including Samkhya, Yoga, Nyaya, Vaisheshika, Purva-
Mimamsa and Vedanta.[35]
Hinduism, otherwise a highly polytheistic, pantheistic or monotheistic
religion, also tolerated atheistic schools. The thoroughly
materialistic and anti-religious philosophical Cārvāka school that
originated around the 6th century BCE is the most explicitly atheistic
school of Indian philosophy. Cārvāka is classified as a nastika
("heterodox") system; it is not included among the six schools of
Hinduism generally regarded as orthodox. It is noteworthy as evidence
of a materialistic movement within Hinduism.[36]
Our understanding of Cārvāka philosophy is fragmentary, based largely
on criticism of the ideas by other schools, and it is no longer a
living tradition.[37]
Other Indian philosophies generally regarded as atheistic include
Classical Samkhya and Purva Mimamsa.
Between 400 CE and 1000 CE Hinduism expanded as the decline of
Buddhism in India continued.[38] Buddhism subsequently became
effectively extinct in India but survived in Nepal and Sri Lanka.
There were several Buddhistic kings who worshiped Vishnu, such as the
Gupta, Pala, Malla, Somavanshi, and Sattvahana.[39]
Buddhism survived followed by Hindus. National Geographic[40]
edition reads, "The flow between faiths was such that for hundreds of
years, almost all Buddhist temples, including the ones at Ajanta, were
built under the rule and patronage of Hindu kings."
Post-Vedic development of Hinduism
Main article: History of Hinduism
A Statue of Lord Vishnu.The end of the Vedantic period around the 2nd
century AD spawned a number of branches that furthered Vedantic
philosophy, and which ended up being seminaries in their own right.
The output generated by these specialized tributaries was
automatically considered a part of the Hindu or even Indian
philosophy. Prominent amongst these developers were Yoga, Dvaita,
Advaita and the medieval Bhakti movement. The modern day popular
movements were the ones founded by Swami Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo,
Raja Ram Mohan Roy among others.
In the latter Vedantic period, several texts were also composed as
summaries/attachments to the Upanishads. These texts collectively
called as Puranas allowed for a divine and mythical interpretation of
the world, not unlike the ancient Hellenic or Roman religions. Legends
and epics with a multitude of gods and goddesses with human-like
characteristics were composed. Two of Hinduism's most revered epics,
the Mahabharata and Ramayana were compositions of this period.
Devotion to particular deities was reflected from the composition of
texts composed to their worship. For example the Ganapati Purana was
written for devotion to Ganapati (or Ganesh). Popular deities of this
era were Shiva, Vishnu, Durga, Surya, Skanda, and Ganesh (including
the forms/incarnations of these deities.)
Bhakti Movement
Guru Ravidas - a figure from the Bhakti EraThe Bhakti Movement began
with the emphasis on the worship of God, regardless of one's status -
whether priestly or laypeople, men or women, higher social status or
lower social status.
The movements were mainly centered around the forms of Vishnu (Rama
and Krishna) and Shiva. There were however popular devotees of this
era of Durga.
Vaishnavism
The most well-known devotees are the Alwars from southern India. The
most popular Vaishnava teacher of the south was Ramanuja, while of the
north it was Ramananda.
Several important icons were women. For example, within the
Mahanubhava sect, the women outnumbered the men[41],
and administration was many times composed mainly of women.[42]
Mirabai is the most popular female saint in India.
Sri Vallabha Acharya (1479–1531) is a very important figure from this
era. He founded the Shuddha Advaita (Pure Non-dualism) school of
Vedanta thought.
Shaivism
The most well-known devotees are the Nayanars from southern India. The
most popular Shaiva teacher of the south was Basava, while of the
north it was Gorakhnath.
Female saints include figures like Akkamadevi, Lalleshvari and Molla.
Recent groups
The largest religious gathering ever held on Earth, the 2001 Maha
Kumbh Mela held in Prayag attracted around 70 million Hindus from
around the world.Main articles: Religion in India, Hindu reform
movements, Hindutva, and Communalism (South Asia)
The modern era has given rise to dozens of Hindu saints with
international influence. For example, Brahma Baba established the
Brahma Kumaris, one of the largest new Hindu religious movements
teaches the discipline of Raja Yoga to millions. Representing
traditional Gaudiya Vaishnavism, Prabhupada founded the Hare Krishna
movement, also international with many followers. In late 18th century
India, Swaminarayan founded the Swaminarayan Sampraday. Anandamurti,
founder of the Ananda Marga, has influenced many worldwide. Through
all these new Hindu denominations traveling international, many Hindu
practices such as yoga, meditation, mantra, divination, vegetarianism
have become absorbed by new coverts and others influenced.
Sikhism
Harmandir Sahib or The Golden Temple of the Sikhs.Main article:
Sikhism
See also: History of Sikhism, Sikhism and Jainism, Sikhism and
Hinduism, and Sikhism in India
Sikhism originated in fifteenth century Northern India with the
teachings of Nanak and nine successive gurus. The principal belief in
Sikhism is faith in Vāhigurū— represented by the sacred symbol of ēk
ōaṅkār [meaning one god]. Sikhism's traditions and teachings are
distinctly associated with the history, society and culture of the
Punjab. Adherents of Sikhism are known as Sikhs (students or
disciples) and number over 23 million across the world.
Although it began as a relatively neutral faith system that proposed
to include the best practices of Hinduism and Islam, over time its
Gurus led followers in various rebellions and battles against the
Islamic Mughal rulers of the time, most notably against Aurangzeb.
Status in the Republic of India
Main article: Religion in India
See also: Legal Status of Jainism as a Distinct Religion
In a judicial reminder, the Indian Supreme Court observed Sikhism and
Jainism to be sub-sects or special faiths within the larger Hindu fold,
[43]
and that Jainism is a denomination within the Hindu fold.[44]
Although the government of British India counted Jains in India as a
major religious community right from the first Census conducted in
1873, after independence in 1947 Sikhs and Jains were not treated as
national minorities.[45]
In 2005 the Supreme Court of India declined to issue a writ of
Mandamus granting Jains the status of a religious minority throughout
India. The Court however left it to the respective states to decide on
the minority status of Jain religion.[46][47]
However, some individual states have over the past few decades
differed on whether Jains, Buddhists and Sikhs are religious
minorities or not, by either pronouncing judgments or passing
legislation. One example is the judgment passed by the Supreme Court
in 2006, in a case pertaining to the state of Uttar Pradesh, which
declared Jainism to be undisputably distinct from Hinduism, but
mentioned that, "The question as to whether the Jains are part of the
Hindu religion is open to debate.[48]
However, the Supreme Court also noted various court cases that have
held Jainism to be a distinct religion.
Another example is the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Bill, that is an
amendment to a legislation that sought to define Jains and Buddhists
as denominations within Hinduism.[49]
Ultimately on July 31, 2007, finding it not in conformity with the
concept of freedom of religion as embodied in Article 25 (1) of the
Constitution, Governor Naval Kishore Sharma returned back the Gujarat
Freedom of Religion (Amendment) Bill, 2006 citing the widespread
protests by the Jains[50]
as well as Supreme Court's extrajudicial observation that Jainism is a
"special religion formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu
religion by the Supreme Court"[51]
See also
Indian philosophy
History of Yoga
Religion in India
Religious thinkers of India
Ayyavazhi and Hinduism
Buddhism and Jainism
Indology
Notes
^ Adams, C. J., Classification of religions: Geographical,
Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2007. Accessed: September 5, 2007
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/497215/classification-of-religions
^ Indiana University "India Studies Program" Passage to India, Module
http://www.indiana.edu/~isp/cd_rom/mod_10/mod_10_x.htm
11. "Upanishads came to be composed already in the ninth and eighth
century B.C.E. and continued to be composed well into the first
centuries of the Common Era. The Brahmanas and Aranyakas are somewhat
older, reaching back to the eleventh and even twelfth century B.C.E."
^ [1] Paul Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanishads, Pg. 51. "these
treatises are not the work of a single genius, but the total
philosophical product of an entire epoch which extends [from]
approximately 1000 or 800 BC, to c.500 BC, but which is prolonged in
its offshoots far beyond this last limit of time."
^ Harry Oldmeadow (2007) Light from the East: Eastern Wisdom for the
Modern West, World Wisdom, Inc. ISBN 1933316225 – "Over time, apparent
misunderstandings have arisen over the origins of Jainism and
relationship with its sister religions of Hinduism and Buddhism. There
has been an ongoing debate between Jainism and Vedic Hinduism as to
which revelation preceded the other. What is historically known is
that there was a tradition along with Vedic Hinduism known as Sramana
Dharma. Essentially, the sramana tradition included it its fold, the
Jain and Buddhist traditions, which disagreed with the eternality of
the Vedas, the needs for ritual sacrifices and the supremacy of the
Brahmins." Page 141
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harry_Oldmeadow
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Wisdom
^ Indiana University, Module 9, "Passage to India" One is left largely
with scholarly guesses, but it is intriguing to entertain the
possibility that traditions of ritual bathing, some sort of tradition
of meditation or Yoga, possible proto-types of Shiva and a mother
goddess, and a cult of sacred animals, all of which are prominent
features in later Hindu traditions, may indeed be traceable ultimately
all the way back to the third millenium B.C.E., and possibly earlier
to the Baluchistan and Sind village cultures that go back to time
immemorial.
http://www.indiana.edu/~isp/cd_rom/mod_09/mod_09.htm
^ Indiana University "India Studies Program", Module 6 The passage to
India: "As mentioned earlier in our brief summary of the religions of
India, the Jain tradition is one of the oldest traditions in India and
may go back as far as Indus Valley times, that is, to the second
millenium Before the Common Era (2000-1500 BCE), although the precise
origins of the tradition are not yet fully known"
http://www.indiana.edu/~isp/cd_rom/mod_06/mod_06.htm
^ "Major Religions of the World Ranked by Number of Adherents".
Adherents.com.
http://www.adherents.com/Religions_By_Adherents.html. Retrieved
2007-07-10.
^ Adherents.com. "Religions by adherents" (PHP).
http://www.adherents.com/misc/rel_by_adh_CSM.html. Retrieved
2007-02-09.
^ Frawley, David. From the River of Heaven: Hindu and Vedic Knowledge
for the Modern Age. Pg 27. Berkeley, California: Book Passage Press,
1990. ISBN 1878423010.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Frawley
^ Encarta encyclopedia [2]"Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism share with
Hinduism the concept of dharma along with other key concepts, and the
four religions may be said to belong to the dharmic tradition.".
Archived 2009-10-31.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Encarta
^ Westerlund, David Questioning the Secular State: The Worldwide
Resurgence of Religion in Politics page 16 "may provide some
possibilities for co-operation with Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists, who
like Hindus are regarded as adherents of ‘dharmic' religions."
^ c.f. Encyclopedia Britannica, s.v. "Jainism > Jainism, Hinduism, and
Buddhism"
^ "yogascittavrttinirodhah" Sutra 1 of Patanjali's Yogadarshana
^ Pollock, P. 661 Literary Cultures in History:
^ Heehs 2002, p. 39.
^ "Ancient Indians made 'rock music'". BBC News. 19 March 2004.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/3520384.stm. Retrieved
2007-08-07.
^ Fowler 1997, p. 90.
^ Sharri R. Clark, The social lives of figurines : recontextualizing
the third millennium BC terracotta figurines from Harappa, Pakistan.
PhD dissertation, Harvard 2007
^ “This confirms that the doctrine of transmigration is non-aryan and
was accepted by non-vedics like Ajivikism, Jainism and Buddhism. The
Indo-aryans have borrowed the theory of re-birth after coming in
contact with the aboriginal inhabitants of India. Certainly Jainism
and non-vedics [..] accepted the doctrine of rebirth as supreme
postulate or article of faith.” Masih, page 37.
^ S. Cromwell Crawford, review of L. M. Joshi, Brahmanism, Buddhism
and Hinduism, Philosophy East and West (1972): "Alongside Brahmanism
was the non-Aryan Shramanic culture with its roots going back to
prehistoric times."
^ Y. Masih (2000) In : A Comparative Study of Religions, Motilal
Banarsidass Publ : Delhi, ISBN 8120808150 Page 18. "There is no
evidence to show that Jainism and Buddhism ever subscribed to vedic
sacrifices, vedic deities or caste. They are parallel or native
religions of India and have contributed to much to the growth of even
classical Hinduism of the present times."
^ Dr. Kalghatgi, T. G. 1988 In: Study of Jainism, Prakrit Bharti
Academy, Jaipur
^ P.S. Jaini, (1979), The Jaina Path to Purification, Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi, p. 169 "Jainas themselves have no memory of a time
when they fell within the Vedic fold. Any theory that attempts to link
the two traditions, moreover fails to appreciate rather distinctive
and very non-vedic character of Jaina cosmology, soul theory, karmic
doctrine and atheism"
^ S. Cromwell Crawford, review of L. M. Joshi, Brahmanism, Buddhism
and Hinduism, Philosophy East and West (1972): "Alongside Brahmanism
was the non-Aryan Shramanic culture with its roots going back to
prehistoric times."
^ Karel Werner, The Longhaired Sage in The Yogi and the Mystic. Karel
Werner, ed., Curzon Press, 1989, page 34. "Rahurkar speaks of them as
belonging to two distinct 'cultural strands' ... Wayman also found
evidence for two distinct approaches to the spiritual dimension in
ancient India and calls them the traditions of 'truth and silence.' He
traces them particularly in the older Upanishads, in early Buddhism,
and in some later literature."
^ Gavin D. Flood (1996), An Introduction to Hinduism, Cambridge
University - Press : UK ISBN 0521438780 - “The origin and doctrine of
Karma and Samsara are obscure. These concepts were certainly
circulating amongst sramanas, and Jainism and Buddhism developed
specific and sophisticated ideas about the process of transmigration.
It is very possible that the karmas and reincarnation entered the
mainstream brahaminical thought from the sramana or the renouncer
traditions.” Page 86.
^ Padmanabh S. Jaini 2001 “Collected Paper on Buddhist Studies”
Motilal Banarsidass Publ 576 pages ISBN 8120817761: "Yajnavalkya’s
reluctance and manner in expounding the doctrine of karma in the
assembly of Janaka (a reluctance not shown on any other occasion) can
perhaps be explained by the assumption that it was, like that of the
transmigration of soul, of non-brahmanical origin. In view of the fact
that this doctrine is emblazoned on almost every page of sramana
scriptures, it is highly probable that it was derived from them." Page
51.
^ Govind Chandra Pande, (1994) Life and Thought of Sankaracarya,
Motilal Banarsidass ISBN 8120811046 : Early Upanishad thinkers like
Yajnavalkya were acquainted with the sramanic thinking and tried to
incorporate these ideals of Karma, Samsara and Moksa into the vedic
thought implying a disparagement of the vedic ritualism and
recognising the mendicancy as an ideal. Page 135.
^ A History of Yoga By Vivian Worthington 1982 Routledge ISBN
071009258X - "The Upanishads were like a breath of fresh air blowing
through the stuffy corridors of power of the vedic brahminism. They
were noticed by the Brahmin establishment because the yogis did not
owe allegiance to any established religion or mode of thought.. So
although, the Upanishads came to be noticed by Brahmin establishment,
they were very largely saying what may well have been current among
other sramanic groups at that time. It can be said that this atheistic
doctrine was evidently very acceptable to the authors of Upanishads,
who made use of many of its concepts." Page 27.
^ A History of Yoga By Vivian Worthington 1982 Routledge ISBN
071009258X: "The idea of re-incarnation, so central to the older
sramanic creeds is still new to many people throughout the world. The
Aryans of the Vedic age knew nothing of it. When the Brahmins began to
accept it, they declared it as a secret doctrine. […] It will be seen
from this short account of Jains, that they had fully developed the
ideas of karma and reincarnation very early in history. The earliest
Upanishads were probably strongly influenced by their teachings.
Jainism the religion, Samkhya the philosophy and yoga the way to self
discipline and enlightenment dominated the spiritual life of Indian
during the Dravidian times. They were to be overshadowed for over
thousand years by the lower form of religion that was foisted on the
local inhabitants by the invading Aryans, but in the end it was
Sramanic disciplines that triumphed. They did so by surviving in their
own right and by their ideas being fully adopted by the Brahmins who
steadily modified their own vedic religion." Page 35.
^ The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward Joseph Thomas
^ P. 93 World Religions By Jeffrey Brodd, Gregory Sobolewski
^ P. 66 Historical researches on the origin and principles of the
Bauddha and Jaina religions: embracing the leading tenets of their
system, as found prevailing in various countries; illustrated by
descriptive accounts of the sculptures in the caves of western India,
with translations of the inscriptions ... which indicate their
connexion with the coins and topes of the Panjab and Afghanistan.by
James Bird
^ Heehs 2002, p. 106.
^ Radhakrishnan & Moore 1967, p. xviii–xxi.
^ Radhakrishnan & Moore 1967, p. 227–249.
^ Chatterjee & Datta 1984, p. 55.
^ "The rise of Buddhism and Jainism". Religion and Ethics—Hinduism:
Other religious influences. BBC. 26 July 2004.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/hinduism/history/history_2.shtml.
Retrieved 2007-04-21.
^ Durga Prasad, P. 116, History of the Andhras upto 1565 A. D.
^ January 2008, VOL. 213, #1
^ Ramaswamy, P. 204 Walking Naked
^ Ramaswamy, P. 210 Walking Naked
^ Supreme Court observation, Bal Patil vs. Union of India, Dec 2005 In
various codified customary laws like Hindu Marriage Act, Hindu
Succession Act, Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act and other laws of
pre and post- Constitution period, the definition of 'Hindu' included
all sects and sub-sects of Hindu religions including Sikhs and Jains
^ Supreme court of India, in the judgement of Bal Patil vs. Union of
India, Dec. 2005. The Supreme Court observed in a judgment pertaining
to case of Bal Patil vs. Union of India: "Thus, 'Hinduism' can be
called a general religion and common faith of India whereas 'Jainism'
is a special religion formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu
religion. Jainism places greater emphasis on non-violence ('Ahimsa')
and compassion ('Karuna'). Their only difference from Hindus is that
Jains do not believe in any creator like God but worship only the
perfect human-being whom they called Tirathankar."
^ [Supreme Court observation, Bal Patil vs. Union of India, December
2005
http://www.judis.nic.in/supremecourt/qrydisp.asp?tfnm=27098]
The so-called minority communities like Sikhs and Jains were not
treated as national minorities at the time of framing the
Constitution.
^ Syed Shahabuddin. "Minority rights are indivisible". The Tribune.
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2005/20051125/edit.htm#4.
^ Supreme court of India, in the judgement of Bal Patil vs. Union of
India, Dec. 2005. In an extra-judicial observation not forming part of
the judgment the court observed :"Thus, 'Hinduism' can be called a
general religion and common faith of India whereas 'Jainism' is a
special religion formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu
religion. Jainism places greater emphasis on non-violence ('Ahimsa')
and compassion ('Karuna'). Their only difference from Hindus is that
Jains do not believe in any creator like God but worship only the
perfect human-being whom they called Tirathankar."
^ (para 25, Committee of Management Kanya Junior High School Bal Vidya
Mandir, Etah, U.P. v. Sachiv, U.P. Basic Shiksha Parishad, Allahabad,
U.P. and Ors., Per Dalveer Bhandari J., Civil Appeal No. 9595 of 2003,
decided On: 21.08.2006, Supreme Court of India) [3]
^ Gujarat Freedom of religions Act, 2003
^ "Religious freedom Bill returned". The Indian Express. 2007-07-31.
http://www.indianexpress.com/story/207905.html. Retrieved 2007-09-15.
^ The Times of India, 11 Mar, 2008 In his letter dated July 27, 2007
he had said Jainism has been regarded as "special religion formed on
the basis of quintessence of Hindu religion by the Supreme Court".
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Gujarat_govt_revokes_conversion_amendment/articleshow/2853456.cms
References
Chatterjee, S; Datta, D (1984), An Introduction to Indian Philosophy
(8th ed.), University of Calcutta, ASIN: B0007BFXK4
Fowler, JD (1997), Hinduism: Beliefs and Practices, Sussex Academic
Press, ISBN 1-898-72360-5,
http://books.google.com/books?id=RmGKHu20hA0C
Heehs, P (2002), Indian Religions: A Historical Reader of Spiritual
Expression and Experience, New York: New York University Press, ISBN
0-814-73650-5
Oberlies, T (1998), Die Religion des Rgveda, Wien
Radhakrishnan, S; Moore, CA (1967), A Sourcebook in Indian Philosophy,
Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-01958-4
Rinehart, R (2004), Contemporary Hinduism: Ritual, Culture, and
Practice, ABC-Clio, ISBN 1-57607-905-8
External links
Statistics
"Census of India 2001: Data on religion". Government of India (Office
of the Registrar General).
http://www.censusindia.gov.in/. Retrieved 2007-05-28.
Constitution and law
"Constitution of India". Government of India (Ministry of Law and
Justice).
http://indiacode.nic.in/coiweb/welcome.html. Retrieved 2007-05-28.
Reports
"International Religious Freedom Report 2006: India". United States
Department of State.
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/71440.htm.
Retrieved 2007-05-28.
Categories:
Indian religions |
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Indian_religions
Religion in India |
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Religion_in_India
Religious comparison
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Religious_comparison
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_religions
Aboriginal Spirituality
A resource on aboriginal spirituality
Aboriginal Spirituality
Spirituality for Indigenous Australians takes many forms. Some
Indigenous Australians share the religious beliefs and values of
religions introduced into Australia from other cultures around the
world, particularly Europe. But for most people religious beliefs are
derived from a sense of belonging-to the land, to the sea, to other
people, to one's culture.
Aboriginal spirituality mainly derives from the stories of the
Dreaming.
We recommend this article: Aboriginal Spirituality - 1, and also this:
Aboriginal Spirituality - 2.
Aboriginal Spirituality
Aboriginal Wisdom
Collin Fischer (CJ), aboriginal wisdom keeper and medicine man will
share the wisdom of his aboriginal ancestors.
Aborigine
A word Usually referring to the original inhabitants of Australia
(also called "Abos"}They are a shamanic people who have lived in
Australia for over 10,000 years. Their term for the astral world is
"The Dream Time". Ayers Rock. an unusual rock outcrop in central
Australia, is regarded as a vortex, and is regarded as sacred by the
aborigines.
Aboriginal Spirituality: Mandala as Symbol of the Universe Mandala,
which literally means circle, largely associated with religions and
cults of India and Tibet, was also used as a potent symbol by the
American Indians, the original inhabitants of Central America, and by
the aborigines of Australia.
Across cultures, the universe is represented as a series of concentric
circles, maybe as a model of the solar system. In Tantra, the central
point represents Mount Meru around which the earth is situated, and
the concentric circles represent the cosmic aspects of the universe,
like energy fields and atmospheric zones. In Hindu and Buddhist
interpretations, the centre of the Mandala is the ultimate divine
principle uniting the object and the subject as they spin out of the
centre. This may refer to the cosmos or to the human body.
Aboriginal Spirituality: Encyclopedia II - Australian Aboriginal art -
Religious and cultural aspects of Aboriginal art
Traditional Aboriginal art almost always has a mythological undertone
relating to the Dreamtime of Australian Aborigines. It originated
around 500 years ago. Many modern purists will say if it doesn't
contain the spirituality of aborigines, it is not true aboriginal art.
Wenten Rubuntja, an Aboriginal landscape artist says it's hard to find
any art that is devoid of spiritual meaning; "Doesn't matter what sort
of painting we do in this country, it still belongs to the people, all
the people. This is worship, work, culture. It's all Dr ...
See also:
Australian Aboriginal art, Australian Aboriginal art - Aboriginal
painting, Australian Aboriginal art - Bark painting, Australian
Aboriginal art - Carvings and sculpture, Australian Aboriginal art -
Other art, Australian Aboriginal art - Religious and cultural aspects
of Aboriginal art, Australian Aboriginal art - Graffiti and other
destructive influences, Australian Aboriginal art - Modern Aboriginal
Artists, Australian Aboriginal art - List of contemporary Aboriginal
artists, Australian Aboriginal art - Famous sites of Aboriginal art
Ayers Rock
A large sandstone outcropping that rises from the desert in central
Australia.
It is the most sacred site of the Aborigines and is place of
pilgrimage from all over the globe. In aborigine myth it is said that
there was a great battle here (perhaps the War in Heaven of
Revelations) in which creation was thrown out of Dreamtime (the Astral
World) and began to live in the material world.
Aboriginal Spirituality: Encyclopedia II - Corrientes - History
In 1516, Juan Díaz de Solís commanded the first expedition to reach
the area populated mainly by Guaraní aboriginals, but his expedition
was attacked and Solís perished in the adventure. Sebastián Gaboto
established in 1527 the Sancti Spiritu fort upstream of the Paraná
River, and in 1536 Pedro de Mendoza reached further north into the
basin of the river, searching for the Sierras of Silver. Juan Torres
de Vera y Aragón founded on April 3, 1588 San Juan de Vera de las
Siete Corrientes ("Saint John of ...
Aboriginal Spirituality: Encyclopedia II - Santa Fe Province - History
The aboriginal tribes who inhabited this region were the Tobas,
Timbúes, Mocovíes, Pilagás, Guaycurúes and Guaraníes. They were
nomadic, lived from hunting, fishing and fruit recollection. The first
European settlement was established in 1527, at the confluence of the
Paraná and Carcarañá rivers, when Sebastián Gaboto, on his way to the
north, founded a fort named Sancti Spiritu, which was destroyed two
years later by the natives. In 1573 Juan de Garay founded the city of
Santa Fe in the surroundings of present town Cayastá, but the city was
moved bo ...
Aboriginal Spirituality: Encyclopedia II - Bahá'í Faith and Education
- Type of education
The type of education that is written about in the Bahá'í writings
does not point to one type of education. There are many conceptions
about what constitutes education, and what subjects should be taught.
For example, aboriginal people who followed a tradiional subsistence
lifestyle were considered by many as uneducated, although they had a
stock of knowledge required to function in those societies. On the
other hand, if absolutely any form of education would fulfill the
requirement — as anthropologists assure us that every culture
"educates" ...
See also:
Bahá'í Faith and Education, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Purpose,
Bahá'í Faith and Education - Type of education, Bahá'í Faith and
Education - Moral and spiritual education, Bahá'í Faith and Education
- A Useful trade or profession, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Literacy,
Bahá'í Faith and Education - Languages, Bahá'í Faith and Education -
Other subjects, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Pedagogical issues,
Bahá'í Faith and Education - Responsibility, Bahá'í Faith and
Education - Environmental factors, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Bahá'í
education in practice, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Ruhi sequence of
courses, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Core curriculum, Bahá'í Faith
and Education - Fundamental verities, Bahá'í Faith and Education -
Mashriqu'l-Adhkár, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Social and economic
development, Bahá'í Faith and Education - Praise for teachers
Aboriginal Spirituality: Spiritual Theosophical Dictionary on
Dravidians
Dravidians. A group of tribes inhabiting Southern India; the
aborigines.
Aboriginal Dreaming
An English expression adopted by Australian Aborigines to convey ideas
that, though related in their thought, are not usually denoted by a
single word in any of their languages.
One sense is that of a primordial epoch, the Dreaming or Dreamtime,
when beings with remarkable powers arose from the ground, descended
from the sky, or appeared from over the horizon. They gave the earth
its shape by creating physical features (often from parts of their own
bodies), fixed life in species form, established human culture, and
gave everything its name.
These creative beings, who in their totality are the ultimate
explanation of all things, are themselves called Dreamings (roughly
equivalent to the anthropological term totems).
Their significance to the Aborigines is not merely historical but
personal and social, for each individual and group gains a distinctive
identity through its association with one or more Dreamings. In many
regions it is held that such beings reincarnate themselves as humans,
or that they left relics behind that, to this day, are sufficiently
potent to impregnate women.
This sense of oneness, in which past and present, spirit being and
human being, are somehow fused, is also seen in ceremonies in which
the actors wear designs and make movements symbolic or mimetic of what
the Dreamings did in the Dreamtime. By extension, from these two
senses of Dreaming, the Aborigines form other expressions, such as
Dreaming-place (a site at which a Dreaming was active and left
something of itself) and Dreaming-track (an imagined path along which
a Dreaming traveled from place to place in the primordial epoch).
Contrary to what is sometimes suggested, the term has no necessary
connection with the verb to dream, even though present-day revelations
to humans by Dreamings normally occur while the recipient is in a
dream or trance state.
See Astral World.
Sun - Moon
Sun
(1) The sun may be a symbol of the self (i.e. your true and total
self), or of the conscious ego.
(2) It may symbolize intelligence, as distinct from intuition.
Moon
From prehistoric times the moon has been regarded as the source of all
fertility. It governs ocean tides and rainfall, menstruation and
birth. (Even when seen as male, the moon has been associated with
fertility: for example, in Australian aboriginal tradition, the moon
makes women pregnant.) It therefore symbolizes (the possibility of)
personal growth.
Sun, Moon, Intelligence, Intuition, Conscious ego, Fertility, Ocean
tides, Rainfall, Menstruation, Birth, Aboriginal tradition, Aboriginal
spirituality, Pregnant, Pregnancy, Personal growth
Aboriginal Spirituality: Alternative Health Dictionary on Didgeridoo
vibrational healing
didgeridoo vibrational healing: Group of techniques, of Australian
aboriginal origin, promoted by the Emerging Light Center of Queens, in
New York City. It helps to remove blocks. Its theory posits spiritual
centers and a personal spiritual being with a reachable core.
A didgeridoo (also spelled didjeridu) is a hornlike wind instrument,
generally three feet long, of hollowed, petrified eucalyptus bark.
Aborigines use it to produce a sound that effects healing on an
energetic or spiritual level. This sound expands one's aura.
Aboriginal Spirituality: Spiritual Theosophical Dictionary on Bhons
Bhons (Tibet, Tibetan). The followers of the old religion of the
Aborigines of Tibet; of pre-buddhistic temples and ritualism; the same
as Dugpas, "red caps", though the latter appellation usually applies
only to sorcerers.
Quetzo-Cohuatl (Mex.). The serpent-god in the Mexican Scriptures and
legends. His wand and other "land-marks" show him to be some great
Initiate of antiquity, who received the name of "Serpent" on account
of his wisdom, long life and powers. To this day the aboriginal tribes
of Mexico call themselves by the names of various reptiles, animals
and birds.
Aboriginal Spirituality: Spiritual Theosophical Dictionary on Ulupi
Ulupi (Sanskrit). A daughter of Kauravya, King of the Nagas in Patala
(the nether world, or more correctly, the Antipodes, America).
Exoterically, she was the daughter of a king or chief of an aboriginal
tribe of the Nagas, or Nagals (ancient adepts) in pre-historic America
- Mexico most likely, or Uruguay.
She was married to Arjuna, the disciple of Krishna, whom every
tradition, oral and written, shows travelling five thousand years ago
to Patala (the Antipodes). The Puranic tale is based on a historical
fact. Moreover, Ulupi, as a name, has a Mexican ring in it, like "
Atlan ", " Aclo ", etc.
Aboriginal Spirituality: Spiritual Theosophical Dictionary on
Tassissudun
Tassissudun (Tibet, Tibetan). Lit., "the holy city of the doctrine"
inhabited, nevertheless, by more Dugpas than Saints.
It is the residential capital in Bhutan of the ecclesiastical Head of
the Bhons - the Dharma Raja. The latter, though professedly a Northern
Buddhist, is simply a worshipper of the old demon-gods of the
aborigines, the nature-sprites or elementals, worshipped in the land
before the introduction of Buddhism.
All strangers are prevented from penetrating into Eastern or Great
Tibet, and the few scholars who venture on their travels into those
forbidden regions, are permitted to penetrate no further than the
border-lands of the land of Bod.
They journey about Bhutan, Sikkhim, and elsewhere on the frontiers of
the country, but can learn or know nothing of true Tibet; hence,
nothing of the true Northern Buddhism or Lamaism of Tsong-kha-pa. And
yet, while describing no more than the rites and beliefs of the Bhons
and the travelling Shamans, they assure the world they are giving it
the pure Northern Buddhism, and comment on its great fall from its
pristine purity.
Uragas (Sanskrit). The Nagas (serpents) dwelling in Patala the nether
world or hell, in popular thought ; the Adepts, High Priests and
Initiates of Central and South America, known to the ancient Aryans;
where Arjuna wedded the daughter of the king of the Nagas - Ulupi.
Nagalism or Naga-worship prevails to this day in Cuba and Hayti, and
Voodooism, the chief branch of the former, has found its way into New
Orleans.
In Mexico the chief "sorcerers ", the " medicine men ", are called
Nagals to this day; just as thousands of years ago the Chaldean and
Assyrian High Priests were called Nargals, they being chiefs of the
Magi (Rab.Mag), the office held at one time by the prophet Daniel. The
word Naga, " wise serpent ", has become universal, because it is one
of the few words that have survived the wreck of the first universal
language. In South as well as in Central and North America, the
aborigines use the word, from Behring Straits down to Uruguay, where
it means a "chief", a "teacher and a " serpent ".
The very word Uraga may have reached India and been adopted through
its connection, in prehistoric times, with South America and Uruguay
itself, for the name belongs to the American Indian vernacular. The
origin of the Uragas, for all that the Orientalists know, may have
been in Uruguai, as there are legends about them which locate their
ancestors the Nagas in Patala, the antipodes, or America.
Aboriginal Spirituality: Spiritual - Theosophy Dictionary on Sanskrit
Sanskrit [from Sanskrit sanskrita or samskrita]
The ancient sacred language of the Aryans, originally the sacred or
secret language of the initiates of the fifth root-race. The Sanskrit
language possesses voluminous and valuable works in prose and in
verse, some of which, like the Vedas, date back, in the opinion of
certain scholars, to the years 30,000 BC or even far beyond. Almost
every phase of philosophic thought, expressed and studied in the West,
is represented in one form or another in ancient Hindu literature.
Besides this, these old Sanskrit writings are replete with recondite
subjects dealing with the wondrous potentialities of the human spirit
and mind, the building and destruction of worlds and universes, etc.
The Sanskrit language, derives from one of the earliest of the Aryan
tongues, a lineal descendant of an Atlantean progenitor.
"In ancient times in India, and in the homeland of the Aryans before
they reached India by way of Central Asia, this very early Aryan
speech was used not only by the Aryan populace, but in the sanctuaries
of the Temples was taken in hand and developed or composed or builded
to be a far finer vehicle for expressing abstract religious and
philosophic conceptions and thoughts. This tongue thus composed or
developed by initiates of the Aryan stock, because of this formative
work upon it was finally given the name Sanskrita, signifying an
original natural language which had become perfected by initiates for
the purpose of expressing far more subtle and profound distinctions
than ordinary people would ever find needful. So great was the
admiration in which the Sanskrit language thus perfected was held,
that it was commonly said of it that it was the work of the Gods,
because it had thus become capable of expressing godlike thoughts:
profound spiritual subtleties and philosophical distinctions. Thus it
was that Sanskrit is really the mystery-language of the initiates of
the Aryan race; as the Senzar of very similar history was the mystery-
language of the later Atlanteans; and is still used as the noblest
mystery-language by the Mahatmas.
"Sanskrit was not known as a spoken tongue to the Atlanteans in their
prime, but in the degenerate or later times of Atlantis, when the
earliest Aryans already had appeared on the scene of history, this
early Aryan speech above alluded to, was already in existence; and the
Aryan initiates were then in the course of perfecting it as their
temple-language or mystery-tongue . . . Thus Sanskrit was not spoken
among the Atlanteans, nor can it therefore be called an Atlantean
language; although its verbal roots of course go back to earliest
Atlantean times, but only its verbal roots" -- G. de Purucker
"The Vedas, Brahmanism, and along with these, Sanskrit, were
importations into what we now regard as India. They were never
indigenous to its soil. There was a time when the ancient nations of
the West included under the generic name of India many of the
countries of Asia now classified under other names. There was an
Upper, a Lower, and a Western India, even during the comparatively
late period of Alexander; and Persia (Iran) is called Western India in
some ancient classics. The countries now named Tibet, Mongolia, and
Great Tartary were considered by them as forming part of India. When
we say, therefore, that India has civilized the world, and was the
Alma Mater of the civilizations, arts, and sciences of all other
nations (Babylonia, and perhaps even Egypt, included) we mean archaic,
pre-historic India, India of the time when the great Gobi was a sea,
and the lost 'Atlantis' formed part of an unbroken continent which
began at the Himalayas and ran down over Southern India, Ceylon, and
Java, to far-away Tasmania" (Five Years of Theosophy 179).
Blavatsky states that Sanskrit has never been known nor spoken in its
true systematized form except by the initiated Brahmins. This form of
Sanskrit was called -- as well as by other names -- Vach, the mystic
speech, which resides in the sounds of the mantra. "The chanting of a
Mantra is not a prayer, but rather a magical sentence in which the law
of Occult causation connects itself with, and depends on, the will and
acts of its singer. It is a succession of Sanskrit sounds, and when
its strings of words and sentences is pronounced according to the
magical formulae in the Atharva Veda, but understood by the few, some
Mantras produce an instantaneous and very wonderful effect" (BCW
14:428n). This Vach, or the mystic self of Sanskrit, was the
sacerdotal speech of the initiated Brahmins and was studied by
initiates from all over the world.
"It is admitted that, however inferior to the classical Sanskrit of
Panini, the language of the oldest portions of Rig Veda,
notwithstanding the antiquity of its grammatical forms, is the same as
that of the latest texts. Every one sees -- cannot fail to See and to
know -- that for a language so old and so perfect as the Sanskrit to
have survived alone, among all languages, it must have had its cycles
of perfection and its cycles of degeneration. And, if one had any
intuition, he might have seen that what they call a 'dead language'
being an anomaly, a useless thing in Nature, it would not have
survived, even as a 'dead' tongue, had it not its special purpose in
the reign of immutable cyclic laws; and that Sanskrit, which came to
be nearly lost to the world, is now slowly spreading in Europe, and
will one day have the extension it had thousands upon thousands of
years back -- that of a universal language. The same as to the Greek
and the Latin: there will be a time when the Greek of Aeschylus (and
more perfect still in its future form) will be spoken by all in
Southern Europe, while Sanskrit will be resting in its periodical
pralaya; and the Attic will be followed later by the Latin of Virgil.
Something ought to have whispered to us that there was also a time --
before the original Aryan settlers among the Dravidian and other
aborigines, admitted within the fold of Brahmanical initiation, marred
the purity of the sacred Sanskrita Bhasha -- when Sanskrit was spoken
in all its unalloyed subsequent purity, and therefore must have had
more than once its rise and fall. The reason for it is simply this:
classical Sanskrit was only restored, if in some things perfected, by
Panin. Panini, Katyayana, or Patanjali did not create it; it has
existed throughout cycles, and will pass through other cycles
still" (Five Years of Theosophy 419-20).
Aboriginal Spirituality
Spirituality for Indigenous Australians takes many forms. Some
Indigenous Australians share the religious beliefs and values of
religions introduced into Australia from other cultures around the
world, particularly Europe. But for most people religious beliefs are
derived from a sense of belonging-to the land, to the sea, to other
people, to one's culture.
Aboriginal spirituality mainly derives from the stories of the
Dreaming.
We recommend this article: Aboriginal Spirituality -
1, and also this: Aboriginal Spirituality -
2. Aboriginal wisdom,
Aboriginals,
Shaman,
Healer,
Native spirituality,
Australia
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chhotemianinshallah
NDTV Correspondent, Friday March 19, 2010, New Delhi
Having to contend with both silent sulks and open attack from within
his party, BJP's new president Nitin Gadkari has stoutly defended his
choice of people for his new team of office-bearers.
On the controversial inclusion as Secretary of Varun Gandhi, a man the
party had in the past sought to distance itself from after his hate
speeches, Gadkari said exclusively to NDTV: "Varun Gandhi should be
given a chance, why hold the past against him?"
Gadkari also made clear that, "Those who have complaints about the new
team should speak to me, not the media," a barb at partymen like actor
Shatrughan Sinha, who had criticised the new president for leaving out
"the most deserving people". (Read: Shatrughan slams Gadkari)
The actor had particularly talked about the exclusion from the team of
veteran Yashwant Sinha, saying the team was constituted without
consulting "people who matter like my friend and leader of opposition
Sushma Swaraj and some other top leaders".
Gadkari countered the charges by saying: "It's wrong to say that
Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie were excluded because they are Advani
detractors... It's not possible to include everyone on the team."
The BJP chief, who was reported scrambling for approval from the RSS
for his list of office-bearers hours before he announced the names,
however, maintained that there was no pressure from the RSS on team
selection.
He also sought to clear the air on the inclusion of a number of
celebrities as senior office-bearers by saying, "The celebrities we
included are also committed party workers, they are not just
celebrities." Getting in people like Hema Malini as Vice President and
Navjyot Singh Sindhu and Smriti Irani as Secretaries is seen by many
as a move by Gadkari to use known faces strategically in his bid to
revive and re-popularise the BJP. The Sangh's choice of workers is not
personality-based.
In the broad-based interview, Gadkari talked about the summons to
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi from the Supreme Court-appointed
Special Investigation Team (SIT) looking into 2002 Gujarat riots
cases. "Modi is a big leader of our party, the SIT summons make no
difference", Gadkari said.
Talking exclusively to NDTV in Mumbai, Gadkari also commented on the
issue of partners Shiv Sena targeting non-Maharashtrians in the city.
"We believe Mumbai is for all Indians, but just because we have some
differences with the Shiv Sena, doesn't mean it will impact our
alliance," he said.
Nitin Gadkari's new team for BJP
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/nitin-gadkaris-new-team-for-bjp-17797.php
Gadkari sheds kilos for a lean makeover
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/nitin-gadkari-in-youngistan-17791.php
Gadkari, RSS differ over his new team
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/gadkari-rss-differ-over-his-new-team-17787.php
Gadkari's new team: Comeback for Varun, Raje?
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/gadkaris-new-team-comeback-for-varun-raje-17713.php
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/give-varun-gandhi-a-chance-gadkari-18105.php
Shatrughan slams Gadkari's team, says 'new wine in old bottle'
18 Mar 2010, 2122 hrs IST, PTI
MUMBAI: Upset over being ignored by BJP president Nitin Gadkari, actor-
turned-MP Shatrughan Sinha on Thursday became the first party leader
to
publicly criticise the composition of the new team of office bearers,
saying it was "new wine in old bottle".
While there have been reports of unease among some leaders, Sinha was
forthcoming in an interview claiming some of the "most deserving"
people have been left out in the much-awaited team announced on
Tuesday.
The 'Bihari Babu' dubbed Gadkari's team, touted by the party as an
effective blend of youth, experience and women, as "new wine in old
bottle and, if we include bodies like the party's parliamentary board,
old wine in old bottle".
Without naming anyone, he said some of those inducted could have been
avoided.
For the record, Sinha refuted suggestions that he was a contender for
any post. He felt that senior leader and former union minister
Yashwant Sinha should have been included with an eye on Bihar assembly
elections due in October this year.
Yashwant Sinha, a former leader of opposition in the Bihar assembly,
has held key portfolios at the centre including those of Finance and
External Affairs.
"Bihar assembly polls are most crucial for the party in the near
future, yet a leader of the calibre of Yashwant Sinha has been kept
out of the team. Some of the people who could have been avoided have
been taken at the cost of some of the most deserving people," he
said.
"I have always treated Gadkari like a younger brother and friend.
Nevertheless, the composition of the new team, personally speaking, is
unfortunate and I am quite unhappy."
Sinha claimed that the team was constituted without consulting "people
who matter like my friend and Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha
Sushma Swaraj and some other top leaders".
"Being a senior and matured leader, I do not want to break party
discipline by making any undesirable comments but I am certainly
worried and to a certain extent unhappy with the composition of the
team," he said and went on to add that "most partymen are unhappy but
there is time and we will wait and watch."
Party insiders said Sinha was unhappy over the appointment as general
secretary of Ravishankar Prasad, a fellow Bihari and Kayastha
casteman.
Sinha, one of the star campaigners for the party in the past several
assembly and parliamentary elections, wanted a greater role for
himself in the Bihar polls, sources said.
Deserving people not in Gadkari team: Shatrughan
19 Mar 2010, 0352 hrs IST, ET Bureau
NEW DELHI: BJP’s perennial dissenter Shatrughan Sinha is at it again.
This time, he has attacked party president Nitin Gadkari for not
including
“deserving” leaders in his team.
Mr Sinha, who has been eyeing a party post, couched his criticism in
his “angst” over the denial of a place in the new team of office-
bearers for former Union minister Yashwant Sinha. “Bihar assembly
polls are most crucial for the party in the near future, yet a leader
of the calibre of Yashwant Sinha has been kept out of the team. Some
of the people who could have been avoided have been taken at the cost
of some of the most deserving people,” he said. Incidentally, Mr
Yashwant Sinha represents Jharkhand’s Hazaribagh in the Lok Sabha.
Mr Shatrughan Sinha also insinuated that the list was prepared without
any consultation. “The team was constituted without consulting people
who matter like my friend and leader of Opposition Sushma Swaraj.
Being a senior and mature leader, I do not want to break party
discipline by making any undesirable comments, but I am certainly
worried and to certain extent unhappy with the composition of the
team,” he said.
His attack seemed directed against the BJP president as he dismissed
his team as “new wine in old bottle”. To Mr Sinha, the parliamentary
board was “old wine in old bottle”.
Mr Sinha has been at loggerheads with the BJP leadership for a long
time. He had refused to campaign for the NDA in the 2004 Bihar
assembly polls after Mr Nitish Kumar was named as the alliance’s chief
ministerial candidate.
But he made peace with the JD(U) leader after he was declared as the
BJP’s candidate from the Patna Saheb Lok Sabha constituency in 2009.
But for Mr Kumar’s backing, he would not have made it to the Lok
Sabha. Within his own Kayastha community, he did not have much support
as his candidature came at the cost of another legitimate claimant Mr
Ravi Shankar Prasad.
Sinha stirs up hornet’s nest on Gadkari team, BJP quiet
Express news service
Posted: Friday , Mar 19, 2010 at 2340 hrs
New Delhi:
An embarassed BJP on Thursday refused to react to party leader
Shatrughan Sinha’s criticisim of the newly-constituted team of party
office-bearers.
Earlier in the day, the actor-turned-MP said “some of the most
deserving people” have been left out of Nitin Gadkari’s team.
Specifically referring to the exclusion of former Union Finance
Minister Yashwant Sinha, the Patna Sahib MP stressed that Sinha had
held key portfolios at the Centre and in states, and that he was also
a former leader of opposition in the Bihar Assembly.
“Bihar Assembly polls are most crucial for the party in the near
future, yet a leader of the calibre of Yashwant Sinha has been kept
out of the team. Some of the people who could have been avoided have
been taken at the cost of some of the most deserving people,” Sinha
was quoted as saying.
Shatrughan Sinha is considered close to Yashwant Sinha, but he is not
on the best of terms with Ravi Shankar Prasad, who has been elevated
as a general secretary and chief spokesperson.
Sinha further said the team was constituted “without consulting people
who matter like my friend and leader of opposition Sushma Swaraj and
some other top leaders”.
“Being a senior and matured leader, I do not want to break party
discipline by making any undesirable comments but I am certainly
worried and to a certain extent unhappy with the composition of the
team,” he was quoted as saying. Prasad, however, refused to comment.
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Sinha-stirs-up-hornet-s-nest-on-Gadkari-team--BJP-quiet/592738
Old faces dominate new BJP prez’s team
Shekhar Iyer, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, March 17, 2010
First Published: 00:52 IST(17/3/2010)
Last Updated: 01:01 IST(17/3/2010)
The big changes that BJP president Nitin Gadkari promised to bring
when he took over three months ago are still far away, judging by the
new team of office bearers he announced on Tuesday.
Gadkari picked many old hands and a few new faces, leaving many
aspirants disappointed even as he sought to perform a balancing act by
giving ample representation to various factions and social groups.
Rajnath Singh, who had to make way for Gadkari, appeared to have
succeeded in ensuring most of the office bearers close to him when he
was president, remained undisturbed in Gadkari’s reshuffle.
Among the other nine general secretaries, at least four are Rajnath
Singh’s core followers, led by former Jharkhand chief minister Arjun
Munda.
Former Rajasthan chief minister Vasundhara Raje was also made general
secretary, honouring the commitment made to her in return for her
stepping down as leader of the Rajasthan opposition.
Gadkari’s personal stamp was reflected in the choice of Himachal
Pradesh minister Jagat Prakash Nadda, as a general secretary, whom he
was associated closely with during their days in the Akhil Bharatiya
Vidyarthi Parishad.
The RSS, which pitched strongly for Gadkari being made president, has
reasons to be pleased, with many of its men allotted key positions.
They include Bhagat Singh Koshiyari, Murlidhar Rao and Tarun Vijay,
former editor of RSS mouthpiece Panchajanyaya.
In a bid to show 33 per cent went to women, Gadkari filled the
national executive with leaders like Maharashtra BJP youth wing leader
Shaina N. C., film star Kiron Kher, Poonam Azad (wife of former
cricketer Kirti Azad), and Shobhatai Phadanvis.
Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie, who were critical of the party after
the poll debacle, retained their membership of the national executive.
List of new BJP team
Hindustan Times
New Delhi, March 16, 2010
First Published: 17:10 IST(16/3/2010)
Last Updated: 17:24 IST(16/3/2010)
Bharatiya Janata Party president Nitin Gadkari has announced party's
National Executive. It consists of 121 members, including 13 vice-
presidents, 10 general secretaries, 15 secretaries and one treasurer.
As provided for in the BJP constitution, the office bearers include as
many as 13 women, 33% of the total number. In all, there are 40 women
members. Besides, the president has also constituted BJP's
Parliamentary Board. The names of the members of the Central Election
Committee, Morcha Presidents and Conveners of different cells besides
some other functionaries will be announced later.
Office Bearers
President: Shri. Nitin Gadkari
Vice-Presidents
1. Shri Shanta Kumar
2 Shri Kalraj Mishra
3 Shri Vinay Katiyar
4 Shri Bhagatsingh Koshiyari
5 Shri Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi
6 Smt. Karuna Shukla
7 Smt. Najma Heptullah
8 Smt.Hema Malini
9 Smt.Bijoya Chakravarti
10 Shri Purushottam Rupala
11 Smt. Kiran Ghai
12
13
General Secretaries
1 Shri Ananth Kumar
2 Shri Thavarchand Gehlot
3 Smt.Vasundhara Raje
4 Shri Vijay Goyal
5 Shri Arjun Munda
6 Shri Ravishankar Prasad (Chief Spokesperson)
7 Shri Dharmendra Pradhan
8 Shri Narendrasingh Tomar
9 Shri Jagat Prakash Nadda
10 Shri Ram Lal (Organisation)
11 Shri V. Satish (Jt.Gen.Sec.Org)
12 Shri Saudan Singh (Jt.Gen.Sec.Org)
Secretaries
1 Shri Santosh Gangwar
2 Smt.Smriti Irani
3 Smt.Saroj Pande
4 Smt.Kiran Maheshwari
5 Shri Tapir Gao
6 Shri Navjot Singh Siddhu
7 Shri Ashok Pradhan
8 Shri Varun Gandhi
9 Shri Muralidhar Rao
10 Dr. Kirit Somaiyya
11 Dr. Laxman
12 Captain Abhimanyu
13 Smt.Arati Mehra
14 Shri Bhupendra Yadav
15 Kum.Vani Tripathi
Treasurer
Shri Piyush Goyal
Official Spokespersons
Shri Prakash Javdekar
Shri Rajiv Pratap Rudy
Shri Shahnawaz Hussain
Shri Ramnath Kovind
Shri Tarun Vijay
Smt. Nirmala Sitharaman
Members
Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Shri Lal Krishna Advani
Dr. Murali Manohar Joshi
Shri Bangaru Laxman
Shri Venkaiya Naidu
Shri Rajnath Singh
Smt. Sushma Swaraj
Shri Arun Jaitley
Shri Bal Apte
Shri Yashwant Sinha
Shri Gopinath Munde
Shri S.S.Ahaluwalia
Shri Arun Shouri
Shri Balveer Punj
Shri Chandan Mitra
Smt. Mridula Sinha
Shri Shatrughan Sinha
Shri Kaptansigh Solanki
Smt. Sumitra Mahajan
Smt. Jayavantiben Mehta
Dr. Vinay Sahasrabuddhe
Shri Sheshadri Chari
Smt. Anita Arya
Dr. C. P. Thakur
Shri Dilip Singh Judeo
Smt. Sudha Yadav
Shri Ramtahal Chaudhari
Smt. Maneka Gandhi
Shri Yogi Adityanath
Shri Lalji Tandon
Shri Hukumdev Narayan Yadav
Dr. J. K Jain
Dr. Anil Jain
Shri Arun Singh
Shri Nalin Kohli
Shri Jayprakash Agrawal (Surya)
Smt.Punam Azad
Smt. Rekha Gupta
Smt. Pinki Anand
Shri Hari Babu
Smt. Shanta Reddy
Smt.Sukhada Pande
Shri Bhupendrasingh Chudasama
Shri Balubhai Shukla
Shri Omprakash Dhankad
Shri Vinod Khanna
Smt. Kiran Kher
Shri Arjun Meghwal
Shri Subhash Mehriya
Smt.Suman Shringi
Shri Manavendra Singh
Shri Omkarsingh Lakhawat
Shri H. Raja
Smt. Lalitha Kumar Mangalam
Shri M. T. Ramesh
Shri C. H. Vijayshankar
Smt.Gouri Chaoudhari
Shri Bijoy Mahapatra
Smt. Surama Padhi
Smt. Shobhatai Phadanvis
Shri Mahesh Jethamalani
Smt. Shaina N C
Smt. Manisha Chaudhari
Shri Nana Shamkule
Smt. Kanta Nalavade
Smt. Louis Marandi
Shri Sunil Singh
Shri Faggansingh Kulaste
Shri Virendra Kumar Khatik
Smt. Nirmala Bhuriya
Shri Satpal Malik
Dr. Vijay Sonkar Shastri
Shri Manoj Sinha
Smt.Sarla Singh
Shri Rambux Verma
Shri Hukum Singh
Shri Sudhanshu Trivedi
Shri Sadhvi Niranjana Jyoti
Shri Ajay Tamta
Smt. Shanti Mehra
Smt. Ranjana Sahi
BJP National Executive
Permanent Invitees
Chief Ministers
Shri Narendra Modi
Shri Shivraj Singh Chauhan
Dr. Raman Singh
Shri Premkumar Dhumal
Shri B. S. Yediurappa
Shri Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank
Deputy Chief Ministers
Shri Sushil Modi
Shri Raghuvar Das
Ex-Governors
Shri Kedarnath Sahni
Shri Kailashpati Mishra
Shri V. Rama Rao
Ex-Chief Ministers
Shri Sundarlal Patwa
Shri Keshubhai Patel
Shri Madanlal Khurana
Shri B. C. Khanduri
Shri Nityanand Swami
Shri Kailash Joshi
Shri Babulal Gaur
Shri Manohar Parrikar
Legislature Leaders
Shri Ganga Prasad
Dr. V. S. Acharya
Prof. Vijay Kumar Malhotra
Shri Eknath Khadse
Shri Bhausaheb Phundkar
Shri Ghanashyam Tiwari (Officiating)
Shri Om Prakash Singh
Shri Nepal Singh
Shri Mission Ranjan Das
Shri Chaman Lal Gupta
Shri K. V. Singhdev
Shri Manoranjan Kalia
Shri Tamigo Taga, (Arunachal Pradesh)
Shri Anil Viz
Chief Whips in Parliament
Shri Ramesh Bains
Smt. Maya Singh
Parliamentary Party Secretary and Jt.Sec.
Shri Ramkripal Sinha
Shri Shanmuganathan
Others
Shri O.Rajgopal
Dr. Satyanarayan Jatiya
Shri Kesarinath Tripathi
Shri Devdas Apte (Bapu Apte)
Shri Sadanand Gowda
Shri Tanveer Hyder Osmani
Dr. Harsh Vardhan
Shri. Vidyasagar Rao
Shri Bandaru Dattatreya
Shri Vinod Pande
Shri M. Bharot Singh
Shri Rajen Gohain
Shri Ramen Deka
Shri Nilmani Dev
Shri Vishnudeo Sai
Shri Naresh Bansal
Shri Harendra Pratap
Shri Rambilas Sharma
Shri Maheshwar Singh
Dr. Nirmal Singh
Shri Rajendra Bhandari
Shri Stayapal Jain
Shri Gulabchand Katariya
Shri Ramdas Agarwal
Shri L. Ganeshan
Shri C. K. Padmanabhan
Shri Tathagat Roy
Shri Shripad Yesso Naik
Shri Rampyare Pande
Shri Anant Nayak
Shri Prakash Mehta
Shri Vinod Tawde
Shri Amit Thakar
Shri Suresh Pujari
Shri R. Ramkrishna
Shri Om Prakash Kohli
Dr. Ramapati Ram Tripathi
Shri Ashok Khajuriya
Shri Mange Ram Garg
Shri Jagdish Mukhi
BJP National Executive
Special Invitees
Shri Padmanabh Acharya
Shri Sukumar Nambiyar
Shri Baldev Prakash Tandon
Shri Vijay Kapoor
Shri Arun Sathe
Shri Nand Kishor Garg
Dr. Vaman Acharya
Shri Jagdish Shettigar
Shri Alok Kumar
Shri Arun Adsad
Shri S. Sureshkumar
Shri C. S. Parcha
Shri Gajendra Chauhan
Smt. Anandiben Patel
Shri Amit Shah
Shri Kishansingh Sangwan
Shri Govind Karjal
Ramji Rishidev
Shri Banvarilal Purohit
Shri Haribhau Bagde
Shri Chaitanya Kashyap
Shri Hriday Narayan Dixit
Shri Tanveer Ahmed
Shri Rajesh Shah
Shri Rajendra Agrawal
Shri Bhupendra Thakur
Shri Harjit Singh Grewal
Shri Ravikant Garg
Shri Suvarn Saleriya
Col. Bainsala
Shri Siddharthanath Singh
Shri Uday Bhaskar Nayar
Smt. Kavita Khanna
Shri Amitabh Sinha
Shri Ashutosh Varshneya
Shri Ajay Sancheti
BJP Parliamentary Board
Shri Nitin Gadkari, Chairman
Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Shri Lal Krishna Advani
Dr. Murali Manohar Joshi
Shri Venkaiya Naidu
Shri Rajnath Singh
Smt. Sushma Swaraj
Shri Arun Jaitley
Shri Bal Apte
Shri Ananth Kumar (Secretary)
Shri Thavarchand Gehlot
Shri Ram Lal
http://www.hindustantimes.com/newdelhi/List-of-new-BJP-team/520507/H1-Article1-519745.aspx
Labouring to keep alive
March 18, 2010
First Published: 23:08 IST(18/3/2010)
Last Updated: 23:10 IST(18/3/2010)
When it comes to infusing our laws with the finest principles
possible, India has no parallel. It’s when we come to implementing
these laws that we find many a slip between the proverbial cup and
the lip. Perhaps most deceptive of them all is India’s labour and
industrial practices. Blessed — or, if one looks at it with a
different perspective, cursed — with large deposits of iron ore,
mining is big business in the district of West Singhbhum in Jharkhand.
With the demand for iron ore increasing to fuel national industrial
development, a negative correlation to the length of people’s lives
and health index has become increasingly noticeable. Thousands of
mineworkers, including young boys and girls, suffer from siderosis, a
lung disorder that is caused by prolonged exposure to red (mining)
dust. The lifespan of these workers, who have no or minimal protective
gear, in this region is a shocking 40-45 years. In the meantime, in
21st century India’s national capital New Delhi, a committee appointed
by the Delhi High Court has found workers at Commonwealth Games-
related construction sites not being paid minimum wages and, in many
cases, being made to work overtime for no extra remuneration. Their
living conditions are appalling and in many cases they are bereft of
any sanitation facilities.
In both semi-urban and urban cases, we are dealing with serf-like
conditions while on paper we are chugging along a First World
trajectory. Laws are being openly flouted with the State turning a
blind eye and seemingly only concerned that ‘the work’ is done. Some,
like Jharkhand deputy chief minister, prefer to put such ‘chalta hai’
issues on the backburner (he has asked for a report). That the working
conditions of miners is appalling in this country, more so if the
mines are illegal and that many of the workers don’t work with
protective gear is an old story. What should be a new story if India
is to protect itself from charges of being uncaring towards its own
people is the implementation of laws.
Whenever Indian workers are mistreated abroad, especially in the Gulf
States, we spare no effort in criticising — and rightly so — foreign
governments. But the conditions here are, in many cases, no better. As
job opportunities shrink in rural India and a construction boom takes
place all across, more labourers will enter the cities. This is a
labour class that needs basic protection and policies relating to
special target groups such as women and child labour. There was a time
when labour unions held the nation’s development to ransom. We can’t
now have a callous State holding the lives and livelihood of our
workers hostage in the name of progress.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/editorial-views-on/edits/Labouring-to-keep-alive/Article1-520657.aspx
Face The Nation: Varun no match for Rahul
CNN-IBN
Published on Wed, Mar 17, 2010 at 23:21, Updated on Thu, Mar 18, 2010
at 00:50 in Politics section
ANALYSIS: Experts discuss the Gandhi vs Gandhi politics on Face The
Nation.
The (Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has unveiled its new list of office
bearers and the list includes Varun Gandhi. Varun Gandhi, first time
MP from Pilibhit, is best known for his inflammatory pro-Hindutva
speeches during the general elections last year, speeches for which he
was jailed under the National Security Act. Now the BJP has ended his
isolation within the BJP and made Varun an office bearer with the rank
of secretary. CNN-IBN on Face The Nation asked: Can Varun Gandhi
compete with Rahul Gandhi?
Congress, BSP trying to trap Varun: Rajnath
IANS
Published on Wed, Apr 01, 2009 at 13:14, Updated on Wed, Apr 01, 2009
at 13:43 in Politics section
RALLYING FOR VARUN: Rajnath Singh said that the BJP was firmly
standing behind Varun Gandhi.
Raipur: Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President Rajnath Singh on
Wednesday asserted that Varun Gandhi was being "politically and
legally" supported by the party. He accused the Congress and Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) of "exploiting" the National Security Act (NSA) to
"trap" the BJP nominee in Pilibhit in the Lok Sabha polls.
"What is happening with Varun Gandhi is unfortunate. He is being
harassed and the BJP condemns it," Rajnath Singh said at a press
conference in Raipur.
The 'other' Gandhi, the BJP nominee from the Utar Pradesh Lok Sabha
seat, is now in jail on charges of vilifying Muslims in his campaign
speeches.
"The information I have been getting from Varun Gandhi's secretary is
very disturbing. The episode is a shame for the nation. The BSP and
Congress are trying to trap him," Rajnath Singh said.
"I wanted to personally meet Varun Gandhi but he is jailed in Uttar
Pradesh and I am campaigning in other states. So I have asked Venkaiah
Naidu to meet him and express the party's support. The BJP is
politically and legally rallying behind Varun Gandhi," the BJP
President said.
Varun on D-gang hitlist, moved to Etah jail
Trailing Varun Gandhi: From Pilibhit to Etah
"His detention under the NSA is shameful. It is the joint act of the
Congress and BSP. Where do they want to lead the country?" asked
Rajnath Singh.
The Uttar Pradesh government had on Sunday invoked the NSA against
Varun Gandhi, the BJP's Lok Sabha candidate from the seat held earlier
by his mother Maneka Gandhi, for his reported hate speeches and mob
violence during his arrest on Saturday.
"The Congress and BSP have created an Emergency-like situation by
exploiting the NSA. Varun Gandhi has no criminal record," said the BJP
President.
For reasons of security, Varun Gandhi was shifted from the prison in
Pilibhit to a jail in Uttar Pradesh's Etah town at around 1:30 hrs IST
on Wednesday.
"There is a threat to Varun Gandhi's life. The centre, Uttar Pradesh
government and Election Commission should take note of this and ensure
foolproof security for him," said Rajnath Singh.
"The Congress and BSP have crossed all limits to gain political
mileage. They are playing with fire. The BJP will not remain quiet,"
he added.
BJP, Cong may stun SP, BSP; due to Gandhis
Pallavi Ghosh / CNN-IBN
Published on Sat, May 02, 2009 at 01:06, Updated on Sat, May 02, 2009
at 09:20 in Politics section
New Delhi: After three phases of polling, it appears the Congress and
the BJP may well be doing better than expected in the key state of
Uttar Pradesh with the potential losers being the SP and the BSP.
So has Rahul Gandhi's “go it alone” policy and BJP’s Hindutva slant
clicked? Ground reports suggest so. Muslims, having turned their back
on the Congress after the Babri demolition, are doing a rethink after
Mulayam embraced Kalyan Singh.
The good news for BJP is that Brahmins are tiring of Mayawati's social
engineering which has now begun targeting the Muslims.
It was Rahul's idea to walk it alone in the crucial state despite
having taken the Samajwadi support during the trust vote. But a bitter
SP thinks Rahul's romance with this idea will be shortlived.
There are smiles on BJP faces, having once boasted of big names from
the state, the party was groping for a foothold. Now, after three
phases of polling, the Hindutva strategy, which was not overplayed
except in Pilibhit, may have clicked.
And as the Congress and the BJP prepare for the last two phases, it
will be Gandhi versus Gandhi as Rahul and Varun take each other on.
The national parties are relying on the same family tree to reap a
harvest in Uttar Pradesh.
Six from state get pride of place in Team Gadkari
Express News Service
Posted: Wednesday, Mar 17, 2010 at 0233 hrs
Lucknow:
With six of its leaders being given prominent place in the 121-member
national committee of the BJP, the party’s Uttar Pradesh unit has
certainly managed to find a good place in national president Nitin
Gadkari’s team.
Out of the 13 vice-presidents, three are from the state — Kalraj
Mishra, former national general secretaries Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi and
Vinay Katiyar. Among the 15 secretaries in Team Gadkari, three are
again from UP — former Bulandshaher MP Ashok Pradhan, former Bareilly
MP Santosh Gangwar and Pilibhit MP Varun Gandhi. Out of the six
official spokespersons, one is from the state — Ramnath Kovind, who
represents the party’s Dalit face.
While Naqvi is one of the prominent Muslim faces from the state,
Katiyar is a firebrand leader and Mishra a veteran. Among the
secretaries too, Santosh Gangwar is a six-time MP and a former Union
minister. After his defeat in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, the party
was said to be looking to suitably place him at the national level.
Ashok Pradhan was one of the primary reasons for former chief minister
Kalyan Singh to leave the BJP and is said to have a good base in
Bulandshahr and surrounding districts. And at a time when Singh is
building the base of his new party in this area, Pradhan being lifted
to secretary’s post is certainly strategic.
Varun Gandhi, a first-time MP from Pilibhit and son of Maneka Gandhi,
is the party’s youth face not just in UP but also, on the national
chart. And together, the trio will represent western UP, where the
party is trying to regain grounds with its ally Rashtriya Lok Dal
drifting away.
Gadkari has also given 33 per cent of the posts to women, thus
becoming the first party in the country to give reservation to women
in their organisation. Here too, Uttar Pradesh has been given a “fair
share” with Aonla MP Maneka Gandhi, Mahila Morcha president Sarla
Singh and Saadhvi Niranjana Jyoti being made members of the national
executive. “It is good that even women leaders from UP have been
inducted in the committee. The state has potential and these women
will prove it,” said Vinay Katiyar.
Apart from these “cream” posts, many other leaders from the state have
also found a place in the team. These include Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
Murli Manohar Joshi, Rajnath Singh, Maneka Gandhi, Hukum Singh, Satpal
Malik, Rajnath Singh, Yogi Adityanath, Keshari Nath Tripathi and Lalji
Tandon as members, Hriday Narain Dixit as special invitee and Om
Prakash Singh and Nepal Singh as legislature leaders.
The party’s state unit has thanked Gadkari for giving representation
to UP. State BJP vice-president H N Dixit, who has also been inducted
as a special invitee, said that by including 34 leaders from UP,
Gadkari has shown his trust in the state unit.
“These leaders will certainly strengthen not just state campaigns, but
also national campaigns,” he added.
It is also expected that more faces from Uttar Pradesh will find a
place in the national scene, as the convenors of different cells and
Morcha presidents will be announced in the days to come.
Comments (1) |
Im-mature Varun
By: Ganesh Singh | 17-Mar-2010
Gadkari ji wants to please every one. But if you want to strengthen
your party, you will have to take some tough decisions. you were gr8
in saying that party and his policies makes people and not vice versa
but at present situation you are again doing the same thing. Including
immature persons like Varun Gandhi in your team shows to which level
you are going to please others. Varun has won because of the gr8 work
done by his mother Manekaji not because of his controversial speeches.
I dont know why RSS is intersted in projecting Varun as youth face.
Did they want to pick someone only from elite people of BJP. Can't
they pick some leaders from ABVP as youth face. If they really lack so
they must work with their ground workers to find out someone instead
of proposing Varun.
Gadkari's inclusive act may open old fissures in BJP
Nistula Hebbar / DNA
Wednesday, March 17, 2010 0:45 IST
New Delhi: Nitin Gadkari was the answer of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS) to the leadership crisis in the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP), driven listless by debilitating factionalism and ego clashes
not long ago. After three months as BJP president, Gadkari had a task
on hand: To give the party a sense of direction. As he came out with
his list of office-bearers on Tuesday, the jury was still out.
The BJP president’s list of 121 office-bearers is a blend of youth and
experience, Hindutva hardliners and doves, and several other
conflicting strains in the party. However, if a team is supposed to be
a statement of intent, Gadkari’s is not one. At best, it reflects his
inclusive approach and his seriousness to promote third and fourth
generations of leaders.
The new BJP team has 13 vice-presidents, 10 general secretaries, 15
secretaries and one treasurer. The party also announced its 81-member
national executive. While several faces have made their debut — actor
Hema Malini as vice-president, and Varun Gandhi, Vani Tripathi, Smriti
Irani and Arti Mehra as secretaries — there is a feeling that many
older faces have been unduly rewarded.
Gadkari’s new team was being closely watched in the context of
factionalism in the party and the RSS’s demands.
Despite a disastrous record as party president, senior leader Rajnath
Singh has managed to get key posts for his people. Three general
secretaries — Thawarchand Gehlot, Narendra Singh Tomar and Vijay Goel
— owe loyalty to him. This means Singh would continue to have a say
under the new dispensation.
In the parliamentary board, the most important body of the party, LK
Advani holds sway.
Except for Rajnath Singh, Murli Manohar Joshi and Thawarchand Gehlot,
all other members — Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley and parliamentary
board secretary Ananth Kumar — are Advani loyalists. The arrangement
might also open a can of worms for Gadkari.
While RSS nominees like Varun Gandhi, Muralidhar Rao and Tarun Vijay
have been accommodated, it was expected that Rao would get a better
position. Gadkari, who is trying to project a soft image of himself,
had to accommodate hardliners like Vinay Katiyar to please the mother
organisation.
The biggest disappointment to those expecting Gadkari’s list to be a
departure from the past was the absence of a Muslim face in any
effective party position. While Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi and Najma
Heptullah have been made vice-presidents, a largely decorative post,
Bhagalpur MP Shahnawaz Hussain, who was tipped to be general secretary
in this team, was adjusted as one of the spokespersons. No Muslim
finds a place in the party’s parliamentary board either.
The list appeared a little skewed in favour of one state and against
some others. For example, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh appeared very
well represented, with the former getting one vice-president in Hema
Malini, three secretaries and the party treasurer Piyush Goel. Out of
the 10 general secretaries, two — Thawarchand Gehlot and Narendra
Singh Tomar — are from Madhya Pradesh.
“We cannot help but compare this to Karnataka’s case, which is the
party’s first government in the south, and apart from Ananth Kumar,
who has always found space at the centre, only Vijayshankar from the
state has been made a member of the national executive,” said a senior
leader.
Women have found ample space in the new team. With 40 out of 121
members being women, the party has kept its promise of 33% quota for
them in organisational posts.
The party’s chief spokesperson and newly appointed Ravi Shankar
described the team as a blend of the young and the old. What it might,
however, do is end the ceasefire in the party and give fresh impetus
to the party’s many discontented elements.
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_gadkari-s-inclusive-act-may-open-old-fissures-in-bjp_1359938
Orissa deploys force to prevent Togadia's Kandhamal visit
PTI
Friday, March 19, 2010 17:18 IST
Phulbani (Orissa): In the face of VHP's international secretary
general, Pravin Togadia's proposed visit to Kandhamal in Orissa this
evening defying ban, the district administration has deployed police
and a magistrate at the entry point to the riot-hit town to prevent
him, official sources said.
The district administration has also imposed prohibitory orders under
section 144 of the CrPC to stop Togadia and other members of the VHP
from visiting the town, additional district magistrate
(ADM),Kandhamal, Arnanchal Das said.
The VHP leader had yesterday challeged the state government to arrest
him as he was all set to defy the ban order. "I will enter to
Kandhamal along with 100 sadhus," Togadia said.
The district administration is also contemplating steps to seal road
at Madhapur, the entry point to Kandhamal district.
Kandhamal witnessed widespread riot from August 2008 till October 2009
following the killing of VHP leader Lakhsmananda Saraswati.
Togadia to defy Orissa govt's ban on his visit to Kandhamal
PTI
Thursday, March 18, 2010 23:10 IST
Bhubaneswar: Defying the Orissa government's ban on his proposed visit
to Kandhamal, VHP leader Pravin Togadia today announced his plan to
forcibly enter into the communally sensitive district tomorrow.
"I will go to Kandhamal along with 100 sadhus as per prior programme,"
Togadia told reporters after addressing a public meeting in Nuapada
district.
The VHP's firebrand leader also challenged the Naveen Patnaik
government to arrest him.
"I am ready to be arrested than succumbing to the state government's
undemocratic decision", he said adding that it was not possible for
him and the VHP to cancel the programme.
"While the state government spread red carpet to welcome the European
diplomats to Kandhamal, it is not proper to clamp ban on the entry of
a Hindu leader," he said.
The administration of Kandhamal imposed prohibitory order under
section 144 of the CrPC at many sensitive places.
"If Togadia or any other person try to defy the ban, action would be
taken in accordance with the law of the land," additional
superintendent of police (ASP), Kandhamal, CR Das said.
Das said the district administration would not tolerate if any one
tried to disturb peace in the area.
BJP cautions Orissa govt over ban on Pravin Togadia's Kandhamal visit
PTI
Wednesday, March 17, 2010 22:39 IST
Bhubaneshwar: Terming the decision to ban the visit of the VHP leader
Pravin Togadia to Kandhamal district as 'whimisical', the BJP today
warned that the Orissa government would be reponsible if communal
harmony was disturbed at any place over the issue.
MF Husain accepting Qatar nationality victory for Hindus: Pravin
Togadia
Nitin Gadkari offers to rebuild Babri Masjid
"Chief minister Naveen Patnaik will be held reponsible if communal
tension Arises in Kandhamal and other parts of the state over the
government's whimisical decision," a statement issued by the state BJP
said.
The saffron party's reaction came a day after the Kandhamal district
administration denied permission to Togadia to enter Kandhamal
district, which had witnessed riots last year and the year before.
"While the government offered a red carpet welcome to diplomats from
nine European countries, there is no point in putting a ban on
Togadia's visit," party's vice-president Ashok Sahu said.
The firebrand VHP leader was scheduled to visit Kandhamal on March 19
and spend a night in Phulbani town.
Togadia's three-day Orissa visit would start from tomorrow, state VHP
general secretary Gouri Prasad Rath said.
Sid Harth
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
BOOKS
Circular reasoning
T. JAYARAMAN
The author loses sight of the possibility that the decline of religion
is indeed the long-term trend in modern industrial societies.
Meera Nanda’s writing occupies a distinctive intellectual niche in the
academic and media discourse on the nature and practice of secularism
in India. In a major book, Prophets Facing Backward, and in a number
of academic papers, essays and media articles (and two short
collections of essays), she has brought to bear a perspective on this
question that distinguishes her work from a wide variety of other
writers and scholars engaged with this theme.
Her work so far has been marked by the special attention she has paid
to the relationship between science and secularism in the Indian
context. Going beyond the limitations of the arguments over the
Nehruvian vision of the link between secularism and scientific temper,
she has drawn attention to the much larger role of science in the
debate between secularists on the one hand and Hindu communalism on
the other. In Meera Nanda’s account, the ideological machinery of
Hindu communalism in the 20th century has drawn sustenance from a more
pervasive and widespread neo-Hinduism, central to whose world view is
the idea that Hinduism provides a uniquely “scientific” perspective in
the spiritual quest. While all fundamentalisms have some form of
exceptionalism as part of their ideological foundations, Hindutva’s
particular brand arises from this allegedly unique “scientific” nature
of Hinduism as compared with all other religions.
Meera Nanda has argued convincingly that it is the widespread
acceptance, overtly or otherwise, of this brand of Hindu
exceptionalism, even by those who were in many other respects in the
secular camp, that rendered Indian secularism vulnerable to attack
even before a full-scale attack was mounted on it by a resurgent
Hindutva in the late 1980s. Meera Nanda has argued, again
convincingly, that all modern trends in Hinduism, given their tendency
for an uncritical acceptance of this notion of Hindu exceptionalism,
render themselves vulnerable to being co-opted into the ranks of
Hindutva. She has provided an engaging account in Prophets Facing
Backward of the different stratagems that neo-Hinduism adopts in the
pursuit of the “scientificity” of Hinduism, often on the basis of
loose pseudo-scientific analogies between the language of science and
the vocabulary of Hinduism. The contemporary brand of Indian pseudo-
science that is actively championed by Hindutva, an Indian parallel as
it were to the well-known link between evangelical Christianity and
the American brand of pseudo-science, is in Meera Nanda’s view rooted
in this aspect of neo-Hinduism. In her short book titled The
Ecological Wrongs of the Religious Right, she has explored the
particular case of the neo-Hindu and Hindutva version of religion-
inspired pseudo-science in the realms of biology and ecology.
In her latest work, The God Market, Meera Nanda turns to explore a
somewhat different aspect of this link between contemporary Hinduism,
the professed secular nature of the Indian state, and Hindutva. The
focus here, in her own words, is on the “changing trends in popular
Hinduism”, and the overall aim is to describe how “modern Hindus are
taking their gods with them into the brave new world and how Hindu
institutions are making use of the new opportunities opened up by
neoliberalism and globalisation”.
The crux of the argument in the book is that there is a causal
connection between economic reforms and the rise of popular Hindu
religiosity. Meera Nanda argues that economic reform, while
encouraging a “neoliberal market economy [sic]”, is also “boosting the
demand and supply for religious services in India’s God market”, and
the progressively greater embedding of a new Hindu religiosity in
everyday life, in both public and private spheres, is aided by the new
political economy. With the withdrawal of the Nehruvian state from the
social sector, a new state-temple-corporate complex is emerging to
fill the space as a consequence of the state actively seeking
partnership with the private sector and the Hindu establishment. The
rising tide of popular religiosity among the Hindu middle classes in
the era of liberalisation is a consequence of this religiosity being
deliberately cultivated by an “emerging state-temple-corporate complex
that is replacing the more secular public institutions of the
Nehruvian era”. This rising tide of popular Hindu religiosity
continues to feed the forces of Hindutva, assisting among other things
in the routine conflation of the domain of the national with the
domain of Hinduism.
The idea that globalisation is in some way intimately connected with,
or is even perhaps one of the drivers of, the many fundamentalisms
that we see in the world today is an idea that has respectable
patronage, including, among others, the eminent historian Romila
Thapar. In the Indian context, it has been widely noted that the
challenge to the Nehruvian vision of secularism and scientific temper
has risen in the same era as the era of economic reform and the right-
ward shift in Indian foreign policy, away from the vision of India as
the leader of the non-aligned world towards a vision of India as a
global player aligned strategically with the United States and the
developed world. In opposition to the view that the Sangh Parivar is
somehow anti-globalisation and that self-reliance is somehow equally a
Parivar slogan (a view aided by the activities and attitudes of the
Swadeshi Jagran Manch, a Parivar outfit), commentators on the Left
have argued that Hindutva is no less pro-economic reform and that it
is equally at home with liberalisation and globalisation.
Nevertheless, few have argued for a causal nexus between globalisation
and the rise of popular Hindu religiosity as closely as Meera Nanda,
or shown the two to be as directly knit as she portrays in this new
book.
OBVIOUS PROPOSITION
Much of the book appears to be actually devoted to arguing the much
weaker proposition that contemporary Hindu institutions are actively
utilising the opportunities provided by the modern world to further
their cause. One may argue that this is a somewhat obvious proposition
with a wealth of examples, which can be picked even from casual
observation, to back it up. Religious preaching or fundamentalist
propaganda can reach out much further in the era of instant
communication. Cable or satellite television broadcasts provide many
opportunities that are utilised by all manner of religious or
fundamentalist organisations. A wide variety of Hindu institutions and
neo-Hindu cults, ranging from the religious trust and administration
associated with the temples at Tirupati and Tirumala to the
organisations associated with religious personalities such as Sai Baba
or Mata Amritanandamayi, run educational institutions and even modern,
officially recognised universities. Hindu organisations and cults
administer a range of charities and organisations dealing with health
and medicine. Hindu organisations have proliferated around the world
and have struck especially strong roots where there is a numerically
significant and well-heeled Indian diaspora. The diaspora followers of
Hindu organisations are also an important source of funds, as well as
prestige and visibility, for Hindu and Hindutva organisations. After
all, what credibility or oomph would a guru or swamiji possess without
at least a small retinue of non-resident Indians and preferably
foreigners?
Meera Nanda covers much of this kind of ground with many apt
illustrations in the second, third and fourth chapters of her book.
One may certainly agree with her in the characterisation that she
offers of the three significant dimensions of contemporary popular
Hindu religiosity, namely the invention of new rituals, the
gentrification of the gods and the booming guru culture. Indeed, much
of the characterisation is based on scholarly work available on the
subject. The existence of a booming guru culture and its links to
Hindutva is of course somewhat obvious.
However, it is arguable whether these examples really lay a basis for
her claims of the emergence of a state-temple-corporate complex. It is
certainly true that the Indian state has increasingly weakened secular
credentials after the rise of Hindutva and the success of Hindutva-
related political forces in being elected to govern both at the Centre
and in the States. Much has been written, including by Meera Nanda
herself, regarding the attempted de-secularisation of government
consequent to the electoral victories of the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP), especially at the Centre. The Sangh Parivar penetration of the
government was a major issue in the period of BJP rule, but a timid
United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government refused resolutely to
“detoxify” (to use the late Harkishen Singh Surjeet’s fine phrase)
government institutions, especially in the educational sector, which
was a prime Parivar target.
It is also true that corporate India, despite some initial misgivings,
has learnt to live peaceably with Hindutva. BJP-ruled States have been
no less eager to roll out the red carpet for the captains of industry
both from home and abroad. Several major corporate houses also have a
long record of involvement in charitable work relating to religious
institutions. Corporate houses have demonstrated their willingness to
put secularism on the back burner and prioritise their short-term
economic and financial interests (as with the house of Tatas and the
Modi government).
What is unconvincing is the overarching claim that these examples
point to the emergence of something that merits the rather grand
appellation of a “state-temple-corporate” complex. Indeed, corporate
houses are uncomfortable with a militant Hindutva that disturbs law
and order and stable governance and were certainly more than satisfied
with the return of the UPA to power. Many institutions of the Indian
state are willing to act and do act to protect secular values at
critical moments. The critical issue here is to recognise the
ambivalence of the state and the corporate sector in relation to
secularism and not to one-sidedly use as evidence only their non-
secular or anti-secular actions. Regrettably, in the author’s “take no
prisoners” style of argument, there is little room to understand or
explore this ambivalence. Either the state is secular in full measure
in the classical sense of the term or it must necessarily be
considered entirely anti-secular.
In the event, the author herself can identify only two areas where
this complex [sic] is significant, the first being education and the
second, tourism. Even in these two sectors, the claim that the state
and the private sector are working together to promote Hinduism seems
less than credible. It is certainly true that the increasing
privatisation of education is also utilised by Hindutva-related
organisations to set up their own institutions, like numerous others.
However, Meera Nanda’s claim that what the BJP government could not
establish by way of Hindu-centrism of education is being accomplished
by privatisation requires more evidence than is presented in the
book.
Many would agree with Meera Nanda’s view that secular education is a
public good that the state ought to provide to all its citizens
without throwing them at the mercy of faith-based or cult-based
institutions. But to proceed from the relative absence of state-run
educational institutions and the ideological space that this affords
Hindutva to the claim that “economic globalisation and neoliberal
reforms have created the material and ideological conditions in which
a popular and ritualistic Hindu religiosity is growing” is a leap that
seems unwarranted.
SANDEEP SAXENA
Birla Mandir in New Delhi, illuminated on the occasion of Janmashtami
on August 14.
The argument is even thinner in the case of tourism, where the
author’s argument is based on the state’s, and occasionally corporate
houses’, support for religious tourism. Even this reviewer, who is no
votary of religious pilgrimages, is constrained to point out that
tourism in India, untouched by the religious inclination, is a modern
construct. For the newly rich as well as those of the poor and middle
classes who have small disposable surpluses, religious pilgrimage is
likely to be the first form of tourism. In another direction,
occasions for the mass display of popular religiosity such as the
Kumbh Mela certainly call for the intervention of the government in
the interest of common safety and security. To take all instances of
government regulation of religious tourism uncritically together and
to read into it the emergence of a state-temple-corporate complex does
not seem to aid a critical understanding of the link between popular
religiosity and secularism. It is of course true that religious
pilgrimage sites are happy hunting grounds for Hindutva groups to
further their ideological campaign, and specific issues relating to
some popular pilgrimage sites such as the Amarnath caves can certainly
provide grist to the Hindutva mill.
Popular religiosity is a complex phenomenon, especially in the
presence of many ideological forces and undercurrents in a society in
a state of transition, even if not rapid transformation. It is a
phenomenon that has many layers to it, as activists and scholars on
the issue of communalism have come to recognise across the country.
The book unfortunately displays little inclination to engage carefully
with this literature. Perhaps in the author’s perception such theories
do not belong to the class of “the most cutting-edge social theories
about globalisation and the resurgence of religion” that she promises
the reader in the introductory chapter.
Given the thinness of the author’s evidence relative to the weight of
the theoretical conclusions that she wishes to draw, it is
unsurprising that the theoretical considerations in the book are among
its weakest and most unconvincing sections. The first chapter on
globalisation covers ground that would be quite familiar to most of
the author’s likely audience in India. It is a chapter that leaves one
with the impression that the book is really meant for a non-Indian
audience. But it is in the last chapter that the insufficiency of the
theoretical perspective that Meera Nanda brings to bear on the problem
is most evident as the author showers a series of “cutting-edge social
theories” on an unwary reader.
In substance, the author is in sympathy with the perspective, most
notably espoused by the sociologist Peter L. Berger in his later work,
that the secular project has essentially failed. Berger famously
recanted in 1999 his earlier vision of the inevitable decline of
religion, arguing that the supernatural has not lost its plausibility
in the modern world. While Meera Nanda believes that this is
applicable to India, she disagrees with Berger’s argument that this
persistence of religion lies in the economic fact of the undermining
of life’s certainties for the majority of the population and the
appropriation of secular values by the rich. She, quite correctly,
points to the fact that contrary to what Berger suggests, popular
religiosity in India has also significantly risen among those who have
benefited enormously from economic reform and that popular religiosity
grips both the well-to-do and the poor.
Of course, in transposing Berger’s argument to India, Meera Nanda
(along with Berger) loses sight of the possibility that this
resurgence of religion could well be a short-lived phenomenon and that
the decline of religion is indeed the long-term trend in modern
industrial societies.
NEOLIBERAL PERSPECTIVE
For the subsequent part of her argument the author moves on,
approvingly, to what she calls the “neoliberal” perspective on
religion, the next in her shopping list of theories. This is indeed
curious because while she has always been dismissive of the Marxist
view of religion, labelling it as reductionist, she turns now to a
view that fully merits the label. In this demand-supply view of
religion, espoused by Rodney Stark and his academic collaborators,
there is indeed no room for the notion of secularisation. Religion
always exists, so the argument runs, because there is a need, or a
“demand”, for it. Whether it will be satisfied or not is a question of
the “supply” of appropriate religions that are efficacious in
responding to it. In this view, secularisation is an illusion created
by the lack of appropriate supply to meet the demand for religion over
brief historical periods. Social facts such as the fall of church
attendance and overt religious observance do not mean the progress of
secularisation as the persistence of personal belief points to a
“potential demand” that is not being met by existing religious
institutions.
UNCLEAR RATIONALE
It is from this perspective that the author formulates the proposition
mentioned at the outset of this article, namely, that it is the
neoliberal market economy following globalisation that is boosting the
demand and supply for religious services in India’s God market. The
rationale for this proposition is completely unclear as she appears to
conflate the application of a demand-supply or market perspective on
religion with the nature of religiosity in an era where economic
policy is dominated by the market perspective.
But what is even stranger about the turn that her argument takes is
that, in this demand-supply perspective, the weakly secular character
of the Indian state is indeed a virtue that has led to greater
religious plurality, as evidenced by the wide variety of cults and
sects and religions in India. How then does the author square the
circle, reconciling her use of the neoliberal perspective on religion
after having railed against Hindutva and upbraided the Indian state
for having forsaken secularism? There is indeed no direct answer that
the author provides. All she can offer the curious reader is the
somewhat feeble response that indeed a pure market for religion would
not be problematic, but it is the unfortunate extension of sacrality
to the realm of non-sacral entitites like the nation that is the
source of the problem. The circularity of her reasoning and argument
appears entirely to escape the notice of the author.
The book ends with an appeal for the creation in India of meaningful
secular spaces, where people may interact with each other without
reference to religious identities. Praiseworthy as this statement
undoubtedly is, it is small consolation for the interested reader who,
having followed the author into the blind alley of the demise of
secularisation and its abolition in the neoliberal perspective, is
left wondering where Indian society would find the resources for such
a transformation.
Meera Nanda’s work, as we have remarked earlier, is marked by a strong
tendency to ignore the multi-sided and often contradictory character
of social phenomena. While her perspective has helped shed light on
the social, intellectual and cultural resources that Hindutva can
mobilise, she has rarely been able to throw similar light on the
impulses for secularism in Indian society. One reason for this,
undoubtedly, lies in her resolute unwillingness to consider atheism as
an ally of secularism. She has always been insistent that movements
that are atheist miss the point about the need of the masses for
“meaning” in their lives, which can be met only by religion. That this
“meaning” could also be provided by the advance of a secular
imagination and the retreat of religion is not a prospect that she is
willing to consider.
Another reason lies in her view of ideological transformation purely
as an act of the mind without reference to any social and economic
preconditions for such a transformation. More fundamentally, Meera
Nanda has never reckoned with the possibility that any understanding
of religion in contemporary India needs to grasp the reality of the
incomplete modernisation of Indian society, rooted in the development
of capitalism in an era when it has essentially lost its critical
ideological impulse.
Meera Nanda’s passion for secularism will undoubtedly be shared by
many readers in India and elsewhere, and the many observations that
she has provided on various aspects of the Hindutva communal project
in Indian society are useful and important. Yet, regrettably, she has
little to offer in terms of a way forward from the current scenario
towards a more secular social order except rhetorical calls for a
meaningful, limited secularisation of society.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2626/stories/20100101262607900.htm
Volume 18 - Issue 01, Jan. 06 - 19, 2001
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
ANALYSIS
Outsider as enemy
The politics of rewriting history in India.
K.N. PANIKKAR
This is the text of a presentation made at a round table on the topic
of 'The Rewriting of History: Intellectual Freedom and Contemporary
Politics in South Asia', organised as a part of the International
Conference of North African and Asian Scholars (ICANAS) in Montreal
held from August 27 to September 1.
REWRITING of history is a continuous process into which the historian
brings to bear new methodological or ideological insights or employs a
new analytical frame drawn upon hitherto unknown facts. The
historians' craft, the French historian, Marc Bloch, whose work on
feudal society is considered a classic, has reminded us, is rooted in
a method specific to history as a discipline, most of which has
evolved through philosophical engagements and empirical investigations
during the last several centuries. No methodology which the historian
invokes in pursuit of the knowledge of the past is really valid unless
it respects the method of the discipline. Even when methodologies
fundamentally differ, they share certain common grounds, which
constitute the fiel d of the historian's craft. Notwithstanding the
present scepticism about the possible engagement with history, a
strict adherence to the method of the discipline is observed in all
generally accepted forms of reconstruction of the past. A departure
from such norms of the discipline tends to erase the distinction
between myth and history, which the forces of the Hindu rightwing,
actively supported by the present government, are seeking to achieve.
K. PICHUMANI
The makeshift temple that was erected at Ayodhya after the demolition
of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992. The organising principle of
the politics of the Ram Janmabhoomi temple was not only the
privileging of faith over reason, but also the ident ification of an
enemy who acted against the religious interests of Hindus.
The distinction is important, despite the undeniable connection
between history and myth. Although elements which constitute myth are
not verifiable like historical facts, myths do represent reality even
if symbolically and metaphorically. Myths are esse ntially illusory
representations of phenomena and as such do not help discover the
historicity of events and by the very nature of representation they
tend to mask the reality. Yet, there are no myths in which reality is
not embedded in some form, be the y origin, explanatory or
legitimatory myths.1 This integral connection between myth and history
facilitates the transmutation of the latter into the former and
through that change, the existing historical consciousness in society.
The rewritin g of history the Sangh Parivar has undertaken with the
connivance and collaboration of the government is essentially an
attempt at communal mythification, which lends ideological support and
legitimacy to the politics of cultural nationalism.
History as communal ideology
The communal interpretation of history has a fairly long tradition, at
least going back to the colonial times. The history of the subjected
that the colonial administrators and ideologues wrote, either as a
part of their intellectual curiosity or as a po litical mission,
essentially took a religious view of the past. Although James Mill's
periodisation of Indian history into Hindu and Muslim periods is
generally pointed out as an example of this colonial view, almost
every aspect of the social, cultural and political life was
incorporated into this religious schema. This view has had an abiding
influence on Indian historiography, with a large number of Indian
historians of vastly different ideological persuasions rather
uncritically internalising this i nterpretation. Thus the history of
India is seen through a series of stereotypes rooted in religious
identity. No aspect of society or polity has escaped this religious
view, be it social tensions, political battles or cultural
differences. Such an inter pretation of history has been a part of the
textbooks, both of school and college, for a long time, moulding the
historical consciousness of society and in turn the social
perspectives and behaviour of several generations. This divisive
notion of history was one of the several ideological weapons that
colonialism invoked to construct its legitimacy.
In the Hindu communal worldview and politics, the religious
interpretation of history has an entirely different import, even if it
shares much of the colonial assumptions. Unlike the colonial history
which mainly emphasises social divisions, despite invo king the
tyranny of the Yavanas and the Muslims, its focus is more on social
antagonism and political hostility, which differentiates the Hindu
communal from the colonial communal. The antagonism and hostility
encoded in the interpretative structure of t he former, which
identifies the 'outsider' as enemy, turn history into an ideology of
communalism. The politics of Ramjanmabhoomi temple is a good example
of the mediation of such history in the making of popular historical
consciousness. The organising principle of this politics was not only
the privileging of faith over reason, but also the identification of
an enemy who acted against the religious interests of the Hindus.
Among the variety of factors that define the relationship between
communalism and revivalism in India, history plays a central role. The
revivalist ideas were inherent in the social and religious reform
movements of the 19th century, circumscribed as the y were within the
boundaries of caste and religious communities. Yet, revivalism as an
influential tendency emerged only during the second half of the 19th
century. Bankim Chandra Chatterji, Dayananda Saraswathi and Swami
Vivekananda are generally consid ered the early protagonists of this
tendency. Inward looking in their intellectual orientation and engaged
in revitalising Hinduism and Hindu community, they tried to privilege
many ideas and institutions from the ancient past. However, their
perspective was communitarian rather than communal. Antagonism against
other religions and communities was not a part of their perspective.
Even when they were critical of other religions as in the case of
Dayanand, their attempt was to explore religious truth thro ugh a
comparative understanding of different religions. Dayanand after all
was as trenchant a critique of the practices of Sanatani Hinduism as
of other religions. So were Bankim and Vivekananda. These early
articulations of revivalist tendencies were no t rooted in relation to
the 'other' in terms of a community within society.2 It was more in
the nature of internal revitalisation and consolidation in the context
of colonial domination. Communalism, on the other hand, though it
subsumed several elements of revivalism, is firmly anchored on a
hatred of the 'outsider' who, it is held, is mainly responsible for
the distortions and eventual loss of the indigenous civilisational
achievements. Notwithstanding this distinction, revivalism transformed
itself into communalism which, among other things, was made possible
by the m ediation of communal history, which cast the 'outsider' in
the role of the enemy. The inward looking communitarian perspective,
which mainly characterised revivalism, merged with a suspicion
andhostility of 'the other'. This process is facilitated by a r
eligious interpretation of history which by locating the 'outsider' as
the cause of the decline in the fortunes of the community forms the
ideology of communalism.
The concept of the 'outsider', variously described as the Mleccha,
Yavana and Turuska, has been part of the social consciousness for a
long time. They were communities from both within and outside India
and their defining elements were primarily social a nd cultural. The
language, food habits, dress and a variety of other practices
underlined the otherness. The Aryans considered the indigenous
population as Mleccha and at a later stage those who came from
outside, like the Huns and the Muslims, were inco rporated into this
category. Although the otherness was often a source of conflict, both
inter and intra-community, the relationship with the other was not
characterised by continuous hostility and conflict.3 That the
relationship with the out sider in the past was based on
irreconcilable political interests is a construction of communalism
influenced more by political interests rather than by social reality.
Outsider as enemy
The demographic composition of India which reflects the coming
together of a variety of groups - racial, linguistic and ethnic -
during the course of the last two millennia raises the question who
the 'outsider' is in Indian society. According to the Ant hropological
Survey of India there are 4,635 identifiable communities, diverse in
biological traits, dress, language, forms of worship, occupation, food
habits and kinship patterns. Most of these communities have a mixed
ancestry and it is now almost imp ossible to identify their roots.
They could be traced to Proto-Austroloid, Palio-Mediterranean,
Caucasian, Negroid and Mongoloid. The racial component is also quite
varied, drawing from almost every stock in the world. This plurality
is also reflected in the number of languages in use. Apart from
thousands of dialects there are as many as 325 languages and 25
scripts derived from various linguistic families - Indo-Aryan, Tibeto-
Burman, Dravidian, Austro-Asiatic, Andamese, Semitic, Indo-Iranian,
Sino-Tib etan, Indo-European and so on. The Indian society, as a
consequence, is a social and cultural amalgam with many of its
constitutive elements loosing their specific identity, at any rate
none existing in its initial pure form.4
The Hindu communal view of history strives to negate this historical
process by making a distinction between the original inhabitants of
the land and those who settled later. According to this view, all
those who migrated to India and their descendants a re foreigners and
therefore not part of the nation. Thus the Muslims, Christians and
Parsis, who are not indigenous to India and hence outsiders should
either 'Indianise' themselves or live like 'second class citizens
without any rights or privileges'.5 This naturally raises the question
who the original inhabitants were. Were the Aryans, to whom the upper
caste Hindus trace their lineage, indigenous to India? The opinion of
scholars of ancient history, based on archaeological and linguistic
evid ence, has been that Aryans had migrated to India, in all
probability in small groups, over a period of time.6 If this view is
correct, the assumption that the non-Hindu is the only 'outsider'
becomes untenable and the historical rationale for the Hindu nation
basedon Vedic lineage also becomes suspect. The present attempt to
invent the indigenous origins of Aryans, which is supported more by
speculation rather than tangible evidence, is rooted in an anxiety to
overcome this paradox. That the Hindutva historians are not hesitant
to fabricate evidence to prove their contention has been ably
demonstrated by Professor Michael Witzel and Professor Steve Farmer in
their recent article on the Harappan seal.7
The distinction between the indigenous and the 'outsider' is also
sought on the basis of the pure and the impure. The claim to purity,
traced to the idyllic past uncontaminated by the intrusion of the
'outsider', is an essential ideology of religious fun damentalism. One
among the various indicators of this distinction is food habit: those
who ate flesh and those who did not. It is now claimed by the
ideologues of the Sangh Parivar that the Aryans did not partake of
beef, although copious evidence exists , both literary and
archaeological, to the contrary. After a survey of the evidence from
various excavations since 1921, the doyen of Indian archaeologists,
H.D. Sankalia, has opined that "the attitude towards cow slaughter
shows that until the beginning of the Christian era the cow/ox were
regularly slaughtered for food and for the sacrifice etc., in spite of
the preaching of Ahimsa by Mahavira and the Buddha. Beef eating,
however, did decrease owing to these preachings, but never died out
completely". 8 The literary evidence from the Vedic and later periods
are also plenty. Panini, for instance, calls a guest a Goghna, which
means one for whom a cow is killed.9 Even Vivekananda refers to
instances of Rama and Krishna drinking wine and eating meat and Sita
offering meat, rice and wine to the river goddess Ganga in Ramayana
and Mahabharata. In fact, he considered the meat-eating habits of the
Aryans a virtue and attributed the decline of the Hindus in modern
times to the departure from it!10 Yet, the slaughter of cow and eating
beef are now invoked as signs of otherness in a bid to distinguish the
indigenous from the 'outsider'.
Apart from defiling the sacredness and purity of indigenous life, the
communal history also attributes to the 'outsider' a politically
disruptive role. The political history of India, in the account given
by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the progenitor of th e concept of
Hindutva, is a story of foreign invasions and Hindu resistance.
According to him, there were six major invasions of India, which were
successfully met by the Hindus. He characterises them as six 'glorious
epochs' in which the valour and brav ery of the Hindus overcame the
external threat. These 'glorious epochs' are the periods of
Chandragupta and Pushyamitra when the Greek invasions were repelled,
followed by those of Vikramaditya and Yashodharma who defeated the
Shakas and the Huns respect ively. In imagining the Hindu nation as a
historically constituted political entity, this religious view of the
conflict with the 'outsider' is a major factor.11
The consolidation and mobilisation of the Hindus are the main
objectives of the communal construction of history of which Savarkar
set a worthy example. Towards this political end, a systematic
attempt, embracing both the academic and popular histories, has been
on the anvil for quite some time, particularly during the last two
decades. The main thrust of this effort has been to further the
communal consciousness of history. Whenever the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) or its earlier incarnation, the Jan S angh, was able to gain
access to power they have not spared any effort to promote Hinduised
history at the expense of secular history. In 1977, at the instance of
the Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh (RSS) the government of the Janata
Party, of which the Jan S angh was a partner, tried to withdraw the
history books published by the National Council for Educational
Research and Training (NCERT) on the ground that they were not
sufficiently Hindu in their orientation. In more recent times, the BJP
governments in Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi have
revised their textbooks to introduce a communal view of the past,
highlighting the achievements and contribution of the Hindus and
undermining or misrepresenting the role of others. The present gov
ernment at the Centre, led by the BJP, has tried to lend support to
this effort by saffronising research institutions such as the Indian
Council for Historical Research (ICHR), Indian Council for Social
Science Research (ICSSR), Centre for Advanced Studi es (CAS) and so
on. Given the tradition of secular historical writing, these state
interventions to further the influence of communal history have
elicited strong resistance from the fraternity of professional
historians, as they have realised the danger the communal
mythification poses to the discipline of history.
Simultaneously, several initiatives have been taken to transform the
popular historical consciousness in favour of the communal. Among them
the setting up of Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Samiti, with four hundred
branches all over the country, is particular ly significant. Its brief
is to prepare the history of all districts keeping as the ideal the
history written by P.N. Oak, whose main contribution is the
identification of every medieval monument as a Hindu structure.
Incidentally, Oak recently approache d the Supreme Court of India with
a request to declare the Taj Mahal a Hindu building. The Supreme Court
has indeed dismissed the plea stating that Oak seems to have 'a bee in
his bonnet'. But it has not deterred the Archaeological Survey of
India (ASI), under the influence of the Sangh Parivar, to look for a
Hindu temple under every medieval monument! The latest excavation is
at Fatehpur Sikri, a monument constructed by the Mughal Emperor Akbar,
from the vicinity of which Jain idols have been unearthed and promptly
identified as disfigured by Akbar. The present chairman of the ICHR,
B.R. Grover, who has distinguished himself by the statement that the
Babri Masjid had collapsed and not destroyed, saw even the hand of
Auragazeb in this disfigurement! Th e archaeologists of the Sangh
Parivar who are eager to excavate the site of every medieval monument
are totally indifferent to the danger the excavations might spell to
these heritage sites.
The Sangh Parivar, with the support of the government if possible and
without it if necessary, has been engaged in the construction and
dissemination of mythified histories which would help further its
religious politics. Among the innumerable examples o f such
mythification, the 'histories' of Ayodhya circulated during the
Ramjanmabhoomi campaign through political and religious networks,
using audio, video and print materials, are the most instructive. In
fact, mythified histories of Ayodhya considerabl y helped to propel
the campaign. The mythification mainly served two objectives. Firstly,
to prove the deliberate and hostile acts of the 'outsider' and
secondly, to invoke the tradition of resistance and struggle the
Hindus had waged since the 16th cent ury in defence of their faith.
These histories foregrounded many a myth as established 'facts' of
history which later found their way into the textbooks in schools in
BJP-ruled States and those run by the RSS.
In these 'histories' the desecration and demolition of temples by the
medieval Muslim rulers form a central theme, substantiating thereby
the iconoclastic beliefs as well as the religious fanaticism of the
followers of Islam. Such an interpretation, howe ver, overlooks two
significant facts of medieval history. First, as Richard Eaton has
shown in a recent essay, well before the coming of the Muslims to
India temples had been the sites for the contestation of kingly
authority. The early medieval history abounds in instances of
desecration and destruction of temples of their political adversaries
by Hindu rulers. The Cholas, the Pallavas, the Chalukyas, the Palas
and many others had indulged in this 'irreligious' act.12 Secondly,
most of the desecration and destruction took place when "Indo-Muslim
States expanded into the domains of non-Muslim rulers". Once the
territory was conquered and integrated into the kingdom, such
expression of 'fanaticism' rarely occurred. Tipu Sultan, for instance,
desecrated temples during his invasion of Malabar, but after the
conquest he gave generous land grants to several of them. Also he is
not known to have desecrated temples in his own kingdom. On the
contrary, when a Hindu religious institution like the Sringeri Mat was
plundered and destroyed by a Maratha chieftain, Tipu Sultan had met
the expenses for its reconstruction. Similarly the Mughal rulers
generally 'treated the temples lying within their sovereign domain as
state propert y' and 'undertook to protect both the physical
structures and their Brahmin functionaries'.13 Such an attitude
informs even the policy of Aurangazeb, as evident from his orders to
his officials to protect the Brahmins of Benares. The departure from
this general policy, however, occurred either at the time of war or
rebellion as in the case of th e desecration of temples in Orcha by
Shajahan and in Mathura and Benares by Aurangazeb. Thus political
exigencies rather than a 'theology of iconoclasm' were the driving
force behind the destruction and desecration of temples. Yet, the
communal interpret ation of history adopts a purely religious view to
stigmatise the present-day Muslims - described as Baber ke Santan
(children of Baber) - as enemy.
The stigmatisation of the 'outsider' as enemy is not an end in itself.
Its purpose is mainly political: to recall to memory a heroic
tradition of resistance against the 'outsider' and thus to stir the
Hindus out of their lethargy and, in the provocative words of Sadhvi
Ritambara, from their impotence, so that they consolidate and realise
their power. The communal 'histories' of Ayodhya have, therefore,
invented the myth of the heroic resistance to the demolition of the
temple in the birth place of Shri Ramachandra and the later efforts to
reclaim it. A pamphlet entitled, "Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Ka Rakt Ranjit
Itihas" (The Blood Stained History of Shri Ram Janmabhoomi), published
by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) claimed that at the time of the de
molition of the temple, 1,74,000 Hindus sacrificed their lives
fighting against the Muslims. The pamphlet then goes on to record the
77 battles fought thereafter to reclaim the temple in which 3,50,000
Hindus had laid down their lives. The reference to t he exact numbers
involved gives certain historical veracity, which though imaginary
facilitates the social acceptance of myth as history.14
This is not to argue that myths, though lacking historicity, are
'hollow tales' without any element of historical truth.15 The origin
of the myth of 77 battles, for instance, can be traced to an actual
historical incident, even if it was not l inked with the
Ramjanmabhoomi temple: a fight between the Muslims and the Hindus in
1855 over a temple located near the Babri Masjid and dedicated to
Hanuman.16 Interestingly, this battle was waged by a Muslim faqir who
claimed the existence o f a mosque below this temple. During the
course of the inquiry into this incident, conducted by an official of
the Nawab of Awad and the British Resident, the local inhabitants did
not refer either to the existence of the Ramjanmabhoomi temple or
conflic ts in the past between the Hindus and the Muslims over the
possession of the mosque.17 The myths about the Mandir was therefore a
later construction, in all probability an outcome of property disputes
and political interests.
Larger Context
The rewriting of history in which the Sangh Parivar is currently
engaged is not internal to the movements within the discipline of
history. It is integral to a larger and long-term project aimed at
reordering the secular character that informed the educa tional and
cultural policies of independent India. Towards this end, the Sangh
Parivar has already undertaken several initiatives. Prominent among
them are the changes in the content of education, the organisation of
a parallel school system and the cont rol over cultural institutions.
In the field of education the University Grants Commission (UGC) and
the NCERT appear to be pursuing a communal agenda. The UGC is
reportedly working on a uniform syllabus for the country and as a part
of it is preparing to introduce courses on Vedic stu dies, astrology,
palmistry and Hindu rituals. A band of Hindu pandits armed with
university certificates will soon be available, particularly to non-
resident Indians, to conduct the rituals at the time of birth,
marriage and death! The only consolation i s that the Chairman of the
UGC promises to provide such academic service to non-Hindus also. It
appears that the concept of university is undergoing revolutionary
changes inspired by the swadeshi ideas advocated by the Minister for
Human Resource Development. The UGC also insists that all universities
and institutions under them be subjected to the recognition of the
National Accreditation Council. It is feared that such a
standardisation will undermine the autonomy of universities and thus
facil itate the introduction of a 'national' curriculum.
The preparation of a 'national' curriculum framework for school
education is also the urgent task undertaken by the NCERT. The
discussion document released by the NCERT clearly underlines a change
from secular to religious education. Most of the suggesti ons in this
report have a revivalist and chauvinistic ring about them. It
advocates an indigenous curriculum which would 'celebrate the ideas of
native thinkers' among whom non-Hindus are conspicuous by absence. One
of the aims of the new curriculum is ' to inculcate and maintain a
sense of pride in being an Indian through a conscious understanding of
the growth of Indian civilisation and also contributions of India to
the world civilisations in its thoughts, actions and deeds'. The
external influences o n the shaping of the Indian civilisation are
completely overlooked. The concept of secularism itself is sought to
be given a religious meaning by suggesting that sarvadharma samabhava
would facilitate 'the view that religion in its basic form (dev oid of
dogma, myth and ritual) would draw younger generations to basic moral
and spiritual values'.18
Both the UGC and the NCERT appear to draw inspiration from the scheme
prepared by an RSS education outfit, Vidhya Bharati, and presented by
the Human Resource Development Minister to the conference of State
Ministers of Education in 1998. In the name of 'Indianising,
nationalising and spiritualising' education, the attempt then was to
replace secular education with an indigenous system rooted in Hindu
knowledge. To achieve that end, Sanskrit was proposed as a compulsory
subject in schools and the induct ion of the valuable heritage of the
Vedas and Upanishads in the curriculum from the primary to the higher
level, including the vocational stream. Besides these, Indian culture,
conceived in Hindu religious terms, was to form an integral part of
all cours es.19 The incorporation of Sanskrit and Indian culture into
the curriculum is in itself not an undesirable step, but that it
privileged the Hindu system of knowledge to the exclusion of others
amounts to an infringement of the tenets of a secular state. Althou gh
this scheme had to be abandoned due to secular opposition, it gave a
foretaste of the future, if and when the Sangh Parivar gained
sufficient political clout.
The attempt to Hinduise the system of education had, however, begun
much before the BJP gained access to government power. As early as
1942 the RSS had initiated steps to organise its own educational
network. Since then the number of schools run by the P arivar has
steadily increased. It is estimated that now there are about 70,000
schools under its management. And the VHP has recently announced its
intention to further expand its educational activities, particularly
in tribal areas. With the financial a nd administrative assistance
proffered by the present government, a parallel system of Hindu
education is being brought into existence, under the guidance of an
all-India organisation called the Vidya Bharati Shiksha Sanstan, set
up in 1978. It was to he lp this system that the Minister for Human
Resource Development recently mooted the idea of extending the
educational privileges so far enjoyed by the minorities under the
Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution to all others.20 The rather
well-organised attacks on Christians, who own a fairly large number of
educational institutions, are also rooted, at least partially, in this
interest, as it is not possible to capture the educational sector
without eliminating the Christians.
The curriculum of these schools is unambiguously Hindu and militantly
communal, be it related to history, politics or literature. The
textbooks, particularly of history, prescribed in these schools are so
oriented to lend legitimacy to communal politics by stigmatising the
'outsider' and valorising the Hindu. In the process, history is turned
into myth which tends to inculcate in the young minds a false sense of
religious pride and hostility to the members of other denominations.
Not only the entire cul tural tradition is appropriated as Hindu, the
past is represented as a saga of Hindu valour and bravery. In fact,
the defeat of almost every Hindu ruler at the hands of an 'outsider'
is reinterpreted as a victory. A good example of such mythification is
an account of the war between Muhammad Ghori and Prithviraj Chauhan.
In the second battle of Tarain, which Prithviraj lost, he was captured
and executed by Ghori. This historical event is described in one of
the textbooks as follows: "Muhammad Ghori kill ed lakhs of people and
converted Vishwnath temple and Bhagawan Krishna's birthplace into
mosques. He took Prithviraj to Gazni, but Prithviraj killed him there
with one arrow and Muhammad Ghori's corpse lay on the feet of
Prithviraj as if narrating the ta le of his sins."21
The main objective of the rewriting of history is to impart certain
historical legitimacy to communal politics. The way the Indian
national movement is represented in the textbooks used in RSS-
administered schools and the desperate attempt of the ICHR to suppress
the volumes of Towards Freedom are among the several ongoing efforts
in this direction. It is common knowledge that the RSS hardly had any
role in the national movement, except as active collaborators of
colonialism. Yet, the Sangh Pariv ar is keen on appropriating its
legacy, as it would give a much-needed national legitimacy. The
history of the national movement is therefore being rewritten to
establish that the RSS had indeed played a positive role in the anti-
colonial struggle. This requires the projection of its leaders as
freedom fighters on the one hand and the suppression of their actual
role, on the other. In such rewritten history incorporated in all
textbooks of Vidhya Bharati, the founder of the RSS, Keshav Baliram
Hedgewar, figures as a great leader of the anti-colonial struggle,
much ahead of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru.22 In a textbook
prescribed by the Uttar Pradesh government, out of about 20 pages
devoted to the Freedom movement, three pages take up the contribution
of Hedgewar, who is credited with the leadership of the agitation
against the partition of Bengal.23
The successful projection of such a positive image of the RSS and its
leaders would depend upon the suppression or elimination of counter
factual evidence. That appears to be the brief of the ICHR, as evident
from the attempt to withdraw the volumes of < I>Towards Freedom. The
published volumes of Towards Freedom do not credit the RSS with any
role in the anti-colonial struggle. Instead there is evidence in them,
in the form of letters and speeches of its leaders, about its active
collaboratio n with the British colonial rule. The ICHR, now firmly
under the control of the RSS, is understandably eager to prevent the
publication of further volumes and withdraw the existing ones, as
they, being documentary histories, would expose the claims of th e
RSS. The knowledge about the role of the RSS, to which the public will
have access through these volumes, is likely to undermine the
nationalist credentials of the Sangh Parivar. It is this fear of
history, which has prompted the ICHR to make the rathe r desperate
move to withdraw the volumes from the Press. In the process all
institutional procedures have been violated and the academic freedom
of the authors has been infringed.
What the ICHR has tried to do rather clumsily and secretly - the
authors who were commissioned to edit the volumes were not even
informed, let alone consulted - is not an isolated incident, but part
of an anti-secular, anti-democratic rightwing agenda wh ich the
present government with the active participation of various arms of
the Sangh Parivar has been pursuing. Towards this end, secular opinion
has been systematically eliminated from all research institutions and
cultural organisations funded by the government and replaced by the
activists or loyalists of the RSS. There is also well-planned and
systematic vilification of secular intelligentsia, as evident from the
false and malicious accusations recently levelled against historians
by Arun Shourie, an RSS ideologue and a Minister in the present
government.
The freedom of expression is particularly under surveillance in the
cultural field. No effort is spared to suppress the long cherished and
historically evolved plural and secular traditions. The artists and
cultural activists who follow such traditions h ave been under severe
strain, often faced with threats and even physical attacks. Some time
back a panel on Ramayana, based on Jataka tales, displayed in an
exhibition on Ayodhya mounted by a cultural organisation, SAHMAT, was
destroyed by the members of the Sangh Parivar. M.F. Husain's paintings
and Deepa Mehta's films have also aroused the ire of the Sangh Parivar
for alleged disrespect to Indian tradition. On the whole, there is a
tendency to control the intellectual and cultural life in conformity w
ith a fundamentalist view. In the way such a view is implemented,
irrationally and aggressively, there are unmistakable signs of fascist
tendencies.
The instrumentalist role of the rewriting of history currently being
promoted by the government and the Sangh Parivar for defining and
demarcating the nation as Hindu, imparts to it an essentially
political character. The stigmatisation of the 'outsider' as enemy
validated by historical experience lends the rationale for the
communal programme of marginalising, if not externalising, the members
of other denominations. Derivatively, it also legitimises the claim of
the 'indigenous' to the nation. The oth erness of 'outsider' therefore
serves as a signifier for internal consolidation and homogenisation.
To the early ideologues of communalism, such as V.D. Savarkar and M.S.
Golwalkar, the religious interpretation of history was the necessary
ideological gr oundwork for recovering the Hindu nation. The present
engagement of the communal forces with history is with no other intent
which, if succeeds, would unsettle the secular character of the
nation. Therefore the current debate about history in India is as much
about the integrity of the discipline as about the future well-being
of the country.
K.N. Panikkar is Professor of Modern History at the Centre for
Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
1. Maurice Godellier, Perspectives in Marxist Anthropology, Cambridge,
1977, pp.207-09.
2. Tapan Roy Choudhry, Perceptions, Emotions, Sensibilities, New
Delhi, 1999 and John Zavos, The Emergence of Hindu Nationalism in
India, New Delhi, 2000.
3. Romila Thapar, 'The Image of the Barbarian in Early India' in
Ancient Indian Social History, New Delhi, 1998, pp.152-192; Aloka
Parasher, Mlecchas in Early India, New Delhi,1991 and Brajadulal
Chattopadhyaya, Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the
Muslims, New Delhi, 1998.
4. K.S.Singh, People of India: An Introduction, New Delhi, 1995.
5. M.S.Golwalkar, We or our Nationhood Defined, Nagpur, 1947.
6. Romila Thapar, 'The Rgveda: Encapsulating Social Change' in
K.N.Panikkar et.al. (ed) The Making of History, New Delhi, 2000, pp.
11-40; R.S. Sharma, Advent of the Aryans in India, New Delhi, 1999
Shereen Ratnagar, End of the Great Har appan Tradition, New Delhi,
2000.
7. An advocate of this theory is a computer scientist based in North
America, N.S. Rajaram, who has authored two books, Aryan Invasion of
India (1993) and The Politics of History (1995). The arguments and
interpretations in these two books are found to be fictional and
historically unfounded. See Shereen Ratnagar, Revisionist at work: A
chauvinistic Inversion of the Aryan Invasion Theory, Frontline,
February 9,1996. More grievously Rajaram has been found faking
evidence by Michael Witzel, Wales Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard
University. For his findings and criticism see website,
http://www.Safarmer.com/horseseal/update.html (The authoritative
version of Witzel and Farmer's collaborative work on Rajaram's
supposed findings has b een published as a cover story in Frontline,
October 13, 2000.)
8. H.D. Sankalia, 'In History', Seminar, No. 93, May 1967, pp.12-16.
Also see Alan Heston, 'An Approach to the Sacred Cow of India',
Current Anthropology, Vol.12, No.2, April 1971 and Marvin Harris, 'The
Cultural Ecology of India's Sacred Cattle', Cultural Anthropology, Vol.
7, No. 1, February 1966.
9. P.V.Kane, History of the Dharma Shastras, Pune, 1975, Vol.ii, pp.
772-76.
10. Complete Works of Vivekananda, Vol.V, Calcutta, 1966, pp.477-498.
11. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History,
Bombay, 1966.
12. Richard M. Eaton, 'Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States' in
Essays on Islam and Indian History, New Delhi, 2000.
13. Ibid.
14. K.N. Panikkar (ed.), The Concerned Indian's Guide to Communalism,
'Introduction', New Delhi, 1999, p.xiii.
15. Paul Veyne, Did the Greeks Believe in the Myth?, Chicago,1983.
16. K.N. Panikkar, 'An Overview' in S. Gopal (ed.) Anatomy of a
Confrontation: Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhumi Issue, New Delhi, 1991.
17. The details of this incident and the report of the enquiry are
available in Foreign Political Consultation, No.34, 28 December 1855,
National Archives of India, New Delhi.
18. National Curriculum Framework for School Education - A Discussion
Document, NCERT, New Delhi, 2000, p.24.
19. 'Conference of State Education Ministers and Education
Secretaries, October 22-24, Agenda Papers, Annexure.
20. Ibid.
21. National Steering Committee on Textbook Evaluation:
Recommendations and Report, NCERT, p. 6, New Delhi, 1998.
22. See Sanskar Saurab Series published by the Bharatiya Shiksha
Samiti, Rajasthan.
23. National Steering Committee on Textbook Evaluation:
Recommendations and Report, NCERT, p.14
http://www.flonnet.com/fl1801/18010730.htm
Volume 23 - Issue 01, Jan. 14 - 27, 2006
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COMMUNALISM
A saffron assault abroad
NALINI TANEJA
The Hindu Right's attempts to rewrite school textbooks on India and
Hinduism in California meet with stiff resistance from renowned
historians and scholars in the U.S. and abroad.
THE connections between communalist political strategies and textbook
revisions were explored in detail in the media when the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP) went about changing the syllabus of the National
Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and getting
school history textbooks rewritten while in government. But few would
imagine that the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS)-linked
organisations were in a position to put their stamp on school
textbooks in California in the United States. The partial success of
the "education" wings of the Hindu Swayamsewak Sangh in getting many
of their revisions approved by the Curriculum Commission (CC) of the
California State Board of Education has caused a virtual
"international scandal".
The State Board of Education, California, is currently engaged in
approving the history/social science textbooks for grades six to eight
in schools, an exercise undertaken periodically. The Hindu Education
Foundation and the Vedic Foundation (based in the U.S.) have used the
occasion to push through "corrections" in the textbooks approved.
Shiva Bajpai, who constituted the one-member ad hoc committee set up
by the Board, succeeded in getting virtually all the changes requested
by these organisations incorporated into the textbooks. Professor
Emeritus at California State University, Northridge, and a Hindutva-
leaning adviser to the Board, Bajpai was proposed as expert by the
Vedic Foundation. That the Hindutva groups have not had a walkover is
thanks to the vigilance and commitment of the many academics involved
in Indian studies all over the world. Intervention by Professors
Michael Witzel and Steve Farmer in the form of a letter, signed by 50
other scholars, presented at a public hearing on November 9, resulted
in the Board reversing its initial approval of the pro-Hindutva
changes. Prof. Witzel is a well-known Indologist and has often taken
up the cudgels against Hindutva ideologues such as David Frawley, N.S.
Rajaram and Konrad Elst in the West.
Witzel's letter, endorsed among others by renowned Indian historians
Romila Thapar, D.N. Jha and Shereen Ratnagar, to Ruth Green,
President, State Board of Education, California, on behalf of "world
specialists on ancient India", voicing "mainstream academic opinion in
India, Pakistan, the United States, Europe, Australia, Taiwan and
Japan" on the issue, is now part of a concerted campaign encompassing
well-known scholars and hundreds of teachers and parents in
California.
These scholars make the important point that the "corrections"
proposed by the Hindu Right in the U.S. reflect political agendas
discriminatory to millions of people in India, especially the
minorities, `lower' castes, and women; and that such revisions have
already been debated thoroughly and rejected by academics and
progressive political opinion in India. Besides, they "do not reflect
the views of majority of the specialists on ancient Indian history,
nor of majority of the Hindus".
Asserting that "the proposed revisions are not of a scholarly, but of
a religious-political nature and are primarily promoted by Hindutva
supporters and non-specialist academics writing about issues far
outside their areas of expertise", the scholars have called on the
Board to "reject the demands by nationalist Hindu (Hindutva) groups".
From India, 12 historians have written to the CC to reject the changes
proposed by the RSS-linked organisations in the U.S.
Signatures opposing the sectarian changes have been pouring in by the
day and the Board, now alert to the issue, has constituted a new
Content Review Committee (among its members are Professors Witzel,
James Heitzman and Stanley Wolpert), which has put together a list of
recommendations that "allow for only such changes as meet the
standards of objective scholarship".
On the other side, the Hindu Education Foundation and the Vedic
Foundation protested the constitution of the Content Review Committee
and the inclusion of Witzel on it. They launched a campaign that the
"corrections" were incorporated through a proper procedure and claimed
that Witzel knew little about Hinduism and ancient Indian history.
They also asserted their right to represent Hindus in the U.S. and
their authority to decide what is the `authentic' depiction of
Hinduism and ancient Indian history.
Frantic mobilisation by Pranawa C. Deshmukh, a professor of physics at
the Indian Institute of Technology, Chennai, in support of the changes
suggested by the Vedic Foundation and the Hindu Education Foundation,
and the pressure of a host of organisations that constitute the
`parivar' in the U.S. resulted in many of the proposed changes in
textbooks getting the approval despite scholarly opinion being heavily
weighted against it.
The details of how this was achieved remind one of the way in which
RSS-sponsored revisions of textbooks were pushed through during the
BJP's tenure in power at the Centre. During the meeting for the
adoption of the recommendations of the Board by the CC in the course
of a public hearing on December 1 and 2, 2005, the members of the
Commission actually flouted the mandate of the Education Board. Of the
total 156 edits requested, the CC accepted 97 that conformed to what
the Hindutva organisations had proposed.
According to Witzel, "the proceedings of the CC meetings were highly
skewed, irregular and contravened the mandate given by the Board". The
Board had directed that the Commission approve only edits that
"improve the factual accuracy of materials". Instead, matters were so
arranged that several Commissioners had already left in the afternoon
of December 2, by the time this was voted on. Others abstained as they
did not know about the matter at hand (but with stacks of related
papers in front of them which they apparently had not read, including
the letter by more than 100 U.S. professors of Indian background and
others by groups of concerned Indian Americans). All were tired, and
one Commissioner, Stan Metzenberg, Professor of Biology at California
State University, Northridge, took the chance to push through
aggressively the Vedic Foundation's agenda. "The CC redefined their
mandate repeatedly, contravening the mandate of the Board that the
Commission should approve only edits that `improve the factual
accuracy of materials'; they allowed additional changes made from the
floor by Hindutvavadins to be inserted; they pushed through a
sectarian agenda that redefines Indian history and Hinduism," Witzel
said.
The Hindu Education Foundation appreciatively quotes Metzenburg as
saying: "I've read the DNA research and there was no Aryan migration.
I believe the hard evidence of DNA more than I believe historians."
However, finally it had to be agreed as: "Some historians believe in
the theory of an Aryan migration." He insisted that "Hindus should at
least be able to recognise their own religion when they read these
textbooks". In short, the textbooks must reflect popular common sense
rather than strive to mould/challenge popular common sense on the
basis of objective historical facts or the gains of scientific
enquiry.
Witzel puts it thus: "California has been hijacked by a saffron
agenda, worse by a sectarian saffron agenda. In this case, a strident
Vaishnava one that excludes Shaiva, Devi, Tantric, Lingayat and other
forms of Hindu worship and Darshana... The new CA [California] history
textbooks will reflect that."
Going by the "corrections" approved, the word "murti" means "God" (the
CC agreed to the Hindu request to change "statue" to "deity"), the
translation of "brahman" is "God", and all Hindus believe in God whose
name is Bhagwan.
The "corrections" demanded by the Hindutva organisations are integral
to the Sangh Parivar's political agenda in India, and similar to what
the BJP government was trying to do with the NCERT syllabus and
textbooks in social sciences, particularly history.
For example, among the "corrections" suggested is a clear attempt to
deny the integrality of the caste system in ancient India; it was
proposed to delete the reference altogether in one textbook. In
another, it was proposed that the picture of an untouchable be
removed. In yet another book, a reference to caste system as part of
Aryan society was replaced by: "During Vedic times, people were
divided into different social groups (varnas) based on their capacity
to undertake a particular profession." Another reference to caste is
to read as: "A late hymn of the Rg Veda describes the
interrelationship and interdependence of the four social classes."
On women, it was suggested that the references to gender bias in
ancient India were incorrect and insulting to Hindu society. Therefore
the line, "Men had many more rights than women" was to be replaced by,
"Men had different duties (dharma) and rights than women. Many women
were among the sages to whom the Vedas were revealed."
In another textbook, the changes included a specific addition that
"the recent archaeological proofs are negating the Aryan invasion
theory. The new theory suggests that Aryans were not the outsiders".
Elsewhere: "They [Aryans] were part of a larger group of people
historians refer to as the Indo-Europeans" is replaced with the
statement: "Some historians believe the Aryans were part of a larger
group of people known as the Indo-Europeans." "The Vedas came to form
the major beliefs of the religion called Brahmanism" is replaced with:
"The Vedas constitute the source of Hinduism." Early Aryan religion is
to be replaced with references to early Hindu religion.
Still other corrections follow the familiar pattern of ante-dating the
Rg Veda, confusing dates of Indus and Harappa city-based civilisations
with the Vedic civilisation, conflating Brahmanical practices with
Hinduism, describing the Vedas as the source and basic texts of
Hinduism, denying the plurality of gods worshipped through history in
favour of one God in different forms, depicting sudras as "serving all
classes" and doing "labour-intensive work" rather than serving `upper'
castes and so on. The current Hindutva preoccupations such as
asserting the sacredness of cows, vegetarianism and the Saraswati
civilisation myth have also found their way into the textbooks.
Tolerance is shown as "usual" for the time of Asoka in ancient India;
the references to technology, science and mathematics in ancient India
have been modified to enable suitable glorification; and negative
aspects of society are either deleted or presented as cultural
specificities rather than as oppressive ones.
THE moves by the Hindu Right in the U.S. are no flash in the pan. The
web sites of two of the organisations spearheading the Hindutva
campaign - the Hindu Education Foundation and the Vedic Foundation -
expressly state the revision of school textbooks in the U.S. as part
of their political agenda. They regularly "interact" with State
Education Committees that define school curriculum, conduct seminars
and training programmes for teachers and "create resources" for
parents who "wish to provide such opportunities for educators in their
own areas". There are fora of all kinds offering entertainment,
educational services and social support to youth. Alternative social
networks through bhajan mandalis, yoga centres, discussion groups,
special programmes and publications devoted to children, answer the
yearnings for roots and culture among immigrants. The RSS-linked
organisations have penetrated all these and are creating new ones all
the time. The entire effort is part of the RSS' larger goal to
"educate" Hindu children brought up in the U.S. to be "good Hindus"
and to "learn the truth about Indian history and culture", and
ultimately to finance their "social work" in India.
Not long ago, citizens' groups in India and North America exposed the
nexus between funding of charities in the West and the hate campaigns
and the expansion of communal networks of the Sangh Parivar in India.
Infusing hatred directly or through the educational set-up is not as
easy in the U.S. as it is through the Vidya Bharati schools and the
Ekal Vidyalayas in India. The strategy of the Hindu Right is different
in the U.S. It does the next best thing: it creates innumerable social
networks where prejudices are nurtured and fascist solutions to
problems legitimised, and glories of ancient India and Hinduism rule
the roost.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2301/stories/20060127000807700.htm
Volume 16 - Issue 9, Apr. 24 - May. 07, 1999
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COVER STORY
The DMK's turnabout
The circumstances surrounding the fall of the Vajpayee Government may
lead to a realignment of political forces in Tamil Nadu, where the
ruling DMK finds itself politically isolated.
T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
in Chennai
EVEN as All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam general secretary
Jayalalitha helped push Vajpayee Government out of power, her
principal political rival in Tamil Nadu, Chief Minister and Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam president M. Karunanidhi, stood politically isolated
from his erstwhile allies. Karunanidhi's gamble in deciding to support
the BJP-led Government in the vote of confidence, breaking ranks with
four allies - the Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC), the Communist Party of
India (Marxist), the Communist Party of India (CPI) and the Janata Dal
- failed.
Indeed, no party in Tamil Nadu has emerged with a creditable image
from the latest political battle. Clearly, it was not "national
security", as Jayalalitha claimed, but her personal agenda to get the
DMK Government dismissed and extricate herself from the corruption
cases she faces that in the end drove her to desert the BJP-led
Government. On the other hand, the DMK's volte-face and its voting
alongside the BJP made a mockery of its claims to upholding the
Dravidian legacy of combating communalism; Karunanidhi sought to
justify his decision by saying that "Jayalalitha's corruption is more
dangerous than communalism."
The TMC seems to have emerged relatively unscathed; the party made
known its stand opposing in equal measure the BJP's communalism and
the AIADMK's corruption. TMC president G.K. Moopanar did not yield to
pressure from the DMK, some other parties and film actor Rajnikant to
bail out the Vajpayee Government by voting in support of the
confidence motion or abstaining during the vote. Moopanar also
reportedly told Congress(I) president Sonia Gandhi and other
Congress(I) leaders that his party would not support a Congress(I)-led
Government in which the AIADMK was a partner.
Soon after the Vajpayee Government was voted out, Moopanar, in a clear
reference to the AIADMK, said: "Corrupt elements cannot be allowed to
go out of one door and re-enter the government through another door...
The TMC hopes that the Congress(I) will adhere to the principles
contained in the (Pachmarhi) declaration and that the new formation
will fight the twin evils of communalism and corruption."
Sources in the Left parties said that the DMK had placed "personal
interests above national interests" and had lost out eventually.
Informed sources in the TMC and the Left parties said that the DMK had
stood on prestige and that its actions were motivated by a desire to
see that Jayalalitha did not get the "credit" for toppling the
Vajpayee Government. A Left leader said: "If the DMK had joined us,
the credit would not have gone to Jayalalitha. She has accomplished
what she set out to do."
Karunanidhi shrugged off the defeat of the BJP-led Government, saying:
"In a democracy, victories and defeats are common... I do not want to
pretend that I do not feel sad about the defeat." He said the reason
for the defeat was the "magnanimity" of Lok Sabha Speaker G.M.C.
Balayogi in allowing Orissa Chief Minister Giridhar Gamang to vote on
the motion.
THE fall of the Vajpayee Government and the circumstances that led up
to it may lead to a realignment of political parties in Tamil Nadu.
The TMC, the CPI(M) and the CPI may part company with the DMK and
forge a new front, and the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
(MDMK) led by Vaiko, which was a constituent of the BJP-led coalition,
may join it. The Congress(I) and the AIADMK may formalise an alliance
and may be joined by the PMK led by Dr. S. Ramadoss.
When it became clear that the AIADMK was preparing to withdraw support
to the Vajpayee Government, the BJP set in motion efforts to win the
DMK's support. Union Home Minister L.K. Advani and Vajpayee spoke to
Karunanidhi on the phone on April 9 and 10 respectively and sought his
party's support. Informed sources in the BJP and the DMK said that
Karunanidhi told them that the DMK's ideology was opposed to that of
the BJP's Hindutva, and that in any case only the party executive
could take a decision.
The first indication that the DMK might strike out on its own came on
April 11, when newspersons asked Karunanidhi what strategy the DMK
would adopt in the light of the political developments in New Delhi.
Karunanidhi asked: "How can we be in a front in which Jayalalitha is a
part?" The DMK also came under pressure from the BJP, which pointed
out that over the past year the Prime Minister had not yielded to the
AIADMK's repeated demands for the dismissal of the Karunanidhi
Government. Vazhapadi K. Ramamurthi of the Tamizhaga Rajiv Congress
too spoke to Karunanidhi and told him that even if the DMK did not
support the BJP, it should do nothing that would assist Jayalalitha in
her efforts to topple the Government.
Even after the DMK indicated that it would go with the BJP, Moopanar
stuck to his stand. "We will always work against corruption and
communalism," he said. When Moopanar met Congress(I) leaders in the
first week of April, he put forward only one condition: a Congress(I)
government should not include the AIADMK.
DMK leaders Murasoli Maran, MP, and Health Minister Arcot N. Veerasamy
met Moopanar on April 12 in order to explain their party's stand. But
Moopanar made it clear that the TMC would have nothing to do with
either the AIADMK or the BJP and that it expected the DMK to take a
similar stand. No such assurance came from Maran and Veerasamy.
S. THANTHONI
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and DMK president M. Karunanidhi. His
gamble in deciding to spport the BJP-led Government in the vote of
confidence, breaking ranks with his party's allies in the State,
failed.
Jayalalitha left for New Delhi on April 12, ruling out the possibility
of a rapprochement with the BJP because Vajpayee and Advani had spoken
to Karunanidhi.
On April 13 the DMK executive met and passed a resolution which said
that since Jayalalitha posed "the biggest threat to the State and the
nation, the DMK will not support any formation in which Jayalalitha
found a place directly or indirectly." Karunanidhi summed up his
party's intention when he said: "Jayalalitha's corruption is a bigger
threat than communalism." The resolution added that Jayalalitha was
bent on toppling the Government not because she opposed communalism
but because she wanted to extricate herself from the corruption cases
she was facing. Besides, the "one and only item on her agenda" was to
get the DMK Government dismissed, it said.
The DMK's stand shocked the Left parties. State CPI secretary R.
Nallakannu and State CPI(M) secretary N. Sankariah issued a joint
statement asking the DMK to reconsider its stand and take "a political
position which will be firmly against the BJP Government."
When Frontline met Nallakannu and Sankariah separately, they assailed
the DMK line that "Jayalalitha's corruption is more dangerous than
communalism." They agreed that Jayalalitha was monumentally corrupt
and that she had tried to extricate herself from the corruption cases
against her and that the BJP had aided her in this. But, they noted,
the five parties in the DMK-led front in Tamil Nadu had fought this.
However, when the AIADMK had withdrawn its support to the Vajpayee
Government because of "internal contradictions" and the Government was
about to fall, the five parties should back that move, they said.
Jayalalitha's corruption could be tackled later, after the Government
fell, they reasoned.
N. BALAJI
TMC president G.K. Moopanar. The TMC seemed to have emerged
relatively unscathed from the latest round; the party made known its
stand opposing in equal measure the BJP's communalism and the AIADMK's
corruption.
Sankariah said: "We will not protect anybody who is corrupt. The law
will take its own course."
Both Nallakannu and Sankariah squelched the DMK's fears that if the
Congress(I) formed a coalition government with the AIADMK as a
partner, the DMK Government would again be dismissed. Nallakannu said
that in the absence of a majority, the Congress(I) would not be able
to dismiss the DMK Government, and that in any case the Communist
parties would firmly oppose any such move. Nallakannu said that the
DMK's decision to support the BJP at this juncture "does not behove
Tamil Nadu's political background because the legacy of the Dravidian
parties is to oppose sectarian politics."
Informed sources said that Karunanidhi felt "insulted" that CPI(M)
general secretary Harkishan Singh Surjeet met Jayalalitha in Delhi on
April 14. CPI general secretary A.B. Bardhan too met her the next
day.
Karunanidhi accused the CPI(M) and the CPI of initiating steps that
"certainly fragmented" the Third Front. He said: "I do not know what
prompted Mr. Surjeet to ignore the DMK and talk to Jayalalitha." He
wondered what had become of the assurances from West Bengal Chief
Minister Jyoti Basu and Surjeet that the DMK and the TMC were very
much a part of the Third Front and that a collective decision would be
taken. He accused the CPI(M) and the CPI of not consulting the DMK on
the fast-moving developments in New Delhi. He said he was sure that
the political parties which had lined up behind Jayalalitha now would
see her in her true colours at the appropriate time.
SHANKER CHAKRAVARTY
Jayalalitha with CPI general secretary A.B. Bardhan at Ajoy Bhavan,
the CPI headquarters, in New Delhi on April 15. The circumstances that
led up to the fall of the Vajpayee Government may lead to a
realignment of political parties in Tamil Nadu.
CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Sitaram Yechury refuted Karunanidhi's
allegation that he had not been consulted by the Left parties. He said
the Central and State leadership of the CPI(M) had been in constant
touch with the DMK. If the DMK wanted to change its position, the Left
should "not be used as an excuse," he said.
With the defeat of the Vajpayee Government, the DMK, which is without
friends, may face tough days ahead in the political arena. Karunanidhi
admitted as much when he said that the DMK had been isolated from the
Left parties. "But we will not be isolated from the people," he
added.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl1609/16090210.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
CONTROVERSY
Artist’s alienation
V. VENKATESAN
Harassment by Hindutva fanatics and law enforcers made M.F. Husain
accept Qatari nationality.
V. GANESAN
THAT India’s pre-eminent artist, Maqbool Fida Husain, 94, had to
accept the citizenship of another country may well be the tragedy of
Indian secularism. On February 25, the Government of Qatar conferred
on him Qatari nationality, without his applying for the same.
Husain’s acquisition of Qatar’s citizenship will, in all probability,
raise questions about whether he can retain his Indian citizenship.
Under Section 9 of the Citizenship Act, 1955, any citizen of India who
voluntarily acquires the citizenship of another country shall, upon
such acquisition, cease to be a citizen of India. The key word here is
“voluntarily”. Therefore, when the Central government seeks to
determine whether he “voluntarily” acquired the citizenship of Qatar,
it may well consider the circumstances that left him with no choice,
apart from the obvious facts.
The story of Husain’s struggle for justice has to be traced to 1996,
when Hindutva forces were on the ascendant following their success in
electoral politics. In September 1996, an article by one Om Nagpal,
titled “Is he [Husain] an artist or a butcher?” appeared in Vichar
Mimansa, a monthly magazine in Hindi published from Bhopal. In the
article Husain’s depiction of the goddess Saraswati in the nude was
reproduced. The magazine’s editor, V.S. Vajpayee, had come across it
in the book Husain - Riding the Lightning by Dnyaneshwar Nadkarni.
Husain had drawn this in 1970.
Maharashtra’s then Minister for Culture and Shiv Sena leader Pramod
Navalkar, who came across newspaper reports of the article, and then
read the article, wrote to the Mumbai Police Commissioner informing
him of the material referred to in the article. The Mumbai Police
treated the letter as a complaint and registered a case on October 8,
1996, against Husain under Sections 153A (promoting enmity between
different groups on account of religion, etc.) and 295A (deliberate
and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any
class) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
These are provisions that cannot be invoked without the sanction of
the State government. The non-application of mind by the State
government, before granting sanction, thus sowed the seeds of bigotry.
Soon after, Bajrang Dal activists barged into the Herwitz gallery in
Ahmedabad’s famous Husain-Doshi Gufa art complex to destroy Husain’s
paintings. They ransacked the place and the damage was estimated at Rs.
1.5 crore. Damage was inflicted on all of Husain’s paintings,
including his depictions of the Buddha, Hanuman and Ganesha. The State
government’s reluctance to apprehend those responsible for the attack
encouraged a culture of impunity.
Artists in Mumbai, Delhi and Ahmedabad came out in a public expression
of solidarity with Husain. Husain, then in London, issued a statement
in which he said it was not his intention to hurt people’s feelings
with his art, but if he had, he regretted it.
Metaphoric art
Husain was born in a working class family of some means in Pandharpur,
Maharashtra. He intermittently attended the local college of arts in
Indore. At 17, he was apprenticed to a tailor; he also trained to
become a prayer leader. He moved to Mumbai in 1937 and lived for many
years in a slum. There he worked as an assistant to a billboard
painter, and then became a painter of signs himself. He also worked as
a furniture designer and as a toy maker. He painted determinedly
through all these phases.
His references to Indian culture are metaphoric. In fact, the
Saraswati sketch was really skeletal, an outline showing a woman as a
muse. It revealed Husain’s deft strokes. There was nothing in it that
could be called grotesque. As Rajeev Dhavan records in his book
Publish and be Damned: Censorship and Intolerance in India (Tulika
Books, 2008), it was the Vichar Mimansa headline calling Husain a
butcher that built up hatred against the painter and his works. In
fact, the publication should have been indicted for hate speech.
Since Vichar Mimansa was published from Madhya Pradesh, the
prosecutions should have been launched in that State. But there is no
legal bar to prosecute from any State where the publication was
distributed. This legal labyrinth prompted Hindutva forces to choose
Maharashtra, where the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party was in power,
rather than Madhya Pradesh, which was then ruled by a Congress
government led by Digvijay Singh.
Artists and historians had then sought to expose the vacuousness of
the protests by the Hindutva fringe groups. They pointed out that the
walls of the Hoysala temples depict a variety of Saraswati images, all
nude. Nudity was never questioned in Indian art. Experiments of early
Indian artists were much more daring than Husain’s.
Hate-mongers
On May 1, 1998, Bajrang Dal activists forced their way into Husain’s
South Mumbai home and created mayhem. They were ostensibly provoked by
one of his works exhibited in New Delhi. They interpreted that the
painting depicted Sita perched on the tail of a flying Hanuman, both
in the nude. Husain had never given a caption to this painting, and
the Hindutvavadis gave a free rein to their imagination.
This time, as in 1996, Husain suggested setting up a three-member
committee – an art critic, a lawyer and a representative of the Vishwa
Hindu Parishad (VHP) – that could go through his entire collection. He
said he was prepared to destroy immediately any work that the
committee found objectionable.
But the VHP-Bajrang Dal combine could not be pacified by these
concessions which, to many of Husain’s admirers, seemed unwarranted.
In 2006, Husain was accused of painting a ‘Naked Bharat Mata’ (nude
Mother India). The painting was put up for auction by Apparao
Galleries of Chennai. The title Bharat Mata was given by the
auctioneer without reference to Husain. Husain again apologised and
withdrew the painting from the charity auction.
SEBASTIAN D'SOUZA/AFP
M.F. Husain at the inauguration of his exhibition "...and not only 88
of Husain" at the National Art Gallery in Mumbai in Janary 2004.
Although Husain apologised to stop the hate campaign, he was innocent
and had no intention of painting something profane.
The hate-mongers remained dissatisfied. It was then that Home Minister
Shivraj Patil instructed the police chiefs of Delhi and Mumbai to take
“appropriate action” against Husain on the basis of an intelligence
input that Husain’s Bharat Mata and other controversial paintings of
Hindu goddesses could spark communal trouble. Newspaper reports about
the May 2006 advisory shocked the artistic community.
The advisory was based on the Law Ministry’s review of about six
paintings by Husain. The Law Ministry had concluded that a sound case
had been made for the prosecution of Husain. The United Progressive
Alliance government, which now swears by its resolve to give
protection to Husain if he returns to India, has no explanation why it
responded the way it did in 2006.
Artists such as Vivan Sundaram, Ram Rahman, Shubha Mudgal, Arjun Dev,
K. Bikram Singh, S. Kalidas, Krishen Khanna and Rajen Prasad wrote to
Shivraj Patil on May 8, 2006, to withdraw immediately the advisory, if
it had been issued, as such an action had never been taken earlier
against a visual artist. “The implications of such a step are very
serious and strike at the very foundations of our democratic polity,”
they wrote. They pointed out to Patil that Husain’s work is a
celebration of the multi-cultural and multi-religious life of
independent India. Though a Muslim, Husain has done a series of
paintings celebrating the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the
mythological traditions of other religions that have taken root in
India – such as Christianity, Judaism, Zoroastrianism as well as
Islam. He was nominated to the Rajya Sabha on this acclaim.
Meanwhile, death threats were issued, putting a price on Husain’s
head. Ashok Pandey, who claimed to be the president of the Hindu Law
Board, offered a Minister from Uttar Pradesh Rs.101 crore to kill
Husain in response to the Minister’s offer of Rs.51 crore to any
person who assassinated the Danish cartoonist who had insulted the
Prophet.
In Gujarat, Jashubhai Patel, who was earlier president of the BJP unit
in Mehsana district, announced that he would pay one kilogram of gold
to anyone who gouged out the eyes of Husain and cut off his right
thumb so that he would never be able to make paintings of Hindu gods
and goddesses. The Congress Minority Cell in Madhya Pradesh offered Rs.
11 lakh to any patriot who would chop off Husain’s hands because he
had hurt Hindu sentiments. The call was issued by Akhtar Baig, who was
vice-president of Madhya Pradesh Congress Committee in Indore.
If these threats dissuaded Husain from returning to India, he could
not be blamed for it. The police in these States did not take any
action against those who issued the threats despite their identity
having been revealed in the media. Such threats are covered under
Section 503 of the IPC (criminal intimidation), and punishment for
this offence under Section 506 is imprisonment up to seven years.
The same month, there was an exhibition of Husain’s paintings at Asia
House in London. A protest was organised by Arjun Malik of the Hindu
Human Rights Campaign against the exhibition and against the Japanese
firm Hitachi that had supplied plasma screens to the gallery for
better viewing. Asia House gallery succumbed to the pressure by
concluding the exhibition much before the scheduled date.
The controversy over the Bharat Mata painting was an invitation to
bigots to use legal means to harass Husain. In a sense, the legal
process itself was a punishment. A social worker filed a complaint
before the Judicial Magistrate, First Class, in Indore, who summoned
Husain. Husain feared that his life would be in danger in Indore if he
appeared before the magistrate. A bailable warrant was then issued
against Husain. Soon other complaints followed.
Typical of these complaints was that neither the complaint nor the
summoning order referred to any sanction granted by the Central or
State governments – a mandatory requirement under Section 196 of the
Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC). In a complaint registered in
Pandharpur, a non-existent provision, Section 501B IPC, was invoked on
the basis of which a non-bailable warrant of arrest was issued against
him by a lower court. The court directed the Kerala government to
present him in the Pandharpur court as and when he arrived in Kerala
to receive the Raja Ravi Varma Award for 2007. The basis of the
complaint was that Husain had hurt the sentiments of Hindus through
his painting of Bharat Mata. These multiple proceedings had the
chilling effect of distracting him from his obsession and love for
art. It also dissuaded him from returning to India from his self-
imposed exile in Dubai.
Landmark judgment
In December 2006, the Supreme Court directed transfer of all the
pending cases against him in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Bihar to
Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate, Delhi. When the ACMM issued
a summons to Husain in three such cases, he filed a revision petition
in the Delhi High Court to quash the same.
Despite the ruling of the Delhi High Court on May 8, 2008, quashing
the summons, three cases are pending against him in the Sessions Court
at Patiala House in Delhi on virtually identical charges.
Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul delivered the landmark High Court judgment
in 2008. The essence of the judgment was that Husain’s Bharat Mata
painting is not obscene, as it is not lascivious and nor does it
appeal to prurient interests. The painting depicts India in a human
form, and the naked portrayal of a concept which has no particular
face does not qualify the as obscene, Justice Kaul reasoned. By way of
an abstract expression, Husain tried to elucidate the concept of a
nation in the form of a distressed woman; the aesthetic touch to the
painting dwarfs the so-called obscenity in the form of nudity, he
explained. He also disagreed with the view that the painting could
offend religious feelings.
The Supreme Court dismissed an appeal against this judgment. But three
more cases are yet to be disposed of at the Patiala House District
Court, New Delhi. In one case, a first information report (FIR) was
registered against Husain, and the court ordered a police
investigation, which has not yet been concluded. The remaining two
cases have been transferred from other States to Delhi. It is clear
that after Justice Kaul’s judgment, these cases too needed to be
quashed by the District Court. The Delhi High Court quashed one such
case in 2009. The pendency of these cases made the prospect of his
arrest and harassment real if he returned to India.
Even though Home Minister P. Chidambaram promises full security to
Husain if he returns to India, the threat of vandalism against his
paintings still looms large. Organisers of any exhibition of modern
art, let alone art summits, now tend to exclude Husain’s paintings
from it.
Akhil Sibal, Husain’s advocate in Delhi, said: “The Government of
India has been a silent spectator to his harassment for 15 years. It
has taken neither any clear position nor any unequivocal step to
secure him, and those who support him, a harassment-free environment.
Let the government not be held hostage and paralysed by the shrill
voices of extremists.”
In the case decided by Justice Kaul, the Additional Solicitor General
while assisting the Court promised that he would advise the Central
government to take steps by way of appropriate legislative amendments
to prevent harassment of artists, sculptors, authors, film-makers and
so on in different creative fields. Justice Kaul hoped that this
aspect would get the attention it deserves and the legislature in its
wisdom would examine the feasibility of possible changes in law.
Justice Kaul had made it clear that the criminal justice system should
not be invoked as a convenient recourse to ventilate any and all
objections to an artistic work. The system, he warned, can cause
serious violations of the rights of people in the creative fields, and
this represents a growing intolerance and divisiveness within society
and poses a threat to the democratic fabric of the nation. Therefore,
he said, the magistrates must scrutinise each case in order to prevent
vexatious and frivolous cases from being filed and ensure that it is
not used as a tool to harass the accused. Rather than make empty
promises to Husain to guarantee his security if he returns to India,
the government may well initiate concrete action on the reforms
suggested by Justice Kaul.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270611500.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
CONTROVERSY
Shock and shame
S. ARNEJA
Artist Vivan Sundaram.
IN a recent interview to NDTV, Maqbool Fida Husain, the first global
modernist painter from India, made his decision to accept Qatari
citizenship sound like a practical imperative. He said since he had
found sponsors in London (United Kingdom) and Qatar to complete his
three projects on ancient civilisations, he would have to become a non-
resident Indian (NRI) because of the excessive tax structure
prevailing in India. He justified the decision by saying that even
film directors such as Roman Polanski and Ingmar Bergman had to leave
their countries.
He said: “Had I been 40, I would have fought them [attackers of his
art] tooth and nail but here I want to focus only on my work. I don’t
want any disturbance. I need all comforts and facilities to the
maximum.” He added: “These boundaries are only political boundaries.
The visual arts especially is a universal language; you can be
anywhere in the world but the work that you do has a strong link to
5,000 years of our great Indian culture.”
However, most artists in India expressed shame, sadness and shock at
Husain being pushed to the edge. They recalled Husain’s life and the
implications of his enforced exile.
The renowned Hindustani classical singer Shubha Mudgal says: “It is
tragic that we allowed this to happen. Having gone through what M.F.
Husain has, we are no one to tell him where to go or not. The
government is talking of disaster management now but where was it all
these years? Unfortunately, art does not transcend all boundaries of
prejudices and that prevents the artistic community from taking a
stand together. To top it all, there is no space for artists to get
together to discuss Husain and other issues such as censorship. If
this can happen to Husain, what can happen to many lesser-known
artists?”
The photographer Ram Rahman hesitates to use the word “controversial”
to describe Husain’s paintings. “We have to ask who made these
paintings controversial? Why use a discourse that has been defined by
right-wing militants? And how can we talk of Qatar’s freedom of
expression if Husain and other artists are being attacked in India?”
He is sceptical about the Indian government’s promise of security to
Husain. he said: “He is not a corporate honcho or a political leader.
He is a free bird. Would he be able to work in an environment he knows
is not conducive to work? All because you are letting the RSS
[Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh] and national politics, and not the
Constitution, define citizenry.”
In her recent essay “Modernist Myths and the Exile of Maqbool Fida
Husain”, the art historian Geeta Kapur profiles his exile in its
tragic, political and discursive meanings. She says that Husain faces
multiple exiles. According to her, “if an exiled artist is seen to
radiate a sense of self, an emanation of solitude, crucial to the
creative soul”, it was also crucial for Husain, facing so much apathy,
to impose on himself an exile in order to exercise uncompromised
understanding of ethical issues.
She goes on to write: “Husain is stereotypically a postcolonial artist
and his exile carries the entire burden of the citizenship/community
discourse in India… In post-Independence India, Husain’s visible
identity as a Muslim figured emblematically but was not overplayed,
since the secular was simply a taken-for-granted for all modern
artists. Now, 60 years hence, even as he (so admirably) refuses to
play the opposite role of an embittered Muslim or a national martyr,
he must rely on the modern artist’s sense of singularity to salvage
himself.”
The Husain issue has many political implications. Branding is a
contemporary political reality: someone who is a human rights activist
can be branded as a Maoist or someone speaking for minority rights can
be seen as a terrorist in a security-driven system. All these trends
recoil into suppression of free speech, the most important pillar of a
democratic society.
SUSHIL KUMAR VERMA
Film director Shyam Benegal.
In a liberal space, none of the artists discount the right of the
groups protesting against Husain but are critical of violent methods
to assert their point. The film-maker Shyam Benegal, known for his
socially sensitive cinema, says: “There is a convergence of the
politics of intimidation and the politics of identity in these times,
which creates the ‘other’ very easily. How can we just blame the right-
wing groups? It is an organised attitude. The Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute in Pune was ransacked in 2004 by the Sambhaji
Brigade, a cultural group of the Nationalist Congress Party.
Similarly, what happened with Shah Rukh Khan is absurd. There are ways
to protest because in a country that guarantees free speech,
sentiments can get hurt. We all have our ways to protest, but to say
you have no right to exist is a matter of concern.”
An important reading of Husain’s ostracism was done by Vivan Sundaram,
painter, sculptor and installation artist: “Visual images can have
many readings, and inbuilt into them are greater ambiguities. But
interpretation in a way that could make way for an attack is being
done by organised right-wing groups and not individuals.” When asked
whether Husain is trying to make a statement by accepting Qatar’s
citizenship, he said, “In a way, he is making some kind of a statement
that if you are insisting I should live in exile, then I will get rid
of this. Vigilance in the public domain is keeping India away from
many progressive thoughts. The government cannot just provide security
but it has to act consistently against fundamentalists. It is a
process, but the political leadership must stand up to it.”
In this polemic, what remains conspicuous is the government’s
emergence as a protector only when the issue of foreign nationality
surfaced. Geeta Kapur gives an explanation. She traces the transition
of an artist from a citizen to an interlocutor in the changed public
discourse. While, she says, the space for artists as citizens began to
be suppressed during the naxalite era of the 1960s and 1970s and then
during the Emergency, it became starker in the 1990s.
“The right-wing swing in Indian politics during the 1990s made the
‘othering’ process at work in the polity fully visible to the more
radical intelligentsia, as it also made visible the alienation of the
minorities and Dalits whose political struggles echoed through and
beyond the public sphere. The artist-interlocutor now undertook to
investigate the fault lines within civil society structures, as well
as to address the conditions of life that fall outside the protocols
of governances,” she writes.
By accepting Qatar’s citizenship, Husain precisely does this. For the
first time, perhaps, with Husain’s issue, citizenry engages with
minority rights and victimisation. These are issues of social
exclusion in terms of caste, gender and religion, which get lost in an
overarching identity of a ‘citizen’. It is in this context that Geeta
Kapur writes: “Husain’s exile is a personal tragedy and a national
shame. It is the exile of a modern artist, of a secular artist and,
more explicitly, a Muslim citizen-artist from secular India. Relayed
into each other, these aspects condense into a logic whereby it is
precisely as a secularist that Husain is accused.”
She goes on to say: “How ironic that antagonists as well as
protagonists should make it mandatory for Husain to publicly embrace
Islam and its metaphysics, endorse a sectarian identity, valorise the
Islamicate legacy, and interpret his present engagement with Arab
civilisation as an endorsement of his ‘originary/ethnic’ identity!
More ironical, that he must thereby shun not only the secular but also
the sovereign status he sought in the embrace of modernity.”
Faced with the empathy within the artistic community for Husain, the
Indian government has woken up to the need to bring Husain back to
India to salvage whatever little goodwill it may have among the
artists and liberal ideologues. But it needs to do more to convince
them about its sincerity.
By Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270611800.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
SOCIAL ISSUES
Khap terror
T.K. RAJALAKSHMI
in Rohtak
Haryana’s caste panchayats continue to punish couples, practically
unchecked, for breaking “brotherhood norms”.
BY SPECIAL ARRANGEMENT
Azad Singh and Lakshmi, parents of Satish Berwal. The family has been
given police protection.
ON February 12, Meham town in Rohtak district, Haryana, saw a
citizens’ convention that was unusual in more than one sense. First,
it was being held from the ramparts of the Meham Chaubisi Chabootara,
a platform reserved for members of the Meham panchayat (a
conglomeration of 24 villages, better known as the Meham Chaubisi).
Second, the meeting was not dominated by any one caste. Third, it was
a congregation of secular and democratic groups, and a good number of
women participated in it. (Women had never attended meetings at that
venue since all caste and khap panchayats are male-dominated.) Fourth,
it was a meeting where caste and khap panchayats and their
undemocratic ways were roundly criticised. People from neighbouring
villages also attended the meeting and expressed their opposition to
the illegal acts of the panchayats.
The meeting reflected a growing anger against the actions of self-
styled khap panchayats. In early February itself, there were at least
three reported cases of panchayats ordering the expulsion of married
couples for having allegedly violated one community norm or the other.
Meham shot into notoriety 20 years ago following complaints of poll-
rigging and booth-capturing in an Assembly byelection. The election
had to be countermanded twice because of large-scale violence and the
murder of an independent candidate. The Meham Chaubisi has
historically played a crucial role in elections.
Bhaichaara victims
On January 31, Kavita and Satish, a young couple from Kheri Meham with
a nine-month-old child, were told by the khap panchayat that their
marriage three years ago was in violation of the gotra norm of
bhaichaara, or brotherhood. Kavita belongs to the Beniwal gotra and
Satish to the Berwal gotra, and their marriage had seemingly not
violated any caste or gotra norm. However, according to the bhaichaara
norm, girls belonging to a village’s dominant gotra could be accepted
in that village only as sisters, and not as wives. Of late, this has
been used to harass couples who either married out of their own choice
or whose marriages were arranged by their families.
Twenty-one members of the Beniwal gotra convened a meeting and decided
to expel Kavita and Satish from the village. Kavita could not stay in
the village as the wife of Satish, but the child could live with
Satish’s father, Azad Singh, the meeting decreed.
As a punishment for allowing the marriage to take place, the 65-year-
old Azad Singh was paraded around the village with a shoe shoved into
his mouth. Azad Singh’s family is among the poorer ones in the village
and belongs to a minority gotra. “We were told that we could stay on
in the village if we donated whatever land we possessed to the village
dera (a village shelter used by mendicants). As per the ruling, Satish
would become his own child’s uncle while I have to pay Rs.3 lakh for
the upkeep of my grandchild. How will I procure all the money for this
after giving away my land?” said Azad Singh.
Anil Rao, Senior Superintendent of Police, Rohtak, told Frontline that
the couple was now staying in Bhiwani district and that he had sent
word to the police authorities there to provide them security.
Kavita had, with support from her parents, who live in Bhiwani
district, approached the SSP with a detailed complaint, naming the
people who had convened the panchayat and humiliated her father-in-
law. She demanded action against the 21 gotra members involved in the
act. But the police registered a first information report (FIR)
without mentioning any names – reportedly owing to pressure from
influential people. Frontline learnt that at least two revenue
department employees and one panchayat samiti member were involved in
the humiliation of Azad Singh and in the decision to expel the
couple.
The SSP said that the police were doing everything possible to help
the couple and claimed that police intervention had forced the Meham
Chaubisi to reverse its judgment. A joint meeting of the Berwal and
Beniwal khaps resolved that the couple could live as man and wife but
outside their village. The Chaubisi also condemned the humiliation of
Azad Singh.
At Azad Singh’s house, emotions run high. “They have done their worst.
What more can they do?” said Azad Singh, referring to his humiliation.
While he and his wife Lakshmi are relieved to have police protection
against further assaults by members of the dominant gotra, they are
scared to say openly that they will bring their daughter-in-law home.
“What would you do if you are surrounded by the village toughs? But
how can a man and his wife reconvert as brother and sister?” wondered
an elderly relative of Azad Singh. However, she said that the
panchayat was right in its decision but others had influenced it
wrongly. Lakshmi wondered what would be the nature of her relationship
with her grandson, Raunaq, if her son and daughter-in-law were to see
each other as brother and sister.
It was shocking that none of the influential Berwal gotra members was
ready to stand by the family. Dharamraj, a former sarpanch of Kheri
village, said that the khaps’ decision, taken at a joint meeting of
the two khaps, was final. The role of an elected sarpanch, as has been
seen in most cases relating to such issues, is marginal. An older
citizen of the village told Frontline that an elected sarpanch was of
use only if he was influential and “strong”.
The police maintained a studious silence regarding the couple’s desire
to live together in their own village of Kheri. “Mindsets have to
change, and then there is the issue of bhaichaara that cannot be
disturbed,” said a police officer.
It is significant that the Punjab and Haryana High Court took suo motu
notice of the issue and asked the Haryana government to file a reply.
The Director-General of Police told the court that the Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, does not cover the activities of
khap panchayats. Equally significant is the fact that apart from the
Left parties and the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA),
which took up the cudgels on Kavita’s behalf, several individuals,
including veteran Congress leader Shamsher Singh Surjewala, and
organisations such as the All India Lawyers’ Union, the All India
Kisan Sabha and a few youth organisations, denounced the undemocratic
diktats of the caste panchayat.
Apart from the Kheri incident, three other cases of caste panchayat
atrocities were reported in the recent past. A couple in Jind district
came under immense pressure to call off their engagement after a
section of residents of the boy’s village, Budalkhera, claimed that
the gotras of the groom and the bride had brotherly relations. The
Budalkhera panchayat declared that the marriage could not take place
in the village. The families of the couple resisted and finally, on
February 6, the panchayat reversed its order. But it ensured that the
wedding took place outside the village.
Similarly, on November 1 last year, a joint panchayat of the Garhi
Ballam and Sundana villages ordered a couple to leave the village for
violating gotra norms. The couple quietly left. No complaint was
lodged.
Curiously, on February 3, in a village in Hisar district, members of
the Scheduled Caste Dhanak community objected to a wedding and
banished the boy from the village, alleging gotra violations. That was
perhaps the first time that the Dhanak community had targeted one of
its own. Until then, only a section of the Jat community was found
raising vocal and violent objections on the grounds of gotra
violations. It was because of the intervention of some Left and
democratic organisations and the determination of the boy’s mother, a
widow who threatened to commit suicide, that the panchayat finally
relented.
The Bhupinder Singh Hooda government’s record in taking on illegal
actions of caste groups is less than satisfactory. Such incidents are
as common as they were before, but many of them go unreported.
“There are so many more important issues – such as dowry, domestic
violence and livelihood issues. But we spend most of our energy and
time fighting the unconstitutional fiats of these self-styled
panchayats,” said Jagmati Sangwan, president of the State unit of
AIDWA.
She pointed out that though the government had promised to set up
shelters for couples who were being targeted by khap panchayats, to
date not a single one had come up.
The Rohtak SSP told Frontline that harassed couples could stay in the
police lines, sharing accommodation with other families until the
government shelters came up. “We can’t provide independent
accommodation for 2,000 couples overnight,” he said.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270604400.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
THE STATES
Facing flak
S. DORAIRAJ
in Chennai
The National Commission for Scheduled Castes criticises Tamil Nadu for
poor implementation of Dalit welfare measures.
E. LAKSHMI NARAYANAN
A Dalit woman staging a dharna outside the Office of the Special
Tahsildar (Adi Dravidar Welfare) in Salem on June 16, 2008, demanding
a patta for the site of her house.
THE sharp criticism of the State administration by the National
Commission for Scheduled Castes for perceived inadequacies in
enforcing the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of
Atrocities) Act, 1989, and in implementing various welfare measures
aimed at empowering Dalits has put the Tamil Nadu government in a
tight spot. Despite denials by Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, who is
also a top leader of the United Progressive Alliance which is in power
at the Centre, NCSC Vice-Chairman N.M. Kamble’s remarks after a review
meeting in Chennai on February 18 have triggered a fresh debate on a
wide range of Dalit-related issues. These include different forms of
discrimination against Dalits, the lacunae in enforcing the S.Cs and
S.Ts (POA) Act, non-distribution of adequate cultivable land and house
sites to the oppressed sections, non-clearance of the backlog of
promotions, introduction of 3 per cent internal reservation for the
Arunthathiar community, and the lack of political will to end manual
scavenging.
The Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front (TNUEF), led by
functionaries of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and several
Dalit organisations, which participated in the review meeting, made
their submissions to the commission. The NCSC dropped a bombshell by
pointing to the large number of pending cases and the low rate of
conviction in the State under the S.Cs and S.Ts (POA) Act. It did not
take lightly the failure on the part of the police to complete the
investigations in time in many cases. The commission also pointed out
that the details pertaining to the grounds for acquittal in many cases
were not made available to it. It substantiated its claims with a year-
wise break-up of pending cases, disposals and convictions.
The commission pulled up the government for not furnishing district-
wise and ward-wise information regarding the implementation of welfare
schemes for Dalits. The non-appointment of a liaison officer to take
care of the interests of Scheduled Caste government employees
particularly earned the NCSC’s ire. The commission also expressed
anguish over the lack of initiative on the part of the authorities to
retrieve lands that were assigned to the Scheduled Castes but were
still in the possession of non-Dalits. There are as many as 8,000 such
cases.
Top officials of the State government who attended the meeting assured
the NCSC of submitting the information required by it in a month. But
Karunanidhi took issue with the criticism the next day by announcing
that he would apprise the Centre, particularly Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh, of his government’s performance in promoting the welfare of
Dalits.
Refuting the NCSC’s “barbed comments”, Karunanidhi came out with a
detailed statement highlighting the various welfare measures
implemented by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government after he
assumed office as Chief Minister for the first time in 1969. These
include decisions to raise the quantum of reservation for the S.Cs and
the S.Ts from 16 per cent to 18 per cent in 1971 and to earmark a
quota of 1 per cent exclusively for the S.Ts in 1990.
He said the State government had allocated more funds under the
Scheduled Castes Sub Plan (SCSP) than the earmarked 19 per cent. He
further said the allocations for divisible expenditure out of the
State Plan funds had grown from Rs.567 crore in 2005-2006 to Rs.2,615
crore in 2009-2010. It was his government that named the Law
University in the State after B.R. Ambedkar, he recalled. On the
commission’s contention with regard to the low conviction rate in
cases registered under the S.Cs and S.Ts (POA) Act, Karunanidhi said
just blaming the government counsel and the courts appeared to be the
motive behind the criticism.
Several Dalit organisations in the State, however, do not seem to be
convinced by the Chief Minister’s claims. Addressing a joint press
conference, Dalit leaders including Puthiya Tamizhagam president K.
Krishnasamy and Republican Party of India’s State general secretary
S.K. Tamilarasan accused the DMK government of attempting to find
fault with the NCSC.
They urged the government to come out with a White Paper in three
months giving district-wise and block-wise details on reservation in
jobs and education, distribution of land, and retrieval of ‘panchami’
land to promote the socio-economic conditions of Dalits in the State.
They also wanted the data on the allocation of funds under the SCSP
and development projects executed for Dalits in villages to be
released without delay.
P. Sampath, State convener of the TNUEF, said there was nothing wrong
in the NCSC Vice-Chairman’s observations regarding the manner in which
S.Cs and S.Ts (POA) Act cases were handled in the State. He said
compromises were reached in many cases at the intervention of the
police, who register counter-complaints from the dominant communities
against the Dalit victims. The bail applications of offenders are
seldom objected to by the police, he alleged.
He said State and district panels set up by the government to monitor
the implementation of the Act had become dysfunctional. In many cases,
investigations were not done by deputy superintendents of police as
laid down by the rules, he alleged.
Official data show that the rate of conviction in cases of atrocities
against Dalits is very low. According to information provided by the
Inspector-General of Police (Social Justice and Human Rights), there
were 18,752 cases – 4,445 fresh cases and 14,307 “brought forward”
cases – involving S.Cs before special courts between 2003 and 2009. Of
these, only 412 ended in conviction, whereas there were 3,354
acquittals. In 2009 alone, there were 420 acquittals against 29
convictions; 2,656 cases were pending at the close of the year.
Official sources acknowledged the prevalence of injustices such as
denial of rights to Dalits to worship in temples, bury or burn their
dead in common burial or cremation grounds; denial of passage to
graveyards; and denial of land, water and promotions.
V. GANESAN
N.M. Kamble, Vice-Chairman, National Commission for Scheduled Castes,
addressing the media after a review meeting in Chennai.
An issue that has come to the fore now is the 3 per cent special
reservation in the State for Arunthathiars in education and
employment. Replying to a query at the press conference held after the
review meeting, Kamble held that the sub-quota announced without
consulting the commission was “unconstitutional” and could be
challenged in a court.
However, Karunanidhi strongly defended the internal reservation for
Arunthathiars, who “are still at the lowest rung in terms of socio-
economic and educational status”. Recalling the Chief Secretary’s
letter to NCSC Chairman Buta Singh in this regard on November 25,
2008, he said that though, according to rules, any such proposal
should be brought to the notice of the commission, it was not
mandatory to get its consent. The Tamil Nadu Arunthathiars (Special
Reservation of Seats in Educational Institutions including Private
Educational Institutions and of Appointments or Posts in Services
under the State within the Reservation for the Scheduled Castes) Act,
2009, was enacted after consulting a one-man panel, he pointed out.
The TNUEF has welcomed the Tamil Nadu government’s stand on this issue
though some Dalit organisations have threatened to challenge the Act
in court. Referring to the High Court’s direction that the Act must be
implemented with effect from April 29, 2009, when it came into force,
the TNUEF has urged the NCSC to ensure that it is carried out in tune
with Clause (5) of Article 338 of the Constitution. It also wants a
State Commission for S.Cs to be formed. The front has stressed the
need for raising the quota for Dalits by 1 per cent as the Scheduled
Castes constitute 19 per cent of the State’s total population of
624.06 lakhs as per the 2001 Census.
Sampath said the most contentious issue was the redistribution of
surplus land and wastelands to Dalits as land had become a status
symbol and was an important factor in solving livelihood issues.
Official sources say the government is keen to provide house site
pattas to roofless Dalit families.
According to them, 1,74,952 Dalit families were given house site
pattas from April 1, 2006, to May 31, 2009, under the one-time special
scheme to regularise encroachments on government poramboke lands. And
44,522 acres (one acre is 0.4 hectare) was distributed to 41,064 Dalit
families in five phases, from September 17, 2006, as part of
implementing the Chief Minister’s pet scheme of distribution of two
acres of wasteland to families of the landless poor. The government
has also announced that 11,660 house site pattas will be issued during
2009-2010. But Sampath said all these were only on paper and in many
places Dalits found it difficult to take possession of the lands which
were in the hands of dominant communities.
The NCSC’s review in the State has also paved the way for the revival
of the demand for retrieval of several thousands of ‘panchami’ lands
gifted to Dalits during British rule in the 1890s. According to
informed sources, only 1.26 lakh acres of the 12 lakh acres of
panchami lands were available now and most of these were occupied by
non-Dalits and industrial houses.
Significantly, the TNUEF and leaders of some Dalit organisations have
demanded that the Tamil Nadu government give serious consideration to
the Scheduled Castes Sub Plan and other special assistance provided by
the Centre. They say that only by doing so will the government be able
to reduce the gap between Dalits and the rest of society and speed up
the process of integrating them with the mainstream.
The government has been claiming that the allocations are made under
the SCSP as per guidelines. Official data show there has been a steady
rise in the allocations from the earmarked 19 per cent in the last
four financial years. For instance, it was 20.87 per cent in
2008-2009, up from 19.09 per cent in 2005-2006, it says.
However, the TNUEF and the Dalit organisations have been accusing the
government of not allocating funds adequately under the scheme besides
diverting them to other schemes. The Chief Minister time and again has
attempted to allay the apprehensions of the Dalit organisations by
promising them that he would take the responsibility to see that not
even a small portion of the funds allotted for improving the status of
the S.Cs was diverted to other schemes.
But the TNUEF feels that Dalit organisations and political parties
should be vigilant as funds earmarked for Adi Dravidar welfare have
been diverted in the past. They allege that, for example, the
construction of quarters 10 years ago for 44 legislators representing
reserved constituencies was done with funds so earmarked.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270603800.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COVER STORY
Less for the poor
PRAVEEN JHA
The UPA government seems to have grown complacent about its budgetary
allocations for the social sectors.
WITH clear indications of the economy reviving fast, the Union
government should have taken an expansionary fiscal stance not only to
accelerate growth but also to finance adequately the interventions
that promote social sector development. However, it has chosen to
revert to the path of fiscal conservatism, albeit gradually, with
Budget 2010-11.
A “calibrated exit strategy from the expansionary fiscal stance of
2008-09 and 2009-10”, which the 13th Finance Commission has
recommended strongly, seems to have been given shape to as the
government’s total expenditure is projected to fall from 16.6 per cent
of GDP (gross domestic product) in 2009-10 (Revised Estimates) to 16
per cent of GDP in 2010-11 (Budget Estimates). In tandem with the
compression of public expenditure, the fiscal deficit is projected to
fall from 6.7 per cent of GDP in 2009-10 (R.E.) to 5.5 per cent of GDP
in 2010-11 (B.E.), and the revenue deficit is estimated at 4.0 per
cent of GDP in 2010-11 (B.E.), significantly lower than the 5.3 per
cent figure for 2009-10 (R.E.).
As regards the policy direction suggested by the 13th Finance
Commission, both the Report of the Commission (tabled in Parliament on
February 25) and Budget 2010-11 indicate clearly that the next five
years will witness growing efforts by the government towards
elimination/reduction of deficits through compression of public
expenditure. Consequently, any significant boost to public expenditure
in the social sectors in the last two years of the 11th Five-Year Plan
(2010-11 and 2011-12) seems unlikely.
The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government seems to
have grown complacent about its budgetary policies for the social
sectors. While Budget 2010-11 does pay some attention to a few of the
important sectors/issues such as women and child development,
development of minorities, rural housing and technical education, its
overall allocations and proposals for the social sectors (which
include education, health and family welfare and water and sanitation)
seem to fall far short of expectations.
As shown in Table 1, the allocation for social services (which in the
jargon of budgets in our country refers to social sectors such as
education, health and family welfare, water and sanitation, nutrition,
welfare of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward
Classes, and social security and welfare, among others) in the total
expenditure in the Union Budget has been stepped up from 8.9 per cent
in 2007-08 to 10.4 per cent in 2008-09. However, it remains at 10.4
per cent in the B.E. for 2010-11. As a proportion of GDP, the
government’s total expenditure on social services showed a somewhat
noticeable increase from 1.3 per cent in 2007-08 to 1.6 per cent in
2008-09; but it has been stagnant in the last two Budgets.
State governments continue to bear a significant share of the
country’s total public expenditure on social sectors – as per the
Reserve Bank of India’s document ‘State Finances: A Study of Budgets
2009-10’, the total expenditure from Budgets of all States on social
services and rural development stood at 5.4 per cent of GDP in
2007-08, which increased to 5.8 per cent in 2008-09 (R.E.) and 6 per
cent in 2009-10 (B.E.). If we deduct the expenditure on rural
development from these figures and also exclude the double counting of
the Centre’s grants-in-aid to States in social services (which appear
both in the Union Budget and in the Budgets of States), the total
public expenditure in our country on social services could well be
around 6 per cent of GDP even in 2009-10.
Thus, despite the somewhat noticeable increases in the Union
government’s expenditure on social services, mainly during the UPA-1
regime, the country’s overall public expenditure on social services
continues to be very low. Before one jumps to the conclusion that
State governments are primarily responsible for this, one has to keep
in mind that over the past two decades the federal fiscal architecture
has been altered consistently in favour of the Union government.
The analysis of Budget 2010-11 by the Centre for Budget and Governance
Accountability (CBGA), New Delhi, shows that despite the increase in
the States’ share in Central taxes and duties to 32 per cent (from
30.5 per cent) and a number of specific-purpose grants recommended by
the 13th Finance Commission, the Gross Devolutions and Transfers (GDT)
from the Centre to the States would be 5.4 per cent of GDP in 2010-11,
which is almost the same as that in 2007-08 and 2008-09. This is
unlikely to reverse the disturbing trend of a decline in the share of
GDT in aggregate expenditure in State budgets. Hence, the primary
responsibility for the persistence of low public spending on social
sectors lies with the Union government.
The Union Finance Minister has claimed that his government has adopted
a number of budgetary policies to create entitlements for the poor
(over the past six years). However, it may be argued that the National
Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) is the only Plan scheme of
the Union government rooted in an entitlements-based approach. In
contrast, most of the social sector Plan schemes of the Union
government continue to follow a welfarist approach and provide low-
cost, ad hoc interventions. An entitlements-based approach towards
public provisioning in the social sectors would require a significant
strengthening of the regular and sustained government interventions in
these sectors, which does not yet seem to be on the government’s
policy agenda.
Spending on education
In 1966 the D.S. Kothari Commission had recommended that the total
public spending on education should be raised to the level of 6 per
cent of GNP (gross national product) by 1986. Subsequently, many
political parties reiterated this as a commitment in their election
manifestos; the UPA, too, promised it in the National Common Minimum
Programme (NCMP) in 2004. However, the overall public spending on
education continues to be way below 6 per cent of GDP; even in 2007-08
(B.E.), it was only 3.67 per cent of GDP (including the spending by
Central and State education departments as well as other departments.
The Union government’s total allocation for education in 2010-11
(B.E.) stands at 0.71 per cent of GDP, which is slightly better than
the 0.64 per cent recorded for 2009-10 (R.E.). However, such gradual
and small increases in the Budget outlays for education cannot result
in any visible increase in overall public spending on education in the
country.
In addition to the 0.71 per cent of GDP allocated in Budget 2010-11
for the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD), States will be
given access to Rs.3,675 crore for elementary education under the 13th
Finance Commission grants for 2010-11. There has been a significant
stepping up in the outlay for the Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan
from Rs.550 crore in 2009-10 (R.E.) to Rs.1,700 crore in 2010-11.
Other areas showing increased outlays in Budget 2010-11 include the
adult education and skill development scheme, educational loan
interest subsidy in university and higher education, scholarship for
college and university students and the upgradation of existing
polytechnics and setting up of new ones.
In the current discourse on planning and government budgeting in the
country, there are very few benchmarks to assess the adequacy of
public spending on development schemes. In this context, the outlays
recommended by the Planning Commission for the 11th Five-Year Plan
period (2007-08 to 2011-12) could be treated as benchmarks, even
though the quality parameters underlying these benchmarks would hardly
be satisfactory. With just one more Union Budget left in the 11th Plan
period, at least 80 per cent of the outlays recommended by the
Planning Commission should have been made for Plan schemes during
2007-08 to 2010-11. However, the analysis by the CBGA (“Union Budget
2010-11: Which Way Now?”, available at www.cbgaindia.org) shows that
the total provisioning in the four Budgets during 2007-08 to 2010-11
has been only 12 per cent of the recommended outlay for the Rashtriya
Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan, 36 per cent for teacher training and 46 per
cent for the UGC; the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) and the midday meal
scheme have fared better with 76 per cent and 65 per cent
respectively.
However, in the context of education, what is most disconcerting about
Budget 2010-11 is its complete silence on the financing of the Right
to Education Act, which the Union government is reportedly planning to
notify from April 1. There have been reports in the media about the
Union government’s initiative to modify the norms and unit costs under
the SSA so as to make the provisioning under this flagship programme
in line with the Right to Education Act. However, the allocation for
the SSA has been increased only by 14.5 per cent from Rs.13,100 crore
in 2009-10 (R.E.) to Rs.15,000 crore in 2010-11 (B.E.).
Meagre amount for health
The UPA made a commitment in the National Common Minimum Programme
(NCMP) in 2004 that the total public spending on health would be
raised to the level of 2 to 3 per cent of GDP, which was also
reiterated in the 11th Five-Year Plan. However, the combined budgetary
allocation (that is, the total outlays from both Union Budget and
State budgets) for health stands at a meagre 1.06 per cent of GDP in
2009-10 (B.E.). The Union government’s allocation for health (that is,
the budget for the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare) shows a
negligible increase from 0.35 per cent of GDP in 2009-10 (R.E.) to
0.36 per cent of GDP in 2010-11 (B.E.). Thus, even after Budget
2010-11, the government is far short of the NCMP target of raising the
total public spending on health to 2 to 3 per cent of GDP.
In his Budget speech, Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee proposed
to include in the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana all those NREGS
beneficiaries who have worked (in the scheme) for at least 15 days in
the last fiscal year. While this is a welcome development, there are
several concerns pertaining to the implementation of the RSBY
(relating mainly to the role of private health insurance companies and
the private health care institutions), which need to be addressed. The
Budget allocation for the National Rural Heath Mission (NRHM) has been
increased only by 10.8 per cent, from Rs.14,002 crore in 2009-10
(R.E.) to Rs.15,514 crore in 2010-11 (B.E.). Given the huge
infrastructural gaps and the human resource crunch in the health
sector across the country, the budget for the NRHM should have been
increased significantly.
The allocation for the national disease control programmes has gone
down from Rs.1,063 crore in 2009-10 (B.E.) to Rs.1,050 crore in
2010-11 (B.E.), which is disturbing given that a number of diseases
covered under the scheme have witnessed increased prevalence in the
recent past.
The overall allocation for medical education and training has gone
down from Rs.3,256 crore in 2009-10 (B.E.) to Rs.2,679 crore in
2010-11 (B.E.). Within this, the most evident is the fall in
allocation for the establishment of AIIMS-type super specialty
hospitals, where the allocation has declined to the tune of Rs.700
crore. This is happening at a time when the budget allocation for
postgraduate medical education needs to be stepped up significantly to
fulfil the requirement of specialist doctors in the country. The
Finance Minister’s proposal for an annual health survey to prepare a
district health profile for all districts is a welcome step; but the
government would need to allocate adequate funds for this purpose. It
may be noted here that no allocation towards this has been made in
Budget 2010-11.
The persistence of low public spending in the country on social
sectors is also rooted in the small public resource base of the
country. In this context, it is disconcerting to note that with the
latest Budget the tax-GDP ratio for the Centre shows a small increase
from 10.3 per cent in 2009-10 (R.E.) to 10.8 per cent in 2010-11
(B.E.). Moreover, a liberal estimate of the amount of additional tax
revenue the government could have collected in 2009-10 if all
exemptions/incentives/deductions (both in direct and indirect taxes)
had been eliminated stands at a staggering 8.1 per cent of GDP. It is
ironical that exemptions of this magnitude, in fact, do not fit even
with the neoliberal rhetoric of fiscal consolidation, not to speak of
it being out of sync with the oft-repeated mantra of an “inclusive
growth by a caring and enabling government”.
Praveen Jha is on the faculty of the Centre for Economic Studies and
Planning, JNU. He is also the Honorary Economic Adviser to the Centre
for Budget and Governance Accountability, New Delhi. The article draws
substantially on the CBGA’s analysis of Union Budget 2010-11.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270602400.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
EDITORIAL
Not for ‘aam aadmi’
IN the course of his presentation of the Union Budget for 2010-11 to
Parliament, the Finance Minister made a passing reference to his
having presented the Union Budget way back in 1984. One is indeed
inclined to admire the longevity of Pranab Mukherjee’s occupation of
some Cabinet berth or the other through the last 25-plus years (with
some years in the Opposition and a brief period in political
wilderness). However, the ordinary people of our country are unlikely
to admire the Budget he has presented for 2010-11.
Consider the context in which the Budget has been presented. The
Economic Survey 2009-10, while providing a generally self-
congratulatory assessment of the government’s management of the
economy during 2009-10, reminds us that the agricultural economy has
done very poorly. Agricultural output is estimated to decline by 0.2
per cent over the current financial year in comparison with 2008-09.
This is even as industry in general and manufacturing in particular
are estimated to have done exceptionally well in recovering from the
impact of the global economic slowdown. The other disturbing feature
of the current economic context is, of course, the nearly 20 per cent
rise in food prices over the recent period. In fact, the Finance
Minister, in his Budget speech, said: “Since December 2009, there have
been indications of these high food prices, together with the gradual
hardening of the fuel product prices, getting transmitted to other non-
food items as well. The inflation data for January seems to have
confirmed this trend.”
The response of the Budget to these two key concerns, both of which
receive mention in it, has not merely been extremely inadequate. It is
likely to accelerate inflation and do little for agriculture. This is
evident from a look at the Budget proposals on indirect taxes. The
Budget proposes a partial rollback of the rate reduction in Central
Excise duties from 8 per cent to 10 per cent ad valorem on all non-
petroleum products. It restores the basic duty of 5 per cent on crude
petroleum. It also slaps a 7.5 per cent duty on diesel and petrol and
10 per cent on other refined products. In addition, the Budget
proposes enhancement of the Central Excise duty on petrol and diesel
by one rupee a litre each. This is a massive dose of indirect taxation
that will certainly be both highly inflationary and extremely
regressive in its impact, especially considering that incomes of most
working people in India are completely unprotected against inflation.
Besides stoking inflationary fires further, these moves will impact
negatively on agricultural output. Keeping in mind the likelihood that
the move to a “nutrient-based” regime of fertilizer subsidy that has
been announced by the government will result in significant increases
in the prices of fertilizers, one is appalled by the nonchalance with
which these measures have been proposed and defended vigorously
afterwards in and outside Parliament.
There is a certain asymmetry when it comes to the impact that a change
in indirect taxes has on prices in the Indian economy. When they are
raised, the additional burdens are almost invariably passed on to the
consumer. When they are reduced, there is no guarantee that the
benefits are passed on. Thus, while the reduction in excise and
customs duties last year represented a huge tax giveaway in the name
of a fiscal stimulus to the corporate sector, it is far from obvious
that ordinary people benefited by way of moderation in prices. This,
too, needs to be borne in mind in assessing the justifiability of the
reductions made last year and the increases being proposed now.
The regressive character of the Budget is also evident in the doling
out of tax concessions to the well-to-do. The proposals in respect of
direct taxes include the lowering of rates of personal income tax over
certain income slabs, a reduction in surcharge on corporate income tax
from 10 per cent to 7 per cent, and concessions for corporate business
entities in various forms. All these taken together are estimated by
the Finance Minister to result in a revenue loss of Rs.26,000 crore,
while his indirect tax proposals are estimated to bring in additional
revenues of Rs.46,000 crore in the net, taking into account some
concessions in indirect taxes as well.
What can one say about the expenditure proposals in the Budget? First
of all, the overall expenditure of the Union government proposed for
2010-11 constitutes an increase of 8.6 per cent over the corresponding
figure for 2009-10. Given the rate of inflation, this signifies little
increase in real terms, and may even imply a reduction. The proposed
increase in Plan expenditure is 15 per cent, which again would be a
rather modest increase in real terms. The non-Plan expenditure is
slated to decline in real terms, its increase over Budget Estimates
(B.E.) 2009-10 being only 6 per cent.
In terms of sectoral allocations, the rhetoric about agriculture and
rural development, as also the social sector, in the Budget speech is
not reflected in the allocations. The Central Plan outlay for rural
development in 2010-11 is Rs.55,190 crore as against the B.E. of Rs.
51,769 crore in 2009-10. The outlay for agriculture, irrigation and
flood control taken together has been enhanced from Rs.11,068 crore in
B.E. 2009-10 to Rs.12,834 crore in 2010-11, a modest increase in real
terms. Considering the persistence of an agrarian crisis across the
country for over a decade now (though the intensity varies across
States and regions and different social classes in the agrarian
population), this is a very inadequate response.
As for the much-hyped focus on the social sector, the Plan outlay for
all social services does increase by more than 22 per cent, but this
has to be seen against the present abysmal state of health and
education and the low base from which increases in recent years have
occurred. Moreover, if one takes into account the squeeze on the
finances of State governments, which account for the bulk of social
sector expenditures, the picture that emerges is hardly reassuring. In
fact, in education, the combined expenditures of the Central and State
governments still fall far short of the figure of 6 per cent of GDP
promised in the National Common Minimum Programme (NCMP) of the UPA
government of 2004-09. The same is the case for the health sector. The
current Budget does not even begin to address these concerns.
After having budgeted for a mere Rs.1,120 crore from “other capital
receipts” (read “disinvestment”) in B.E. 2009-10, the government has
gone ahead and disinvested public sector equity to an amount of Rs.
25,958 crore as per the Revised Estimates (R.E.), exceeding even the
proposal in the Economic Survey of 2008-09 that annually Rs.25,000
crore should be the disinvestment target. The B.E. for receipts from
disinvestment for 2010-11 is Rs.40,000 crore. Considering that market
capitalisation of listed Central public sector undertakings (PSUs) has
taken a beating in the stock market, the Finance Minister’s argument
that disinvestment is all about unlocking the values of PSUs hardly
holds water. The other misleading phraseology about “inviting people
to own shares in PSUs”, is, to say the least, disingenuous. Moreover,
the sale of shares of profitable PSUs contradicts the promise made in
the NCMP of the earlier UPA government.
Overall, Budget 2010-11 reflects two important aspects of the current
political context: Parliamentary elections are four years away and the
present UPA government does not need the support of the Left parties
to stay in power.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270600800.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COVER STORY
The march of neoliberalism
PRABHAT PATNAIK
Union Budget 2010-11 has given a forward thrust to the neoliberal
agenda in all the crucial sectors where "reforms" had been stalled.
KAMAL NARANG
Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee addressing the media after the
Economic Survey 2009-10 was tabled in Parliament on February 25.
THE strategy underlying Budget 2010-11 is eerily reminiscent of that
of Margaret Thatcher. In pushing her “market-fundamentalist” agenda
against the working class and the trade unions, Thatcher had enlisted
the support of the affluent middle class. She had wooed the yuppies
and the city slickers of London’s financial district, and to this end
given direct tax concessions to the middle class, even while jacking
up indirect taxes on the poor and the working people in the midst of a
raging inflation.
Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee has done almost exactly the same.
For pushing the neoliberal agenda, he has enlisted the support of the
affluent middle class by giving it direct tax concessions even as he
has jacked up regressive indirect taxes. Until now, neoliberalism in
India had been covered by a patina of concern for the aam aadmi. With
this Budget it has come of age; the patina is off.
The government claims that this Budget, too, is for the aam aadmi; but
that is unsustainable. The suggestion that persons earning in excess
of three lakhs of rupees a year, who are the beneficiaries of direct
tax concessions, constitute the aam aadmi, while the fisherman who
risks his life daily by venturing out to the sea for an annual income
of less than Rs.20,000, and who will be hit hard by the diesel price
hike, does not, can only be ironical.
There was a time when even as the government increased petrol prices,
it would spare diesel prices, since diesel and kerosene prices were
linked for technical reasons, and raising the former would necessarily
raise the latter, to the detriment of the poor. But such restraint no
longer prevails. Diesel prices have been raised and kerosene prices
will follow. Indeed, a whole lot of petro-product prices are going to
be raised as a consequence of the increase in import duty, that is, a
new round of price increases on top of what Pranab Mukherjee has
announced is in the offing. And if the Kirit Parikh Committee’s
recommendations for linking domestic petro-product prices to world
prices are accepted, which is likely, then these prices will be jacked
up even further in the coming months.
Any such linking of domestic petro-prices to world prices makes little
sense, since it would mean importing speculation-induced world oil
price fluctuations, which can be quite massive, into the domestic
economy, and hence making the domestic price-level as a whole a
plaything in the hands of international speculators. But the
government’s commitment to neoliberalism appears to outweigh any
concern over this.
Specious argument
This lack of concern is manifest even in Mukherjee’s argument for
raising the import duty on petroleum and the Central excise duty on
petrol and diesel, which is quite specious. Since domestic petrol
prices had not been raised adequately even when world crude prices had
crossed $130 a barrel, the government, he argues, has earned the right
to raise prices now, that is, the current price hike is a reward for
the government’s earlier abstinence. This is untenable since it is not
as if petrol prices had been lowered earlier and are now being
restored to pre-lowering levels. Besides, the biggest component of
petrol and diesel prices in the country consists of government taxes;
there is no logical compulsion therefore about raising taxes on this
commodity any further.
The “cascading effect” of the higher taxes on petrol and diesel, which
would raise the prices of these commodities by close to Rs.3 a litre,
has been much discussed. The government’s lack of concern, however, is
not just about the inflationary implications of this move but about
inflation in general. Since the food price rise, by the government’s
own admission, is because of supply shortages (even if these shortages
are artificially compounded by hoarding and speculation), the strategy
must be to throw government-owned surplus foodgrain stocks (that is,
actual stocks minus the minimum buffer stocks), which exceed 27
million tonnes as on January 2010, on the market. These stocks cannot
obviously be thrown on the open market, since speculators would then
buy them up gleefully, as had happened in 1972-73, and blunt their
anti-inflationary impact; they have to be released through the public
distribution system. But, going by the Budget figures, the government
has no intention of doing so.
The fact that the food subsidy is lower than that for 2009-10 by over
Rs.400 crore, suggests that the government does not intend to sell
these stocks through the PDS or merely hold on to them (for either of
these options would have raised the food subsidy, the latter because
of higher interest payments). It intends to do precisely what it
should not do, namely, sell them in the open market, which means that
it is not too concerned about inflation.
In fact, Mukherjee said as much in his post-Budget television
interview. He claimed that his way of combating inflation was by
augmenting supplies in the long run, for which he had taken steps in
the Budget, such as earmarking Rs.300 crore for 60,000 “pulses and
oilseeds villages”, Rs.400 crore for extending the “Green Revolution”
to the eastern region of the country, and Rs.200 crore for sustaining
the gains made in Green Revolution areas through “conservative
farming”. As for short-run measures, these, according to him, were
unnecessary since the inflation rate was coming down anyway.
Self-limiting phenomenon
The fallacy behind the argument about inflation coming down is often
not appreciated. Inflation, precisely when it hurts the people, is a
self-limiting phenomenon. It can be categorised into two kinds: one
caused by excess demand and the other by “cost-push”. Cost-push
inflation arises when some input cost (or excise duty as in the
present case) rises, which is “passed on” in the form of higher
prices; in response to this initial price rise, money wages rise,
which, in turn, is passed on in the form of still higher prices, and
so on. As long as each component of price keeps rising with the rise
in the price, to ensure that its share in total value does not
decline, the price rise continues ad infinitum. But if some cost
element, typically the wage cost, does not rise in tandem with the
price, then inflation eventually comes to a halt. But this also means
that the real wage rate comes down because of a cost-push inflation,
and this coming down is the reason for the end of cost-push inflation.
Much the same can be said of excess-demand-caused inflation. Such
inflation gets eliminated when someone’s demand is curtailed, and
typically the demand curtailed is of that group whose money income
does not go up as prices rise, that is, whose money income is not
indexed to prices. This is typically true of the working people,
especially of the vast mass of unorganised workers. Precisely because
their incomes are not indexed to prices, inflation hurts them, and
eventually comes to an end by squeezing them.
S. THANTHONI
The suggestion that persons earning in excess of Rs.3 lakh a year
constitute the `aam aadmi', while fishermen who risk their lives daily
by venturing out to sea (in the picture, a group of them in Chennai)
for an average annual income of less than Rs.20,000 and who will be
hit hard by the diesel price hike do not, can only be ironical.
In Latin American countries where inflation rates in the past have
quite often been quite phenomenal, the reason lies in the fact that
wages in such cases have been indexed to prices. In India, by
contrast, where wages are not indexed, inflation will necessarily
always come down, but it will do so precisely by hurting the poor. The
whole purpose of government action should be to prevent the
elimination of inflation through this odious mechanism, by attempting
its elimination in some other way, for example, by de-hoarding (which
adds to supply), imports (which do the same), and using the PDS (which
insulates the poor against a squeeze on their demand). But if none of
these things is done, inflation will still come down, but by squeezing
the consumption of the poor.
An example will make this last point clear. Let us start from a
situation where the supply of foodgrains is, say, 100 units and equals
the demand at a price of Re.1 a unit. The wage bill in the economy is
Rs.80, all of which is spent on foodgrains. Now, suppose supply falls
to 95, so that there is an excess demand of 5 units at the old price.
The price will rise, that is, inflation will set in. If all incomes
are indexed to the price-level, then this excess demand will never get
eliminated and hence inflation will continue ad infinitum. But if
wages are not indexed but other incomes are, then inflation will come
to an end when the price has climbed up to Rs.16/15 (or Rs.1.07), for,
at that price, the workers can buy only 75 units of foodgrains from
their total wage bill of Rs.80, which means five units fewer than
before; and this eliminates excess demand. So, inflation is self-
limiting precisely because the poor get squeezed by it.
Hence, when Mukherjee derives satisfaction from the fact that
inflation is coming down, even without the government’s doing anything
about it, that satisfaction is totally misplaced; the inflation coming
down in this way shows precisely that the people are being squeezed by
it. Likewise, when Mukherjee claims that the effect of petrol and
diesel price increases “will get absorbed” over time, he omits to
mention that this absorption can occur only by squeezing the poor (as
in the above example of cost-push inflation). Inflation’s coming down
does not mean that the world returns to its pristine state of
happiness. This coming down itself, far from being a source of
satisfaction, should rather be a cause for concern, because it is
necessarily at the expense of the poor.
Coming to Mukherjee’s “long term measures” for raising food supplies,
what exactly these are becomes an intriguing question. The proposed
expenditures on the “pulses and oilseeds villages” and the extension
of the Green Revolution are too trivial to matter. The reduction in
fertilizer subsidy, which will raise fertilizer prices, will, if
anything, have a negative effect on output. The thing he must be
pinning his hopes on, therefore, is the opening up of retail trade,
which allegedly will help in “bringing down the considerable
difference between farm-gate, wholesale and retail prices”. This view
is attributed to the Prime Minister, who believes that opening up
retail trade will increase competition.
“Opening up” retail trade necessarily means the induction of corporate
capital, including multinational corporations (MNCs), into this
sector, for which they have been clamouring for some time. We are,
therefore, being asked to swallow the argument that bringing in
monopolists to drive out myriad petty traders will increase
competition! Anyone who believes that bringing in monopolies reduces
the gap between farm-gate and retail prices should ask the coffee
producers of Kerala: they get a pittance for their crop even when
retail coffee prices are soaring. If the government genuinely wants
the gap between retail and farm-gate prices to close, it should get
the public sector to take on a larger role in the marketing of crops,
as the various commodity boards used to do before neoliberalism
prevented them from doing so.
Corporate hegemony
SHIV KUMAR PUSHPAKAR
Since the food price rise is because of supply shortages, the strategy
must be to throw government-owned surplus foodgrain stocks, which now
exceed 27 million tonnes, on the market through the PDS. But the
Budget figures indicate that the government has no intention of doing
so. Here, at the mandi at Najafgarh, New Delhi, a file picture.
Besides opening up retail business, Budget 2010-11 announced a number
of other steps, such as private participation in storage, setting up
of private cold storage and cold room facility for agricultural and
marine products and meat, and the accessing of external commercial
borrowing for this latter purpose, all of which entail corporate
hegemony over peasant and petty production. And since finance for
setting up godowns and cold storage will be counted as agricultural
credit, and hence come under priority sector lending, much of the
ambitious target for credit support to “farmers” will actually go to
large corporate houses, and even to MNCs.
This Budget gives a thrust to the neoliberal agenda in other ways as
well. Disinvestment is to proceed apace, and is a major contributor to
the so-called “Miscellaneous Capital receipts” of Rs.40,000 crore,
even though there is no valid argument for it. Disinvestment is
theoretically no different from a fiscal deficit: the latter puts
government bonds into non-government hands, while the former puts
government equity into non-government hands; they are only different
forms of raising finance but with identical macroeconomic effects.
A Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission is to be set up to
“rewrite and clean up the financial sector laws to bring them in line
with the requirements of the sector”, a euphemism for “financial
sector liberalisation”. And there is an additional instrument for this
particular purpose: a Financial Stability and Development Council,
which is to be set up “to strengthen and institutionalise the
mechanism for maintaining financial stability”. Add to all this the
allocation of coal blocks for captive mining, and you find that in all
the crucial sectors where the “reforms” had been stalled, that is,
public sector, financial liberalisation and retail trade, this Budget
has given a forward thrust to the neoliberal agenda. But then what
about the increase in social sector and rural development outlays that
the Budget promises? This is a chimera. Central plan outlay on rural
development (all comparisons are Budget Estimate to Budget Estimate)
is slated to increase by a mere 6.6 per cent over 2009-10, which means
a real absolute decline; and the National Rural Employment Guarantee
Scheme (NREGS) outlay is to rise by only 2.5 per cent.
As for Central Plan outlay on social services, the increase provided
under the Plan is significantly counterbalanced by a decline in non-
Plan expenditure in this sector. If we take the sum of Central Plan
outlay and non-Plan expenditure on social services, then the nominal
increase in 2010-11 over 2009-10 is only 12.5 per cent, which in real
terms means very little.
This is hardly surprising. After all, the total expenditure of the
Central government is expected to rise in nominal terms by a mere 8.6
per cent, which means stagnation in real terms. Within this overall
stagnation, large apparent increases on specific items are more likely
to be results of statistical jugglery or reallocation, rather than
matters of any substance.
The pushing of the neoliberal agenda requires inter alia a
neutralisation of opposition from State governments, and this can be
ensured only if their mendicant status is perpetuated. The 13th
Finance Commission, by keeping States’ share of taxes under Article
270 at 32 per cent (up marginally from the 30.5 per cent under the
previous Commission), compared with the 50 per cent demanded by most
State governments, has not helped matters. And the Central government
can be relied upon to compress its loans and grants to States, to
offset even such increases in revenue transfers that it is statutorily
required to make. In Budget 2010-11, for instance, while its statutory
transfers increase by 26 per cent over the current year, its loans and
advances rise by a mere 8.9 per cent. With such compression, one can
be sure that the States will continue to retain their mendicant
status.
Neoliberalism is clearly resuming its stalled march, adopting a
Thatcherite strategy for doing so. But the United Progressive Alliance
(UPA) government miscalculates by ignoring the fact that, unlike in
Thatcher’s Britain, the affluent middle class it is wooing is a
minuscule segment of our society, while those squeezed by
neoliberalism, the workers, peasants, agricultural labourers, and
petty producers, constitute its overwhelming majority.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270600400.htm
Volume 27 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 13-26, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COVER STORY
Enabling whom?
JAYATI GHOSH
In keeping with the overall approach of an “enabling” state, the
Economic Survey has proposed to do away with food procurement and
distribution.
R. RAGU
At a fair price shop in Chennai. States with successful public
distribution systems are those that have such large numbers of BPL
households that their lists are close to being universal. But the
Economic Survey seeks to replace this system with food coupons for
targeted households.
THIS year’s Economic Survey contains a new and unusual chapter
entitled “Microfoundations of inclusive growth”. It is unusual because
it is largely theoretical, thereby providing an addition to the
generally descriptive review of the Indian economy over the past year
according to the government’s own perception. It also contains,
possibly for the first time in an Economic Survey, an explicit
statement of what might be described as the present government’s
economic philosophy and its approach to certain crucial questions of
economic policy. The fact that some statements in it found an echo in
the Finance Minister’s Budget speech confirmed that this was indeed
the case.
It is certainly welcome that the basic goal of economic policy is
identified as inclusive growth, recognising that “growth must not be
treated as an end in itself but as an instrument for spreading
prosperity to all” (page 22). Inclusive growth in turn is given a more
precise definition than is usual, as growth that improves the incomes
and other measures of conditions of life of the bottom 20 per cent of
the population.
This inclusive growth is to be delivered by a change in focus to
enabling government, which is seen as “a government that does not try
to directly deliver to its citizens everything that they need. Instead
it (1) creates an enabling ethos for the market so that individual
enterprise can flourish and citizens can, for the most part, provide
for the needs of one another, and (2) steps in to help those who do
not manage to do well for themselves”, for example by “directly
helping the poor by ensuring that they get basic education and health
services and receive adequate nutrition and food” (page 23).
It is immediately clear that this is a vision of the economy in which
it is taken for granted that the market mechanism generally delivers
the economically desired outcomes for most citizens, and the role of
the government is therefore mainly to ensure that such markets
function smoothly and to take care of the stragglers, “for there will
always be individuals, no matter what the system, who need support and
help”. This vision excludes the possibility of the process of market-
driven economic growth itself generating greater material insecurity
and impoverishment for a significant section. Trickle-down is seen to
operate for most of the population; for the bottom fifth, the
government has to step in.
Obviously, in such a framework, public delivery of essential goods and
services will necessarily be targeted to those that are defined as
poor. The chapter contains an eloquent argument in favour of
redefining the nature of public delivery to minimise direct
involvement of the state in favour of market-based mechanisms such as
coupons and vouchers targeted to the poor. This is what allows for the
claim that more can be achieved with less fiscal resources, by
eliminating the administrative costs of running large public schemes.
This would be a major departure from the current practice, with
potentially far-reaching implications in a very wide range of goods
and services that are seen to constitute essential socio-economic
rights. It is impossible to discuss all the different implications
here, so I shall briefly consider only the interventions proposed for
the food economy. The arguments have wide applicability with reference
to other sectors as well.
Managing the food economy
There is an extended discussion on how to manage the food economy,
which is only to be expected given that food price inflation is
clearly the most significant economic problem in the country at
present. Yet the discussion presents several different arguments which
turn out to be mutually inconsistent. In keeping with the overall
approach of an “enabling” state rather than an actively
interventionist one, it is proposed to do away with the existing
system of government food procurement and distribution. It is argued
that this is prone to corruption, adulteration and similar flaws, and
that it is necessary to craft policy that takes into account that
people are the way they are (not always ethically sound) and craft
incentive-compatible policies accordingly. So this is to be replaced
with a system of food coupons (of a certain value of money) given
directly to targeted households and which can be exchanged for wheat
or rice at market prices, giving the freedom of choice to households
about the shop from which to purchase.
This proposal betrays some ignorance about the background of the
current food subsidy and the purposes of the public system of food
procurement and distribution in India. These were (and fundamentally
remain) to provide farmers with a minimum price that covers their
costs, to ensure that basic foodgrain is transported from surplus to
deficit areas of the country, and to build up a system of buffer
stocks that protects the country from international price volatility
and external dependence. It is because the market mechanism was found
wanting in achieving any of these goals that such measures were deemed
necessary – and the persistence of such measures not only in India but
in many countries across the world (including most developed ones)
suggests that this is still the case. Food security within a nation as
large as India is not possible without ensuring the viability of food
production by domestic farmers and the existence of a national
distribution system that tries to reach deficit areas quickly. There
is no way that replacing this with a system of food coupons to
selected households can achieve these basic aims.
There is of course the further question of how to ensure that the
public at large – and the poor in particular - get access to
affordable food. This too is a current function of the public
distribution system (PDS), but it has been less than successful in
meeting it for a variety of reasons. The Economic Survey correctly
recognises the many problems in the existing system but tends to treat
the entire system as homogenous across the country.
There are States in the country (such as Kerala and Tamil Nadu, and to
a lesser extent Andhra Pradesh) where the PDS is a strong, functioning
and largely non-corrupt system, and there are other States where the
opposite is true. Surely, policymakers need to study and understand
these differences if they actually want to make the system work.
What is clear is that targeting tends to add to the problems, not only
because of the significant administrative costs associated with
identifying the poor and monitoring them but because of well-known
errors such as unfair exclusion from and unjustified inclusion in the
list of poor households. That is why the States with more successful
public distribution systems are those that have such large numbers of
declared below-poverty-line (BPL) households that their lists are
close to being universal. The Survey argues that the Unique
Identification System (UID) will solve that problem, but that is
believing that there can be a technological fix to what is essentially
a socio-economic problem. The UID card only identifies a person; the
description of that person as belonging to a poor or non-poor
household remains as cumbersome, problematic, politically charged and
administratively challenging as ever.
The Survey does provide some useful and interesting proposals with
respect to managing the foodgrain stocks and correctly argues for a
more flexible approach in releasing stocks that not only is responsive
to market pressures but also anticipates them. Indeed, the need to
prevent foodgrain allocation from becoming a political tool in the
hands of the Centre vis-a-vis the State governments is all the more
pressing in the light of recent experience. However, it should be
obvious that such a proactive role of the state in preventing food
price increases will not be possible at all if the entire system is
replaced with a system of food coupons!
There is another comment with direct relevance to the food economy
that deserves to be noted. In keeping with the overall perspective
that markets generally know best, the Survey argues for erring on the
side of less control whenever there is some doubt on the matter. This
is then used to suggest that a ban on futures trading in essential
commodities is unwarranted. “An enabling government takes the view
that if we cannot establish a connection between the existence of
futures trading and inflation in spot prices, we should allow futures
trade” (page 24). Yet there are at least two flaws in this argument.
First, as any econometrician would know, it is generally possible to
question any link between two economic phenomena, and so the argument
about whether future trading has been associated with significant spot
price changes will definitely continue well after all the cows have
come home. Yet globally, the existence of contango in commodity
markets (when prices in the futures markets are higher than the spot
prices, instead of lower as they would be if the market was only for
hedging against risk) has been seen as a sign that speculation has
driven changes even in spot prices. It is next to impossible to
provide a clear and explicit link that will satisfy those determined
not to see it.
Second, and perhaps more significantly, there are important conceptual
reasons to be wary of allowing futures trading in any commodity in
which there is significant public intervention in the form of minimum
support prices and so on because these provide an easy floor for
speculators. So this is not a case of allowing something because we do
not have enough information on either side of the argument, but
preventing speculative activity that can cause great harm even as its
possible benefits are minimal.
Enabling markets and empowering the citizenry
There are several other issues that are discussed for which similar
arguments could be made. But it is the broader perspective underlying
this chapter which deserves more careful consideration. The goal is
clearly benevolent: improving the economic conditions of the bottom
quintile of the population. Yet the means that have been proposed
suggest a lack of awareness of the political economy of both markets
and government in India and the social and economic context within
which policies are implemented. This is somewhat surprising because
within the chapter there is a discussion of the need to recognise
extant social realities even though it is more concerned with culture
and social norms.
The point is essentially this: both markets and government policies do
not function in a socio-political vacuum but within complex social
realities in which power relations are deeply entrenched. So it is not
that there are individuals all operating on level-playing fields, with
some having a few disadvantages such as lower income and assets and
less education. Rather, the processes of striving for power, and
keeping it, unfold through the medium of markets. The impact of
government policies depends upon the extent to which they enable
different sets of actors with different power positions to fight for
their rights or advance their own positions.
That is why “free” market functioning tends to accentuate existing
inequalities, both social and economic. To the extent that government
policies are aware of this and are designed to reduce this effect,
they are more successful. All economic policies therefore have
distributive implications, whether or not these are officially
recognised. A government that is genuinely enabling for the citizenry
as a whole and for the poorest citizens has to act decisively in their
favour, and also has to provide good quality public services that the
poor are not excluded from.
In such a context, it is worth stepping back and examining how much of
the declared goal of inclusive growth in the Economic Survey actually
informs the most recent policy statement of the government, the Union
Budget. Surprisingly, the most important initiatives constitute direct
attacks on the incomes of the bottom quintile of the population: the
hike in fuel prices and indirect taxes, which will definitely increase
the price of necessities; the reduction in food subsidy; the
embarrassingly small increases in funds for agricultural schemes,
especially in the most devastated regions; the paltry amounts
allocated to education and health, which cannot possibly ensure good
quality public provision that reaches the poorest. Conversely, the
enabling aspect of government is very clearly evident with respect to
big business, in the form of tax breaks, subsidies for agribusiness
and the like.
The problem is that enabling markets does not always translate into
empowering people: often the reverse is the case. Clearly, whatever be
the more sensitive statements made in the Economic Survey, the basic
philosophy of the government has not changed from an obsessive focus
on growth at any cost.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20100326270603000.htm
bademiyansubhanallah
STAFF WRITER 15:59 HRS IST
Shimla, Mar 18 (PTI) Newly-appointed BJP general secretary Jagat
Prakash Nadda today resigned as cabinet minister in Himachal Pradesh
to take up his new assignment at the national level.
Nadda met Chief Minister Prem Kumar Dhumal in assembly and submitted
his resignation which was accepted.
"Yes I have submitted by resignation to the chief minister," Nadda
told PTI.
"I have asked him (Nadda) to continue till the ongoing budget session
of the assembly," Dhumal said.
Nadda in his letter to the CM said that since he has been appointed as
national general secretary of the BJP he was resigning from HP cabinet
in accordance with the party's policy of 'one man one post'.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/570541_Nadda-resigns-as-HP-minister-to-take-up-natl-assignment
JP Nadda resigns as Himachal cabinet minister
Posted by Ravinder Makhaik on Mar 18th, 2010
Shimla: Forest minister Jagat Prakash Nadda on being appointed as BJP
general secretary today submitted his resignation as a cabinet
minister in the Prem Kumar Dhumal ministry to take up his new
assignment at the national level.
Nadda met Dhumal in assembly today and submitted his resignation which
has been accepted.
“I have submitted by resignation to the chief minister,” Nadda
confirmed to My Himachal News.
“I have asked the forest minister to continue till the ongoing budget
session,” said the chief minister.
Nadda in his letter to the CM cited that since he had been appointed
national general secretary of party he was resigning from HP cabinet
in accordance with the party’s declared policy of ‘one man one post’.
http://himachal.us/2010/03/18/jp-nadda-resigns-as-himachal-cabinet-minister/19150/news/ravinder
Day curfew lifted in Bareilly
STAFF WRITER 12:37 HRS IST
Bareilly, Mar 20 (PTI) With the situation improving in riot-hit areas,
day curfew has been lifted in the city.
"The situation is completely normal and day curfew in five police
areas - Prem Nagar, Qila, Baradari, Kotwali and Subhash Nagar - has
been lifted between 5 am to 10 pm," officials said.
The situation had become a bit tense yesterday after six statues were
allegedly stolen from the ancient Jagganath Puri temple in Bada Bazar
area.
Protesting against the theft, members of a community blocked road,
which was later lifted on the assurance that the guilty would be
arrested soon.
Curfew was clamped in four of the six police areas of the city on
March 2 in the wake of communal clashes over a barawafat procession.It
was later extended to one more police area after fresh violence on
March 11.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/573674_Day-curfew-lifted-in-Bareilly
BJP demands Raj Home Minister's resignation
STAFF WRITER 23:7 HRS IST
Jaipur, Mar 19 (PTI) Holding statewide protests, BJP today demanded
the resignation of Rajasthan Home Minister Shanti Dhariwal, alleging
he had threatened its MLAs in the legislative assembly.
"Besides Dhariwal's resignation, the Congress government should revoke
the suspension of two MLAs -- R S Rathore (whip) and Hanuman Beniwal
-- who were suspended in previous two sittings of the House," Arun
Chaturvedi, its state president, told a press conference here.
The Leader of the House and Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot has not been
present in the House for the last two days and should attempt to break
the deadlock, Chaturvedi said.
"If this is not done on March 22, the BJP will hold 'Jail Bharo' in
all district headquarters," he said.
Meanwhile, BJP general secretary Vasundhara Raje alleged the state
government's repressive tactics in the assembly were a reminder of the
British period.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/573450_BJP-demands-Raj-Home-Minister-s-resignation
Praveen Togadia held for trying to walk into Kandhamal
STAFF WRITER 0:22 HRS IST
Bhubaneswar, Mar 19 (PTI) Firebrand VHP leader Praveen Togadia was
tonight arrested alongwith his supporters by the Orissa Police as they
tried to enter riot-hit Kandhamal district, defying a ban on their
visit.
Togadia, who arrived at Charichowk in Boudh district, neighbouring
Kandhamal, was held under Section 151 of the CrPc when they tried to
walk into Kandhamal district despite a ban, police said.
After they were asked not to proceed to the district, they initially
held a sit-in protest at Charichowk.
The VHP leader is now lodged at the forest inspection bungalow at
Charichowk, Lambodar Buda, Inspector-in-charge of Boudh police
station, said.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/573518_Praveen-Togadia-held-for-trying-to-walk-into-Kandhamal
Togadia released by Orissa Police
STAFF WRITER 12:11 HRS IST
Phulbani (Orissa), Mar 20 (PTI) Fireband VHP leader Praveen Togadia,
who was arrested while trying to enter riot-hit Kandhamal district
despite prohibitory orders, was today released by Orissa Police.
"Togadia was released on a bond and he left for Bhanjanagar in Ganjam
district," Kandhamal SP Pravin Kumar said.
The VHP leader was arrested last night under Section 151 of the CrPC
when he tried to walk into Kandhamal, along with supporters.
Earlier the state government had put a ban on Togadia's visit in view
of the communally-fragile nature of the district, which had seen
largescale communal violence in the wake of killing of VHP leader
Lakhsmananda Saraswati in August 2008.
Meanwhile, the district VHP unit of Kandhamal organised a 12-hour
bandh protesting Togadia's arrest.
While all shops and business establishments were closed, educational
institutions and government offices functioned as usual, police said.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/573641_Togadia-released-by-Orissa-Police
Shahnawaz not to attend BJP spokespersons' meet
STAFF WRITER 14:12 HRS IST
New Delhi, Mar 19 (PTI) BJP leader Shahnawaz Hussain, who is
reportedly sulking after he was overlooked for the post of general
secretary by party president Nitin Gadkari, is likely to keep away
from a meeting of new spokespersons convened today by Leader of
Opposition Sushma Swaraj.
Swaraj is holding a meeting of the seven BJP spokespersons to decide
allocation of work and brief them about their new job.
Sources said the meeting was being held at the behest of Chief
Spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad who is keen on getting his new team
cracking without any delay.
Sources close to Hussain said he is likely to keep away from the
meeting but insisted that this is due to his ill-health.
"He is a disciplined soldier of the party and will go with whatever
the party decides.
http://www.ptinews.com/news/572096_Shahnawaz-not-to-attend-BJP-spokespersons--meet
Dissent in BJP over Gadkari\’s new team – IBNLive.com
Published by admin on March 19, 2010 filed under Asian News
Headlines · Comments (0) The Hindu Dissent in BJP over Gadkari’s
new team IBNLive.com BJP’s latest worries- party President Nitin
Gadkari’s honeymoon period is over. His first challange will be Bihar-
and state party leaders anger might cost the party dearly as Bihar
will be going to polls later this year. Shatrughan Sinha and CP Thakur
… Everyone can’t be satisfied: Gadkari about dissent over his team
Economic Times Shatrughan vents ire at not being included in Nitin
Gadkari’s team Daily News & Analysis Dissent in BJP over Gadkari’s new
team India Today NDTV.com
http://asia.getsomenews.com/2010/03/19/dissent-in-bjp-over-gadkaris-new-team-ibnlive-com/
Raise complaints with me, not media: Gadkari
on March 19th, 2010
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) president Nitin Gadkari Friday asked
party leaders to raise any complaints about his choice of a new team
with him and not with the media.
“Those who have complaints about the new team should speak to me, not
the media,” Gadkari told the NDTV news channel, a day after actor-
turned-party MP Shatrughan Sinha’s remarks on the composition of the
new team of office-bearers announced Tuesday.
Sinha Thursday recited the lyrics of an old Hindi film song in answer
to a question about the new team. “Uff na karenge, lab see lenge,
aansu pee lenge (I will not sigh, will seal my lips and swallow my
tears),” he said, expressing disappointment that leaders like Yashwant
Sinha had been left out and the team had not been able to give a
message of dynamism.
“It’s wrong to say that Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie were excluded
because they are Advani detractors… It’s not possible to include
everyone on the team,” Gadkari said.
The BJP president also justified the appointment of Nehru-Gandhi
family member Varun Gandhi as party secretary, saying: “Varun Gandhi
should be given a chance, why hold the past against him?”
The party had sought to distance itself from Varun Gandhi after he
allegedly made inflammatory remarks during the Lok Sabha election
campaign last year.
Related Posts
Government not sincere in controlling food prices: BJP
http://way2online.com/?p=33533
BJP determined to ensure passage of women’s bill: Gadkari
http://way2online.com/?p=31483
Opposition joins hands to slam ‘anti-people’ budget
http://way2online.com/?p=28794
Scepticism about Gadkari melted away at Indore: Advani
http://way2online.com/?p=26321
BJP blames futures trading for price rise
http://way2online.com/?p=25744
http://way2online.com/?p=35953
Aryan race
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Not to be confused with "Arianism" which was an early non-trinitarian
form of Christianity.
This article is about the racial theory. For the full range of
meanings of "Aryan", see Aryan. For Hindu, Buddhist, Zoroastrian and
Jain spiritual interpretations, see Arya. For other uses, see Aryan
(disambiguation).
The Aryan race is a concept historically influential in European
culture in the period of the late 19th century and early 20th century.
It derives from the idea that the original speakers of the Indo-
European languages and their descendants up to the present day
constitute a distinctive race or subrace of the larger Caucasian race.
[1]
While originally meant simply as a neutral ethnic classification, it
was later used for political racism in Nazi and neo-Nazi ideological
form. It became a concept of scientific racism, and hence also in
other currents such as occultism and white supremacism.
Belief in the existence of an Aryan race is sometimes referred to as
Aryanism.
Origin of the term
Main article: Aryan
See also: Arya
The earliest epigraphically-attested reference to the word arya occurs
in the 6th century Behistun inscription, which describes itself to
have been composed "in arya [language or script]" (§ 70). As is also
the case for all other Old Iranian language usage, the arya of the
inscription does not signify anything but "Iranian".[2]
The region Aria as depicted by Waldseemuller in 1507The term Aryan
originates from the Sanskrit word arya, attested in the ancient texts
of Hinduism such as the Rigveda. Arya in Sanskrit holds the meaning
civilized or simply referring to an individual of higher
consciousness.
In the 18th century, the most ancient known Indo-European languages
were those of the Indo-Iranians' ancestors. The word Aryan was adopted
to refer not only to the Indo-Iranian people, but also to native Indo-
European speakers as a whole, including the Albanians, Kurds,
Armenians, Greeks, Latins, and Germans. It was soon recognised that
Balts, Celts, and Slavs also belonged to the same group. It was argued
that all of these languages originated from a common root—now known as
Proto-Indo-European—spoken by an ancient people who must have been the
original ancestors of the European, Iranian, and Indo-Aryan peoples.
The ethnic group composed of the Proto-Indo-Europeans and their modern
descendants was termed the Aryans.
This usage was common in the late 19th and early 20th century. An
example of an influential best-selling book that reflects this usage
is the 1920 book The Outline of History by H. G. Wells.[3] In it he
wrote of the accomplishments of the Aryan people, stating how they
"learned methods of civilization" while "Sargon II and Sardanapalus
were ruling in Assyria and fighting with Babylonia and Syria and
Egypt". As such, Wells suggested that the Aryans had eventually
"subjugated the whole ancient world, Semitic, Aegean and Egyptian
alike".[4] In the 1944 edition of Rand McNally’s World Atlas, the
Aryan race is depicted as being one of the ten major racial groupings
of mankind.[5] The science fiction author Poul Anderson (1926–2001),
an anti-racist Libertarian of Scandinavian ancestry, in his many
novels, novellas, and short stories, consistently used the term Aryan
as a synonym for Indo-Europeans. He spoke of the Aryan bird of prey
which impelled those of the Aryan race to take the lead in developing
interstellar travel, colonize habitable planets in other planetary
systems and become leading business entrepreneurs on the newly
colonized planets.[6]
The use of "Aryan" as a synonym for "Indo-European" or to a lesser
extent for "Indo-Iranian", is regarded today by many as obsolete and
politically incorrect, but may still occasionally appear in material
based on older scholarship, or written by persons accustomed to older
usage, such as in a 1989 article in Scientific American by Colin
Renfrew in which he uses the word "Aryan" in its traditional meaning
as a synonym for "Indo-European".[7]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanskrit
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arya
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rigveda
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-European_languages
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Iranian_peoples
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-Indo-European_language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scientific_American
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colin_Renfrew
19th-century physical anthropology
Main article: Caucasian race
See also: scientific racism
The 4th edition of Meyers Konversationslexikon (Leipzig, 1885-1890)
shows the Caucasian race (in blue) as comprising Aryans, Semites and
Hamites. Aryans are further subdivided into European Aryans and Indo-
Aryans (the latter corresponding to the group now designated Indo-
Iranians).In 19th century physical anthropology, represented by some
as being scientific racism, the "Aryan race" was considered a subgroup
of the Caucasian (or Europid) race, essentially corresponding to the
speakers of Indo-European languages native to Europe, Persia and the
Indo-Gangetic plain in South Asia.
The original 19th-century and early 20th-century use of the term Aryan
referred to "the early speakers of Proto-Indo European and their
descendents".[8][9] Max Müller is often identified as the first writer
to speak of an Aryan "race" in English. In his Lectures on the Science
of Language in 1861[10] he referred to Aryans as a "race of people".
At the time, the term race had the meaning of "a group of tribes or
peoples, an ethnic group".[11]
When Müller's statement was interpreted to imply a biologically
distinct sub-group of humanity, he soon clarified that he simply meant
a line of descent, insisting that it was very dangerous to mix
linguistics and anthropology. "The Science of Language and the Science
of Man cannot be kept too much asunder ... I must repeat what I have
said many times before, it would be wrong to speak of Aryan blood as
of dolichocephalic grammar".[12] He restated his opposition to this
method in 1888 in his essay Biographies of words and the home of the
Aryas.[10]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Max_M%C3%BCller
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Science
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cephalic_index
Müller was responding to the development of racial anthropology, and
the influence of the work of Arthur de Gobineau who argued that the
Indo-Europeans represented a superior branch of humanity. A number of
later writers, such as the French anthropologist Vacher de Lapouge in
his book L'Aryen, argued that this superior branch could be identified
biologically by using the cephalic index (a measure of head shape) and
other indicators. He argued that the long-headed "dolichocephalic-
blond" Europeans, characteristically found in northern Europe, were
natural leaders, destined to rule over more "brachiocephalic" (short
headed) peoples.[13].
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_de_Gobineau
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vacher_de_Lapouge
The division of the Caucasian race into Aryans, Semites and Hamites is
in origin linguistic, not based on physical anthropology, the division
in physical anthropology being that into Nordic, Alpine and
Mediterranean. However, the linguistic classification of "Aryan"
became closely associated, and conflated, with the classification of
"Nordic".
This claim became increasingly important during the 19th century. In
the mid-19th century, it was commonly believed that the Aryans
originated in the southwestern steppes of present-day Russia. However,
by the late 19th century the steppe theory of Aryan origins was
challenged by the view that the Aryans originated in ancient Germany
or Scandinavia, or at least that in those countries the original Aryan
ethnicity had been preserved. The German origin of the Aryans was
especially promoted by the archaeologist Gustaf Kossinna, who claimed
that the Proto-Indo-European peoples were identical to the Corded Ware
culture of Neolithic Germany. This idea was widely circulated in both
intellectual and popular culture by the early twentieth century,[14]
and is reflected in the concept of "Corded-Nordics" in Carleton S.
Coon's 1939 The Races of Europe.
Other anthropologists contested such claims. In Germany, Rudolf
Virchow launched a study of craniometry, which prompted him to
denounce "Nordic mysticism" in the 1885 Anthropology Congress in
Karlsruhe, while Josef Kollmann, a collaborator of Virchow, stated in
the same congress that the people of Europe, be they English, German,
French, and Spaniard belonged to a "mixture of various races,"
furthermore declaring that the "results of craniology...[are] against
any theory concerning the superiority of this or that European race"
to others.[10]
Virchow's contribution to the debate sparked a controversy. Houston
Stewart Chamberlain, a strong supporter of the theory of a superior
Aryan race, attacked Josef Kollmann arguments in detail. While the
"Aryan race" theory remained popular, particularly in Germany, some
authors defended Virchow's perspective, in particular Otto Schrader,
Rudolph von Jhering and the ethnologist Robert Hartmann (1831–1893),
who proposed to ban the notion of "Aryan" from anthropology.[10]
Indo-Aryan migration
Main article: Indo-Aryan migration
See also: Out of India theory
Models of the Indo-Aryan migration discuss scenarios of prehistoric
migrations of the early Indo-Aryans to their historically attested
areas of settlement in the northwest of the Indian subcontinent and
from there further across all of North India. Claims of Indo-Aryan
migration are primarily drawn from linguistic[15] evidence but also
from a multitude of data stemming from genetics,[16] Vedic religion,
rituals, poetics as well as some aspects of social organization and
chariot technology.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Natural_language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vedic_period
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vedas
All discussion of historical Indo-Aryan migrations or Aryan and
Dravidian races remains highly controversial in India to this day, and
continues to affect political and religious debate. Some Dravidians,
and supporters of the Dalit movement, most commonly Tamils, claim that
the worship of Shiva is a distinct Dravidian religion going back to
the Indus Civilization,[17] to be distinguished from Brahminical
"Aryan" Hinduism. In contrast, the Indian nationalist Hindutva
movement argues that no Aryan invasion or migration ever occurred,
asserting that Vedic beliefs emerged from the Indus Valley
Civilisation,[18] which pre-dated the supposed advent of the Indo-
Aryans in India, and is identified as a likely candidate for a Proto-
Dravidian culture.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dravidian
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dalitstan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tamil_people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shiva
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_Valley_Civilization
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindutva
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_Valley_Civilisation
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-Dravidian
Some Indians were also influenced by the debate about the Aryan race
during the British Raj. The Indian nationalist V. D. Savarkar believed
in the theory that an "Aryan race" migrated to India,[19] but he
didn't find much value in a racialized interpretation of the "Aryan
race".[20] Some Indian nationalists supported the British version of
the theory because it gave them the prestige of common descent with
the ruling British class.[21]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V._D._Savarkar
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racialized
Genetic studies
A genetic study in the year 2000 in Andhra Pradesh state of India
found that the upper caste Hindus were closer relatives to Eastern-
Europeans than to Hindus from lower castes.[22] However, a study
conducted by the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology in 2009 (in
collaboration with Harvard Medical School, Harvard School of Public
Health and the Broad Institute of Harvard and MIT) analyzed half a
million genetic markers across the genomes of 132 individuals from 25
ethnic groups from 13 states in India across multiple caste groups.
[23] The study asserts, based on the impossibility of identifying any
genetic indicators across caste lines, that castes in South Asia grew
out of traditional tribal organizations during the formation of Indian
society, and was not the product of any Aryan invasion and
"subjugation" of Dravidian people.[24]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Centre_for_Cellular_and_Molecular_Biology
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harvard_Medical_School
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harvard_School_of_Public_Health
Occultism
Theosophy
Mme. Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott, a lawyer, agricultural expert,
and journalist who covered the Spiritualist phenomena.Main article:
Root race
These debates were addressed within the Theosophical movement founded
by Helena Blavatsky and Henry Olcott at the end of the nineteenth
century. This philosophy took inspiration from Indian culture, in this
case, perhaps, from the Hindu reform movement the Arya Samaj founded
by Swami Dayananda.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theosophy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Madame_Blavatsky
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Steel_Olcott
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arya_Samaj
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swami_Dayananda
Blavatsky argued that humanity had descended from a series of "Root
Races", naming the fifth root race (out of seven) the Aryan Race. She
thought that the Aryans originally came from Atlantis and described
the Aryan races with the following words:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Root_Race
"The Aryan races, for instance, now varying from dark brown, almost
black, red-brown-yellow, down to the whitest creamy colour, are yet
all of one and the same stock -- the Fifth Root-Race -- and spring
from one single progenitor, (...) who is said to have lived over
18,000,000 years ago, and also 850,000 years ago -- at the time of the
sinking of the last remnants of the great continent of Atlantis."[25]
Blavatsky used "Root Race" as a technical term to describe human
evolution over the large time periods in her cosmology. However, she
also claimed that there were modern non-Aryan peoples who were
inferior to Aryans. She regularly contrasts "Aryan" with "Semitic"
culture, to the detriment of the latter, asserting that Semitic
peoples are an offshoot of Aryans who have become "degenerate in
spirituality and perfected in materiality."[26] She also states that
some peoples are "semi-animal creatures". These latter include "the
Tasmanians, a portion of the Australians and a mountain tribe in
China." There are also "considerable numbers of the mixed Lemuro-
Atlantean peoples produced by various crossings with such semi-human
stocks -- e.g., the wild men of Borneo, the Veddhas of Ceylon, classed
by Prof. Flower among Aryans (!), most of the remaining Australians,
Bushmen, Negritos, Andaman Islanders, etc."[27]
Despite this, Blavatsky's admirers claim that her thinking was not
connected to fascist or racialist ideas, asserting that she believed
in a Universal Brotherhood of humanity and wrote that "all men have
spiritually and physically the same origin" and that "mankind is
essentially of one and the same essence".[28] On the other hand, in
The Secret Doctrine, Blavatsky states: "Verily mankind is 'of one
blood,' but not of the same essence."
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Universal_Brotherhood
Blavatsky connects physical race with spiritual attributes constantly
throughout her works:
"Esoteric history teaches that idols and their worship died out with
the Fourth Race, until the survivors of the hybrid races of the latter
(Chinamen, African Negroes, &c.) gradually brought the worship back.
The Vedas countenance no idols; all the modern Hindu writings do".
[29]
"The intellectual difference between the Aryan and other civilized
nations and such savages as the South Sea Islanders, is inexplicable
on any other grounds. No amount of culture, nor generations of
training amid civilization, could raise such human specimens as the
Bushmen, the Veddhas of Ceylon, and some African tribes, to the same
intellectual level as the Aryans, the Semites, and the Turanians so
called. The 'sacred spark' is missing in them and it is they who are
the only inferior races on the globe, now happily -- owing to the wise
adjustment of nature which ever works in that direction -- fast dying
out. Verily mankind is 'of one blood,' but not of the same essence. We
are the hot-house, artificially quickened plants in nature, having in
us a spark, which in them is latent".[30]
According to Blavatsky, "the MONADS of the lowest specimens of
humanity (the "narrow-brained" savage South-Sea Islander, the African,
the Australian) had no Karma to work out when first born as men, as
their more favoured brethren in intelligence had".[31]
She also prophecies of the destruction of the racial "failures of
nature" as the future "higher race" ascends:
"Thus will mankind, race after race, perform its appointed cycle-
pilgrimage. Climates will, and have already begun, to change, each
tropical year after the other dropping one sub-race, but only to beget
another higher race on the ascending cycle; while a series of other
less favoured groups -- the failures of nature -- will, like some
individual men, vanish from the human family without even leaving a
trace behind".[32]
It is interesting to note that the second subrace of the Fifth or
Aryan root race, the Arabian, is regarded by Theosophists as one of
the Aryan subraces. It is believed by Theosophists that the Arabians,
although asserted in traditional Theosophy to be of Aryan (i.e., Indo-
European) ancestry, adopted the Semitic language of the people around
them who had migrated earlier from Atlantis (the fifth or (original)
Semite subrace of the Atlantean root race). Theosophists assert that
the Jews originated as an offshoot of the Arabian subrace in what is
now Yemen about 30,000 BC. They migrated first to Somalia and then
later to Egypt where they lived until the time of Moses. Thus,
according to the teachings of Theosophy, the Jews are part of the
Aryan race.[33]
Ariosophy
Main article: Ariosophy
Guido von List (and his followers such as Lanz von Liebenfels) later
took up some of Blavatsky's ideas, mixing her ideology with
nationalistic and fascist ideas; this system of thought became known
as Ariosophy. It was believed in Ariosophy that the Teutonics were
superior to all other peoples because according to Theosophy the
Teutonics or Nordics were the most recent subrace of the Aryan root
race to have evolved.[34] Such views also fed into the development of
Nazi ideology. Theosophical publications such as The Aryan Path were
strongly opposed to the Nazi usage, attacking racialism.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guido_von_List
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lanz_von_Liebenfels
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ariosophy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germanic_languages
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Aryan_Path
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racialism
The idea of the Northern origins of the Aryans was particularly
influential in Germany. It was widely believed that the "Vedic Aryans"
were ethnically identical to the Goths, Vandals and other ancient
Germanic peoples of the Völkerwanderung. This idea was often
intertwined with anti-Semitic ideas. The distinctions between the
"Aryan" and "Semitic" peoples were based on the aforementioned
linguistic and ethnic history.
Semitic peoples came to be seen as a foreign presence within Aryan
societies, and the Semitic peoples were often pointed to as the cause
of conversion and destruction of social order and values leading to
culture and civilization's downfall by proto-Nazi and Nazi theorists
such as Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Alfred Rosenberg.
According to the adherents to Ariosophy, the Aryan was a "master race"
that built a civilization that dominated the world from Atlantis about
ten thousand years ago. This alleged civilization declined when other
parts of the world were colonized after the 8,000 BC destruction of
Atlantis because the inferior races mixed with the Aryans but it left
traces of their civilization in Tibet (via Buddhism), and even in
Central America, South America, and Ancient Egypt. (The date of 8,000
BC for the destruction of Atlantis in Ariosophy is 2,000 years later
than the date of 10,000 BC given for this event in Theosophy.) These
theories affected the more esotericist strand of Nazism.
A complete, highly speculative theory of Aryan and anti-Semitic
history can be found in Alfred Rosenberg's major work, The Myth of the
Twentieth Century. Rosenberg's well-researched account of ancient
history, melded with his racial speculations, proved to be very
effective in spreading racialism among German intellectuals in the
early twentieth century, especially after the First World War.
These and other ideas evolved into the Nazi use of the term "Aryan
race" to refer to what they saw as being a master race of people of
northern European descent. They worked to maintain the purity of this
race through eugenics programs (including anti-miscegenation
legislation, compulsory sterilization of the mentally ill and the
mentally deficient, the execution of the institutionalized mentally
ill as part of a euthanasia program).
Heinrich Himmler (the Reichsführer of the SS), the person ordered by
Adolf Hitler to implement the final solution (Holocaust), told his
personal masseur Felix Kersten that he always carried with him a copy
of the ancient Aryan scripture, the Bhagavad Gita because it relieved
him of guilt about what he was doing — he felt that like the warrior
Arjuna, he was simply doing his duty without attachment to his actions.
[35]
Himmler was also interested in Buddhism and his institute Ahnenerbe
sought to mix some traditions from Hinduism and Buddhism.[36] Himmler
sent a 1939 German expedition to Tibet as part of his research into
Aryan origins.
Neo-Nazism
The Sun wheel is used as the symbol of the Aryan raceSince the
military defeat of Nazi Germany by the Allies in 1945, some neo-Nazis
have expanded their concept of the Aryan race, moving from the Nazi
concept that the purest Aryans were the Teutonics or Nordics of
Northern Europe to the idea that the true Aryans are everyone
descended from the Western or European branch of the Indo-European
peoples.[citation needed] "Moderate" "white nationalists" who embrace
what is called pan-Aryanism want to establish a democratically
governed Aryan Federation.[37] On the other hand, according to
Nicholas Goodrick-Clark, many neo-Nazis want to establish an
autocratic state modeled after Nazi Germany to be called the Western
Imperium.[38]
This proposed state would be led by a Führer-like figure called the
Vindex, and would include all areas inhabited by the Aryan race
(defined as non-Jews of European ancestry), i.e. Europe (includes all
of Russia), Anglo-America, South Africa (may include Rhodesia (now
called Zimbabwe)) with its white minority, Australia, New Zealand, and
southern South America (that is Chile, Argentina, eastern Bolivia,
southern Brazil, Uruguay, and possibly Paraguay.) Only those of the
Aryan race would be full citizens of the state. The Western Imperium
would embark on a vigorous and dynamic program of space exploration.
The concept of the Western Imperium as outlined in the previous three
sentences is based on the original concept of the Imperium as outlined
in the 1947 book Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics by
Francis Parker Yockey as further updated, extended and refined in the
early 1990s in pamphlets published by David Myatt. [39][40][41]
Various concepts of Aryanism and how they should be implemented are
debated on the Stormfront website.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Parker_Yockey
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Myatt
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stormfront_(website)
Tempelhofgesellschaft
A neo-Nazi esoteric Nazi Gnostic sect headquartered in Vienna, Austria
called the Tempelhofgesellschaft, founded in the early 1990s, teaches
a form of what it calls Marcionism. They distribute pamphlets claiming
that the Aryan race originally came to Atlantis from the star
Aldebaran.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neo-Nazi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Esoteric_Nazism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gnostic
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neo-volkisch_movements#Tempelhofgesellschaft_.28Gnostic_sect.29
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marcionism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Root_race#The_civilization_of_Atlantis
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aldebaran
See also
Anatolian hypothesis
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anatolian_hypothesis
Aryan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aryan
Germanic peoples
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germanic_peoples
Indo-Aryan migrations
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Aryan_migrations
Nordic theory
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nordic_theory
Nordic race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nordic_race
Proto-Indo-Europeans
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-Indo-Europeans
Indo-European language family
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-European_language_family
Kurgan hypothesis
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurgan_hypothesis
Race Life of the Aryan Peoples
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Race_Life_of_the_Aryan_Peoples
Scandinavism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scandinavism
White nationalism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_nationalism
White supremacy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_supremacy
Philosophical:
Esotericism in Germany and Austria
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Esotericism_in_Germany_and_Austria
Thule Society
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thule_Society
Germanic Neopaganism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germanic_Neopaganism
Neo-völkisch movements
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neo-v%C3%B6lkisch_movements
Third Reich specific:
Aryanization
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aryanization
Aryan paragraph
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aryan_paragraph
Honorary Aryan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Honorary_Aryan
Ahnenpass
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahnenpass
Aryan Games
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aryan_Games
Contemporaneous concepts of race:
Alpine race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alpine_race
Armenoid race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armenoid_race
Dinaric race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dinaric_race
East Baltic race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/East_Baltic_race
Iranid race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iranid_race
Mediterranean race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mediterranean_race
References
Constructs such as ibid., op. cit. and loc. cit. are discouraged by
Wikipedia's style guide for footnotes as they are easily broken.
Please improve this article by replacing them with named references
(quick guide), or an abbreviated title.
^ Mish, Frederic C., Editor in Chief Webster's Tenth New Collegiate
Dictionary Springfield, Massachusetts, U.S.A.:1994--Merriam-Webster
See original definition (definition #1) of "Aryan" in English--Page
66
^ cf. Gershevitch, Ilya (1968), "Old Iranian Literature", Handbuch der
Orientalistik, Literatur I, Leiden: Brill, pp. 1–31 , p. 2.
^ Wells, H.G. The Outline of History New York:1920 Doubleday & Co.
Chapter 19 The Aryan Speaking Peoples in Pre-Historic Times Pages
271-285
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Outline_of_History
^ H.G. Wells describes the origin of the Aryans (Proto-Indo
Europeans):
http://www.bartleby.com/86/19.html
^ Rand McNally’s World Atlas International Edition Chicago:1944 Rand
McNally Map: "Races of Mankind" Pages 278–279--In the explanatory
section below the map, the Aryan race (the word “Aryan” being defined
in the description below the map as a synonym for “Indo-Europeans”) is
described as being one of the ten major racial groupings of mankind.
Each of the ten racial groupings is depicted in a different color on
the map and the estimated populations in 1944 of the larger racial
groups except the Dravidians are given (the Dravidian population in
1944 would have been about 70,000,000). The other nine groups are
depicted as being the Semitic race (the Aryans (850,000,000) and the
Semites (70,000,000) are described as being the two main branches of
the Caucasian race), the Dravidian race, the Mongolian race
(700,000,000), the Malayan race (Correct population given on page
413--64,000,000 including half of the Malay States, Micronesia, and
Polynesia), the American Indian race (10,000,000), the Negro race
(140,000,000), the Native Australians, the Papuans, and the Hottentots
and Bushmen.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semitic
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caucasian_race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dravidian_race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mongoloid_race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malayan_race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indigenous_people_of_the_Americas
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australoid_race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australoid_race
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capoid_race
^ See, for example, the Poul Anderson short stories in the 1964
collection Time and Stars and the Polesotechnic League stories
featuring Nicholas van Rijn
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Time_and_Stars
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicholas_van_Rijn
^ Renfrew, Colin. (1989). The Origins of Indo-European Languages. /
Scientific American/, 261(4), 82-90.
^ Mish, Frederic C., Editor in Chief Webster's Tenth New Collegiate
Dictionary Springfield, Massachuetts, U.S.A.:1994--Merriam-Webster
Page 66
^ Widney, Joseph P Race Life of the Aryan Peoples New York: Funk &
Wagnalls. 1907 In Two Volumes: Volume One--The Old World Volume Two--
The New World ISBN B000859S6O
http://books.google.com/books?id=s9UKAAAAIAAJ&printsec=titlepage#v=onepage&q=&f=false
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Pomeroy_Widney
^ a b c d Andrea Orsucci, "Ariani, indogermani, stirpi mediterranee:
aspetti del dibattito sulle razze europee (1870-1914)", in Cromohs,
1998 (Italian)
http://www.cromohs.unifi.it/3_98/orsucci.html
^ OED under race, n.6 I.1.c has "A group of several tribes or peoples,
regarded as forming a distinct ethnic set. Esp. used in 19th-cent.
anthropological classification, sometimes in conjunction with
linguistic groupings."
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/OED
^ Speech before the University of Stassbourg, 1872, Chaudhuri, Nirad,
Scholar Extraordinary: The Life of Professor the Rt. Hon. Freidrich
Max Muller, Chatto and Windus, 1974, p.313
^ Vacher de Lapouge (trans Clossen, C), Georges (1899). "Old and New
Aspects of the Aryan Question". The American Journal of Sociology 5
(3): 329–346. .
^ Arvidsson, Stefan (2006). Aryan Idols. USA: University of Chicago
Press, 143. ISBN 0-226-02860-7.
^ The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture: The Indo-Aryan Migration
Debate, Edwin Bryant, 2001
^ Trivedi, Bijal P (2001-05-14). [http://www.genomenewsnetwork.org/
articles/05_01/Indo-European.shtml "Genetic evidence suggests European
migrants may have influenced the origins of India's caste system"].
Genome News Network (J. Craig Venter Institute).
http://www.genomenewsnetwork.org/articles/05_01/Indo-European.shtml.
Retrieved 2005-01-27.
^ It is claimed that the Pashupati seal represents Shiva. J. Marshall
1931: Vol. 1, 52-55. Mohenjo-Daro and the IVC. London: Arthur
Probsthain.
^ Although most pro-Aryan migration theory scholars also agree that a
part of the IVC culture has influenced Hinduism. Renfrew says: "it is
difficult to see what is particularly non-Aryan about the Indus Valley
Civilization. Renfrew 1988:188-190. Archaeology and Language. New
York: Cambridge University Press
^ Bryant 2001:271, Talageri 2000. The Rigveda.
^ After all there is throughout this world so far as man is concerned
but a single race - the human race, kept alive by one common blood,
the human blood. All other talk is at best provisional, a makeshift
and only relatively true. (...) Even as it is, not even the aborigines
of the Andamans are without some sprinkling of the so-called Aryan
blood in their veins and vice-versa. Truly speaking all that one can
claim is that one has the blood of all mankind in one’s veins. The
fundamental unity of man from pole to pole is true, all else only
relatively so. Savarkar: "Hindutva". Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,
Savarkar Samagra: Complete Works of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 10
volumes, ISBN 81-7315-331-0
^ Erdosy 1995:21, The Indo-Aryans of ancient South Asia.
^ http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?tool=pubmed&pubmedid=11381027
^ Indians are one people descended from two tribes
http://www.dnaindia.com/scitech/report_indians-are-one-people-descended-from-two-tribes_1292864
^ Aryan-Dravidian divide a myth: Study, Times of India
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/india/Aryan-Dravidian-divide-a-myth-Study/articleshow/5053274.cms
^ The Secret Doctrine, the Synthesis of Science, Religion and
Philosophy, Vol.II, p.249
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Secret_Doctrine
^ Ibid., p.200
^ Ibid., pp.195-6
^ The Key to Theosophy, Section 3
^ The Secret Doctrine, the Synthesis of Science, Religion and
Philosophy, Vol. II, p.723
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Secret_Doctrine
^ Ibid., p 421
^ Ibid., p.168
^ Ibid., p.446
^ Powell, A.E. The Solar System: A Complete Outline of the
Theosophical Scheme of Evolution London:1930 The Theosophical
Publishing House Pages 298-299
^ Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas The Occult Roots of Nazism: Secret Aryan
Cults and Their Influence on Nazi Ideology New York:1992 New York
University Press Chapter 13 "Herbert Reichstein and Ariosophy" Pages
164-176
^ Padfield, Peter Himmler New York:1990--Henry Holt Page 402
^ P.7, New Religions and the Nazis, By Karla Powne
^ Fundamentals of Pan-Aryanism:
http://forums.skadi.net/showthread.php?p=940600
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herrenvolk
^ Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas (2003). Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric
Nazism and the Politics of Identity. New York: New York University
Press. pp. 221. ISBN 0-8147-3155-4.
^ Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism,
and The Politics of Identity New York: 2002--N.Y. University Press,
See Chapters 4 and 11 for extensive information about the proposed
"Western Imperium"
^ “Vindex—The Destiny of the West—Imperium of the West” by David
Myatt:
http://blogs.myspace.com/index.cfm?fuseaction=blog.view&friendId=423609919&blogId=497426085
^ [http://www.natvan.com/national-vanguard/130/index.html
"Space Exploration: An Expression of the Aryan Soul" by John Clarke
National Vanguard magazine Issue 130, January-February 2006:]
Further reading
The Arctic Home in the Vedas by Bal Gangadhar Tilak
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Arctic_Home_in_the_Vedas
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bal_Gangadhar_Tilak
Arvidsson, Stefan. Aryan Idols. The Indo-European Mythology as Science
and Ideology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 2006 ISBN
0-226-02860-7
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stefan_Arvidsson
Poliakov, Leon. The Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalistic
Ideas In Europe New York: Barnes & Noble Books. 1996 ISBN
0-7607-0034-6
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leon_Poliakov
Widney, Joseph P. Google Books edition of Race Life of the Aryan
Peoples Race Life of the Aryan Peoples New York: Funk & Wagnalls. 1907
In Two Volumes: Volume One--The Old World Volume Two--The New World
ISBN B000859S6O
http://books.google.com/books?id=s9UKAAAAIAAJ&printsec=titlepage#v=onepage&q=&f=false
External links
The Aryan race
http://www.wisdomworld.org/additional/ListOfCollatedArticles/TheAryanRace.html
Indo-European Languages
http://www.bookrags.com/Indo-European_languages
Aryan by Kim Pearson
http://kpearson.faculty.tcnj.edu/Dictionary/aryan.htm
Iranian Branch of the Indo-European Family
http://www.nvtc.gov/lotw/months/february/IranianBranch.html
Races and Ethnic Groups of Iran
http://www.farhangsara.com/races.htm
Forensic Anthropology
http://www.port.ac.uk/departments/academic/biology/research/forensicanthropology/
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aryan_race
...and I am Std Harth
chhotemianinshallah
Sharad Pawar is not new to verbal abuse. Before Bal Thackeray cosied
up to him in recent times, he was wont to call the Maratha warlord the
most colourful names. Among the more mentionable of them were
`maidyancha pota ’ (a sack of flour) and a dog (I would rather not
repeat the Marathi as that sounds worse).He also continuously poked
fun at Pawar’s ample girth, saying he might be getting stuck in his
commode each morning. To be noted: Thackeray himself preferred Indian
toilets. Hotels he stayed at in Maharashtra had to modify their rooms
for the purpose and when he thought he might be thrown into jail by
Chhagan Bhujbal his primary concern, ahead of other comforts, was if
he would get an Indian toilet in his cell — though Michael Jackson did
use a Western one when he came calling at Matoshree in 1997!
Pawar was so sickened by all such politically irrelevant comments that
he warned Thackeray about the consequences: “I am from the rural areas
and a rural rustic can get more colourful abuse out of his mouth than
someone like Thackeray, city born and bred can ever fathom. So don’t
tempt me.’’ That shut Thackeray up quite adequately because he could
not be sure about how insulting Pawar could get or even if he could
match the latter’s vocabulary, word for word.
I guess Thackeray had reason to run scared. Because he knew Pawar
could say the worst possible things about somebody and still keep the
language parliamentary. Like the time in the Eighties — I recall I
was shocked out of my wits when he referred to then opposition leader
Mrinal Gore as `Pootna Maushi’.
Gore was a well-known socialist and she was very adept at her job as
an opposition leader. She was one of the primary persons who had
exposed Pawar’s alleged involvement in what we then referred to as the
`dereservation scam’. Decoded, this was simply that soon after he
became Chief Minister in 1988, Pawar decided that more than 250 plots
in Bombay which had been reserved for schools, gardens, hospitals and
other public spaces would be, well, dereserved and handed over to
private builders for commercial constructions. Pawar had overruled the
objections of both bureaucrats and municipal authorities about the
advisability of turning Bombay into more of a concrete jungle thus.
Gore tabled the whole list of the plots, along with a minute by minute
account of how they were dereserved, in the Maharashtra Assembly —
leading Chhagan Bhujbal, then the Shiv Sena’s lone legislator in the
House, to stick another unforgettable tag on Pawa: Bhookhandanche
Shrikhand Khalle (he has eaten shrikhand out of plots of land).
But while Pawar could brush aside such labels, what he could not get
over was the complete exposure of his integrity (since then wherever
Pawar goes, land scams, true or not, follow).
Why I believe Pawar’s abuse of Gore was unforgivable was because of
the choice of his words — which were not unparliamentary by themselves
but the circumstances under which they were uttered were downright
vicious. Pootna was the rakshasi who had been assigned by Lord
Krishna’s maternal uncle Kansa to poison the baby God through her
milk. Everyone knows the legend: how Baby Krishna bit her breasts and
destroyed both her and her evil purpose.
Gore had, at the time, been recovering from breast cancer and I
thought it was particularly nasty, downright mean and very hurtful of
Sharad Pawar to allude to a worthy opponent in such unpleasant and
personally painful terms. I was little more than a rookie at the time
and I recall rushing to Gore’s party office at the Vidhan Bhavan soon
after Pawar’s volley – I wanted to sympathise more than get a reaction
out of her to that insult.
However, Gore spoke of everything else but that abuse. And when I
asked her for a reaction, she said she had not heard anything at all
and there was no point reacting to something she did not know about.
Since Gore had very much been present during Pawar’s outburst, I
realised that she was either very hurt or very forgiving. In either
case, her response was very dignified and, in the absence of
television channels in that era, the whole episode was put to rest
almost immediately.
So, if an eon later, Satyavrat Chaturvedi now calls Sharad Pawar
another colourful name, I am not surprised that the Maratha strongman
should not find it too hard to forget and forgive. For Chaturvedi’s
terms of reference were neither personal nor could be too hurtful
(except to the extent that he chose to abuse at all) – those are
terms used almost like punctuation in many North Indian tongues. But
while MCs and BCs might be lingua franca in the North, I agree with
Pawar that it was quite unparliamentary language to have been used at
all.
Perhaps Chaturvedi should have taken lessons from Pawar before he got
abusive: on how to be parliamentary and unpleasant at one and the
same time!
Comments
One Response to “Whose abuse is it anyway?”
Rajen Kaushal says:
March 20, 2010 at 7:10 am
By far, conclusion is that unparliamentary language has no place on
high seats like CM. Thackerays comments are given more weightage by
Media otherwise, going by their political stature, they do not deserve
much weightage.
After exorbitant rise in food prices and sugar, Sharad Pawar’s
response was poor but going by Congress rules after independendence,
Congress, a party of capitalist never contained inflation and many
fold increase in food prices after independence is evident. Moreover,
while appointing ministers, Govt. must ensure that a person does not
become minister for industry from his home state. Maharastra houses
major sugar mills and Sharad Pawar should not have been Agricultural
Minister. What better or clean administration Manmohan Singh,
projected and perceived as honest man by Indians, provide?
http://blogs.hindustantimes.com/singly-political/2010/03/19/whose-abuse-is-it-anyway/
Beat men fair and square
IF THE BILL DOES BECOME LAW, THOUGH,
I AM SURE AT LEAST THE YADAVS, WHO
ARE NOW OPPOSING IT VOCIFEROUSLY,
WILL BE AMONG THE FIRST TO BRING OUT
THEIR WIVES AND DAUGHTERS-IN-LAW TO
OCCUPY HIGH POSITIONS
Ihave always been agnostic when it comes to women’s
reservation: I am not against it per se, but I am not for
it either. My reservations about, well, reservation for
women is based on observation of how it has played out
in Maharashtra, which was among the first states to introduce
a 33 per cent quota for women in local self-government
bodies.
When I travelled to the villages, I noticed that most of
the women sarpanchs were wives of powerful men of the
area. Though it is getting slightly better these days, most
of these women did not take decisions on their own —
and if they did, their husbands would still beat them up.
In the cities, it was only somewhat better — the men
might not beat up women but the latter were certainly
puppets in the hands of their husbands.
I recall one particular woman corporator who had a
fairly bad reputation for just being who she was: the conservative
wife of a local party boss. Her husband took to
threatening people in her name and her mother-in-law
set up a desk right at her front door to rake in the earnings
— she personally counted the cash all day long!
It drove even members of her own party crazy. One of
them told me wryly, “I am against women’s reservation
only for this. Give a man a ticket and only he is corrupt,
give a woman a ticket and her whole family becomes
extortionists.’’
Of course, I did not agree with that perception and
ticked him off quite soundly.
I notice, though, that at least the Brihanmumbai
Municipal Corporation (BMC) has got better over the
years. But several years ago former Chief Minister
Manohar Joshi had told us, after fielding women relatives
of Shiv Sainiks, quite unabashedly, “We are a purushi
(male) party. Electable women are very difficult to find.’’
However, when Bombay Mayor Shraddha Jadhav gave
away awards on International Women’s Day this year, all
top officials on the dais were women: Shailaja Girkar is
the Deputy Mayor, Mridula Joshi is the Municipal
Secretary and Manisha Mhaiskar is the Additional
Municipal Commissioner. One half was there on account
of the benefit of reservation; the other half had got there
on their own steam, perhaps pipping several worthy men
at the post.
So while I saluted all those women, my ambivalence
towards women’s quota continued, even as the UPA government
failed to have the Bill passed in Parliament on
Monday.
If the Bill does become law, though, I am sure at least
the Yadavs, who are now opposing it vociferously, will be
among the first to bring out their wives and daughtersin-
law to occupy high positions — yes, even the ‘par kati’
ones — remember Sharad Yadav’s obnoxious remark
about women with short hair? His wife has (or at least
had at the time he made that remark) short hair.
Next would be the girlfriends, as we have seen many politicians
promote their paramours even without the benefit
of reservations. I wonder how long it will be before the
common woman, without the benefit of a Godfather in
politics, gets an opportunity to enter a legislative body
on her own merit.
But if she did, I am not so sure it would be fair to restrict
women to constituencies for just five or ten years. Former
Speaker Somnath Chatterjee had represented his constituency
in the Lok Sabha for ten terms — if not 50 years,
given several mid-term polls, this meant at least 40 years
at a stretch. Why should women not have similar right
to continue for as long as the voters want them?
If I were into electoral politics, I certainly would be
highly resentful at the injustice and unfairness of it all.
Yet, there is really no other way out of the situation. Which
once again reinforces my ambivalence about a quota for
women.
So it is just as well that I am not a politician with parliamentary
ambitions. I prefer to best the men at their
own game and beat them in their own backyards. As
Pratibha Patil did. And as many other exemplary women
are doing. ■ sana...@hindustantimes.com
http://www.hindustantimes.com/images/HTPopups/120310/10_03_M_MTR_16.pdf
How does she do it?
I have said all I wanted to say about my reservations about the
women’s reservation bill in my column anandan on Wednesday this week.
Like I said in the column, I am agnostic about the bill – I neither
believe in it nor do I knock it. I simply doubt that it will help at
all (help the common woman, that is).
But whatever my reservations, I am amazed at how Sonia Gandhi managed
to have the bill passed in the Rajya Sabha on Tuesday, March 9. That
morning it looked as though not just the fate of the bill but also her
authority over her party was at risk. For, I know as a matter of fact
that many men in her party were as determined as Lalu and Mulayam
Yadav to ensure that it never became law and I thought they would
surreptitiously pitch in to scuttle the bill. But now I do not think
too many of them will dare voice their opposition.
I wonder what makes Sonia Gandhi take all the right calls and achieve
miracle after miracle in such quick succession. This particular bill
had been hanging in the balance for 14 years and when several more
stable governments could not manage to get it through, it really did
require a great deal of political will to push it at the risk of so
much endangerment of the UPA’s future.
I have heard people say quite often that we cannot find one single
Indian to rule this country and follow it up with the query: why
should Indians have to kowtow to the Italian bahu of Mrs Indira
Gandhi? In fact, I am looking to all those critics for an answer: yes,
really, why?
But I think I have a clue. And that came from a British diplomat to
quite another question. We were discussing how the Indian diaspora was
among the highest wage earners everywhere else in the world (and thus,
not surprisingly, they incurred the wrath of the locals in their
adopted countries for beating them to and keeping their jobs by sheer
dint of hard work). Yet, when it came to our own country, we were
among the poorest, most backward and taking too long getting anywhere.
The diplomat said, “Perhaps the answer lies in the fact that Indians
follow the rules to the `t’ wherever they live abroad. In India they
break the law all the time and so make it difficult for both
themselves and others to get along.’’
Then a Congress worker told me why he preferred Sonia Gandhi to her
husband, Rajiv. “She has a very European outlook on rules and honour.
She keeps her word and will not allow any violations. For example, if
the maximum age for a youth congress leader is 35, she will not allow
any one older to be elected to that post. No other considerations like
caste et al except what is stated in the rulebook. That is heartening
for the rest of us: we know we will eventually get there if we fit the
bill and no one can bring any untoward influence to bear upon her to
push us off the ladder. Even Rajivji was not so correct, he would
allow the occasional jugaad. ’’
That was a eulogy of his party president, of course, but I now wonder
if that is true. Perhaps she does bring a sense of honour and follows
the rules in everything she does and so succeeds more than others who
believe in, well, jugaad (manoeuvring people and situations to suit
their needs).
But on Tuesday, as she gave interviews to women journalists on
television, I was impressed by Sonia’s tone and pitch – happy but
thanking all the men for having made it possible. Gracious for their
support to both the Left parties and the BJP which have knocked her
endlessly over various issues but not gloating about it at all a la
the Yadavs, keeping a door open for the allies and, of course, very
self-effacing.
I say `self-effacing’ because when I first met her in Nasik several
years ago, after she first took over the party’s reigns in the middle
of an election in 1998 and miraculously helped a losing Congress win
45 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats from Maharashtra, she was quick to give
the credit to Sharad Pawar. And when we asked her about her role as
the Congress president, she said, “I am only the latest in a long
series of Congress presidents. Other Congress leaders have been around
longer than I have been and it is they who have done things for the
party, not me. I am still learning.’’
I guess she has learnt well by now and I remark upon another thing: in
the decade at the start of which even her own party men took her with
several fistfuls of salt to now, she seems to have muted the criticism
about her being a misfit in Indian politics and put their uncertainty
about her ability to deliver to rest.
The Congress is the most indisciplined, chaotic and irreverent party I
know. Yet they revere their party president more than the Shiv Sainiks
do Bal Thackeray or the BJP does its own succession of party chiefs.
Perhaps that is because she delivers to them nine times out of ten,
while others do not. But I continue to wonder: did Sonia Gandhi learn
it all at the feet of her mother-in-law or is she bringing a European
sense of commitment to her party that helps her defeat the might of
the BJP and its formidable allies in 2004 and return with an even
greater majority in 2009? And now give to Indian women what no man (or
even woman — most notably Indira Gandhi) has dared or cared to before?
(9 votes, average: 5 out of 5)
Posted by Sujata Anandan on Friday, March 12, 2010 at 9:05 pm
28 Responses to “How does she do it?”
vijai lugani says:
March 13, 2010 at 3:25 am
she leaenedrned the political process in india under the leader ship
of mrs. indra gandhi and of cousrse from rajiv gandhi. she knows upto
this time how to bring together different political shades under one
umberala when requied, she does not believe in cast and creed.she is
hard worker and of couse haverahul and pryanka and some faithful
polrical advisers. the author of this artical is absoultely right in
every aspect and more ever she is not power hungry. if she does not
like some people she can show them door to get out.
Nikhil Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 3:13 am
Vijay Lugani,
If I write about the good qualities of my dhobi they’re not too far
from the ones that you wrote – hardworking, honest, faithful,
relatively selfless and mostly fair. For that matter these qualities
are universal and necessary to succeed in any profession. What makes
Sonia different from us is she finds herself married in to the most
politically influential family in our country where political power is
hereditary and party members are expected to bow to the whips of party
leaders.
Ajay says:
March 13, 2010 at 5:16 am
Interesting thoughts… However, I think many Europeans may feel that
Italian background is bit different from that of Western European one…
Ed says:
March 13, 2010 at 5:53 am
Take a dig on this topic at
[ http://pages.rediff.com/we-evolve/21809#allfeeds ]
The bill is only useful when it break the poverty lines, dynasty lines
…
It should be 35% (poor women), 35%(poor men), 30% (talented)
70% should be representative of poor.
It should be 35% (poor women), 35%(poor men), 30% (talented –
scientist, economist, etc)
THE BIG QUESTION IS how do we qualify to be
1 )Identify 70% – Poor & most popular 10 candiate representing Poor
People from certain region (MP/MLA area) to whom the Election
commision will fund campaign money
2 )To keep tap on Rich person whose campaign funds/money has to be
capped by Election commision and made almost equal to 1).
3 )Criteria to identify 30% (talented people)
Ways to find the list 1) and 2) and 3) is something ruling party needs
to think and debate instead of wasting time.
To gauge 1), we need to count the strongest of the following points by
Election Commision and more can be added by debates
A) Years of work
B) Have an open debate at ONE or TWO cantenders preferred location
agreed by each contenders,
let contenders speak what they have done and want to do.
Make people/choser stand in different locations on the debate ground
to exibit their support.
The count done to choose the top 10.
C) Ensure rotation between Male and Female, thus women whose work and
popularity is on her own rather than backing of GOONDAS should be
preferred for qualifying 1)
People backed by money and goonda power cannot qualify for 1)
D) Every term, Election commision can choose certain region by Gender,
thus they can choose between the women & men that qualify for 1) or
term when both women & men qualify for 1)
Debate should be there to decide if 2)candiates should be allowed to
contest irrespective of gender.
Cap/restriction of number of time(2 times max) a candiate can stand
for elections in a sequence.
Debate on how election commsion will enforce 1) on all parties and in
all regions.
Debate on how to lessen the dynasty and family business and bring
democracy by Election Commission criteria in 1).
Nikhil Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 4:11 am
Ed,
Because you write of so many different, often contradictory,
qualifications for running for office may be you should be our next
Election Commission.
Vijay Saini says:
March 13, 2010 at 6:36 am
Meekly following Sonia Gandhi is the slave mentallity. Although India
is a free country now, it would take us a very long time to get over
the slave mindframe. I think we are ripe and ready for foreign rule by
proxy. Any country can capture us in reality.
AB says:
March 13, 2010 at 7:56 am
Funny article, then lets elect Silvio Berlusconi as president of
India.Problem solved
Jitendra says:
March 13, 2010 at 9:18 am
I have never read such a degrading article. It is a shame that we
still have white man’s lackey amongst us. It is achivement of Mcaulays
education aystem that country continues to create such people even
after 62 years. She can do it because congis are a party of chamchas
and nincompoops including PM. Not a single congi has any moral, ethics
and no one is ready to stand up for the good of country. They only
stand up to save their chair and that depends of congi president. This
article talks of European values and commitment. Is author trying to
say that India does not have people with values and commitments. We
have plenty of people but stupid system of election where masses of
Idiots vote on the basis of caste, religion and personal loyalties.
What a stupid assumption on the part of author that Eurpeons are
better then us. In western coutries it is the system that works but
people are no different from us.
This bill is wrong because it will create rabris. Every from of
reservation and quota should be removed if country has to make any
progress. Otherwise mediocres will continue to stuff this country and
we will reamin a third world country forever. Singapore, Japan and
Malayasia are better than us without importing any whity. Have you
ever thought why we are still joke of the world after 62 years.
Reservation is an indication of failures of Govt economic and social
policies, and majority of the time Congi traitors have been in rule.
Wake up and get rid of banana spine and start believing in yourself
and it is shame that congis have imposed a whity on us. It hurts my
self respect.
LAKSHMANAN says:
March 13, 2010 at 9:32 am
Any type of reservations, on a permanent basis, is a threat to
liberty, standard of life, freedom and finally to democracy. See what
is happening in government due to reservations, especially reservation
policy in promotions. Merit is sidelined and in the name of social
justice many people occupy posts which they would not have got but for
reservations. It is not their fault and no one is worried about the
declining standard of Administration which is directly affecting the
generl public.
The introduction of reservation for women may be an eye opener in the
years to come and after 10 or 15 years every all shall join together
to undo reservations of any kind, I hope.
Nikhil says:
March 13, 2010 at 10:11 am
Oh god! When will journos stop sucking toes of the Nehru-Gandhi
family? Perhaps, never.
Bhukkal Reply:
March 13th, 2010 at 10:21 am
Thats the best summarisation of this article, Nikhil. Well the journos
are on fat pay packets….there is no responsible and honest journalism
left, they have to also buy flats in posh areas, salaries will cater
to their chai paani only… Shameless Creed, I wish there were Kiran
Bedis in Journalism as well.
Ekta B says:
March 13, 2010 at 11:07 am
Although an expat now, this is definitely the way I see things under
Sonia Gandhi in India, a very well written article indeed.
I have now lived overseas for the last 14 years and as someone who has
been given their fair share in an adopted and foreign land and made to
feel so at home, I must say it feels good to read that Sonia has
achieved in India (not from a political but recognition stand-point)
what we hope to achieve overseas as immigrant Indians.
I hope there are more people like her from different political
persuasions for it would make for a better and stronger India.
Nikhil Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 3:01 am
Ekta B,
To be where Sonia is in politics today, one has to first marry in to
the most politically influential family in a country where dynastic
politics reigns supreme. This privilege is found only in India and not
in the West. After looking at the success of political heirs in India,
I’m convinced humans are capable of being reasonably successful if
they’re thrown in any job.
As far as success of foreigners in India is concerned, we already do
it well in many different spheres.
Anil says:
March 13, 2010 at 2:29 pm
Basically I am against any kind of reservations. The historic bill
however was a necessity because of our historic suppression of the
female gender over thousands of centuries. The real necessity is the
empowerment to the women. The glaring example is in the way women are
treated in Army. The strangest thing is that people have totally
forgotten the most maligned PM Mr H D Devegowda (the humble farmer)
and his Law Minister Ram Das Khalap who tabled the bill for the first
time.
Anil Reply:
March 13th, 2010 at 2:44 pm
One more point about our Constitution. India gave voting rights to
women since its independence. USA gave voting rights to women almost
80 years after the blacks got to vote in 1870 !
Gopi Thomas says:
March 13, 2010 at 6:30 pm
Although I do not care about congress party and its politics, I do
admire and respect Mrs Gandhi. Like many, I was questioning her
selection, her “foreign” status, her commitment etc. I have come 180
degrees around, she is an exemplary leader, good disciplinarian. I
firmly believe now, that she at the core, is 100% “Indian”, much much
more than many of her followers or other Indians. I do believe she
wants to create a better and new India on the foundation of our
ancient and rich heritage. Originally it was the call of her husband;
now I truly believe, to her, it is now the call of the country.
Atul8 says:
March 13, 2010 at 8:52 pm
In all my years of international travel, I learnt a valuable lesson
about myslef and my countrymen…. we lack accountability & discipline.
Of course, controlling the congress coffers does help, but Sonia’
foreign roots are really an advantage in this Jugaad ridden society
Most important, normally europeans are not given to visions of
grandeur when in power, unlike in our case where the lust for that red
light on the car is more important than perforing their gievn jobs.
It has to be the European sense of commitment….all the way!!
Nikhil Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 4:02 am
Atul8,
If you think Sonia’s european heritage makes her special in Indian
politics, too bad we let the British go, is it not?
The European sense of commitment and discipline were not achieved
overnight by passing bills for quotas in European governments. If
you’re suggesting to overcome lack of accountability and discipline in
India through more political quotas, perhaps, you should continue with
your international travel till you see clear.
Atul8 Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 10:19 am
Nikhil,
My response in one line -
Too bad we did not embrace and carry forward the sense of discipline &
accountability when we let the British go.
You need to do something about your aggression – it is colouring your
usual objectivity
Nikhil Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 4:44 pm
Atul8,
The sense of discipline & accountability is not a British – or should
I say Italian – USP. Such characteristics are universal and cultivated
in societies where merit and systems are valued more than quotas and
personalities. We could not develop that sense because of intellectual
lethargy and we let ’some’ leaders off the hook when they dilute
democractic processes.
What you may see as aggression, I see it as a natural response to the
perfidy of the mainstream media. Happy international traveling, for
you.
Atul8 Reply:
March 15th, 2010 at 5:46 pm
Nikhil,
Whatever we are, we have done unto ourselves – good or bad.
But when a discussion veers away from the issue to personalities, then
it becomes a clear indication that objectivity is losing out.
Musnt let that happen in the interest of a healthy debate.
Nikhil Reply:
March 16th, 2010 at 1:14 am
Atul8,
Dear, the article revolves around hollow personality and not
substance. The comments will not be too far off, would they? I
fundamentally disagree with your point of view and I had to express it
in a sharp way.
Atul8 Reply:
March 18th, 2010 at 12:43 am
Nikhil,
You were not being sharp. You were being obtuse.
However, enough has been exchanged on this topic, and we should move
on.
Nikhil Reply:
March 18th, 2010 at 5:31 am
Atul8,
It provoked you, that’s all I wanted. Enough said!
Harish says:
March 15, 2010 at 3:31 pm
Is ambika soni ghost writing these articles
You did hit it out of the park with the European honour bit maam…
stupid and rash…but..takes guts..the right wing is sort of like the
australian team in the early part of last decade on the internet…and
they are still reeling in shock and have not attacked this piece in
earnest even after two days…
Rajeev says:
March 16, 2010 at 1:07 am
This article truly reflects dark skinned Indians’ mentality…eternal
slaves
Anil says:
March 16, 2010 at 2:17 am
The Congress is the most indisciplined, chaotic and irreverent party I
know. Yet they revere their party president more than the Shiv Sainiks
do Bal Thackeray or the BJP does its own succession of party chiefs.
The first sentence is unadultyerated lie.. i have never seen any
congress man being anythgin beyond yesman to the nehru family figure..
Somehow this is being presented as virtue which it is not.
BJP is nto family rule Shiv sena could be another matetr altogether
but to ask BJP men to be supine and fawning liek congressmen towards
their leader is negating the intra party democracy of BJP. Everyone is
free to express hsi/per opninon noone need fawn like congressmen do to
the later of 10 janpath.
Rajeev says:
March 16, 2010 at 9:53 pm
I get a feeling that Anandan may be dreaming for Congress ticket in
2014..Good going..Why don’t you start licking feet of Sonia like
Barkha did recently.
http://blogs.hindustantimes.com/singly-political/2010/03/12/how-does-she-do-it/
Kill Bill, for men’s and women’s sake
Amid riotous scenes, India’s upper house passed a controversial
legislation to reserve a third of seats in federal and state
legislatures for women. The constitutional amendment “one that changes
the scope of India’s Constitution” is likely to scrape through the
powerful lower house, too. Despite overreaching itself, the government
of the day will probably survive.
In principle, empowering women is the way to go. Yet this triumph is a
zero-sum game. One participant’s gains can come only from another’s
equivalent losses. It seeks to pay Paul by robbing Peter.
This bill is deeply flawed because collateral damages have not been
addressed. Since it will be a zero-sum game, it will have a direct
bearing on representations of minority communities, backward castes
and marginalized women themselves. The Bill is anti-minority, anti-
backwards, and both anti-women and anti-men.
In a largely risk-averse political system, Congress chief Sonia Gandhi
can take the credit for pulling out a Bill that previous governments
“including those run by her own party” had abandoned, and for driving
it past dissenters whom she may in future need.
Imposing a 33 per cent quota seems momentous in a country where female
foetuses are aborted, wives spanked and women are paid less than a
third the male average in unorganized jobs. In reality, the quota can
add to the sort of disequilibrium current legislatures are made of.
Even setting aside the fact that some male MPs will naturally have to
step down for women, the proposed law fundamentally changes the basic
nature of India’s electoral representation.
With a 15-year shelf-life, 33 per cent of the seats will be blocked in
rotation and will be done in a way that a seat shall be reserved once
in three back-to-back elections. The revolving quota is the Bill’s
most serious flaw.
Two-thirds of candidates, men and women, will be unseated every time
and one-thirds will have no chance of being re-elected from the same
seat. This one-third will be left wondering if they will get to retain
their seats, depending on the outcome of the lottery.
On the whole, it will set off largescale churning “every single time”
that will make elections farcical. Electors will vote in, rather than
vote out incompetent representatives. With frequently changing
representatives, what would voters go by in deciding whom to elect?
The role of past performance in deciding a candidate’s fate will be
further lessened, thereby blunting the only weapon the common man has.
Constituencies will cease to matter for candidates. The veterans and
more guile among candidates will resettle themselves, pushing out less
iconic politicians.
Accountability will suffer because a candidate will less likely go to
the same voter every time. The voters’ powers to rate a candidate’s
performance will diminish, paving the way for a greater role of money
in deciding electoral outcomes.
A “sense of belonging” is part and parcel of Indian politics.
Constituencies are nursed by politicians who invest time, efforts and
money into the place they hope to get elected from.
Can we have compelling women leaders if they do not have strong
permanent political bases? The current Bill is paternalistic; it seeks
to make rolling-stone politicians of women, or “one-time players”, to
use women activist Madhu Kishwar’ words.
Several women’s rights organisations have highlighted these fault
lines. NGO Manushi advocates an alternative Bill, requiring political
parties to reserve nominations (tickets) for women, not seats.
Feminist fundamentalists, however, in their zeal, have failed to
appreciate the serious weaknesses hidden in the proposed amendment.
Though it will not exactly result in separate electorates, the women’s
reservation Bill, in spirit, moves towards that direction. But
proponents of the Bill deny such a possibility. Separate electorates,
theoretically, are those where electors and the elected belong to the
same community, sex or caste.
The Constituent Assembly “which served as India’s first Parliament
until it framed the Constitution” had overturned separate electorates
granted by the British government to minorities, especially Muslims
and Sikhs.,
Framers of the Constitution opted to keep the highest elected
institution free from preferential treatment, preferring the “first
past the post system”over proportional representation, save for time-
bound reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to enable
them to overcome disadvantages.
The Constituent Assembly initially included minority safeguards in its
Report on Minority Rights adopted in August 1947 and in the Draft
Constitution’s Part XIV. However, subsequent nationalist arguments
“situated in the immediate past history of Partition” paved the way
for a reversal of minority safeguards.
The principal arguments against it were that such rights were based on
caste and religion, and religion-based separate electorates had been
the immediate trigger for Partition. With the Muslim League and the
Sikh Panthic Party in disarray, Muslim and Sikh acquiescence on
reversing minority safeguards was ultimately secured.
The reversal was done by a close vote in the Constituent Assembly
Advisory Committee meeting, but key Muslim leaders, including Congress
leader Maulana Azad, abstained. (R. Retzlaff points out in “The
Problem of Communal Minorities in the Drafting of the Indian
Constitution” that the Constitution would have included political
safeguards for religious minorities had framing been completed during
the initial timetable fixed for it. Also see Rochana Bajpai’s Minority
Rights in Indian Constitution, Working Paper 30).
If the women’s Bill is passed in its current form, then a clear case
emerges for compensatory minority safeguards to be reactivated, not
separate electorates but reserved seats.
In fact, parties like Rashtriya Janata Dal, the Samajwadi Party and
Muslim organizations have demanded a quota-within-quota in women’s
reservation.
Muslim representation in the federal legislature is dwindling: from 48
in 1985, it is 29 at present. In all 15 Lok Sabha elections, only 14
Muslim women have been elected. Kerala has two Muslim federal
lawmakers, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh have 1 each. States such as
Mahrashtra, Gujarat, Haryana and Rajasthan have none..
The women’s reservation Bill is based on the presumption of
homogeneity in the status of women. Homogeneity is a stupid idea when
applied to assess communities horizontally. Not all women, like
Muslims, are equally disadvantaged or privileged.
Since privileged groups are always in a better position to leverage
concessions, the proposed amendment will help privileged women gain at
the expense of less-privileged ones. Though ideally, the highest
elected forum should be able to be free from all reservations, a quota
that specifically addresses maginalised women would have been
pragmatic.
The Congress, at his stage, clearly has not thought of the jigsaw
puzzle that awaits it. It is simply basking in the glory of a
political stunt. The BJP has eyes set on inroads through upper-caste
women. The Left’s euphoria matches Abdullah’s in this Urdu
proverb: begaani shaadi me Abdullah diwana (Abdullah is rejoicing at
an uninvited wedding).
(10 votes, average: 2.7 out of 5)
Posted by Zia Haq on Sunday, March 14, 2010 at 8:04 pm
Filed under India · Tagged collateral damages, Congress chief Sonia
Gandhi, elections, India’s Constitution, legislation, Madhu Kishwar,
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes
36 Responses to “Kill Bill, for men’s and women’s sake”
Gopi Thomas says:
March 14, 2010 at 9:48 pm
Churning, short terms etc are good; and an increased representation
for women is even better. Democracy works through elected
representatives voting on changes and issues. I do hope Lok Sabha
votes for this; and if they do, I hope people like Zia will shut up.
These are the same people who want reservation for this group of
people and that group of people; what is wrong with having seats
reserved for women?
Panchayaths, municipality, and Corporation elections (and mayoral
slots) in Kerala have been reserved for women in the last 15 years,
and it ahs produced real grass roots level progress. A bigger
representation by women in Parliamenta nd aswemblies will only do
good.
Vijay Bhatia Reply:
March 15th, 2010 at 2:53 am
Gopi, you are arguing in favor of increased representation of women in
Parliament and Assemblies. That of course is very much desirable. But
this bill, in its current form is a sure prescription of political
chaos.
What this bill means is that no male leader can represent same
constituency more than twice! And this will do no long term good for
women politicians either. Because, before they can gain ground and
experience, they will have to move on, since in next election cycle
the seat won’t be reserved!
Here is a very Rational take on this important issue (feel free to
comment):-
http://rationalopinion.blogspot.com/2010/03/no-good-womens-reservation-bill.html
[Reply]
Vijay Reply:
March 15th, 2010 at 8:09 am
No one is arguing against a bigger representation by omen in
Parliament and assemblies will be good. The debate is about how to
achieve it.
The bill in its current form is sure recipe for political chaos.
Here is another rational opinion on this important issue:-
http://rationalopinion.blogspot.com/2010/03/no-good-womens-reservation-bill.html
Bell Bajao Reply:
March 15th, 2010 at 8:17 pm
“Panchayaths, municipality, and Corporation elections (and mayoral
slots) in Kerala have been reserved for women in the last 15 years,
and it ahs produced real grass roots level progress. A bigger
representation by women in Parliamenta nd aswemblies will only do
good.”
Indeed! We’ve seen this happen in other parts of the company as well.
Reservation in panchayat has actually empowered women in villages and
has helped a lot in their upliftment.
VARUN SAXENA says:
March 15, 2010 at 1:53 am
Mr.Zia, the bill has certain Issues and to a certain the bill proposed
by Madhu Kishwar is in someways better.
But what I cannot understand is this. You said “The Bill is anti-
minority, anti-backward”. Can you pls explain How ?
How can women reservation bill be Anti Muslim ? How come just about
everything becomes Anti Muslim ?
I hope this bill passes with some modifications and not the
modifications which Mulayam and Laloo are suggesting but the ones
suggested by Learned People.
The only reason Mulayam and Laloo are against this Bill is that most
of the MPs’ of these 2 parties are big goons and only through these
goondaism of these goons alongwith folling Muslims and Lower Castes by
pitting them against Upper Castes do they win elections.
Now it can be safely said that more than 95% goons in INDIA would be
men. Henceforth with Women having 33% reservations the chances of
these parties winning Elections will be inversely affected
Ashish says:
March 15, 2010 at 2:21 am
I agree that while the objective is laudable, the bill as it stands
today is deeply flawed. I am not comfortable with the idea of having
no power over my MP (man or woman) who knows that he/ she will not
need my vote next time.
I liked the arguments put forward by Karan Thapar favouring changes to
the bill in his column earlier today.
Am I against reserving seats for women? No, I am not. But, this bill
in its present form; no, it does not appeal to me. MPs are not IAS
officers that they can serve one constituency (district) for 2 terms
and then move to another one for the next terms.
However, trust Zia to use the Women’s reservation bill to ask for
reservations for Muslims.
Way to go Zia; suck up to Mulayam now. Who knows, he might make you an
MLA/ MP from Delhi.
Vini says:
March 15, 2010 at 2:27 am
The headline of this post should be: Kill Bill, for men’s sake. After
all, all the rhetoric we have heard in recent days about the bill
being a threat to parliamentary democracy, equality… blah, blah,
blah…. including this blogpost… is simply a smokescreen to hide the
truth that no man wants to be caught admitting: That men, don’t want
to share power with women. Ever.
Yes the Bill has flaws, but those flaws can be addressed without
killing the Bill.
What I want to say here first is that I take extreme offense at the
use of the word ‘spanking’ to trivialize a serious issue like domestic
violence. Do you have any idea what domestic violence is? Perhaps not.
That’s why you treat it so flippantly.
As for the rest of the blog, it is all conjecture. You and all the
doomsayers don’t know if this bill will work till it is implemented.
It might just. And forget that old argument that it will be taken over
by elite women. So far it’s been elite men in charge.. so what’s wrong
with elite women having a go?
As for the problems of revolving quota that you bring up as the Bill’s
most serious flaw, I think you can argue the other way too. That is,
MPs from reserved constituencies will work extra hard in the reserved
constituency to ensure that they get a ticket when the seat is not
reserved any more because of the good work they would have hopefully
done.
Ashish Reply:
March 16th, 2010 at 6:02 pm
@Vini,
Mr Zia can’t just win, can he ?
For the first time, Zia tried arguing for the majority (men!). And,
still, he finds very few supporters!
Not speaking for Zia here; just speaking for myself.
I support the objectives behind the bill; as a man. I see in India a
huge need to balance the power structure which is so tilted in favour
of men. Also, as others have pointed out in comments, an increased
representation for women is inversely correlated (or so we hope) to
the criminality quotient of our legislatures.
I do not wish this bill to be killed. I do however wish this bill to
be amended to somehow handle the rotation issue. Like I had said,
Karan Thapar made some excellent suggestions. So did the legal cell
head of the Shiv Sena on TV.
Ma’am, most men on this blog are not against the bill; please do not
make the mistake of thinking men oppose the bill. Far from it.
Certainly not because we will lose a chance to be an MP/ MLA… I doubt
any of us commenting here have realistically ever thought of
contesting elections.
All men are not Laloo Yadav/ Sharad Yadav/ Mulayam Yadav.. luckily all
women are not Mayawati, Mamata or Jayalalitha either who promote
women even less than men do.
May I also mention that I have a vested interest? As one with two
daughters, at least one of whom is seriously disinclined to study
(admittedly early days, she is just 6), I love the new career options
this bill opens up for her.
Vijay Bhatia says:
March 15, 2010 at 2:55 am
“I am not comfortable with the idea of having no power over my MP (man
or woman) who knows that he/ she will not need my vote next time.”
Excellent point Ashish!
Here is my take on this important issue, if you like:-
http://rationalopinion.blogspot.com/2010/03/no-good-womens-reservation-bill.html
K says:
March 15, 2010 at 4:09 am
I dont understand what makes the women reservation bad but all those
other reservations (BC,SC,OBC etc.) good ? Both types are aimed at the
‘marginalized’ and both actually lower the quality of politicians we
elect and even more importantly, both a against the constitution which
lets the people decide who should represent them.
Quota has only helped influential sections of SC,BC,OBC. This is not
like a ‘Kaun Banega Crorepati’ where an unknown, marginalized dalit or
lady can make it to the parliament, no matter how much quota is
introduced.
As Sonia shockingly and sadly commented, people like Lalu will have
greater control over parliament and greater share of black money
because he has seven daughters and the power to field them in
elections.
peshori ahuja says:
March 15, 2010 at 5:41 am
Reservation itself means that the comunity, the religion, the class,
or any groupthat asks or gets reservation is not capable of attaining
the efficiency of the level that is attained by those for whom there
is no reservation.
Not only that but by asking or getting the reservation makes the
reserveds a second class citizens and it makes the clever politicians
more manipolative and powerful.
Vijay says:
March 15, 2010 at 8:14 am
For most parts I agree with Zia’s reasoning. This bill in it’s current
form is a sure recipe for political chaos. Political commitment by
parties is way to go.
Why political parties have to be coerced by laws? Where did the days
go, when parties used to organize “aandolans” for social cause? Why
not even congress want to field more women candidates, unless coerced
by the law?
This is anything but LEADERSHIP.
Here is another rational opinion on this important issue:-
http://rationalopinion.blogspot.com/2010/03/no-good-womens-reservation-bill.html
Joseph James says:
March 15, 2010 at 8:20 am
The writer bases his arguments against the women’s bill on the false
premise that the retention of a constituency by a sitting member is
the be-all and end-all of democracy. In an advanced stage of
democracy, every election will bring in new candidates as it is
happening in the southern states. In fact, a constituency must be
nursed by a party and not by individuals. At any rate, going by the
arguments of bill’s opponents like Zia, the candidates displaced by
the reservation are going to promote women from their families. This
will mean that, certain constituencies which were individual pocket
boroughs earlier will now become family pocket boroughs. Or ingenious
candidates will now start nursing two constituencies instead of one.
In short the electorate, now, stand to receive more attention from the
politicians, which isn’t a bad thing after all. Moreover, rotational
unseating is applicable only to men, not to women. So, performing
women members can continue to represent their constituencies even when
they become unreserved. This will push the female strength in the
parliament beyond the mandatory 33%. The argument that the bill
doesn’t address the grievances of marginalized women doesn’t hold
water either. As of today all women are marginalized. The quota within
quota can come in the second stage. After all this is a mere
beginning. Amendments can be introduced later to make it foolproof. It
must be given time to evolve like the anti-defection law. What’s most
worrying about the anti-bill movement is that it seems to be centred
around the Muslim interests. Even the socialist parties are
purportedly doing it please the Muslim minority. I do not think Islam
is as anti-women and anti-progress as it is usually made out to be.
Dr. P.K. Jha says:
March 15, 2010 at 8:43 am
Reservation in any form is bad, be it caste-based or gender-based or
religion-based. As Karan Thapar says, the whole issue of reservation
is an offense, for it leads to severe discrimination. The proposed
bill for women is no exception.
The women in favor of this bill are virtually projecting themselves as
handicapped. Strangely, they are the ones who also insist on gender
equality.
Every policy of reservation is initially deemed to end after a period
of ten to fifteen years, and this one is no exception. However, we
know from our experience that this kind of promise is basically a
hogwash.
There is still time for good sense to prevail. For heaven’s sake,
withdraw the bill.
sks says:
March 15, 2010 at 9:05 am
The fact is that a woman might actually do very well in 5 years to be
re-elected again. Why should anyone presume that they will not get
reelected! It might be the best strategy to break the current fiefdom
without performance!
By the way, which sane person uses the word spanked for abuse!
Shrinivas says:
March 15, 2010 at 9:22 am
Some of the objections to the bill are valid, but since for 60 years
the disparity, marginalization and backwardness of women is not
addressed by the the political system, only quota is the solution.
Though this is meant for 15 years, we can imagine this not going away
after that.
The people who suggest that let parties reserve % of candidacy to
women is not going to work, as we all know that just to satisfy the %
the parties will give tickets where they don’t stand a chance to win.
Now, about quota within quota, I believe being women, representing
women and fighting for women is a bigger cause than representing a
cast, community or a section of society. So let’s fight for the the
right cause first. These parties who are making hoopla about quota in
quota, did not bother to give tickets neither to women nor minorities
in the same %.
Sid says:
March 15, 2010 at 9:26 am
First of All welcome change from Zia Haq – atleast instead of calling
for Fatwa – he is trying to engage in a debate! However, it is NOT an
intellectual debate because:
1. For Muslims there are many forums & 80% our media is in FOREFRONT
to project their interests & represent their view points.
2. For OBC & SC, 63 years have gone by, except for their leaders
becoming Zillionaires, NO REAL improvements have been seen in their
lives. Many CMs ruled for long time (Laloo, Karunanadhi, Mulayam,
Mayawathi etc). Same is true of Muslims (all Bollywood big guns are
Muslims – do they donate any charity to good Muslim organizations?)
Money also comes from Gulf employed Muslims.
3. My wife should be writing this – but she is BUSY listening to
Bollywood songs, so SPIRITED men like me have to take up the cause of
WOMEN!
4. Most important – Laloo has commented – women’s bill OVER his dead
body – such GOLDEN oppertunity may NEVER again come in our life times,
so why NOT KILL TWO wonderful birds with one STONE. Don’t even THINK –
JUST go for the KILL by voting BLINDLY for women’s bill!
n s parameswaran says:
March 15, 2010 at 9:54 am
The people who call themselves secular, liberal and progressive are
the people who ask for communal reservation for Muslims under the garb
of ‘Monorities’. . When they practice ‘Communalism’ it is called
‘Progressive Politics’, and when Hindus object to it they are labelled
‘Communal’.
If muslims are backward then the reason is they want to be backward.
They never started or took admission in schools and colleges and
instead started “madarassa’, learnt Quaran by rote. Now how can they
get jobs which such ‘UN”Qualifications. Then they blackmail the
majority with cries of injustice and opression. Spineless parties like
Congress, Left and Opportunistic and unprincipled parties like RJD,
SP, DMK, AIADMK, JD(Secular), Left and the whole bandwagon of seculars
have fallen for this blackmail and ruined India.
MUSLIMS SHOULD NEVER EVER BE GIVEN RESERVATION UNDER ANY
CIRCUMSTANCES.
Tanuj says:
March 15, 2010 at 12:07 pm
The britishers used seperate electorate to divide & rule. By giving
reservation based on religion we would be doing the same. Who stops a
party to give a ticket to a muslim lady from one of the reserved
seats?
I think it is a landmark bill and should be supported by all.
Gurmeet says:
March 15, 2010 at 1:15 pm
I think this bill will prove to be a boon for all women, but
especially for Muslim women. Representation of Muslim women has so far
been very weak. When one-third of the seats are reserved for women, a
substantial number of muslim majority constituency will have to elect
a woman. There is an excellent chance that those constituencies shall
be represented by Muslim women. It is also likely that these women
will not be the burka or naquab clad women, who are oppressed by the
fundamentalists in the Muslim society, but would be more socially
progressive and liberated from the dogmas. This is likely because the
arduous task of reaching and engaging with the electorate will be so
much easier for the progressive Muslim women. These women will serve
as the role model of rest of the young women in Muslim society, which
will ultimately be a good thing both for the Muslims and therefore for
India.
Vini says:
March 15, 2010 at 2:57 pm
The headline of this post should be: Kill Bill, for men’s sake. After
all, all the rhetoric we have heard in recent days about the bill
being a threat to parliamentary democracy, equality… blah, blah,
blah…. including this blogpost… is simply a smokescreen to hide the
truth that no man wants to be caught admitting: That men, don’t want
to share power with women.
Yes the Bill has flaws, but those flaws can be addressed without
killing the Bill.
What I want to say here is that I take extreme offense at the use of
the word ‘spanking’ to trivialize a serious issue like domestic
violence. Do you have any idea what domestic violence is? Perhaps not.
That’s why you treat it so flippantly.
As for the rest of the blog, it is all conjecture. You and all the
doomsayers don’t know if this bill will work till it is implemented.
It might just. And forget that old argument that it will be taken over
by elite women. So far it’s been elite men in charge.. so what’s wrong
with elite women having a go?
As for the problems of revolving quota that you bring up as the Bill’s
most serious flaw, I think you can argue the other way too. That is,
MPs from reserved constituencies will work extra hard in the reserved
constituency to ensure that they get a ticket when the seat is not
reserved any more because of the good work they would have hopefully
done.
Ziauddin Shafi says:
March 15, 2010 at 6:59 pm
The simple fact is that, if you want to prevent a civil war in our
country, you will have to simply amend it and incorporate all the
demands that are being raised here. No, this is not a threat – nobody
can threaten a civil war damn it, this is just a forecast of shape of
things to come. Maoists on the rampage, Yadavs fully agitated, Muslims
further discriminated against and lesser represented in the power
share, Dalits more oppressed than before – and the high caste hindus
more getting more power in the process. This is a sure formula of
inciting a civil war – thank you congress, bjp and cpim – you are
about to do something which china, usa, europe & pakistan would have
loved to do – have a great civil war in india so that it receds back
to the middle ages – then it would be easier for the buccanneers of
the khyber to get in and set up shop. India had always suffered due to
the high caste hindus throughout its history – and alas would continue
to do so because of them.
S Singh Reply:
March 15th, 2010 at 8:45 pm
Ziauddin
Nice “hope”!
Believe me, your hope will not happen. India is beyond that.
Skirmishes will be there, appeasing politicians will continue to
appease, country will progress at a rate less than what it could have.
A growing India uplifts all; the huge spending govt does on
disadvantaged will only grow.
If 10% of so called high caste Hindus control the whole India, one
should congratulate them on their skills.
Have you tabulated the “classification” of the top 100 richest
Indians ? Do you know how many Brahmins are in the richest 100? It is
4.
sanjeev says:
March 15, 2010 at 7:06 pm
@ Zia
i could guess that Zia will ultimately turn to his muslim
reservation.
You need a serious therapy of “reverse brainwashing”
I f these skull caps and three quarter pyajama’s got reservation then
this will be step towards another Pakistan in the making. Remember the
process started this way in 1909…Morley Minto Reforms
SKS Mumbai says:
March 15, 2010 at 9:31 pm
‘The Bill is anti-minority, anti-backwards, and both anti-women and
anti-men’
If we exclude the women and men, it would read like a pre-partition
Muslim League’s pamphlet.
‘Framers of the Constitution — —- —– save for time-bound reservation
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to enable them to overcome
disadvantages.’
Except for the rotation part (clearly a problem), how is current bill
different from above?
‘The principal arguments against it were that such rights were based
on caste and religion and religion-based separate electorates had been
the immediate trigger for Partition’
Just immediate trigger? Or the whole basis?
Zia sahab, are you suggesting that proportional representation was the
way to go? We thought that all those wanted proportional (actually
more than proportinal with a veto as well) representation crossed over
in 1947.
‘With the Muslim League and the Sikh Panthic Party in disarray, Muslim
and Sikh acquiescence on reversing minority safeguards was ultimately
secured’
Indeed, after Mr Jinnah and Muslim League left India in 1947, Muslims
of India had nobody to represent them, exactly as Mr Jinnah had
insisted all along. Our Hindu Communal Leaders foolishly questioned Mr
Jinnah’s premise. (For Mr Jinnah and ML, Hindu communalism was
represented by Gandhi, Nehru and congress, rarely did they talk of
Hindu Mahasabha)
‘In fact, parties like Rashtriya Janata Dal, the Samajwadi Party and
Muslim organizations have demanded a quota-within-quota in the women’s
reservation’
Yup, the ‘Strongest Argument’ against the bill.
Mr Zia’s Final Conclusions:
Congress acted dumb, Left dumber.
The Bill is a victory for Hindutva driven Bramhin-Bania combine!!
Do we need any other reason to oppose the Bill?
Rajeev says:
March 16, 2010 at 1:17 am
The best thing will be to merge India with pakistan and name is
Greater pakistan. Gives muslims like Zia 100% reservation with right
to kill or convert non-muslims especially hindus.
Anil says:
March 16, 2010 at 1:45 am
One participant’s gains can come only from another’s equivalent
losses. It seeks to pay Paul by robbing Peter
Do you have same sentiments in matters of reservation for muslims..
Hypocricy at its very best
Zia Haq Reply:
March 16th, 2010 at 5:52 pm
Unfortunately, of late, I haven’t been able to read up on the comments/
invectives that follow because of lack of time.
On your charge of hypocricy: What I said is up here for you to read
again. But Here’s what I didn’t say anywhere: that Muslims should get
separate electorates (something simply out of question) or political
reservation. On the contrary, I said: “Though ideally, the highest
elected forum should be able to be free from all reservations, a quota
that specifically addresses maginalised women would have been
pragmatic.” What does this tell you?
Even so, I am not against political reservation for women per se, but
not in the current form. I would much rather have political parties
give nomination to the extent of 33 per cent. Who or what stops them.
And please understand, I do not advcoate any quota on the basis of
homogeneity. I said so: “Homogeneity is a stupid idea when applied to
assess communities horizontally. Not all women, like Muslims, are
equally disadvantaged or privileged.” Therefore, I will never advocate
quota for all Muslims.
Understand that before I decide to write or take a position, I do
consider all relevant issues before arriving at an informed decision
and not simply think with a Muslim hat on. The Bill, in its current
form, suffers from inherent flaws. Its bearing on representations of
minority is one such flaw, among others. It is a given that Muslim
representation will be severely affected. And therefore it is a
legitimate concern. Moreover, blocking such a huge number of seats for
women in this way — I have argued — legitimises the demand for a quota
within quota for backward women, which will include Muslims, OBCs etc.
Nobody is even talking about Muslim political reservation. it’s not
required, not recommended and not demanded. The demand is for
political representation, not reservation.
Anil says:
March 16, 2010 at 1:48 am
NO muslim reservation in legislation.. we do not want start of another
pakistan movemenet.. this is how it all started in past..
Anil says:
March 16, 2010 at 2:08 am
See the thuggery of parties sekeing quota withitn quota.. these people
will make you belive as if they have bene emporing the women i within
their community caste only the general category women have faced
dicrmination. But fact is noone acroos the party caste creed lines
have bene empowering women. There is a common threat fo discrimantion
against women by their respective male folks.. Who stops these idiots
shouting for quota within quota from giving tickets to more and more
muslim and backward and sc/st and what nto women.
One fo the guy was saying woman; reseervation will dilute sc/st
reservation as if sc/st woman are nto sc/st.
These thuigs who support reservation when it’s conveneint to them are
suddenly parooting reservation pays peter by robbing paul..
Pahle ye akal nahin aai thi
ramesh says:
March 16, 2010 at 10:43 am
The mother of all the resavations is the resv. the muslims are allowed
tobe the resident non indians,
Rajeev Reply:
March 16th, 2010 at 9:47 pm
Good one. We have 150 million pakistanis living in India barring
handful.
SKS Mumbai says:
March 17, 2010 at 9:14 pm
@Zia
@Zia
‘I didn’t say anywhere: that Muslims should get separate electorates
(something simply out of question) or political reservation’
What you said was this: Constituent Assembly would have approved
separate electorates (is that same as Minority safeguards?) but for:
1. fresh memory of partition, which made the nationalist arguments;
particularly effective, and/or
2. a weakened Muslim League (I omit Sikh part here); and/or
3. abstention by key Muslim leaders.
Of course, that does not mean that you wanted ’separate electorates’
or ‘political reservation’ for Muslims?
Nor does your following statement mean so:
‘If the women’s Bill is passed in its current form, then a clear case
emerges for compensatory minority safeguards to be reactivated, not
’separate electorates’ but ‘reserved seats’
Am I missing something?
For e.g. the difference between ‘reserved seats’ and ‘political
reservation’?
Or the similarity between
‘compensatory’ and ‘only for marginalised’?
Ashish Reply:
March 18th, 2010 at 10:30 am
@SKS
It has been established before that Zia resorts to generalities when
specifics are called for.. at any rate, he has his own idioms and
syntaxes. Deliberately vague or vaguely deliberate, a compendium of
Zia-isms will be a best-seller.
As for your question: am I missing something? well, yes. You are. You
are missing the point of this blog. The sole function of this blog is
to generate controversy by ill-advised and poorly researched comments
and boost eyeballs.. the visit stats look good on account of Zia,
Vinod Sharma et al.. they are stars.
Rajeev says:
March 18, 2010 at 1:33 am
All the muslims who are asking for reservation on caste basis should
revert back to Hinduism.
The reservation for SC/ST/OBC was introduced to fight casteism in
HINDU society. It was for HINDUS who were at the bottom of their
SOCIETY. There were many who chose to become muslims/xtians to escape
HINDU casteism. Now if they want to come out of caste opression, they
need to revert back to hinduism.
In the word of Shri Kancha Illiah “islam and xtianity are democratic
religion” so there is no chance of casteism being part of muslim/xtian
socities.
Rajeev says:
March 18, 2010 at 9:24 pm
Simple solutions-
1. If you are muslim and want reservation on caste, come back to caste
system in Hinduism and avail the reservation.
2. If you are muslim and want reservation on caste but don’t want to
revert to Hinduism, please pack your bags and go back to pakistan
where you guys have 100% reservation.
Budgeting for minorities
Although historically aware of its disadvantaged sections and their
special needs, India has decisively switched from ‘appeasing’ Muslims
— its largest minority — to budgeting for them.
Two things in recent years have helped institutionalise minority
budgeting. One is the creation of a minority affairs ministry by the
Congress-led UPA government in 2004 and, as a result, yearly budgetary
allocations made to it.Two, a high-level government survey in November
2006 that proved disadvantages faced by Muslims, followed up with
another one that recommended reservations.
Till now, an unproductive Hajj subsidy worth Rs 390 crore — which goes
in bankrolling the pilgrimage through discounted airfare — had been
the flagship largesse.
Even though government-funded religious travel is not unique to
Muslims, the Hajj subsidy has often been singled out as unfair.
The Centre underwrites a part of the travel costs of the annual Hindu
pilgrimage to Kailash Mansarovar in Tibet, the abode of the Hindu god
Shiva.
Karnataka’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government proposes
concessional Hindu pilgrimages to the temples of Udupi, Dharmasthala
and Saudatti in the southern Indian state.
In neighbouring Andhra Pradesh, the Congress party-led government
subsidises the cost of travel for Christians visiting Jerusalem in
Israel and Bethlehem in Palestinian Authority. A subsidy is also being
planned, according to media reports, for Manasarovar Yatra in China.
Why should government fund religious jaunts? Either because we are a
welfare state unlike any other or it is a game of votes. Perhaps,
both.
Deploying tax revenues for affordable healthcare, education and
employment may be good economics but in an ancient holy land,
spiritual well being seems to deserve importance too. But competing
populism has definitely crept into it.
Show me an economically underprivileged Hindu who will find fault with
government help to make a dip in the holy Ganges a reality? Or a
Muslim quibbling over a lifetime visit to Mecca, courtesy government
help?
However, there is a growing demand from Muslims themselves for the
Hajj subsidy to be scrapped. While it gives Air India 150,000 assured
passengers every year (that’s the total number of seats on all Indian
carriers criss-crossing the country on any given day), helping it keep
afloat, the grant has been turned into a stick to beat Muslims with.
No Muslim asked for it in the first place.
Muslims are now calling for global and national open bids: whoever
offers the cheapest tickets gets to fly away with 150,000 prize
passengers. Fair enough.
“If the Hajj subsidy is withdrawn, it won’t hurt us. If scholarship
are cut, that would,” Asaduddin Owaisi, Hyderabad MP from the All
India Majlis-eIttehadul Muslimeen party, told the Hindustan Times last
year.
There is a less obvious side to the Hajj subsidy. The subsidy itself
seems responsible for Muslim backwardness, given that it has enabled
governments to use it as a signature grant and avoid more basic
financial interventions.
However, the recognition that minorities can be predisposed to
experiencing disadvantages due to their numerical inferiority itself
has made planning and budgeting for them an integral part of most
developed countries.
Almost all of Europe and the US make special allocations of one type
or the other for their minorities.
Why do Indian Muslims need a helping hand?
The country’s Muslim population is 150 millions, making it the state
with the second-largest Muslim population, after Indonesia. Indian
Muslims experience serious disadvantages, low literacy and high
poverty rates.
Their literacy rates are well below the national average, while
poverty rates are only slightly higher than low-caste Hindus,
according to the November 2006 Sachar Committee report.
Muslims, mostly Sunnis, make up 13.4% of India’s population, yet hold
fewer than 5% of government posts and make up only 4% of
undergraduates in universities. The report also found that, despite
being self-employed at a far higher rate, Muslims trail other groups
in terms of access to credit.
Yet, they can influence elections, using their voting power to extract
concessions from parties who woo them.
Muslims are not uniformly disadvantaged. Those in south and west India
have been historically wealthier. In the north, Muslims were thrust
into abject poverty at once when their wealthier counterparts left for
Pakistan during the 1947 Partition.
Muslims in rural areas are less poor than in urban areas, where their
poverty rate of 38 percent is higher than any other population’s,
including low-caste Hindus.
Although no formal Muslim caste system exists, three groups of Indian
Muslims –ashraf, ajlaf, and arzal — indeed function as such. More
correctly, there is definitely a Muslim class system, if not a caste
system.
The ashrafs, thought to be of Arab ancestry, form the upper class
among Muslims, while the ajlafs are thought to be previously Hindus
who converted to Islam to escape the Hindu caste system. A third
group, the arzals, correlates to the lowest caste among Hindus.
The Sachar Report has provided exhaustive data on socio-economic
conditions of Muslims.
The Sachar report has been controversial, not just for highlighting
Muslim marginalisation but also because of its very mandate. Hindu
nationalists — led by the BJP — criticized the report, tainting it
with an old brush –- that of appeasement.
While it offers clear proof of Muslim marginalisation, there have been
debates about how to combat Muslim unemployment rates. The BJP is
averse to solutions focusing directly on Muslims but would prefer
general poverty alleviation.
All government outlays to pull a community out of backwardness can
look like appeasement, given the zeal for competing interests of
political leaders vying for power.
Has budgeting helped?
India’s 2010-11 budget has given 50% higher allocation to the minority
affairs ministry — up from Rs 1,740 crore to Rs 2,600 crore.
Cash flow to minorities — from bank loans to scholarships — peaked
during 2008-09, according to government data, as Muslims appeared to
be slowly overcoming a strong bias of banks in lending.
Public sector banks, which would turn down Muslim loan applicants
because they were considered “credit risk groups”, have disbursed a
staggering Rs 82,864 crore in loans to minorities during 2008-09.
Since the Reserve Bank has now turned its focus to 121 backward
minority districts with high Muslim population, as identified by the
minority affairs ministry, Muslims got a chunky pie of the credit
share.
Banks now have to compulsorily service Muslims in backward areas after
the Reserve Bank added minorities to its list of other priority
lending sectors, like agriculture and small-scale businesses in July
2007.
“We will be able to see the results shortly if not immediately,”
Planning Commission member Syeda Saiyidain Hameed, who heads the
minority sector, says.
Cash constraints are now easing, with banks achieving lending targets
set for minorities. In 2008-09, the Reserve Bank’s target was that 13%
of loans under priority sector lending should go to minorities and
banks were able to lend 12.4%. This was better than 2007-08, when the
target was 10.6% and actual sanctions 9.6%. Priority sector lending
accounts for 40 per cent of total loans, according to the federal
Reserve Bank of India norms.
Banks also opened 524 branches in minority concentration districts in
2009 and nearly 6-lakh minority students got scholarships. In 2008,
523 branches were set up.
The UPA government has earmarked a whopping Rs 7,000 crore for
minority welfare under the 11th Five Year Plan that concludes in 2012.
The government now plans to install national-level independent
monitors to track back how Rs 3,780 are being spent for minority
welfare under the “flagship multi-sectoral development programme”, in
which lawmakers will have a say for the first time.
The multi-sectoral programme, which helps set up anything from a
school to a water pump, applies to 90 districts countrywide where
minorities make up more than 25 per cent of the population and lag
behind significantly on crucial socio-economic parameters.
The government’s approach is such that creation of assets in these
districts should also benefit the majority communities as well. UP,
Assam and Bihar have the largest number of minority districts, with
21, 12 and 6 districts respectively.
These districts were selected on the basis of 10 indicators, ranging
from literacy to the number of inoculated children.
The government hopes evaluating schemes with a fine-toothed comb and
involving area MPs, an idea of minority affairs minister Salman
Khurshid, are moves that would customise the multi-sectoral scheme.
The government feels a quick appraisal is important to ensure rapid
implementation of schemes. “These national-level independent monitors
will report back two things: are schemes being implemented in the
right way and right place, according to Khrushid.
The scheme, in its second stage now, is also called being called a top-
up phase because money from the minority affairs will be now poured
into schemes of other ministries so that minorities benefit.
The Planning Commission is also evaluating massive spending on
minority welfare as it prepares for mid-term appraisal of the 11th
Five-Year Plan.
Planning Commission member Hameed is set to personally travel to five
regions for first-hand feedback from beneficiaries.
Lessons from Congressional Black Caucus
Some historic measures for minority welfare, including an exclusive
ministry, helped the Congress sail through the last general elections
for a second term in power.
However, Muslim lawmakers, whose numbers are dwindling over time, have
seldom used parliamentary mechanisms creatively to ensure Muslims get
a fair deal. A problem with Muslim leadership is that political
leadership has often overlapped with religious leadership.
Divided along sharp party lines, India’s Muslim lawmakers seldom get a
chance to work in unison. However, they could take a leaf out of the
Congressional Black Caucus.
The Caucus helped highlight the plight of US minorities with a two-
step process: by the congressional budget process called the Humphrey-
Hawkins debate and by moving alternate budget resolutions.
The struggle of minorities in the US helped them integrate into
society and as their clout grew, Congress became more responsive to
their needs. Geographical concentrations of some minorities in the US
have led to their greater representation, though it is far behind
their share of the population.
In the 2001-2003 Congress, for instance, African-Americans comprised
12 percent of the population, but just 8.3% of the House members;
Hispanics made up 13 % of the population and just 4.4 % of the House;
and women represented 51 % of the population but just 13.6% of the
House, and 13% of the Senate.
America’s annual budget project to thrash out budgetary solutions to
address backwardness of minorities is a lesson for both Indian
minority lawmakers and those opposed to minority-specific solutions,
like the BJP.
A beginning has been made but just a fraction achieved. After all,
every change for the better begins with a small minority.
(9 votes, average: 4.11 out of 5)
Posted by Zia Haq on Sunday, February 28, 2010 at 11:09 pm
102 Responses to “Budgeting for minorities”
sanjeev says:
March 1, 2010 at 1:40 am
Mullah Zia
“The Centre underwrites a part of the travel costs of the annual Hindu
pilgrimage to Kailash Mansarovar in Tibet, the abode of the Hindu god
Shiva ”
This is less of a pilgrimage and more of india’s strategic and
geopolitical game plan to counter the chinese arguments of Arunachal
being historically part of China. and more imporatantly a tradition
which has been part ofindian civilzation.
Further this is a trekking expedition and not any luxury trip by an
aeroplane.which your ilk makes at taxpayers money.
I hope brainwashed mullahs like you might be aware that govt of India
also promote trekking to high altitude areas…through Indian
Mountaineering Federation (IMF). I myself has been part of some IMF
funded trekking expeditions to himalayas.
So in that way its not any exclusive and out of turn activity.
Further this yatra is open to all Indian citizens cutting across
religious lines…but Haj is not.
So don’t show your ignorance…rather write something about islamophobia
Mitra Reply:
March 1st, 2010 at 11:10 am
Hey Sanjeev,
Whatever excuses and arguments you come up with, it is a fact that
Govt. of India subsidizes a Hindu pilgrimage just as it does for
Mulsims and Christians. Nowhere does the Govt. say they do it for
strategic reasons- and it is a rather absurd argument. So cool down
and try to control your hatred. Aren’t you guys always shouting about
how tolerant Hindus and Hinduism are? There is no way to infer that
from your churlish behavior! Learn to give respect to people and
debate like a civilized educated man- even when you keep making stupid
arguments. Jai Hind!
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 3:30 pm
How can you expect an uncivilized Hindu terrorist to react when
confronted with facts? All I’ve seen on this blog, is people preaching
hatred and violence bypassing all logic and sense. None of their
comments make sense and I repeat NONE. But rhetoric is what helps them
feel superior, else they are cowed down by the uneducated minority so
easily. Let them have the comfort of the rhetoric and shameless
ignorance. Ignorance is bliss ya know?
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 3:45 pm
@Pandit sanjeev
“The Centre underwrites a part of the travel costs of the annual Hindu
pilgrimage to Kailash Mansarovar in Tibet, the abode of the Hindu god
Shiva ” ~~~> FACT
“This is less of a pilgrimage and more of india’s strategic and
geopolitical game plan to counter the chinese arguments of Arunachal
being historically part of China” ~~~~>FICTION …
“…and more imporatantly a tradition which has been part ofindian
civilzation” ~~~> Is that all you think about your own culture and
religion? Hang your head in shame. I pity you.
“Further this is a trekking expedition and not any luxury trip by an
aeroplane.which your ilk makes at taxpayers money.”
Does that make it a FREE expedition? The Government employs choppers
for your “safety” in the mountains, massive policing arrangements for
the crowd and at times they even arrange for fake shivlings (LMAO)
when you “God” fails to appear Will you please tell me who funds
these costs? IMO It is the taxpayers money and that includes Muslims
of this country. If you are so averse to Muslims, why don’t you shun
government spending? Lets just take an example – India’s third largest
software exporter Wipro is held by a Muslim billionaire. Over a lakh
of people are employed by the company and they pay huge taxes to this
government every year. Why don’t you ask your Hindu brethren to stop
taking up jobs in Wipro and making a living out of it? The tax they
pay is also funded by that very same Muslim -held company. Do you need
more examples? OK have you heard of the companies – Cipla, Wockhardt ,
Himalaya heath Care are only to name a few of them. What about the
crores of taxes, the “Khans’ of Bollywood pay to this Government and
the revenue that their movies generate directly or indirectly ( though
people employed and associated with the movies) Why would you like to
go on a “holy” trip on Muslim money? Should’nt you shun the Government
subsidy?
“I hope brainwashed mullahs like you might be aware that govt of India
also promote trekking to high altitude areas…through Indian
Mountaineering Federation (IMF). I myself has been part of some IMF
funded trekking expeditions to himalayas. So in that way its not any
exclusive and out f turn activity.”
So ? Doesn’t make sense honey! Try harder next time and come up with
some logic, not brain-dead arguments.
“Further this yatra is open to all Indian citizens cutting across
religious lines…but Haj is not.”
LMAO I pity you now!!
“So don’t show your ignorance…rather write something about
islamophobia”
Internet Hindus have time and again proudly proved their blissful
ignorance. I’m glad you are just another one of them!
raman says:
March 1, 2010 at 8:24 am
So, they need special budget for them , they need special care from
government otherwise they warn that some of them will turn into
terrorist or help them…..what kind of logic is this………
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 3:53 pm
No one has argued that they will turn into terrorists if the
government doesn’t provide them with a separate budget. After all what
have all the subsequent governments done over all these years? They
have only pushed the minorities ( read Muslims ) to impoverishment and
under-representation without a voice. Anyone who dares speak for
Muslims is labeled a traitor or at best a supporter of Muslim League.
Anything that anyone even promises for Muslims ( let alone fulfill
them) is termed as Muslim Appeasement. How wonderfully naive.
Muslims have lived in ghettos with discrimination over the years in
this country and we don’t need any one to make nonsense announcements
for Muslims. We have lived with deprivation and can survive in our own
mumbling ways.
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 3:57 pm
Oh BTW look what poverty has done to people in the rural areas. Will
you dare call the Maoists terrorists and traitors? The argument
against it is that they are our very own civilians although they can
murder people at will,kill innocents, behead people they hate and rape
and maim women. So what? after all they are Hindu civilians, they’ve
got every right to be protected in this country. A Muslim on the other
hand is picked up by the police at random without evidence or even
gunned down in cold blood is quickly labeled a terrorist by everyone.
Why make a distinction?
raman Reply:
March 8th, 2010 at 12:51 am
Did I say I sympathize with Maoists, do not assume things…..
RE Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 3:07 am
No, I never said that. I am only putting across my point.
Ashish Reply:
March 8th, 2010 at 3:37 pm
Dear RE,
the Maoists do not fight on religious grounds; the Indian state’s
“war” against them is also “secular”.
There is tremendous amount of blood-letting going on in the names of
protecting the rights of the economic underprivileged and the rights
of the state. I have not heard any Maoist (or any CPIML member) make
any invocation to religion.
I am not sure why you think the State treats the Maoists as “Hindu
civilians”. Care to explain?
SP Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 3:34 am
Maoists justify terror as a means of pursuing their goal of
overthrowing the Indian state just because they are poor and the
deprived citizens of this country? Common a very sizable population of
this country is below the poverty line. But the Government won’t fight
a war against them because these ‘Adivasis’ happen to be our ‘own’
people although they can engage the armed forces of this
coutry,massacre them at will, abduct ,kill and behead people at will.
A 20 something Muslim guy on the other hand is picked up at random/
even better shot in broad daylight, by the police and branded a
terrorist without even a shred of evidence The News channels hail the
police and the government and all we read is “20 something Islamic
Terrorist has been nabbed who has confessed to all the bombings that
ever happened in the country over the last 10 years”. How lame is
that!
Why is there such a discrimination in the treatment between the two? A
terrorist is a terrorist! Be it a Maoist or a certain Pragya Singh
Devi. Why does the mainstream political party come up in defense of
HINDU terror accused or label any muslim ACCUSED to be a terrorist?
The same goes with the Maoists – the Government won’t wage a war
against them just because they happen to be Hindus.
Anyone who challenges the state should be an enemy of the
state .Unfortunately that is not true for the Hindus of this country.
They can get away with mass orchestrated murders and live under state
protection. (‘92 ‘02 anyone?) And so is the case with the Maoists.
They are Hindus and by default saintly and hence cannot be treated as
terrorists.
Ashish Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 12:46 pm
@SP
I will again quote from my post “there is a tremendous amount of
bloodletting going on in the names of protecting the rights of the
economic underprivileged and the rights of the state.” I think I make
it clear that Maoists are fighting only in the name of protecting the
rights of the underprivileged.
And, what gives you the idea that the Government is not fighting them?
We can differ on whether it is a “war” or not. But the human rights
activists will certainly not agree with you that the government is
going easy on the Maoists. Unless of course you say that the likes of
Arundhati Roy are basically Hindu zealots and speak for the Maoists
only because they are Hindus.
Let me quote from your reply:
“A 20 something Muslim guy on the other hand is picked up at random/
even better shot in broad daylight, by the police and branded a
terrorist without even a shred of evidence The News channels hail the
police and the government and all we read is “20 something Islamic
Terrorist has been nabbed who has confessed to all the bombings that
ever happened in the country over the last 10 years”. How lame is
that!”
You know, this seems to be straight from the alleged situation in the
North-East; where the “war” between the state and the ultras have
resulted in several cases of human rights abuses that should be the
concern of any civilized society. The state of Manipur is a case in
point. May I however point out that the affected populace is not
Muslim in Manipur.
The Indian state is not perfect; far from it. Nor is the Indian
society. But, it is a worthwhile experiment is creating a multi-hued
culture. Thanks to our founding fathers and thanks to the economic
progress unleashed in the last 20 years, the benefits of modern living
are reaching many. If you argue that Muslims face systematic and
systemic discrimination, then you must be prepared to look within and
ask why is it that no other religion in India, including the Sikhs
(even after 1984) have a problem sharing space and prospering in this
country.
Looking at everything through the religious prism makes for noisy
debates but, makes you hostage to “benefactors” like Mamata Banerjee
and Laloo Yadav.
Mitra says:
March 1, 2010 at 11:05 am
Very interesting and informative discussion! Hope you keep monitoring
how well the minority welfare schemes are progressing- this is really
important. It is good we have a decent, honest man Salman Khursheed as
the Minister- politicians like him are relatively rare in India.
sanjeev Reply:
March 1st, 2010 at 5:43 pm
@ Mitra
I can expect such sort of logic from naxal sympathisers like you….
Hope you forgot your bengali ilk got kicked by these so called
discriminated lots on 16 july 1946 (direct action day ).
Wait for some more decades another Pakistan will be demanded from your
home state. The demand will arise from your so called secular and left
ruled state.
Or else i can imagine you have admitted to dhimmi status or else burqa
clad.
Rajeev Reply:
March 2nd, 2010 at 8:05 am
This guy is muslim with hindu last name..just like Bhowmik (saba naqvi
bhaowmik).
sanjeev Reply:
March 2nd, 2010 at 1:54 pm
@ Rajeev
I M sure she is a girl and so brainwashed by so called leftist of
Students Federation of India (SFI).
She haven’t been able to come out of the vote bank politics of naxal
sypmathizers of JNU.
Mitra Reply:
March 4th, 2010 at 5:20 pm
I am Hindu and I am not a woman. I won’t give you my first name as I
teach in an university and I have a website- I am afraid Hindu
nationalist vandals will try to bother me. I am not a Naxal
sympathizer and thats not what we are discussing. The Naxals are left-
wing extremists and you guys are right-wing extremists- every
patriotic Indian should condemn both equally. The day you guys will
learn to make an actual argument instead of spewing vile hatred and
prejudice, I will be happy to have a discussion.
sanjeev Reply:
March 4th, 2010 at 5:36 pm
@ Mitra
It is you who started labelling someone as sangh parivar or bajrang
bal member
Its welcome that you want positive debate..
Btw other people like me also work for govt organizations.
Nobody has time to bother except those with whom you empathise…hope
you remember the recent karnataka episode over Taslima nasreen article
episode. who resorted to rioting ?
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:13 pm
@Sanjeev pandit.
1. I hope you are not a disgruntled shudra who is not even allowed to
enter the temple by The Brahmins or you did not marry in the same
gotra and were hounded by your own goons. You sound very irked and
disgruntled so can I assume that someone in your family decided to
kill a female child or maybe your wife does not want to put on a
ghoonghat? Is there any reason why you are so pissed off with life?
2. Regarding rioting in Karnataka :
Source : http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8544657.stm
“Police say Hindu groups joined the unrest in both places after
Muslims took to the streets. About 50 arrests have been made in
connection with the violence. ”
Muslims taking to streets to voice protest against something does not
mean they were rioting but as usual, people don’t have the guts to
accept the truth in this country. I am sure they did not pull you out
of you house and mob you down like the goons at RSS do under state
protection. Every citizen has the legitimate right to voice his/her
opinion but the fact of the matter is Hindu cowards started a riot.
Television images on “Times Now” , a clearly pro- hindutva ,pro- BJP ,
pro- right wing channel showed images of people with ORANGE flags with
“OM” inscribed on them. Now I can bet they were not Muslims. Secondly,
the Ram Sene called a bandh the very next day! WOW how did the entire
protest affect those cowards? Karnataka is BJP ruled so people have
the liberty to start a riot and get away with it just like Gujarat.
The Muslims are the ones who will be labeled terrorists any which way.
At least have the guts to accept the truth in public MORON
perpetual.dilettante says:
March 1, 2010 at 2:29 pm
Since you cite the government subsidies for the pilgrimage to Kailash
Mansorovar as a point to counter the annual Haj subsidies, numbers
around what the total outlay for the project is would have been
interesting for a fair comparison. Do not quite agree with your point
that the Muslims had not asked for the subsidies. The fact remains
that there were demands from certain quarters from within the
community for this step. Obviously the point whether or not they
represented the true sentiments of the community can well be debated.
However, your point around the government not subsidizing religious
pursuits is well taken. It needs to be applied irrespective of
religious affiliations of the vote banks, pressure groups, etc.
However, there is a bigger question here around the value of
affirmative action, specially in context of religious segments. That
is a point worth debating as well
Gopi Thomas says:
March 1, 2010 at 2:35 pm
If money would have solved Muslim “backwardness” , countries like KSA
would be producing qualified engineers and journalists and teachers
leave alone world class scientists. They recently opened a “world
class” university; minister E Ahmed represented India in the
inauguration ceremony – 80% of the student body was foreign students
whom they had ‘bought” with lucrative scholarships. A student from
Minnesota stated that he will have to spend $20,000 in a state Univ in
Minnesota; now he gets paid $20,000 affter all the expenses; he did
not know how long he could last there in KSA because the public
outside the walls of the Univ do not want a Univ there.
Why is Pakistan so backward with madrasites killing left and right,
with nosystem to speak of other than a rot corrupt military system,
if, as the author says “elite’ Muslims migrated to Pakistan.
Hyderabad (Telengana) was under Nizam rule for yearsa nd years. Why
are Muslims educationally so backward there?
Why iin Kerala they are still backward educationally (although they
are significantly better compared to all India Muslim average)? And a
smaller minority there, Christians, excelled in education,
industriousness, contributions..
The author talks about bank loans. Muslims are promoting “Islamic
Bank” as the right way of banking. I have seen Muslim students being
advised on some of their “exclusive” sites not to seek student loan,
and to take lower level job rather than pursuing higher studies with
student loans.
We have to bring all up to participate in a vibrant, growing India.
Money, if at all, is only a very small part of the equation. It is
attitudes, entrenched belief systems, uncompromising stickiness to a
set of rules formed in 650 when conditions were different, learning
Arabic (instead of English) etc etc. If these do not change, whatever
money is allocated, we will still have this dialogue of backwardness
fifty years from now, 100 years from now.
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:17 pm
Your arguments are best very naive and you obviously know that. If you
still need an explanation, I’m ready to debate
sanjeev says:
March 1, 2010 at 5:55 pm
@ Gopi
Govt should resort to following Measures for development of muslims
1. Sharia laws
2. Islamic banking
3 Education only through madrasa: this should include courses on
geography and hisory of saudi arabia, science based on quran, arabic
language
4. Compulsory pilgrimage for all muslims to Haj
5. Freedom to kill as many as infidels as they wish so that they can
achieve ultimate aim: jannat with hooris
I think then they can have proper development of their personality as
well as material progress
Ziauddin Shafi says:
March 1, 2010 at 6:57 pm
Muslims of Hyderabad were never backward during the Nizam’s rule.
Since the last 30 years or so, the criminal nexus between MIM and the
Congress, who treat the Hyderabadi Muslims as their vote bank, have
deliberately worked against the education of Muslims in the city. So
much so that government schols functioning there do not have teaching
staff, water, electricity and toilets – forcing poor students to drop
out. Government-funded Urdu medium schools are in the worst possible
conditions – unbelievable is the word. Despite all these Muslim
traitors and “secular congress” traitors, the Muslims of Hyderabad and
Telangana are struggling to find their feet. The northern Indian
Muslims are comparatively better off – they have leaders like Salman
Khursheed and Sayyida who are sincere, honest and hard-working. Hope
they also come down to Telangana & Hderabad to look into the affairs
here.
Shoeb K Reply:
March 1st, 2010 at 11:19 pm
@Shafi
Are you implying that there was a “conspiracy” to deprive Hyderabad
Muslim students of education? Are you saying that Muslims in Hyd were
highly educated during Nizam rule and 30 years after independence, and
then due to misadministration or stupidity or conspiracy of leaders,
the education started going down???
How do other people (including the so called most backward DAaits
among us) get educated? Sam Pitroda, the telecom architect of India,
came from a Dalit background. Modern india has lakhs of stories like
that.
You may be right that some Muslim eladers and congress leaders
coluded. At the end of the day, our community has to look into
ourselves — are we doing right? Are we giving emphasis to education,
like other communities are giving? Or, are we satisfied iwth menial
trading jobs? Do w e want our daughters get educated and working and
standing on their feet? Do we give emphasis to readinga nd writing (at
a basic level as well as at a literary level)? Arent most of our
people victims of mullahs and maulavis, this way or no way? Do many of
us really interact with otehr religious members in an intimate way?
Unless we sort out these, we will always be blaming some others and
not doing the right thing.
Ashish Reply:
March 2nd, 2010 at 3:50 pm
@ Shoeb K,
till today I did not know that Sam Pitroda came from a Dalit family; I
suspect very few others on this blog did either.
The great thing is, we don’t know and we don’t care. It is enough for
us that Sam Pitroda is what he is, a visionary with the gumption to
get things done.
Is Azim Premji a Muslim? Well, yes. Is he an example? Of course. Is he
an example only for Muslims?
” Modern india has lakhs of stories like that.” .. yes, and thank you
for making this simple statement.
Let’s worry about evolving a “post-religious” identity. We must.
The questions you raise are not limited to Muslims; I think the
Muslims as a community can benefit by making common cause with the
poor Hindus/ Jains/ Christians and demand that the government deliver
on education, women’s rights and childrens’ health and nutrition. Of
course, the community must play its part in ensuring that religion is
quoted as an argument to stymie those initiatives.
@Ziauddin Shafi I think you are not informed about the sorry state of
affairs in the northern part of the country. The lack of leadership
that you talk about, is even more pronounced in North and it shows up
in all the indices.
UI Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:37 pm
@Shoeb K Reply:
“Are you implying that there was a “conspiracy” to deprive Hyderabad
Muslim students of education? ”
Why only in Hyderabad, look at the vitriol everyone spewed when there
was a proposal to set up a branch of AMU in Murshidabad, West Bengal.
AMU may not be an Oxford but education surely will help the most
deprived and the backward. Do you think it was fair to unnecessarily
criticize the setting up of a branch of AMU? You know what, you need
to get out of you comfort zone to see what people have done to Muslims
in this country. I am an engineer and I’ve seen the nasty face of
educators at every stage of my school/university. I was always singled
out because I was the only Muslim in the class who topped exams year
after year. It is exactly things like these that make people cringe
and say that they do. Accept the fact that there has been a targetted
marginalization of Muslim in this country
“How do other people (including the so called most backward DAaits
among us) get educated? Sam Pitroda, the telecom architect of India,
came from a Dalit background. Modern india has lakhs of stories like
that.”
Have you ever heard of something called reservations? When the most un-
deserving candidates are given preferences in places that matter, what
do you expect in this country? Abolish all forms of reservations or
apply them equally for ALL economically backward sections of the
society. Only then you will get a clear idea of what the reality is.
“You may be right that some Muslim eladers and congress leaders
coluded. At the end of the day, our community has to look into
ourselves — are we doing right? Are we giving emphasis to education,
like other communities are giving? Or, are we satisfied iwth menial
trading jobs? Do w e want our daughters get educated and working and
standing on their feet? Do we give emphasis to readinga nd writing (at
a basic level as well as at a literary level)? Arent most of our
people victims of mullahs and maulavis, this way or no way? Do many of
us really interact with otehr religious members in an intimate way?
Unless we sort out these, we will always be blaming some others and
not doing the right thing.”
You must be kidding my dear! You seriously must be kidding me! Talking
about things from the comfort of your home with a laptop in front of
you is something different than the stark poverty and alienation that
Muslims face in this country. Get out of the 5-6 Urban cities for
God’s sake. You cannot expect anyone to get a decent education unless
he is lucky like me or you, when there is abject poverty , when people
can hardly make ends meet if at all. I’ve seen most Muslims living in
ghettos even in so called urban cities where there is hardly a decent
school in the vicinity and you talk about education? Have you ever
wondered why Muslims are discriminated when it comes to getting a
rented house in a Hindu locality?
You talk about the status of women in our society( are you seriously a
Muslim or just using a Muslim name? )
“Do w e want our daughters get educated and working and standing on
their feet?”
Seriously? Any and every educated family that I know of and some very
poor families insist on their daughters going to school to get an
education. Esp when it comes to urban areas, people are more open to
allowing women to work. You seriously must be kidding me or you are
very detached from the society !!
“Arent most of our people victims of mullahs and maulavis, this way or
no way?”
Again you are making sweeping generalizations.
“Do many of us really interact with otehr religious members in an
intimate way?”
What do you mean by an Intimate way? Of course where the majority are
people from other communities, you mingle with them , at school , at
work , in your neighborhood. Living in ghettos does not mean that you
never interact with anyone!
A Banerjee says:
March 1, 2010 at 8:50 pm
The biggest enemy of the muslim community is the muslim himself. There
is an intersting article comparing muslims and jews. Although jews
consist of only 0.02 % of the world’s population, they have won 130
Nobel Prizes. Muslims are 20% of the world’s population, but have won
only 7 Nobels. I think that Muslims must stop this tirade of being
‘minorities’ and start working for themselves.
What has number to do with progress? If that be so the case then how
doyou explain the parsis who are doing so well for themselves?
The trouble with Mr Zia and other ’secular’ people is that they waste
their time and energy (please see that I am not mentioning ‘brains’)
brooding over some conspiracy theory or some ’sachar’ report instead
of using their time productively. This imacts the minds of young and
gullible muslim youth who start thinking that the entire nation is
against them.
Their was a very nice ad campaign by Idea in which Abhishek Bachhan
says that their will be no community, only mobile numbers. That’s the
way it should be…..
UI Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:38 pm
BS
Anil Kumar says:
March 1, 2010 at 10:04 pm
All the religious pilgrimage subsisdy given to non-muslim you have
rehashed is the progeny of haz subsidy.> So muichy noise was made that
various state govts hand have bene forced..
No hindu no chrstian wnats thatsubsisdy only muslims are the one who
always need crutch for anything and everything..
They insisst that they will nto join mainstream education but they
must eb given job..
State of those hindus who confine themselves withitn the scriptute
study are not different we don;t see them cribbing..
If you want job start learnign physics chemistry math those Quran and
hadith reading is nto going to give you job..
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:39 pm
“No hindu no chrstian wnats thatsubsisdy only muslims are the one who
always need crutch for anything and everything..
They insisst that they will nto join mainstream education but they
must eb given job..”
BS
Raju Kurien says:
March 2, 2010 at 6:51 am
The problem with Muslims is that they do not have a proper perspective
or they refuse to accept the reality. For example, This Javed Naqvi, a
reporter for DAwn, (a Pakistani based newspaper) always writes about
how bad it is for Muslims in india; how the goovernment goes on
destroying Muslims.. This guy is a Pakistani, living in and enjoying
Delhi, and he is always venomous about India– May be it is jealousy………
Muslims acn be a “suppressed moinority” (as they think) or an
aggressive contributor to national progress; they have to make that
choice..Government can go on pouring tax payers’ money for the so-
called upliftment; but the desire for upliftment and work towards
upliftment has to come from muslims themselves,a nd not througha ny
government programs.
sanjeev Reply:
March 2nd, 2010 at 2:04 pm
@ Raju
This so called peace activist Javed Naqv is no less than Taliban. I
don’t know whether he is Indian national ?
Regarding the much admired masiha of muslims Justice Rajendra sachar’s
credentials…let me highlight one of high ideological fact : He is so
called human right and civil rights activists of Arundhati Roy gang.
We can seriously doubt his credentials as a judge of supreme court or
distinguished jurist. I thibk this sachar committee is all a game plan
of congress left combine.
Although i personally support the govt should do efforts to educate
and elevate living standard of all deprived citizens irrespective of
minority or majority.
But why only the special emphasis on muslims ?
Why can’t they start some programme for all poor people of india and
allocate separate budget targets for this group ?
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:40 pm
Now comes conspiracy theory LMAO
shiuli says:
March 2, 2010 at 2:47 pm
Budgeting for minorities is a much required factor, coz if the gov’t
does not we have big brain drain like MF Husain, escaping to Qatar,
taking Citizen-ship there. We have violent clashes over Taslima
Nasreen’s outcry; also The Great Khan who has already been awarded
Dato-ship in Malaysia, by calling Pakistan, Our Friendly Neighbour,
may condemn Indian Citizenship one fine day.
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:41 pm
BS
ramesh says:
March 2, 2010 at 3:36 pm
What is holding back the muslims, is their literalism in
religion ,which is evident in all their aspects.Why arent the Parsees,
christians or sikh held back.Because they have opend their minds.
Muslims consider everyone else as jews only, their born enemy.They
should see the broader sense of the message.
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:42 pm
Because all the hatred,vile and discrimination is directed towards the
Muslims , not towards the Parsees , Christians and Sikhs
S Singh Reply:
March 8th, 2010 at 11:41 pm
So, there is no animosity to anybody except Muslims.. Could it be that
something is wrong with Muslism?
Why do Muslims have problem everywhere? Be Philippines, thailand, US,
UK, germanty. denmark, Switzerland — why even in the so called Islamic
countries ((OIC)? Oh why!
SP Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 3:36 am
The Problem is that you have become so ignorant that you cannot
comprehend History or Geography or Geo-Politics OR probably you don’t
wish to. At least don’t sound such a moron on the internet.
Ashish Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 12:07 am
@RE
“Because all the hatred,vile and discrimination is directed towards
the Muslims , not towards the Parsees , Christians and Sikhs”
poor souls! Muslims! No one loves them! Boo, hoo, hoo!
Rajeev says:
March 2, 2010 at 10:35 pm
I think instead of budgeting for minority (read MUSLIMS, MUSLIMS and
MUSLIMS), why don’t we send them to their land which we allocated for
them in 1947. The pakistan was meant for muslims of south asia. If you
muslims think, you are not getting fair deal, migrate to the land that
was created for giving muslims fair deal.
Jinnah also demanded same kind of things before partition to safegaurd
the interests of muslims. The then-congress decided not to give in to
Jinnah’s loony demands and agreed for partition. Now after 62 years,
we are being forced to agree to Jinnah’s demand or face terror ending
into another partition of country. How long can this blackmail go on?
Pl. show me a single country in the world where muslim minority has
outperformed other communities…None… Are all these non-muslims country
guilty of this or is the in the muslims gene to stay and ghetto and be
backward? Do you want Sachar to go in all those countries and then
produce a report implying that muslims are denied opportunities.
There is something very wrong with muslim mindset. They are
themseleves to blame for their misery. Why is that Hindus, jews,
chinese are doing so well in USA? Why is that non-muslims do better
than muslims in almost every country?
These muslims have to come out to their eternal victimhood syndrome.
L Mirza Reply:
March 3rd, 2010 at 12:12 am
@Rajeev
Many things you mention are right. For our country to propel, we need
to bring all into the equation. Youa re absolutely right that the
backwardness of msulims can eb squarely attributed to teh community
itself -its religiosu leaders, political leaders etce tc. A
fundamental aspect of Islam as oppsoed to various other “movements” ,
is that the role of the individual or individuality is suppressed;
hence no major innovations, initiatives, pathbreaking inventions,
methosds etc etc.
Government money will do only little. The mindset has to eb changed;
it ahs to come from within; and lot of forces work against that. It is
a real problem; as Zia mentioned in an earlier blog, muslims have to
handle it themselves.. They should know that the world would not wait
for this, and they will be left further behind if they do not acvt.
The sorry situation is that whether we like it or not, we have to
somehow solve this…
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:43 pm
Why don’t you leave this country instead if you hate the people living
in this country? Or is is that you have no place on this earth to call
a Hindu State? haha India is NOT a Hindu country. If you cannot live
here, go and find a place for yourself
Rajeev says:
March 2, 2010 at 10:39 pm
The Sachar report is not an extensive survey but a SAMPLE survey. We
have all seen how surveys have been proved wrong time and again.
The need of the hour for muslims is to shun excessive religiousity,
waste less time curing non-muslims and concentrate on education
followed by search for jobs. You can not be employed on high position
(IPS, IAS, Army etc.) till you get proper education. Even a police
constable in maharashtra police is graduate.
sanjeev Reply:
March 3rd, 2010 at 6:00 pm
@ Rajeev
I seriously doubt credentials of Rajendra sachar. he is an
ideologically indoctrinated person and not neutral, unbiased
researcher.
Just google his name..he has association with People’s Union for Civil
Liberties (PUCL)
In the recently arrested Kobad ghandy case his organisation has been
mentioned by delhi police among the naxal sympathisers.
I have personally attended many of the debates and discussions
frequented by this gang of naxal sympathisers like Gautam Navlakha,
Achin Vinayak, DSU, etc. their views clealry state that they are
chinese protege and they aim to bring china type revolution in india.
I seriously doubt how can such a person was appointed chairman of such
a committee.
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:44 pm
You need some money for education which they have been deprived of
over the years
Shoeb K Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 6:20 pm
RE
So you are saying that somehow government “deprived ” them of
education, and now have to give them money for education??
Do you believe that our people (I assume you are a muslim) give utmost
importance to education like other commun ities? Even Baniya children
grow up reciting “vidya dhan sarv dhanal pradhan”.. What is our
children taught in Madrasi??
RE Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 4:05 am
No one is begging for alms here. It’s only the Hindus who beg for
Money & Jobs and you will keep begging for your lives. Don’t worry the
Government won’t take away your reservations any soon. You can
obviously beg for even more.
If you are going to tell me that ^%$^% like Mulayam Shi% and people
like him demand BS for Muslims, I pity you and your ignorance of the
reality of this country.
Secondly, you must be naive to think that people think in terms of
community when it comes to education. You must be so out of this world
my HINDU brother! (Using a Muslim name does not make you one) The fact
of the matter is, yes people want education for their children and the
fact of the matter is that a majority of the Muslim population in
India is living foot-to-mouth. I have grown up in a poor Muslim
neighborhood and you can bet a very good number of children went to
proper schools. They may not have been the DPS’s of this country but
yes everyone valued education.Economics is the major concern my dear,
not community based ignorance. When you cannot even earn Rs20 a day,
you cannot possibly dream of sending your child to a regular school.
I come from a Naxal affected place so you very well imagine the state
of affairs and to add to that I grew up in a Muslim neighborhood with
a couple of Madarsas. I can tell you, even people who have studied in
these very madarsas completed their education and then took up
respectable and decent government jobs ,quite unlike your Hindu naxal
brothers just 40-50 kms away from my place. A few of us were lucky
ones who grew up in middle class families, who could study in English
medium schools and landed up with jobs with MNCs. Unfortunately most
are not so lucky. You know what, either you have never seen poverty in
and around you so it’s very comfortable to pass sweeping remarks or
you are just another prejudiced and ignorant Hindu on the internet. If
you are the former (n I doubt it ) all I would ask you is to leave the
comfort of your house to visit a Madarsa .If you are the later, I can
only pity you
sanjeev says:
March 3, 2010 at 5:51 pm
@ Rajeev
Here is an interesting article from Tavleen Singh (who i think can’t
be labelled as sangh parivar member as she happens to be a sikh and
married to muslim
http://www.indianexpress.com/storyOld.php?storyId=59288
I hope ignorant persons like mitra and other so called secularists
accept the true reality after going through this article or else they
will label Tavleen as sanghi.
sanjeev
Rajeev says:
March 4, 2010 at 2:45 am
Sanjeev,
Did you compare debate done on NDTV/CNN-IBN on MF Hussain and Taslima
Nasreen? It exposed the hypocrisy of Indian secualrism. I could not
control my laughter listening to arguements from Shabnam hashmi.
I have come to the conclusion that soft terrorist (ideological) from
muslim community are oxygen for all the terror activities in the
world. These are the people who should be arrested and may be
eliminated Isarael style.
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:45 pm
Yes people like you must be singled out Israeli style
[Reply]
sanjeev says:
March 4, 2010 at 5:43 pm
Here is another article exposing the hypocrisy of the so called
secular gang of india:
Its by Pratap Bhanu Mehta, from centre for policy research, new delhi
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/freedoms-our-defence/586662/
sanjeev says:
March 4, 2010 at 5:51 pm
@ Rajeev
sorry rajeev,
i have given up watching news on these sensationlist channels..i only
watch DD news or r news on FM gold radio.
i know this Indian secularism is a biggest joke in the world
Anything can happen in india in the name of secularism and freedom of
speech for the sake of minority (read muslim )
RE Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 4:46 pm
Two Losers in this country Pandit Rajeev and Pandit Sanjeev have got
HT Blog as the only place to vent their frustration. Is it something
else?
Ashish says:
March 6, 2010 at 11:24 am
After all these serious comments, I think we all need a comic break..
quoting from an email just received:
A public school teacher was arrested today at John F. Kennedy
International Airport as he attempted to board a flight while in
possession of a ruler, a protractor, a compass, a slide-rule and a
calculator.
At a morning press conference, the Attorney General said he believes
the man is a member of the notorious Al-Gebra movement. He did not
identify the man, who has been charged by the FBI with carrying
weapons of maths instruction.
“Al-Gebra is a problem for us”, the Attorney General said. “They
derive solutions by means and extremes, and sometimes go off on
tangents in search of absolute values. They use secret code names like
‘X’ and ‘Y’ and refer to themselves as ‘unknowns’, but we have
determined that they belong to a common denominator of the axis of
medieval with co-ordinates in every country.
As the Greek philanderer Isosceles used to say, “There are 3 sides to
every triangle”.
When asked to comment on the arrest, President Obama said, “If God had
wanted us to have better weapons of maths instruction, he would have
given us more fingers and toes.’
White House aides told reporters they could not recall a more
intelligent or profound statement by the President. It is believed
that the Nobel Prize for Physics will follow.
Paritosh Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 12:03 pm
ha ha ha ha . nice!!!
sanjeev says:
March 6, 2010 at 11:56 am
hilarious !!!
SKS Mumbai says:
March 6, 2010 at 1:44 pm
Why Physics?
They don’t award nobles for Maths or Philosophy? Time they did
Gopi Thomas Reply:
March 6th, 2010 at 5:37 pm
@SKS
And these must be reserved for Muslims because of the historical
sidelining Westerners have done to them..
So far Muslims have not stated theat the nobels Jews received were
undeserving; so you have to give them credit!
Ashish says:
March 6, 2010 at 2:39 pm
when they run out of existing Nobels; one for each year Obama is in
office..
There is probably no rule against multiple Nobel awards for multiple
disciplines in the same year to the same person; while so far such a
rule would have been largely academic, I think with Obama, this rule
will soon be tested.
Literature Nobel is his for the taking .. with all the fiction in his
speeches (even if he has to share the Nobel with his speechwriters)..
Raju Kurien says:
March 6, 2010 at 10:02 pm
Mosab hasan Yousef, an ex Hamas leader, who later became a Mosad spy,
and converted to Christianity, has written a book titled “Son of
Hamas”. Wall Street journal interviewed him on his opinions,
perspectives….His father is also a leader of Hamas..
Do you consider your father as a fanatic? “he is not a fanatic; he is
a very moderate, logical person. What matters is not whether my father
is fanatic or not; he is doing the will of a fanatic God. It does not
mind whether he is a terrorist or a traditional muslim. At the end of
the day a traditional Muslim is doing the will of a fanatic,
fundamentalist, terrorist God. I know this is harsh to say. Most
governments avoid this subject..
“the problem is not in Muslims. the problem is with their God. They
need to be liberated from their God. He is the biggest enemy. It has
been 1400 years they have been lied to.
SKS Mumbai says:
March 7, 2010 at 10:08 am
So ‘Government funded religious travel’ (let’s call it GFRT) isn’t
‘Unique’ but only Haj subsidy has been targeted! So unfair!
Research does help, even if, of ‘directed’ kind, to pick facts, as
might be necessary for the ‘conclusion’ one has chosen to present. But
’secular’ journalism, at least here in India, is easier than that. For
facts aren’t needed nor is their careful selection and for those on
the cutting edge of secular journalism, fact invention is routine.
Certainly, by those standards, Mr Zia is struggling.
To come up with ‘govt funded religious travel’ or GFRT for questioning
the criticism of Haj subsidy, suggests that research was involved.
Instead of limiting himself to any one of either GFRT or subsidy, he
uses both and implied smartly, that only Haj subsidy is criticized,
without ever saying that both are/aren’t the same. But there may be
’small’ differences between the two:
Subsidy of course is subsidy.
GFRT does not seem to be a well defined concept, but Mr Zia must be
referring to the costs involved in provision of various facilities and
services provided by Govt. for the pilgrims. These costs include a
part for the services rendered in India and another for outside India.
For e.g. in case of Kailash Mansarovar, these are free medical
inspection, security, escort cover, insurance cover and communication
links and 4 days acco. provided by Govt of Delhi (at Delhi) etc, most
of these within India. Then there is also a Rs 3250/pilgrim payment
made by Govt to Kumaon Mandal Vikas Nigam (KMVN) for arranging
boarding and lodging on the Indian side.
Indian side expenses for Haj, include cost of Haj houses, built in a
number of state capitals (including a capital cost for the facility,
often funded by the concerned state govt. There is a dedicated Haj
terminal at Delhi Airport (can’t say for others), again involving a
capital cost. I am not sure if medical tests, security etc is involved
or not. There is also a fully dedicated Haj department maintained by
Air India throughout the year.
For expenses outside India:
In case of Mansarovar, nothing much is known. Possibly, the escort,
security and medical facilities continue to be provided on the chinese
side as well. Interestingly, complaints regarding poor facilities on
Chinese side are brushed aside by MEA, saying Chinese want a revision
in the rates (last set in 1995) for better facilities.
Foreign component of Haj expenses: expenditure on a contingent of
seasonal local staff, supervisors, data entry operators, drivers and
messengers, appointed in SA, a contingent of more than 600 personnel
(incl. about 135 doctors, nurses and paramedics) on short-term
deputation to SA, hospital facilities (about 100 beds) at Makkah,
Madinah, medicines, ambulances, facilitation and coordination centres
at Jeddah, Makkah probably, Madinah also.
What is also interesting to note, is the kind of answers MEA gives for
questions raised in LS or RS:
1. Whenever there is a broad query (broad as in, about ’subsidy’ and
‘other facilities’) the answer, in case of Haj; includes a number for
subsidy and another for expenses, while for Mansarovar, it is only one
figure.
2. When there is a precise question such as: ‘ whether the Union
Government has been extending ’subsidy’ ( no mention of facilities)
for pilgrimage of Indians abroad’, the answer never goes beyond Haj
( e.g. LS Unstarred Question no 3086 http://meaindia.nic.in/parliament/ls/2006/08/23ls07.html)
3. When a specific question was asked : whether Govt
would also consider providing any subsidy on the lines of subsidy
being provided for Haj Pilgrimage, the smart state minister for MEA
repeats the same Rs 3250 story (of course never uses the word subsidy
for this) and concludes with : ‘Kailash Mansarovar Yatra and Haj are
essentially different so far as the number of pilgrims (not enough
devotees? ) , mode of travel and the nature of terrain are involved.
Therefore, there may not be a direct comparison between the two!
http://meaindia.nic.in/parliament/rs/2006/05/11rs27.htm
Thus for some ’strange’ reason, Govt. has consistently failed to apply
the word ‘Subsidy’ in case of Mansarovar costs. This could mean either
a ‘consistent error’ or most likely an accounting conspiracy designed
to discriminate against the poor minority, and worst of all, signed
off by CAG as well!
For the sharper but unfortunately oppressed beings, another ’small’
difference :
- the total amount paid for 2002, 03, 04 for Mansarovar was around Rs.
0.43 Crs (or Rs 43 lacs), while for HaJ 2007 and 2008, it was more
than Rs. 44.00 crs.
-Haj subsidy that Mr Zia shows at Rs 390 crs is over and above that.
Not just that, it seems that subsidy figures for Haj continue to be
presented as ‘provisional’ for last 4-5 years. (i.e. besides the
subsidy).
Mr Zia could have checked a bit of History as well, as he has so
carefully listed out the ‘proposed’ subsidy in Karnataka and the one
announced in AP a ‘couple’ of years ago.
Clearly then, there isn’t ANY VALID reason to target Haj subsidy
alone!! Except the Discriminatory approach, what say Zia?
SKS Mumbai says:
March 7, 2010 at 10:26 am
Can someone tell me whether, there is some difference between the
Kailash Mansarovar, Tibet (for which Govt ‘underwrites’ a part of the
cost, as indicated by Zia) and the Mansarovar, China (for which a
’subsidy’ is under consideration (as Zia says quoting media reports)
Ashish Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 11:35 am
@SKS,
“Can someone tell me whether, there is some difference between the
Kailash Mansarovar, Tibet (for which Govt ‘underwrites’ a part of the
cost, as indicated by Zia) and the Mansarovar, China (for which a
’subsidy’ is under consideration (as Zia says quoting media reports)”
Only Zia can answer this.. but, on past performance, even if he deigns
to, it is likely to decry your tendency to split hairs..
SKS Mumbai Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 2:15 pm
@Ashish
You mean just tendency?
That is all we do, apart from full time hate mongering, that is
Ashish Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 4:03 pm
aha.. but, Mr Zia is a gentleman, not given to invectives
SKS Mumbai says:
March 7, 2010 at 11:34 am
‘Show me an economically underprivileged Hindu who will find fault
with government help to make a dip in the holy Ganges a reality? Or a
Muslim quibbling over a lifetime visit to Mecca, courtesy government
help?’
Now that is a profound question. Perhaps Zia can show us an
‘economically privileged’ Hindu who will find fault with government
help to make a trip to switzerland a reality, or riding a chauffeur
driven BMW (all expense paid) for that matter?
First of all what difference does it make, whether you are talking
about an economically privileged or underprivileged person here,
unless that bounty is meant for reducing that economic gap?
(BTW, I am not sure if Haj susbsidy is only for underpriveleged ones,
and even if, it is, the validity of above question does not change)
Secondly, on what basis does a secular Government decide that my all-
expense trip to swiss alps, is spiritually less important than
someone’s dip in Ganges and more importantly, why should a secular
govt be even required to measure spirituality quotient?
Gopi Thomas Reply:
March 8th, 2010 at 4:51 pm
@SKS
I read somewhere that Haj subsidies were never requested by the
community. I believe it was instituted during the oil shock of early
1970s and institutionalized ever since. This may be one situation
where one smart politician created a permanent vote bank through this
master stroke.
ajay says:
March 8, 2010 at 10:10 am
those politicians who are using vote bank politics must be dealt with
severely.other people who easily get caugt by words of these soundrels
should apply there common sense
S Singh says:
March 8, 2010 at 5:29 pm
There is no dispute that everything possible should be done to uplift
ALL., to make all contributors to a great country and humanity.
Money should be spent wisely; it also should be spent on all who need,
not just Muslims.
Money is only one, and may be even a lesser part, as far as upliftment
of Muslims are concerned. Unlike Hindus, Christians, jews, budhists
etc they do not give much emphasis to education. It simply is not
their “core” belief. When Hindu and kids belonging to other religions
right from early ages are inculcated “Vidya dhan sarva dhanal
pradhan” , the focus of Muslim kids is memorizing Quran. After that,
they get into petty trades.
Unless education is considered as the most important factor and
embraced by the family and community, nothing will happen; complaints
will remain.
SKS Mumbai says:
March 8, 2010 at 8:20 pm
@Gopi
I don’t know, but it can’t be that simple.
SKS Mumbai says:
March 8, 2010 at 8:22 pm
Quote:
‘While it gives Air India 150,000 assured passengers every year
(that’s the total number of seats on all Indian carriers criss-
crossing the country on any given day), helping it KEEP AFLOAT, the
grant has been turned into a stick to beat Muslims with’
This is really all that it takes!
One article by a non-entity, (he/she could be anything, journalist,
activist, third rate self proclaimed intellectual, rabble rouser,
dancer, singer, whatever. Even if he wasn’t, that article alone will
make him a front ranking secular warrior), asserting that Haj subsidy
is really a subsidy for Air India.
Watch that dumb ‘assertion’ turn into a foundational truth for the
Indian secularrazzi, to be repeated so many times that, Hitler would
have them rather Goebbels.
It just does not matter that the fraudulent claim is immediately
thrashed to pieces by precise facts and irrefutable documentary
evidence, the ‘Truth’ once revealed, is the Divine Law for our secular
believers. To question the law is apostasy or a communal propaganda by
Hindutva forces, or as Mr Zia claims, a ’stick’ to beat poor Muslims
with.
For a moment, even if we accept that fraudulent claim, what changes
Mr. Zia? Muslims are still getting a subsidy, aren’t they? Or can you
book a return ticket for Patna-Delhi-Jeddah for Rs.12000 (or Rs 16000
for last year only)? Bulk discounts? Yes why not, we will see later
how much difference your direct chartering can make. Unfortunately
facts happen to be facts and if they are communal so be it (in the
meanwhile Mr Zia could check whether direct charter negotiations were
attempted at some point of time or not and what went wrong). Here are
the facts:
1. It isn’t 150,000 prize customers in the first place, the number for
2010 is more like 120,000 and that after annual increases of the order
of 10,000-15,000. approximately 50% of that is carried by Saudi
airlines.
2. Spare/standby aircrafts are a part of any commercial airlines
fleet, but they are primarily used when regular aircrafts are sent for
scheduled or unscheduled maintenance. Haj means 2-3 months of a steep
peak forcing most of the commercial airlines to opt for short term
leases, called wet lease. Being short-term, they are by definition
much more expensive than longer leases. It does not take an Einstein
to understand that the capital cost of the wet leased aircrafts will
have to be recovered from the passengers who fly during that peak
window. For e.g. If you look at the state electricity boards, their
normal procurement costs (for the pool) will rarely exceed Rs 4-5/
unit. But during peak months, the incremental power is often purchased
at Rs. 10-15/unit range. It matters, but little, that your requirement
for those few months constitutes a huge volume, the annual fixed cost
will still be recovered during those two months. Further, it seems
that many of the aircrafts have to undertake one trip without
passengers (i.e. no backhaul)
3. If AIR INDIA was really saving itself by grabbing the prized Haj
Service, why does it keep on requesting the Govt to allow other
airlines in the space? Isn’t that Monopolistic, Mr Zia ? Last publicly
known attempt was around 2008. http://www.financialexpress.com/news/haj-subsidy-has-air-india-fuming/360651/0
4. BTW Muslims anyway have the option of not going through Haj
committee and a large number of Muslims actually go through private
tour operators (~ 40,000 or so), so why are suffering the tyranny of
AI? Why? Especially when it also gives the so-unfair-stick to Hindutva
Guys ?
But all these are lies, a hindutva propaganda, sanghi hate mongering,
the only Truth and what we need to remember for ever is that, it is
not the ‘Poor Hajis’ but AI who is being subsidized. (soon we will
discover it wasn’t even AI, it were the vile Bramhins-Bania who were
fattening themselevs)
You know what, some 100 years down the line, secular historian will
cite these and assert Haj subsidy was a myth and contrary evidence
will be subjected to secular tools called contextualizing History and
presenting multiple perspectives and another 100 years Haj subsidy
won’t even be a subject.
S Singh Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 2:53 pm
Muslims will go on itching, bitching, scratching…
The only solution is dictatorship (why do you think almost all Muslim
countries are dictatorships?) or someother way of controlling, because
they respect power; they just cannot operate independently in a
democracy. Time and again it ahs been demonstrated that they cannot
form, suatain a democracy.
India will remain a democracy, meaning the scratching and bitching
will be with us for a long time, unless a region is converted to
another Pakistan and round up ALL Muslims to that region.
Rajeev Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 9:06 pm
No all muslims should be packed up and sent to pakistan. No more
divisions for these ungrateful people.
Rajeev says:
March 8, 2010 at 9:07 pm
Is this RE another avatar of Soft-terrorits Bobby?
sanjeev Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 6:59 pm
@ Rajeev
Tonight i will get to meet biggest anti national..Javed Naqvi (dawn
reporter from delhi )
I want to ask him some tough questions ..
If any knowledge u can share about this nut ?
Rajeev Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 9:05 pm
Ask him just one thing. Is he Indian or Pakistani?
If he is Indian and beleives in secularism, why is he with Pakistan on
Kashmir.
Secondly ask him what happened to 20% hindu population of pakistans.
How many guharat massacre took place in Pakistan?
SKS Mumbai says:
March 8, 2010 at 10:12 pm
Aah Rs 390 crs isn’t it.
Last statement by Dr Tharoor pegs it at some Rs 826 crs for 2009!and
still counting all these numbers continue to be Provisional.
Rajeev says:
March 9, 2010 at 1:30 am
I have always wondered if Hajj performed on khairat of infidel nation
(India) is haram or Halal.
I am pretty sure that all the muslims perforing Hajj on donations
doled out by hindu-dominated India are commiting shirk and their hajj
is invalid according to Islam.
I guess most of the muslims are destined for jahannum.
S Singh Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 2:35 pm
Does not matter, as long as it is free.
It is the government we should blame; and by that voters like us. what
the politicians have done is one more way of institutionalizing
“minority” , this time with huge allocation. Now the bar of spending
is set high, and every following year it will be higher than the prior
year.
Like any government spending schemes, only 10% will go to the purpose;
other 90% will go to the b ureaucracy and contractors!
sanjeev Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 6:50 pm
ha ha ha ha !
where else they can go ?
mulleh ki dor masjid tak
RE Reply:
March 20th, 2010 at 2:53 pm
arey pandit ki langot apni dhoti sambhalo yaar
SKS Mumbai says:
March 9, 2010 at 9:35 pm
@Ashish
In RE, you have one of the original ones. His views on Premjee’s
Billions and stuff are part of the original curriculum. Don’t be
surprised, when you are told:
1. It is Indian Muslims living in the gulf whose earnings drive the
larger part of Indian economy.
2. That Indira Gandhi used her charm to get cheap oil from the house
of Sauds and thus Hindus have been living off Muslim charity for ages.
3.That there is a conspiracy under which muslim intellectuals are
being murdered and this has gone for many decades now.
4. That “Urdu” was eliminated as a language to prevent muslim
advancement.
5. Some more that I came across recently: the conspiracy against
Muslims also include: introducing “gate-keeper” mentality-type service
commission exams and entrance exams for professional courses .That a
scientist was picked to become a Muslim President of India, to
diminish OR extinguish his contribution to science.
That (hold your breath) Shahrukh Khan and Amir Khan have Hindu wives,
because they are rich and famous – and their wives will inherit their
crores.
6. Of course we all know about 9/11, 26/11, Karkare, Batla and types.
Recent violence in Karnataka on Tasleema’s article was also a Hindutva
conspiracy.(Confirmed already as I see)
7. Upper caste Hindus joined hands with British in a conspiracy to
weaken Islamic Kings, freedom fight was mainly a Muslim venture, but
Gandhi and Nehru forged another conspiracy to divide India, so that
Muslims were weakened.
8. His views on how state is dealing with Maoists because they are
Hindus shouldn’t surprise anyone. The difference lies, not in
perceptions but in definitions itself.
Reasoned debate is useless and anyway impossible. Facts must adhere to
’secular’ requirement else they are conspiracies. When even fairly
well ensconced people, from the core of mainstream, do not hesitate in
asserting nonsense like Haj subsidy is for Air India, never miss the
opportunity to impress you with Quranic wisdom, or to offer Quranic
justification while urging Muslims to seek education or to not hate
the jews, we know it isn’t just another problem.
This combined with the values our politicians operate on, will ensure
that we just have to live with it the way it is and just hope it does
not get worse during our or our children’s lifetime.
Gopi Thomas Reply:
March 9th, 2010 at 10:45 pm
@SKS
There is more; especially with the advent of ex SIMI turned into PFI/
SDPI as a political party for the disadvantaged, “not just Muslims”:
1)Brahmins are colluding with USA/UK to make India a Jesustan
2)Reservations etc are farce; Brahmins control everything (i am still
looking for those powerful Brahmins!)
3) Muslims did well in the first 30 years of independence; then a
coordinated conspiracy started to marginalize them, to exterminate
their intellectuals
4)The elite Muslims migrated to Pakistan (we know how that has helped
PAkistan) and the real backward Muslims stayed back in India
5) Gandhiji was in collusion with Brahmins to marginalize Muslims
6)Lodhi and Gazni are not Muslims,a nd Somnath temple destruction
should not be attributed to Muslims
7)Babur loved all and did not destroy any places of worship
8)Auragazeb is maligned by Brahmins; he was a great king who cared for
all equally (and Akbar was not a great king)
9)Shivaji looted neighboring kingdoms, and have done more damage to
india than any Moghul or other foreign invaders have done
10)”Mapilla rebellion” in Kerala that happened with Khilafet was an
agrarian revolution and not one where muslims targeted and raped and
killed Hindus and destroyed their palces of worship
11) tipu Sultan was a benevolent king who did not destroy palces of
worship of Hindus and Christians (although history of Kerala clearly
traces his “patayottam” (rapid fight ) for the massive conversions in
Malabar area, including naming Calicut as Islamabad for a while
12)All the communal troubles are started by Brahmins to further
marginalize Muslims
List goes on
Ashish Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 1:28 am
@SKS @Gopi Thomas
great compilations; SKS, great summary of the core arguments we have
heard on this blog over the last few months.
This blog has run out of ideas.. tired, tiresome and repetitive..
poorly researched and lately even without a central idea.
I can sense the next blog coming.. on why Ranganath Mishra
recommendations must be adopted. Stealing from a well known poster,
first seen in London, “Sachar spotted the cancer, Mishra has the
answer”.
Trying to remember some Muslim Maoist name; honestly can’t. By the
way, SP/RE/UI.. whoever/ whatever, I was in Lalbazar (Calcutta police
HQ) .. staying with a certain doctor employed with the police the day
Charu Mazumdar was brought in. I have heard enough stories of how
Naxals used to be handled by the Calcutta Police; suffice it to say
KPS Gill was really tame in comparison. Honestly speaking, I have
never ever thought about the religion of the Naxals; now that I do,
yes, you are right. All of these guys I heard of were Hindus-excepting
Jangal Santhal – even though I am sure they will be quite amused to be
called such. But, the brutality on both sides (Naxals and the state)
was totally secular. I hope I am not told next that Maoists and the
Government are in cahoots to rid the world of Muslims.
Hindus become Maoists because they just like to kill and are afforded
protection by the state; and Muslims do not- inspite of all the
discrimination, because they follow the religion of peace. Hmmm…..
Talking about KPS Gill; so, his forces killed Muslims and then dressed
them up as Khalistanis, correct? Just checking…
MMM’s (Much Maligned Modi) goons killed Muslims while his police shot
dead 400 Hindus .. inconvenient, but true.
Gopi, great item 4 on your list. Precisely..
SKS Mumbai Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 2:17 pm
@Ashish
‘Honestly speaking, I have never ever thought about the religion of
the Naxals’
Hmm that shows your communal mindset, Bhai sahab.
Ashish Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 3:56 pm
@SKS
my communal mindset is well established on this blog.. garv se kaho…
RE Reply:
March 20th, 2010 at 2:52 pm
Arey bhai then stop living off Muslim money and Muslim oil. Dead
simple as that. You hate us like anything and yet want to live off our
money! hahaha great
RE Reply:
March 20th, 2010 at 2:54 pm
You didn’t answer my post cuz you DON”T have an answer . Stop being a
MORON for a change. You sound like a joker
SKS Mumbai says:
March 10, 2010 at 2:13 pm
Sorry guys, I underestimated the power of contextualisation and
perspectivasation and the time it might take to secularise the
history. It is faster.
See what India’s great son, Mr Kuldip Nair has to say about 26/11 and
Karkare:
Quote: More worrisome are the Hindu extremists rearing their head. The
murder of police officer Hemant Karkare, who was probing the Malegaon
blasts, was the doing of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad or Bajrang Dal”
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/columnists/16-kuldip-nayar-politics-of-terrorism-hs-01
See how simple it is to present TRUTH. If you want first mover
advantage, it is time to write a Book :
November 26th 2008, Mumbai : Revolt of the oppressed against the vile
Hindu Elite.
You can try a Bharat Ratna for yourself and freedom fighter’s pension
for Mr Kasab
Ashish Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 4:01 pm
@SKS
for a few pieces of silver.. Mr Nayar can be made to say anything..
He does not find a publisher on this side of the border anymore; don’t
judge him too harshly.. he needs to earn a living somehow.
Gopi Thomas Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 6:12 pm
@Ashish
I will take Kuldip against Naqvi (who also writes for Dawn) anytime!
SKS Mumbai says:
March 10, 2010 at 4:11 pm
@Ashish
the latest seems to be “garv se kaho hum internet hindu hain”
Rajeev Reply:
March 10th, 2010 at 9:21 pm
Nice one…
Indian says:
March 11, 2010 at 9:59 am
Victim Swami Laxmanananda portrayed as a villain by biased media
Alarming 5 fold increase in Kandhamal Christian population from six
per cent in 1971 to 27 per cent in 2001 ,It began with the arrival of
Christian missionaries in the area who found the remote region very
conducive to conduct prosetylization amongst the poor tribals. The
conversions continued unhindered until the arrival of Swami
Laxmanananda who put strenuous efforts to stop conversions and help
reconversion to Hindouism as well. If not for his effort Kandhamal
would have been another Nagaland in the making where the separatist
movement has wrecked havoc in the state. The aggressive Christian
proselytization in Orissa today pitched previously peaceful tribals
into warring camps of Christians and non-Christian. This has has
vitiated the peace that has existed with various communities for
millenia. Next target is KARNATAKA and they are facing stiff
resistance from Hindus here!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
SKS Mumbai says:
March 12, 2010 at 10:25 pm
Another TRAIL BLAZING Research!!
Truth behind Sachin’s 200 runs Innings. Must Read
http://altnews.asia/content/2010/03/11/who-controls-fanatic-india-xi-dr-abdul-ruff-colachal-0
Author is one more feather in the crowded cap of our JN University of
Secular Research Sciences.
Ashish Reply:
March 12th, 2010 at 11:42 pm
@SKS,
does the JNU reserve seats for the mentally challenged?
sanjeev Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 7:54 pm
@ ashish
Infact it has become fashionable to criticize govt and hindus in JNU.
There is whole lot a generation mostly elite bengali who tretas it
fashionable to be politically correct and being anti national.
Unfortunately the leftist brigade have penetarted deeply in JNU
faculty where it has become fashionable to criticise anything indian,
Infact JNU has proved to be a factory of producing traitors in the
garb of liberal thinkers
sanjeev Reply:
March 14th, 2010 at 7:58 pm
@ Ashish
Yes there is reservation for such elements like Rauff in centres of
JNU in schools of languages and international relations. These centres
are for Urdu, Arabic, Persian, west asian studiess, etc.
In fact these centres are reserved exclusively of urdu-persian- arabi
speaking intellectuals.
Hence we used to call these departments as UPA
Gopi Thomas Reply:
March 13th, 2010 at 1:52 pm
It also shows people live in different planets. Also, it is like
Newton’s law. The more appeasement and more give aways, the more
demand for more and cries of discrimination. The person’s last name
sounds like a typical Kerala “house” name; and if he is from there, it
is an even “bigger” problem. Because whatever may be the issue in
other parts of India, they were part of the ruling coalition from
almost day 1; they got their district formed, they are one of the
richest groups etc etc.
SKS Mumbai says:
March 13, 2010 at 6:29 pm
@Ashish
Reservations for mentally challenged?
Interesting question , but for which levele admission or for faculty.
http://blogs.hindustantimes.com/they-call-me-muslim/2010/02/28/budgeting-for-minorities/
My Name Is Bal Thackeray
In the middle of the Shiv Sena’s rampage against Shah Rukh Khan’s My
Name Is Khan in Bombay, came the delightful news that someone had
blackened Pramod Muthalik’s face in Bangalore just as he was preparing
to oppose Valentine’s Day celebrations on Sunday.
I think it is rich that he should describe the act as “undemocratic”
and against freedom of expression – as though such freedoms are the
prerogative of just the bigots of this country and the rest of us have
no democratic rights or freedom to do as we please, at all!
But that also brought to mind the fact that perhaps the Shiv Sena in
Bombay has been the biggest loser this Valentine season. They are the
original party poopers of Valentine’s Day celebrations – there was a
time when Bal Thackeray had become synonymous with the term. I recall
a friend in a raging fight with her husband who would not take her out
to dinner one Valentine’s day one year. When this musty and old-
fashioned gent started a spiel on Indian culture and traditions, my
friend walked off in a huff, muttering, “There is no fun in asking Bal
Thackeray out to dinner, anyway!”
Now the sainiks have no time to mount an attack as of yore on card and
gift companies who might want to make a killing as people celebrate
their love for each other. In any case, they have no reason. The Shiv
Sena is now in the hands of Thackeray’s son Uddhav and he has no love
lost for his divorced sister-in-law, Smita.
According to my information from inside Matoshree, the Sena only ever
took up the anti-Valentine’s Day cause purely for reasons of personal
pique. When they started the campaign sometime in the late Nineties,
Smita was very thick with her father-in-law Bal Thackeray. And
Thackeray Sr was pretty miffed one December when a very well-known
card and gift company –which puts up huge Valentines Day hearts and
arches all across urban India — refused to sponsor his daughter-in-
law’s Mukti Foundation event in the battle against AIDS.
I am told that they had burnt their fingers the previous year – they
were not paid their share of the dues even after several reminders and
appeals and so decided to cut their losses by determining never to
sponsor such an event ever again. None of Thackeray’s cajoling,
pleading or threatening would budge this company.
So when Valentine’s Day came around a few weeks later in February,
Thackeray decided to get even. For years after that the Sena
vandalised all card shops and gift outlets on Valentine’s Day – and
then, one year, it abruptly ceased. It must have been a coincidence
surely that by then the reins had been handed over to Uddhav and his
brother divorced that year. I believe Uddhav saw no point in opposing
something that had caught on like fire, particularly for someone he
considered no longer a member of the Thackeray household; indeed for
someone he felt had no claim to the Thackeray name any longer.
It is also significant that Raj Thackeray actually encouraged the
celebration of love soon after he formed his Maharashtra Navnirman
Sena –he put up posters encouraging youths to learn ball room dancing
(though that stopped after the first year when he received flak for
encouraging westernisation among Indian youth).
Today, the whole world has seen how Shah Rukh Khan has stood up to Bal
Thackeray and refused to pay up – yes, at the end of the day, that is
what, I believe, this was all about. The Sena targeted Shah Rukh only
because he had a film coming up and knew that producers and
distributors would rather buy off the trouble than risk vandalisation
and block crores of rupees riding on their films (that’s what Karan
Johar did after all vis-à-vis Wake Up, Sid and Raj Thackeray). I
salute Shah Rukh for keeping producers and distributors, too, from
giving in to such low blackmailing tactics.
However, very few people know that much before Shah Rukh, one card
company in India had silently determined not to give in to cheap arm-
twisting and risked – even suffered – vandalisation and monetary
losses for years before the Sena got off its back and the celebration
of love began to happen in Bombay in right earnest.
Of course, the individual for whom these obstructionist activities
were undertaken was herself organising highly expensive celebratory
dinners for couples at her various restaurants across the city much
before the vandalisation ceased, quite exposing the duplicity of the
Shiv Sena in its campaigns – a point that has now been underscored by
Raj Thackeray. For the first time I agree with Raj – if the Sena can
allow cultural exchanges between India and Pakistan to go forward
unfettered, then they have an ulterior motive in targeting Shah Rukh
Khan.
And that is not because he is Muslim or supported Pakistani cricket
players. It is because he had a film coming up which had nearly a
billion rupees riding on it. And opportunities like these are not
something to let go of — if Your Name Is Bal Thackeray.
(38 votes, average: 4.53 out of 5)
Posted by Sujata Anandan on Friday, February 12, 2010 at 4:58 pm
Filed under India · Tagged Bal Thackeray, Bangalore, blackened Pramod
Muthalik, Bombay, My Name Is Khan, rampage, Shahrukh Khan, Shiv Sena,
Valentine’s Day celebrations
102 Responses to “My Name Is Bal Thackeray”
Kushal says:
February 13, 2010 at 12:31 pm
Great piece, Sujata. But I’m with Manish – not only the Sena(s) but
ALL political parties have ulterior motives behind their causes.
Kushal Reply:
February 13th, 2010 at 3:19 pm
Btw, do you suppose the Sena will demand a cut of MNIK’s takings since
they have practically driven the whole nation to watch it, just to
take a stand?
Sujata Anandan Reply:
February 15th, 2010 at 2:37 pm
Ha, ha, ha! Tht will take some gall!
Anurav Reply:
February 14th, 2010 at 10:55 am
True. ALL political parties have ulterior motives but only a handful
like Sena keeps the city as hostage.
Sujata Anandan Reply:
February 15th, 2010 at 2:35 pm
Agree, Bunny. But like Anurav says all political parties have their
agenda but only ones like the Sena hold the city to ransom
Kushal Reply:
February 16th, 2010 at 6:17 pm
I’m no advocate for the Sena(s), Sujata and Anurav. But I wonder how a
government can allow things to reach such a state that a party CAN
hold a city to ransom.
What about THOSE ulterior motives?
Harry says:
February 13, 2010 at 1:22 pm
Hi sujata, why didn’t u publish my comment.
Sujata Anandan Reply:
February 15th, 2010 at 2:38 pm
Have no control over this , Harry
Anil says:
February 13, 2010 at 3:57 pm
Not much debate when Nilesh Rane a congress MP held Maharashtra to
ransom on the film Zhenda. He even managed to have the film release
postponed. Nice government sponsored promotion for MNIK. 24 hours
prime time coverage. Great going. Keep it up
Mohin says:
February 13, 2010 at 6:33 pm
Bal Thackare is a ordinary Man,is a not God,He is using ordinary
Peoples to him as Powerful
Certainly he fails.If i am CM of Maharastra Surely He will be
furnished.
Anil Kumar says:
February 13, 2010 at 10:13 pm
In the middle of the Shiv Sena’s rampage against Shah Rukh Khan’s My
Name Is Khan in Bombay, came the “delightful” news ..
See this is the problme with socalled educated class of India.. Here
this madam found that news delightful.
As much as I disapprove the nonsense of valentine’s day protest it’s
equally disturbing that people midn you educated one at that find this
vandalism when the recepient is their object of hate find it
delightful..
What is the difference between Muthalik’s army spreading nonsense and
these idiots who blackend his face that too in a panel debate..
Sane people shold be the last oen to endorse these behavious otherwise
you lose the right to complain when army of muthaliksfo the world go
on rampage
Rajeev says:
February 13, 2010 at 10:46 pm
I think it is SRK desperate attempt to equal 3 idiots collections by
any means…what a chichora khan!!!
Rajeev says:
February 14, 2010 at 12:20 am
This controversy started by SRK is just to promote MNIK so that his
movie can beat collections for 3 Idiot.
What a Chichora loser SRK is!!!
What fools we Indians are!!! This mediocre actor has taken this nation
for a ride with Congress in arms and media in his shoes.
By the way our Maharashtra police was so busy gaurding SRK’s movie
that they forgot to gaurd common people of pune (who have stood up to
Thackrey but forgot to stand up to terrorist sympathisers).
Rajeev says:
February 14, 2010 at 12:56 am
Let us see who gained and lost out of this controversy-
1. Congress – Gained political mileage in UP and Bihar by showing sham
sympathy towards north Indians in Mumbai. Gained political mileage
among muslim voters by supporting Shahrukh Khan and his pro-pakistani
stance (Pakistan is a great neighbor to have).
2. Rahul Gandhi – Has become a hero for UP and Bihar voters. By
supporting SRK, he has become hero of communal muslim voters and now
is going to Azamgarh to consolidate those gains.
3. Shiv Sena- After becoming irrelevant after MNS (Raj Thackrey)
hijacked its plank ably supported by congress led chavan govt., they
got an opportunity to get noticed. They miscalcuated big time because
they should know that India has moved on. We have now become immuned
to terrorism and are now more interested in making money. For us
escapist routes like movies are more important than lives of 200
Indians. As long as VIPs are not hurt, we don’t care and so does our
Media.
4. Media- Media got great TRP out of this controversy..loads of ads
and big money. The media under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi has also
started propaganda that rahul is next KING of India (Times of India).
This is the first time in the history of private television that
doordarshan stands ashamed in front of media’s pro-congress bias.
5. Aam Admi urf Ullu ka Pattha – Aam admi lost money on mediocre film
like MNIK, lost valuable time following useless pro-SRK and pro-Rahul
Baba story.
Nikhil says:
February 14, 2010 at 1:49 pm
Sujata,
UNHOLY NEXUS BETN BOLLYWOOD AND NEWS MEDIA IN INDIA:
Please read the article in Indian express today. They say it’s unique
in India where movie producers and stars own or have stake in the
content providers or business groups that own TV channels. This
furthers the deep suspicion in the MNIK controversy. SRK and Karan
Johar, most likely, are laughing their way to the bank. Shiv Sena
perhaps may’ve got a small share of it too. Who knows?
arvind says:
February 17, 2010 at 10:56 am
Thakray family jo khud mumbai ka nahi hai aur apne aap ko asli
mumbaikar batata hai , mumbai uski hai jo mumbai se sachha pyar karta
hai ,uske bare me sochta hai , ye logo ke bhawnao ko bhadkakar apne
roti ka intjam karte hai aur pure mumbai ke logo ke paise ko lutte
hai, pahle party banakar party fund ke paise se apna ghar chalate hai.
Agar thakray me himmat hai to north india jane wali kisi bhi train ke
genral compartment me baith kar dikhai, aur wo train non stopage ho to
shayad destintion tak pahunchte pahunchte wo history ke ek joker ban
kar rah jayenge . thakrey hosh me aao , nafrat ki aandhi mat failao ,
nahi to usi me mit jaoge .
Rajeev Reply:
February 17th, 2010 at 10:07 pm
It looks like a typical nautanki congressi speech.
shiuli says:
February 17, 2010 at 1:29 pm
Ms.Sujata, great insight. Enjoyed the subtle wit in your writing also
the way you put across your point, by not badgering it down the neck.
Ashish Kolarkar says:
February 17, 2010 at 2:10 pm
Thanks Sujata for revealing interesting secret motive of Thackeray’s
in public domain. I’m sure you have lot of such secrets to offer in
near future. Enjoyed your blog.
arvind says:
February 18, 2010 at 10:20 am
It’s real voice of truth indian , agar dam hai to thkray family ko
train me bitha kar dekh lo saath me tum bhi aa jana
AKshay_Marathi says:
February 21, 2010 at 6:39 pm
Hi..,
THIS IS REALLY DISAPPOINTING TO READ THAT , U ARE PORPOSEFULLY USIN
WORD BOMBAY.
U HATE THAKRE O.K. BUT WHY R U INSULTING WHOLE MARATHI BY REPEATNG
BOMBAY.
MAY BE ONE TO GET OUR LOST PRIDE AND TO SAVE FROM HUMILIATION FROM
INDIAN WE HAVE TO SUPPORT THAKRE.
PLZ. DO’T CALL IT BAMBAY IT IS MUMBAI.
Rajeev Reply:
February 23rd, 2010 at 10:47 pm
These jouranlist are extremist fascist who impose their ideologies on
others.
Arpit says:
February 24, 2010 at 1:36 am
Its was only the the publicity stunt by Bal Thackeray. He only wants a
topic every time to be in limelite, as he did when he was delivering
comments on north Indians in Mumbai……..nothing else…I think this type
of political party should be banned in India…I think they people wanna
run country as what they want………………
Earthling says:
March 11, 2010 at 7:28 pm
thakeray is a very bad boy…never will he do good in the face of
indians….corrupting mind sets of people and talking as if he is doing
all good for india…
http://blogs.hindustantimes.com/singly-political/2010/02/12/my-name-is-bal-thackeray/#more-135
Happy Birthday, Netaji
As Bal Thackeray turns 83 on Saturday (January 23), I cannot help
recalling the politics of birthdays that I have witnessed over the
years.
The first political birthday party that I ever attended was that of S
B Chavan (father of Maharashtra’s Chief Minister Ashok Chavan),
sometime in the late Eighties.Sharad pawar had just merged his
Congress(S) with the Congress(I) and become Chief Minister the
previous year. And though Chavan Sr was inducted into the union
cabinet as Home Minister, I think he was mighty miffed at having been
summarily displaced to accommodate the Maratha warlord.
The move opened up a chasm between the so-called `loyalists’ in the
Congress and those who were Pawar’s acolytes. The bickering and
nitpicking went on for months, until Chavan’s birthday arrived on July
14 the next year. Without making any overt moves that might seem as a
campaign against the party high command (it was still Rajiv Gandhi
then), Congress loyalists thought they would use Chavan Sr’s birthday
to put Pawar in his place.
The party was held at a star hotel in South Bombay and a huge
chocolate cake was rolled in to stand under the chandelier in the main
ballroom of that hotel. The hosts had invited all and sundry,
including journalists, except for one very important person – Chief
Minister Sharad Pawar. They were full of glee as Chavan was
fashionably late at his own birthday party and crowed at how awful
Pawar might feel when he read about it in the papers the next day.
The birthday boy arrived an hour after he was scheduled to cut the
cake and we all gathered round him as he held the ribboned knife in
his hand and prepared to set the ball rolling. Even as those around
him clapped and sang the birthday tune, I turned round to see why
there was an unusual hush around the edges of that room.
Sharad Pawar was standing at the door and, even as Chavan cut a slice,
Pawar moved slowly towards the centre of the room. And before Chavan
could lift the slice and feed it to the person nearest him (I forget
who), Pawar was standing with an extended hand to greet Chavan a happy
birthday. A chagrined Chavan had to feed the cake to Pawar, instead;
they hugged and exchanged pleasantries even as many of the Congress
workers stood around in consternation..
Chavan graciously invited him to join the party but Pawar demurely
declined. He had another important meeting to attend, he said by way
of explanation, but had just dropped in as he was passing by the hotel
en route to this other function. He left in minutes but it took
several more for the others to regain their composure and continue
with the now subdued celebrations.
Next day, as I and another colleague nosed round Pawar’s office, we
were told in confidence by a close confidante that Pawar had heard
about the plan to cut him out of the party and was damned if he would
be defeated by a bunch of `upstarts’ or provide a lot of grist to the
mill of journalists who would have a blast the next morning. So he
decided to play party pooper-of-sorts (because that is what he had
turned out to be the previous night).
We were told that Pawar had arrived at the time given out for the cake-
cutting ceremony but sent a sniffer upstairs to find out how things
stood. He decided he would not be kept waiting for Chavan inside the
hotel and asked his cavalcade to circle round the locality of the
hotel several times until Chavan himself had rolled in (he had posted
some cops as lookouts). Pawar then timed his entry perfectly to
nonplus Chavan and his supporters with, “I heard you were having a
party for your birthday. So I decided to drop in myself and greet you
in person.’’
And then he went home. Satisfied that he had nipped any mischief in
the bud. Chavan never had another birthday party like that one again,
though his constituents would celebrate the day in his hometown off
and on over the years.
And as far as I remember, Pawar has only ever had one birthday party –
when he turned 60 nearly a decade ago. There was a five-star event
with the who’s who of India represented the previous evening. But it
was his public rally the next day that saddened me the most. For, even
then it was no secret that he was dying to be Prime Minister. Atal
Behari Vajpayee was in office at the time and Pawar was at pains to
explain to his supporters that it was still not too late for him. “In
this country no one becomes Prime Minister before they are 70,’’ he
said, though that was not strictly true – Indira and Rajiv Gandhi each
had been much younger. “Look at P V Narasimha Rao, he was half way
through his seventies before he became PM; even Vajpayee now is past
75. I am yet only 60. There is still plenty of time.’’
I wondered if his support base was shrinking and he needed to say that
to stop them from abandoning him altogether. Ten years later he is
still not PM and I wonder how much more time he would now need to get
to that high office.
But it is not just Congressmen who are fond of birthdays. Manohar
Joshi had had himself presented with a 60-diamond necklace on – what
else? – his 60th birthday in a very public ceremony in Bombay wherein
he laid claim to a flawless career stating proudly that no one could
find a breath of scandal against him. Bal Thackeray, then about to
turn 75, was at the time besieged with allegations that his nephew Raj
Thackeray had murdered middle-class professional Ramesh Kini and he
did not take that comment kindly. Joshi was out of office within weeks
and Thackeray barred anyone from going to town on his own birthday.
Joshi has never had another party again.
Nearly a decade later, Thackeray is still off a public celebration of
his birthday. Shiv Sainiks, though, have organised blood donation
camps, free distribution of grains et al to mark the event but the
Sena patriarch has decided to remain out of public view.
I think he is the wisest of them all. I am told he is superstitious –
kahin nazar naa lag jaye!
(1 votes, average: 5 out of 5)
Posted by Sujata Anandan on Friday, January 22, 2010 at 7:45 pm
Filed under India · Tagged Bal Thackeray, Maratha warlord, political
birthday party, Rajiv Gandhi, S B Chavan, Sharad Pawar
6 Responses to “Happy Birthday, Netaji!”
Dev says:
January 22, 2010 at 11:03 pm
And we’ll never know what became of Netaji.
Anil says:
January 23, 2010 at 11:36 am
Wish Pawar had used the same cunningness to improve agriculture sector
and bring down prices. He is just incapable of thinking big for the
country. The only person who really knew how to celebrate birthday in
a manner beffiting his personality was Chach Nehru. He really spent
quality time with children. Others have just aped him.
Ashish Kolarkar says:
January 23, 2010 at 8:35 pm
Due to such shrewdness and intelligence Pawar is in the limelight for
such a long time. He is too ambitious and believes in playing long
innings. Who knows one day this Maratha Sardar would hoist flag from
Lal Kila?
But it seems that Pawar is losing his popularity for his foot in mouth
comments recently. He seems to have all the problems but no soultions
to Offer to common man. He is bent on taking his role too casually.
Good that Thackeray Sr has finally realised that birthday bashes are
meant for sycophancy only and don’t serve any good purpose.
vipin malik says:
January 24, 2010 at 12:03 am
you remeber for netaji all indian popel it was great man
vipin malik says:
January 24, 2010 at 12:10 am
i am a fan of Netaji
Anil Kumar says:
January 24, 2010 at 3:51 am
These leaders who set goal in terms of this or that chair make me
cringe..
All these leader needs a plenary session with Narendra Modi..
Everytime anyone asks him about chairs his reply is I never lust for
chair I lost for work to be done target to be achieved with or without
chair.. Chair is not the destination and that’s how it should be..
http://blogs.hindustantimes.com/singly-political/2010/01/22/happy-birthday-netaji/#more-131
Jhenda ooncha rahe…
14 Comments
Ram Gopal Verma’s Sarkar and Sarkar Raj are broadly thought to be
based on the life of Bal Thackeray. In large portions, the theme might
be taken from episodes from the Sena tiger’s life but the intelligence
and dexterity of managing politics that has characterised Amitabh
Bachchan’s portrayal of Sarkar in the two films have never been Bal
Thackeray’s forte.
Thackeray is an instinctive politician whose reactions have always
been spontaneous rather than well-thought out. Moreover, he has
thrived not on his programmes or issues of his making but on the
mistakes of other parties (in large measure, the Congress). For
example, the one and only time that the Shiv Sena came to power in
Maharashtra in alliance with the BJP was in 1995, soon after the 1992
riots and the 1993 bomb blasts when people thought and believed that
the Congress was playing far too many games and still remembered the
protectionist campaign of Shiv Sainiks through those burning weeks.
If the Sena was unable to return in 1999, 2004 and 2009 again, it is
because in these years, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress
Party, in alliance in Maharashtra, have largely done little wrong and
Thackeray has found no gap in the fabric to tear it apart.
But the Shiv Sena’s massive defeat at both the Lok Sabha and the
Assembly elections can be largely attributed to art — or at least
politics posing as art. Just before the Lok Sabha polls, Raj Thackeray
had helped to produce a film titled Mee Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje
Bhosale Boltoy (I, Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje Bhosale, speak), with
Mahesh Manjrekar playing the title role, that was an indictment of the
complacence and laid-back attitudes of Maharastrians. It portrayed,
through film, the political point that Raj had been hammering at for
months: that the Maharashtrian is content with just a table, khurchi
ani pankha (a table, a chair and a fan). That he did not strive for
much more and allowed others to walk all over him. The film exhorted
Maharashtrians to become more combative in their own interest and,
like Oliver, never stop asking for more
It released in Maharashtra’s cinemas just before the producers-
multiplex imbroglio and so ran for weeks and weeks and had a great
hand in influencing a large number of Maharashtrian youth who went
right out and voted for Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena.
Now the Shiv Sena has come out with its counter to that film – benami
again, like Raj’s production of Chhatrapati, but with no kid gloves on
this time. It appears to be a real-life account of the war between the
two cousins – indeed, from the stills released so far, it is very
difficult to spot the differences between the actors who play Raj and
Uddhav and the original cousins.
Titled Jhenda (Flag), it seems to be a mixture of truth and
exaggeration and some of the alleged falsehoods have already compelled
the producer to make some cuts and changes and promise to re-release
the film without the offending portions.
But while everyone — from Narayan Rane’s son to sundry Sena leaders —
are objecting to their unfair portrayals, the one man it lampoons the
most – Raj Thackeray – is uncharacteristically silent.
I haven’t seen Jhenda yet but I am told that there is a scene where
Raj’s character dons a skullcap and attends an Iftaar party. I don’t
know how true that portrayal is, for in all my years I at least have
not seen Raj Thackeray in a skull cap at an Iftaar party. When Raj
launched his MNS he did mean to be all inclusive and there are many
Muslims in his party who are devoted to Bal Thackeray’s nephew. Yet
they have all taken a so-called `mature’ decision not to agitate or
protest.
It could be because Raj well realises that any protest will only help
the film at the box office and more people will end up seeing his
portrayal in an unflattering light than they would if he just gives it
the royal ignore. But, a little bird tells me, Raj has also been cut
down to size and is no longer sure what his protests will lead to.
At the constitution of the current Assembly in Maharashtra, he
protested against Samajwadi Party MLA Abu Asim Azmi taking his oath in
Hindi. That has led to another non-bailable warrant from a court in
Madhya Pradesh (in addition to cases pending against him in courts in
Bihar and Jharkhand, just transferred to Delhi by the Supreme Court))
and suddenly he has no Godfathers.
It is largely believed that the previous Congress government egged him
on against the Shiv Sena but the Assembly elections proved that Raj
was eating into even the Congress and the NCP voter base. So they have
no reason to nurture a Frankenstein’s Monster. But it may also be
true, as I have heard, that the Congress is also squeezing his
business interests to gag him into submission. Moreover, he needs to
keep is silence, again, to buy freedom for those of his MLAs who were
suspended for four years from the Maharashtra Assembly for beating up
Azmi for taking his oath in Hindi.
When I asked a top functionary in the government why those MLAs were
not expelled outright, he said, “If we had done that, it would have
led to by-elections and Raj Thackeray might have come back with a bang
and got more arrogant. This is our version of suspended animation; he
cannot now afford to create more trouble out of fear that there might
be more action that will actually pinch.’’
Without the alleged protection offered by the previous government, I
think Raj is now truly feeling that pinch. And the Sena is not far
behind in hoisting him with his own petard and, in addition, hoisting
its own flag — both the party standard and the celluloid variety.
But, still, I believe Chhatrapati …. was a far more intelligent film –
for one, it needed no cuts, for another it touched a chord with
Maharashtra’s youth — than Jhenda could ever be.
(3 votes, average: 3.67 out of 5)
Posted by Sujata Anandan on Friday, January 8, 2010 at 6:33 pm
Filed under India · Tagged Amitabh Bachchan, Bal Thackeray, bjp,
Congress, Lok Sabha polls, Mahesh Manjrekar, Raj Thackeray, Raj
Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, Ram Gopal Verma’s Sarkar,
sarkar raj, Shiv Sainiks
14 Responses to “Jhenda ooncha rahe…”
Ashish Kolarkar says:
January 8, 2010 at 8:08 pm
Thanks Sujata for telling us about “Chhatrapati….” and its impact in
recent elections. I think so much has come in print/visual media about
Thackeray family that people have started losing interest in it. With
the desertion of Smita Thackeray the things have become too
intriguing. How come daughter-in-law basking under the glory of father-
in-law could leave the later at this stage for greater political
aspiration?
I’ve read a research paper which said that there is great similarity
in genes of nephew and Uncle. I think the Raj and Bal Thackeray prove
the theory. Raj has got cartooning and same eccentric nature from his
uncle. He is too unpredictable. He is on the threshold of finding his
identity after initial euphoria. It is time for him to invent more
tricks to be in the market with due help from ruling party.
Sujata Anandan Reply:
January 11th, 2010 at 6:15 pm
Yes, there is great similarity — and even in terms of events history
is repeating itself vis-a-vis Rraj Thackeray. Will write about those
by and by
Anil Kumar says:
January 8, 2010 at 9:39 pm
Congress will keep him alive.> he need not woory.> Congress always
creates fransktein .
Punjab was gifted Bhindarwale in order to check Akali Dal. Congressi
have no scruples when it coems to snatchign power they care two hoot
about even national interest.
Maharashtra was first gifted Baal thackrey to check labour uninsit and
communist’s rise. now we haevRaj Thackrey to check Baal thackreey
Assam have ben figted crores of illegal bangaldeshi
List goes on and on.
Country can go to dogs as long as these gimmciks insure perpetuation
fo power of congress they are fair game for anythign and everything
Pankaj Reply:
January 9th, 2010 at 11:08 am
country is with dogs and *******!
Sujata Anandan Reply:
January 11th, 2010 at 6:16 pm
You are right on all counts
bobby says:
January 9, 2010 at 1:28 pm
Raj may be silent also because there are no elections round the
corner.
Sujata Anandan Reply:
January 11th, 2010 at 6:17 pm
Well, the municipal elections are due next year which are crucila to
him in terms of his business interests across Bombay
Anil says:
January 9, 2010 at 11:31 pm
Narayan Rane and his son are doing more goonda giri than the entire
Thackrey clan put together. There is absolutely no unfair portrayal of
the the former. They should not crib. Any portrayal of their character
will be a milder version of their true self. Ranes have been the most
unscrupulous turncoats in Maharashtra politics. No fan of Shiv Sena
but Congress have won in Maratha land becuase of the infighting in
Sena. Haven’t seen ‘Zhenda’ but ‘ Mee Chhatrapati Boltoye’ by Mahesh
Manjrekar is a classic Marathi film
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4BmqdU0tpRk
Sujata Anandan Reply:
January 11th, 2010 at 6:19 pm
However, the producer of jhenda has given in and agreed to delete the
offending scenes — that’s muscle power for you!
Sujata Anandan says:
January 11, 2010 at 6:18 pm
Well, the municipal elections are due next year which are crucial to
him in terms of his business interests…
Joe Zachs says:
January 18, 2010 at 1:43 pm
After watching Sarkar, I admire Ram Gopal Verma for how he hoodwinked
the vested interest into believing that it is a film about “His life”
A real master move Varma.
Dev says:
January 22, 2010 at 11:08 pm
I am reminded of a dialogue in a popular Hindi movie – Jhanda jish
desh ke bhi ho, danda Indian hona chahiye.
Mob rules OK.
Praveen Saxena says:
January 28, 2010 at 12:05 pm
The fact of the matter is that Raj Thakeray is a creation of the
Congress Party and a beneficiary of the mad rush 24×7 news channels.
The Congress has played these tricks in all states Maharashtra,
Punjab, Assam etc. The Kashmir mess is a result of the negligence
shown by the Congress govt at a crucial time.
The country ends paying the price for the dirty politics of the
Congress Party
Ashwatthama says:
February 6, 2010 at 11:20 am
Well Jhenda is way far superior film than Mi Shivaji…
I found MSRBB very stereotype and melodramatic and on the other side
Jhenda is extremely realistic and brilliant.
http://blogs.hindustantimes.com/singly-political/2010/01/08/jhenda-ooncha-rahe%e2%80%a6/#more-126
‘Wrong of Pawar to seek Sena nod’
HT Correspondent, Hindustan Times
Mumbai, March 20, 2010
First Published: 00:51 IST(20/3/2010)
Last Updated: 00:53 IST(20/3/2010)
Chief Minister Ashok Chavan has said it was wrong of people to go to
parties like the Shiv Sena to seek permission to screen a film or hold
cricket matches.
Chavan was referring to Union Agriculture Minister and NCP chief
Sharad Pawar’s meeting with Sena chief Bal Thackeray before the IPL
started to get an assurance from the Sena that the matches in Mumbai
pass peacefully.
This was soon after the Sena, protesting the attacks on Indians in
Australia, said it would not allow Australian cricketers to play in
the IPL.
“Yes, it is wrong,” Chavan said in an interview to Vir Sanghvi for
CNBC-TV18’s programme Off the Record with Vir Sanghvi.
Sanghvi had asked Chavan if he approved of people going to the likes
of Thackeray for permission for holding matches or screening movies.
“Sharad Pawarji is a senior leader. He is in the Union
government and they say he went to discuss the IPL matches and issues
like that….Yes, there were a lot of eyebrows raised and asking why did
he go?” Chavan said.
Chavan, in reply to another query, also said the Sena was losing
ground and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena will probably be the main
opposition.
Chavan also talked about the trouble he was having with alliance
partner NCP in handling the Mumbai police. “There have been political
problems,” he said. “I don’t deny that…”
The CM also admitted that there was “politicisation” of the police
force. “We have to select people with integrity…,” he said.
“Looking at the situation during 26/11, we have been cautious. We have
to put a stop to all this and see that proper people handle jobs of
equal importance and men of integrity and people with strength and
courage and the determination to fight, take charge.”
On factionalism in the Mumbai police, Chavan said there have been
differences but they have been sorted out.
Tune in to Off the Record with Vir Sanghvi on CNBC-TV18 at 8 pm on
Saturday and 9 pm on Sunday.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/mumbai/Wrong-of-Pawar-to-seek-Sena-nod/Article1-521102.aspx
Goondas, mind your own business
By Khushwant Singh
Did Shah Rukh Khan and the Maharashtra government score a decisive
victory over the Shiv Sena by showing ‘My Name Is Khan’ in Mumbai’s
cinemas?
Did liberal elements in Karnataka score over Rama Sene by blackening
the face of Pramod Muthalik? Many of us think so and hope both senas
have been dumped on the garbage heap. Unfortunately that is not so.
Shiv Sena’s balloon has no doubt been somewhat deflated but not burst.
It was the same when Rahul Gandhi travelled by suburban train, walking
down streets of Mumbai — a one time performance. And Muthalik has
wiped that soot off his face and is leading his storm troopers to
impose his will on people who do not agree with him.
My reasoning is simple: you cannot put down subversive elements
without having a strong government, which can effectively deal with
bullies. Their strength is their ability to damage property and rough
up people: No one wants to lose his property and get beaten up. The
most vulnerable are mill owners, cinema hall proprietors, eateries and
film people.
They will be eager to patch up with the Thackerays and the Muthaliks.
Take it from me that soon SRK will come to an understanding with the
Thackerays. It has been done before. Sunil Dutt and his daughter Priya
Dutt of the Congress sought Bal Thackeray’s blessings before the
elections. So did Pritish Nandi to become Sena’s nominee to the Rajya
Sabha.
Bal Thackeray is happy to receive important people at his residence,
Matoshree. They kowtow to him and touch his feet while he sits on his
throne draped in saffron robes and rudraksh malas, looking like a
patriarch of all he surveys. He aches to be loved to and is as liberal
in his blessings as he is in offering visitors chilled beer.
I have never met his recalcitrant nephew Raj Thackeray but his modus
operandi is much the same as his uncle’s. So I fear the present
euphoria generated by the release of ‘My Name Is Khan’ is going to be
short-lived. We have yet to build up a mass support of those who can
confront these senas’s goondas and teach them how to mind their own
business.
Bharatrihari
Almora-born Ramesh Chandra Shah was a professor of English in Hamidia
College, Bhopal, till 1997. However, he won acclaim as a Hindi poet
and novelist and was honoured with several awards. He stumbled on
Bharatrihari’s poems in Sanskrit and decided to learn the language; to
be able to translate them into English. I published some selections in
‘Yojana’ and ‘The Illustrated Weekly of India’. It is a privilege to
publish some more a third time. The translations are in rubai form and
read as well as Fitzgarald’s translations of Omar Khayyam.
‘Thus Spoke Bharatrihari’ is divided into three sections: Niti
(polity), Sringar (erotica) and Vairagya (asceticism). First I give
examples of Sringar:
You are so lucky if you can admire The lineaments of satisfied desire
In your young bride; suck at her honey’s mouth And let her languor in
your arms retire And:
The bookful blockheads preaching self-restraint Do not consider what’s
really at stake Love’s play on passionate breasts and thighs once
known Such amorous raptures who can ever forsake.
In the third verse he rues the futility of life spent in making love:
The joy companionship of women brings Ends in despair and
disillusionment
Self-knowledge is the only certain good Leading to calm of mind, all
passions spent.
Finally the search for salvation:
Blest are the saints who from all passions free Possess their souls
and live in ecstasy With boundless space as garment and a bowl Of rice
as food and woods as company.
And:
Drunk with delusion’s ever tempting wine We mortals fail to see the
spark Divine
Caught in the vicious whirls of nights and days Our soul ne’er stops
to think of its decline Dress Code
Henry Ford II, son of Henry Ford I, who felt that his father was
generally improperly dressed and did not adhere to the correct dress
code, had the following conversation with him:
Henry Ford II: Dad, you are the biggest manufacturer of cars and a
very renowned person in America. Then why do you dress so shabbily?
Henry Ford I: Yes. I dress the way I like, as everyone in America
knows me as Henry Ford.
Henry Ford II: But, when you go abroad, there also you dress in the
same way, even in poshest of places.
Henry Ford I: Yes, of course, abroad also I dress the same way,
because there no one knows me as Henry Ford.
(Contributed by Colonel Trilok Mehrotra, Noida)
http://www.deccanherald.com/content/58941/goondas-mind-your-own-business.html
Sid Harth
Following are various stats, facts and figures on crime in India and
judicial data , picked out of newspapers (mainly Hindustan Times),
magazines (mainly India Today), the BBC and various sources on the
web. These figures are not meant to be comprehensive lists, but rather
statistical trivia or factual snippets. For basic general facts and
figures about India as well as several Indian states, please see the
Quick Reference popups on the right hand side of this page, or go to
the main page of India statistics, facts and figures . For a full list
of links to our statistics pages, see the About India index or the
bottom of the right navigation bar on this page.
Lines marked with an asterisk (*) are recently added entries.
stats on court cases, murder and jails in India
- pending court cases country wide: more than 20 million (end of
2002)
- persons in jail waiting for trial: over 1 million (end of 2002)
- conviction rate of court cases: around 1 percent (according to Prem
Shankar Jha)
- number of murders in India between 1998 and 2000: 37,170
- murders committed in Uttar Pradesh: 7,200 to 7,500 per year [HT Jun
04]
- occupancy of Muzzafarnagar district jail in UP: 1,155 prisoners
(oct 03)
- capacity of Muzzafarnagar district jail in UP: 530 prisoners (oct
03)
- number of prisoners jailed in 60 prisons in Uttar Pradesh: 50,939
(oct 03)
various crime statistics and data
- people who died instantly in Bhopal on 2-3 Dec 1984 from the Union
Carbide gas
leak: 1,700 [HT May 04]
- people who have died since Dec 1984 from after effects from the
Union Carbide
gas leak in Bhopal: 22,000 [HT May 04]
- people who continue to suffer from varied diseases affecting
respiratory,
reproductive systems as a result of the 1984 Union Carbide gas leak
in Bhopal:
570,000 [HT May 04]
- * number of persons reported missing in Nithari (impoverished area
in Noida, Delhi): 41 within 2 years [REU Jan 07]
- * number of cases of kidnapping, murder and rape registered by the
CBI in
Noida relating to suspected serial killers Moninder Singh Pandher
and
Surendra Koli: 19 (CBI: (Central Bureau of Investigation) [REU Jan
07]
- * number of polythene bags containing body parts found in drains
near the
suspect: 40 [REU Jan 07]
- number of policemen in Delhi: 59,077 [HT Jun 04]
- number of finials missing at the Red Fort Delhi Gate: 10 (originals
could fetch each
about 33,600 Euro on black market)
- drop in crime in Delhi Nov 2003 (compared to Nov 2002): murder: -36
% --
robbery: -23 % -- extortion: -73 % -- rioting: -70 %
- number of crimes in the Chambal ravines (UP) within past 5 years:
approx 4,000
kidnappings & 180 murders (The UP government has proposed to combat
crimes and
bandits in the Chambal ravines by setting up a 371 acre lion safari
park with 5 lions to
attract tourists) [BBC, Aug 2005]
crime in Government / corruption
- candidates facing criminal charges in the Oct 2004 Maharashtra
election: 91 out
of 163 Shiv Sena party candidates -- 45 out of 111 BJP candidates
-- 31 out of 124
Nationalist Congress party candidates -- 30 out of 157 Congress
candidates [BBC Oct 04]
- number of UP candidates with a criminal record who made it to the
14th Lok
Sabha: at least 12 [HT May 04]
- number of Uttar Pradesh's MLAs who have been through processes of
the law
reserved for criminals: 205 (of a total of 403 MLAs - Member of the
Legislative
Assembly) [HT beginning 2004]
- amount of money taken by MPs in recent "cash for questions"
scandal:
232 - 10,000 US Dollars in bribes for asking questions in
parliament [BBC, Dec 2005]
- number of MPs suspended by India's main political parties for
taking bribes,
end 2005: 9 (Congress: 1 -- BJP: 5 -- BSP: 3) [BBC, Dec 2005]
some facts on laws, sentences & Court rules
- legal sentence for homosexuality: 10 years prison [BBC, Jan 2006]
- age of the colonial Indian Penal Code dealing with homosexuality:
145 years
[BBC, Jan 2006]
- year in which a petition for legalising homosexuality was dismissed
by the High
Court in Delhi: 2004 [BBC, Jan 2006]
- year in which the High Court in Delhi overturned the 1914
legislation and ruled
that women should be allowed to serve alcohol in public: 2005 [BBC,
Jan 2006]
"missing person" tourist stats
- number of registered "person gone missing" in the Kulu Valley (HP)
since 1992: 15
- estimated foreigners disappearance in the Kulu Valley (HP) for the
past decade: 50
(estimate by UK based pressure group Fair Trials Abroad)
- "mysterious" tourist deaths in Goa (jan 2003 - apr 2004): 59
data on crime against women
- official punishment for sex selection (i.e. abortion if child is
female): 3 years jail +
50,000 Rupees fine (equiv to 960 Euro)
- loss of female births within past 2 decades caused by abortion and
sex selection:
estimate of more than 10 million [BBC, Jan 2006]
- annual 'girl deficit' due to prenatal sex selection and selective
abortion: 500,000
according to researchers for the Lancet Journal [BBC, Jan 2006]
- rape cases pending in courts across the country: 56,000 [Oct 2003]
- * registered cases of rape in Delhi 2004: 550 [BBC, Aug 2005]
- rape cases in Delhi 2002: convicted: 98 -- acquitted: 344
- age of rape victims in Delhi: 75% are minors, and of those 25 % are
below 12 years
- registered cases of eve-teasing for Mar - Aug 2003 in Indian
metropoles: Delhi: 744
-- Mumbai:27 -- Kolkata:30 -- Chennai:143
- cases of rape for Mar - Aug 2003 in Indian metropoles: Delhi: 262
-- Mumbai: 40
-- Kolkata: 18 -- Chennai: 21
- officially recorded dowry deaths in major cities combined (Delhi,
Mumbai, Calcutta,
Chennai): 2002: 181 -- 2001: 121
- cases of crimes against women registered with the police in
Himachal Pradesh
2002: 920 (including 137 for rape, 138 for kidnap, 6 for dowry)
- Haryana cost of buffalo: 18,000 - 24,000 Rs (approx 345 - 460 Euro)
- Haryana cost of girl (human trafficking): 4000 Rs (approx 77 Euro)
some crime statistics of Himachal Pradesh
- number of cases of crime in HP from Apr 2003 to May 2004: 1,617
registered cases
- top on the Human Rights violators' list in Himachal Pradesh: Police
(HP Human
Rights Commission received 148 complaints involving police, that is
43 percent of the
complaints)
- cases registered under the NDPS Act in HP: 2002: 312 -- 2003:310
(NDPS: Narcotics, Drugs & Psychotropic Substances) [HT Mar 04]
- amount of drugs recovered by police in HP: 2002: 720 kg charas, 35
kg opium
-- 2003: 420 kg charas, 35 kg opium, 1.5 kg brown sugar
- number of police personnel involved in the annual "Destroy
Cannabis" operation
in the village of Malana in HP Sep 2004: team of 200 people from
Narcotics Control
Bureau, Kullu police and Home Guards [HT Sep 04]
stats on "Destroy Cannabis" operation in Malana Sep 2003 in HP
- cannabis growing area destroyed in Malana and surrounding: 1,100
bigha
(1 hectare = 12 bigha)
- duration of operation "Destroy Cannabis": 8 days (15 - 23
september)
- number of police or soldiers or helpers: 250 or more
- longest cannabis plant found: 15 feet 7 inches
- possible production from destroyed area: 300 kg charas
- area of destruction of cannabis fields in previous years: 1998: 939
bighas
-- 1999: 224 bighas -- 2000: 1,200 bighas -- 2002: 676 bighas (1
hectare = 12 bigha)
data sources & key:
AT: Asia Times, BBC: BBC online, BRIT: Britannica 2002, BSNL: BSNL
Telecom Trends, BSt: Business Standard, CIA: CIA Factbook India, CIN:
censusindia.net, CNEI: Chandigarh Newsline, c/net: c/net news, ConSu:
Content Sutra DI: Daily India, DNA: DNA India, EB: EquityBull, EI:
ExpressIndia, EW: EconomyWatch, FE: Financial Express, FL: Frontline,
GG: Gujarat Global, GTF: Global Technology Forum, GBoWR: Guinness Book
of World Records, HT: Hindustan Times, ID: IndiaDaily, IInfoLine:
India InfoLine IND: The Independent, ITo: India Today, NPBS: Nature
PBS, PhO: PhysOrg, RED: Rediff, REU: Reuters, Sify: Sify Broadband,
TH: The Hindu, TNJ: The News (Jang), ToI: Times of India, TT: The
Tribune,
http://www.neoncarrot.co.uk/h_aboutindia/india_crime_stats.html
Specimen Data Tables : Crime and Law
Cognizable Crimes Registered in India
(1995 to 2001)
Year Num.of Offences Ratio (IPC : SLL) Rate/100000 Inhab. Total
1995 1695696 4297476 1:2.53 5993172 -
1996 1709576 4586986 1:2.68 6296562 675.6
1997 1719820 4691439 1:2.73 6411259 671.2
1998 1778815 4403288 1:2.47 6182103 636.7
1999 1764629 3198902 1:1.78 4911730 497.8
2000 1771084 3396666 1:1.92 5167750 515.7
2001 1769308 3575230 1:02:02 5344538 520.4
Abbr.: IPC : Indian Penal Code.
SLL : Special and Local Laws.
Crime against Women
Figures at All-India / State level : (Currently showing India with
State Level consolidated figures) Andaman & Nicobar Islands |
Arunachal Pradesh | Assam | Chhattisgarh | Delhi | Goa | Himachal
Pradesh | Jharkhand | Kerala | Madhya Pradesh | Maharashtra | Manipur
| Orissa | Punjab | Rajasthan | Tamil Nadu | Tripura | Uttar Pradesh |
Uttaranchal | West Bengal |
(Data table headings are shown Year-wise in descending order)
Number of Cases Registered at National Commission for Women (NCW)
Related to Alleged Attacks on Women/Girl by Nature of Complaints in
India (01.11.2008 to 31.10.2009)
State/Age-Group-wise Victims of Total Rape Cases in India (2007)
Crime Head-wise Incidents of Crime Against Women in India (2001 to
2006)
Incidents of Custodial Rape in Police Custody in India (1995 to
2006)
Proportion of Crime Against Woman (Indian Penal Code) toward total
Indian Penal Code Crimes in India (1996 to 2006)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (Women and Children) under
Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 in India (2004 to 2006)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered for Atrocities against Women
and their Status in India (2006)
State-wise Number of Missing and Traced Men, Women and Children in
India (2006)
Number of Cases Detected and Persons Arrested in Flesh Trade in
India (2003 to 2005)
Selected City-wise Number of Crime Committed Against Women in India
(2005)
State/Selected City/Age-Group-wise Victims of Other (Rape) Cases in
India (2005)
State-wise Cases Registered and Case Charge Sheeted under Cruelty
by Husband and Relatives against Women in India (2001 to 2005)
State-wise Number of Cases of Procuration of Minor Girls, Selling/
Buying of Girls for Prostitution in India (2001 to 2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered for Atrocities against Women
and their Status in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered of Harassment (Molestation)
and Sexual Harassment of Women in India (2002 to 2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered Under Procuration of Minor
Girls in India (2003 to 2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered under Rape, Molestation and
Sexual Harassment in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Complaints for Harassment of Women at Work
Place Received and Disposed by National Commission for Women in India
(2002 to 2005)
State-wise Number of Complaints for Harassment of Women at Work
Place Received and Disposed of by Department of Women and Child
Development in India (2002 to 2005)
State-wise Number of Dowry Deaths Reported in India (1999 to
2005)
State-wise Number of Missing and Traced Men, Women and Children in
India (2005)
Cases Filed Against Clinics/Doctors for Communication of Sex of
Foetus in Haryana, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Punjab (As on
31.3.2004)
Different Types of Crimes Committed Against Women in India (2001 to
2004)
Month-wise Number of Complaints Received by National Commission for
Women in India (April 2003 to March 2004)
Number of Complaints of Sexual Harassment Received in Prasar
Bharati in India (2001-2002 to 2003-2004)
State/Month-wise Atrocities Complaints Received Against Women by
National Commission for Women in India (2004)
State/Month-wise Atrocities Complaints Received Against Women by
National Commission for Women in India (2004)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered for Atrocities against Women
and their Status in India (2004)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered under Rape, Molestation and
Sexual Harassment in India (2002 to 2004)
State-wise Number of Complaints for Harassment of Women at Work
Place Received by National Commission for Women and Department of
Women and Child Development in India (2002 to 2004)
State-wise Number of Missing and Traced Men, Women and Children in
India (2004)
Number of Cases of Eve-Teasing and Rape Reported in Metropolitan
Cities of India (As on 1st March 2003 to 31st August, 2003)
Category/Month-wise Complaints Received in National Commission for
Women in India (2001-2002)
City-wise Number of Rapes and Rapes with Murders in India
(2000-2002)
Different Type of Crimes Committed Against Women in India (1998 to
2002)
Nature and Number of Complaints Received Against Women in India
(January 2000 to March 2002)
State-wise Cases Reported, Persons Arrested, Charge-Sheeted and
Convicted in Custodial Rape in India (2001 and 2002)
State-wise Number of Complaints Received regarding Crime against
Women in India (1997 to 2002)
State-wise Number of Missing Girls (14-18 Years) in India (2000 to
2002)
Category/Month-wise Complaints Received in National Commission of
Women in India (April, 2000 to March, 2001)
Missing Women Registered and Percentage of Women Recovered in Six
Metropolition Cities in India (1999 to 2001)
Number of Dowry Death Cases Reported in India (During 2000-2001)
State-wise Cases Disposal of Cruelty (Husband and Relatives) by
Police and Court in India (1999 to 2001)
State-wise Disposal of Dowry Prohibition Act Cases by Police and
Court in India (1999 to 2001)
State-wise Incidence of Incest Rape Cases Registered in India (1999
to 2001)
State-wise Incidence of Molestation and Percentage Variation Over
Previous Year in India (1999-2001)
State-wise Incidence of Procuration of Minor Girls, Selling/Buying
of Girls for Prostitution in India (During 2000 to 2001)
State-wise Incidence of Total Crime Committed Against Women in
India (1999 to 2001)
Crime Head-wise Incidents of Crime Against Women in India (1990 to
2000)
Different Types of Crimes Committed Against Women in India (1990 to
2000)
Disposal of Custodial Rape Cases by Courts in India (1995 to
2000)
Disposal of Custodial Rape Cases by Police in India (1995 to
2000)
State-wise Cases Reported, Persons Arrested, Charge-Sheeted and
Convicted in Custodial Rape in India (1998 to 2000)
State-wise Incidence of Rape (upto Available Month) in India (1998
to 2000)
State-wise Incidence of Sexual Harassment and Total Crime Committed
Against Women in India (1998 to 2000)
State-wise Number of Complaints handled by the National Commission
for Women in India (1998 to 2000)
State-wise Rape Cases Reported, Chargesheeted and Convicted in
India (During 1999-2000)
State-wise Trade of Girls for Prostitution in India (1999 and
2000)
Disposal of Crimes Against Women Cases by Courts in India (1997 to
1999)
Disposal of Crimes Against Women Cases by Police in India (1997 to
1999)
State-wise Incidence of Immoral Traffic Prevention Act, Indecent
Representation of Women (Pre.) Act, Dowry Prohibition Act Committed
Against Women in India (1999) - Part III
State-wise Incidence of Molestation, Sexual Harassment (Eve-
Teasing), Importing of Girls Committed Against Women in India (1999) -
Part II
State-wise Incidence of Procuration of Minor Girls, Selling/Buying
of Girls for Prostitution in India (During 1998 to 1999)
State-wise Incidence of Rape, Kidnapping and Abduction, Dowry
Deaths and Cruelty by Husband and Relatives Committed Against Women in
India (1999) - Part I
Percentage Distribution of Various Crimes against Women in India
(1998)
State/Cities-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide Not
Amounting to Murder (C.H.) in India (1998) - Part I
State/Cities-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide Not
Amounting to Murder (C.H.) in India (1998) - Part II
State-wise Incidence of Immoral Traffic (P) Act, Indecent Rep. Of
Women (P) Act, Dowry Proh. Act Committed Against Women in India (1998)
- Part III
State-wise Incidence of Molestation, Eve-Teasing, Importing of
Girls and Sati-Prevention Act Committed Against Women in India (1998)
- Part II
State-wise Incidence of Rape, Kidnapping and Abduction, Dowry
Deaths and Cruelty by Husband and Relatives Committed Against Women in
India (1998) - Part I
Incidence and Rate of Crime Committed Against Women
Offenders Relation and Proximity to Rape Victims
Victims of Rape under Different Age Group
Releted Links
Indicators on Other Attainment
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/incidenceofcrime/130/crimeagainstwomen/17911/stats.aspx
Foetiside
Figures at All-India / State level : (Currently showing India with
State Level consolidated figures) Rajasthan |
(Data table headings are shown Year-wise in descending order)
Selected State-wise Number of Ultra-Sound Machines Sealed for Non-
Maintenance of Records/Non-Registration under Pre-Conception and Pre-
Natal Determination Techniques Act (PC & PNDT) in India (2005 and
2006)
State-wise Incidence of Female Foeticide in India (1994 to 2007)
State-wise Incidence of Female Infanticide in India (1999 to
2007)
State-wise Number of Bodies Registered, Court/Police Cases and
Machines Seized/Sealed under Pre-conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic
Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act 1994, in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Complaints Filed in Courts against Violators
of PC and PNDT Act/Rules in India (As on 31.7.2005)
State-wise Number of Bodies Registered, Court/Police Cases and
Machines Seized/Sealed under Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic
Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act 1994, in India (As on
31.3.2004)
State-wise Cases of Foeticide/Female Infanticide in India (2001 to
2003)
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/incidenceofcrime/130/foetiside/207039/stats.aspx
State/City-wise Incidence and Rate of Crime Committed
Against Women in India
(2000)
1 State/City
2 Incidence
3 % of Contrib.to All-India Total
4 Est.Mid -Year Pop.(In Lakh)
5 Rate of Cognizable Crimes
6 Rank*
7 Rank**
Andhra Pradesh
1 2 3 4 5 6
14299 10.1 758.5 18.9 4 3
Arunachal Pradesh
143 0.1 12.0 11.9 16 21
Assam
3732 2.6 263.0 14.2 11 13
Bihar
6299 4.5 1005.6 6.3 25 8
Goa
100 0.1 16.1 6.2 26 24
Gujarat
6140 4.3 484.9 12.7 14 9
Haryana 2.3 199.3 16.6 7 14
Himachal Pradesh
842 0.6 67.4 12.5 15 18
Jammu & Kashmir
1634 1.2 99.9 16.4 8 17
Karnataka
5852 4.1 523.0 11.2 19 10
Kerala 3.5 323.5 15.4 9 11
Madhya Pradesh
17902 12.7 802.3 22.3 2 2
Maharashtra
13177 9.3 914.3 14.4 10 5
Manipur
74 0.1 25.4 2.9 29 25
Meghalya
69 0.0 24.5 2.8 30 26
Mizoram
133 0.1 9.6 13.9 12 22
Nagaland
22 0.0 17.0 1.3 32 28
Orissa
4717 3.3 359 6 13.1 13 12
Punjab
2156 1.5 236.2 9.1 21 16
Rajasthan
12942 9.2 538 7 24.0 1 6
Sikkim
21 0.0 5.6 3.7 28 29
Tamil Nadu
13732 9.7 619 3 22.2 3 4
Tripura
330 0.2 38.1 8.7 24 19
Uttar Pradesh
18920 13.4 1715.4 11.0 20 1
West Bengal
7043 5.0 793.3 8.9 22 7
Total States
138572 98.0 9852 4 14.1 - -
Total (All-India)
141373 100.0 10021.4 14.1 - -
Cities
Ahmedabad
510
3.0
42.8
11.9
18
10
Bangalore
1255
7.5
57.1
22.0
7
3
Bhopal
320
1.9
16.9
19.0
10
15
Chennai
4037
24.0
67.5
59.8
1
1
Coimbatore
283
1.7
13.0
21.8
8
17
Delhi (City)
2122
12.6
120.6
17.6
11
2
Hyderabad
1227
7.3
71.5
17.2
12
4
Indore
372
2.2
14.6
25.6
5
13
Jaipur
804
4.8
22.1
36.4
3
7
Kanpur
956
5.7
24.8
38.6
2
5
Kochi
125
0.7
18.3
6.8
21
23
Kolkata
558
3.3
130.6
4.3
23
9
Lucknow
683
4.1
26.7
25.5
6
8
Ludhiana
289
1.7
17.3
16.7
13
16
Madurai
380
2.3
12.8
29.6
4
12
Mumbai
888
5.3
187.1
4.7
22
6
Nagpur
443
2.6
20.9
21.2
9
11
Patna
212
1.3
13.0
16.3
14
21
Pune
352
2.1
35.9
9.8
20
14
Surat
243
1.4
24.4
10.0
19
19
Vadodara
240
1.4
16.6
14.5
17
20
Varanasi
206
1.2
13.1
15.7
16
22
Vishakhapatnam
282
1.7
17.8
15.8
15
18
Total (Cities)
16787
100.0
985.4
17.0
-
-
Note : * : Rank on the basis of rate of total cognizable crime.
** : Rank on the basis of Percentage share.
http://www.indiastat.com/6/specimen.aspx
Crime against SC/ST
Figures at All-India / State level : (Currently showing India with
State Level consolidated figures) | Andaman & Nicobar Islands | Andhra
Pradesh | Arunachal Pradesh | Assam | Bihar | Chandigarh |
Chhattisgarh | Dadra & Nagar Haveli | Daman & Diu | Delhi | Goa |
Gujarat | Haryana | Himachal Pradesh | Jammu & Kashmir | Jharkhand |
Karnataka | Kerala | Lakshadweep | Madhya Pradesh | Maharashtra |
Manipur | Meghalaya | Mizoram | Nagaland | Orissa | Pondicherry |
Punjab | Rajasthan | Sikkim | Tamil Nadu | Tripura | Uttar Pradesh |
Uttaranchal | West Bengal |
(Data table headings are shown Year-wise in descending order)
Selected State-wise Central Assistance Released and Utilised under
Provision of Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 and Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989) in India
(2005-2006 to 2007-2008)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Scheduled Tribes by Court in India (2006)
State-wise Incidence (I), Rate (R) and Percentage Contribution (P)
of Crime Committed Against Scheduled Tribes in India (2006) - Part I
State-wise Number of Cases Ending Conviction under Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act. 1989) in India
(2004 to 2006)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered under Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in India (1998
to 2006)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Scheduled Tribes by Court in India (2005)
State-wise Funds Released Under Protection of Civil Rights Act,
1955 and the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989) in India (1997-1998 to 2004-2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under Hurt of Scheduled
Castes (SC) (In Conjunction with SC/ST (P) of Atrocities Act) and PCR
Act in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under Hurt of Scheduled
Tribe (ST) (In Conjunction with SC/ST (P) of Atrocities Act) and PCR
Act in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under Kidnapping and
Abduction and Dacoity of Scheduled Tribe (ST) (In Conjunction with SC/
ST (P) of Atrocities Act) in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under Murder and Rape of
Scheduled Tribe (ST) (In Conjunction with SC/ST (P) of Atrocities Act)
in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under Robbery and Arson of
Scheduled Castes (SC) (In Conjunction with SC/ST (P) of Atrocities
Act) in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under Robbery and Arson of
Scheduled Tribe (ST) (In Conjunction with SC/ST (P) of Atrocities Act)
in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under SC/ST (P) of
Atrocities Act Only and Other Crimes Against Scheduled Castes (SC) in
India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered (CR), Persons Arrested (PA),
Persons Chargesheeted (PC), Total Persons Tried (PT), Persons
Convicted (PV) and Persons Acquitted (PQ) under SC/ST (P) of
Atrocities Act Only and Other Crimes against Scheduled Tribe (ST) in
India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered , Persons Arrested , Persons
Chargesheeted , Total Persons Tried , Persons Convicted and Persons
Acquitted under Kidnapping and Abduction and Dacoity of SC (In
Conjunction with SC/ST (P) of Atrocities Act) in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered, Persons Arrested, Persons
Chargesheeted, Total Persons Tried, Persons Convicted and Persons
Acquitted under Murder and Rape of SC (In Conjunction with SC/ST (P)
of Atrocities Act) in India (2005)
State-wise Number of Murder Cases Registered Against Scheduled
Caste and Scheduled Tribe in India (2005)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Scheduled Tribes by Court in India (2004)
State-wise Number of Atrocities Cases Registered under Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in
India (2002 to 2004)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Scheduled Tribes by Court in India (2003)
Number of Cases Registered under SC/ST (POA Act 1989 and PCR Act,
1955) in India (1997 to 2003)
State-wise Cases under Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in Regard to Disposal of Cases by
Courts, Cases Ending in Conviction and Cases Pending in Courts in
India (1999 to 2003)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered by Police, Charge Sheeted in
Courts and Cases Disposed Off by Courts under Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in India
(2003)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Scheduled Tribes by Court in India (2002)
Selected State-wise Showing Disposal of Cases by Exclusive Special
Courts Booked Under Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention
of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in India (31.12.2002)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered by Police, Charge Sheeted in
Courts and Cases Disposed Off by Courts under Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in India
(2002)
State-wise Police Atrocities Against Tribals in India (2000 to
2002)
State-wise Murder Committed Against SC/ST by Non-SC and ST in India
(2001 Upto available Months)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered by Police, Charge Sheeted in
the Courts and Cases Disposed off by Courts Under the Scheduled Castes
and the Secheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) in India Act,
1989 (2001)
Number of Crimes Against Scheduled Castes in India (1991 to 2000)
Percentage Share and Variation in IPC Crimes Against Scheduled
Castes in Total IPC Crimes in India (1992 to 2000)
State/UT with Maximum Percentage Contribution to Crimes against
Scheduled Caste in India (2000)
States with Maximum Percentage Contribution towards Various forms
of Crimes Committed against Scheduled Tribes (2000)
State-wise Number of Cases Acquital under Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in India (During
1998 to 2000)
State-wise Number of Cases Chargesheeted in Courts under Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in
India (During 1998 to 2000)
State-wise Number of Cases Conviction under Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 in India (During
1998 to 2000)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered, Charge Sheeted in the Courts
and Cases Disposed off by Courts Under the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) in India Act, 1989 in
India (2000)
State-wise Number of Cases Registered, Charge Sheeted in the Courts
and Cases Disposed off by Courts Under the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) in India Act, 1989 (1999)
Cases Registered with Police under Different Crimes Head and
Atrocities on Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) in India
(1995 to 1997)
Disposal of Cases for Committed Crimes Against Scheduled Castes by
Courts/Police
Disposal of Cases for Committed Crimes Against Scheduled Tribes by
Courts/Police
Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes Against
Scheduled Castes by Courts/Police
Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes Against
Scheduled Tribes by Courts/Police
Incidence of Crimes Against Scheduled Castes
Incidence of Crimes Against Scheduled Tribes
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/incidenceofcrime/130/crimeagainstscst/17913/stats.aspx
Juvenile Courts
Figures at All-India / State level : (Currently showing India with
State Level consolidated figures) Gujarat | Maharashtra | Meghalaya
|
(Data table headings are shown Year-wise in descending order)
Crime Head-wise Juveniles Apprehended under IPC and SLL Crimes by
Age-Group and Sex in India (2007)
Incidence and Rate of Juvenile Delinquency under IPC in India (1988
to 2007)
Juveniles Apprehended Under IPC and SLL Crimes By Age Groups in
India (1993 to 2007)
Crime Head-wise Juveniles Apprehended under IPC and SLL Crimes by
Age Groups and Sex in India (2006)
Crime-wise Juvenile Delinquency IPC Cases in India (1995, 2000 to
2006)
Juvenile Delinquency (SLL) Under Different Crime Heads in India
(2000 to 2006)
Juveniles Apprehended by Age Group and Sex in India (1971, 1981,
1986, 1987, 1988 and 1991 to 2006)
State-wise Number of Juvenile Justice Boards and Homes Setup under
Provisions of Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act,
2000 in India (2006)
State-wise Number of Juveniles Staying in Observation Homes Set up
under Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000 in
India (August, 2006)
Crime Head-wise Juveniles Apprehended under IPC and SLL Crimes by
Age Groups and Sex in India (2005)
Disposal of Juveniles Arrested under IPC and LSL Crimes in India
(1988 to 2005)
Juveniles Apprehended under Congnizable Crime in India (1971, 1981,
1986, 1987, 1988 and 1991 to 2005)
Juveniles Arrested under IPC Cognizable Crime and Offences under
Local and Special Laws in India (1968, 1971, 1981, 1986, 1988 and 1991
to 2005) - Part I
Juveniles Arrested under IPC Cognizable Crime and Offences under
Local and Special Laws in India (1968, 1971, 1981, 1986, 1988 and 1991
to 2005) - Part II
Crime Head-wise Juveniles Apprehended under IPC and SLL Crimes by
Age Groups and Sex in India (2004)
Juvenile Delinquency in India (1971 to 2004)
Crime Head-wise Juveniles Apprehended under IPC and SLL Crimes by
Age Groups and Sex in India (2003)
Crime-wise Juveniles Apprehended by Age Group and Sex in India
(2003)
Juvenile Delinquency under Local and Special Laws (Cases Reported)
in India (1971, 1981, 1986, 1987, 1988 and 1991 to 2003)
State-wise Central Assistance Released under Programme for Juvenile
Justice in India (1997-1998 to 2002-2003)
Crime-wise Juveniles Apprehended by Age Group and Sex in India
(2001)
State-wise Number of Juvenile Courts and Junvenile Welfare Boards
in India (2000-2001)
Crime-wise Juvenile Delinquency IPC Cases in India (1991 to 2000)
Juveniles Apprehended by Age Group and Sex in India (2000)
State/City-wise Disposal of Juveniles Arrested under IPC and LSL
Crimes in India (2000)
State/City-wise Juvenile Delinquency IPC Cases in India (2000)
State/City-wise Juvenile Delinquency under Local and Special Laws
(Cases Reported) in India (2000)
State/City-wise Juveniles Delinquency Under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (2000) - Part I
State/City-wise Juveniles Apprehended Under Congnizable Crime in
India (2000)
State/City-wise Juveniles Arrested under IPC Cognizable Crime and
Offences under Local and Special Laws in India (2000) - Part I
State/City-wise Juveniles Arrested under IPC Cognizable Crime and
Offences Under Local and Special Laws in India (2000) - Part II
State/City-wise Juveniles Delinquency Under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (2000) - Part II
State/City-wise Juveniles Delinquency Under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (2000) - Part III
State/City-wise Juveniles Delinquency Under Different Crime Heads
(SLL) in India (2000) - Part I
State/City-wise Juveniles Delinquency Under Different Crime Heads
(SLL) in India (2000) - Part II
State-wise Juvenile Delinquency under IPC in India (During 1998 to
2000)
Juveniles Apprehended by Age Group and Sex in India (1999)
State/City-wise Juveniles Apprehended under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (During 1999) - Part I
State/City-wise Juveniles Apprehended under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (During 1999) - Part II
State/City-wise Juveniles Apprehended under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (During 1999) - Part III
States/City-wise Juvenile Delinquency under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (During 1999) - Part I
States/City-wise Juvenile Delinquency under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (During 1999) - Part II
States/City-wise Juvenile Delinquency under Different Crime Heads
(IPC) in India (During 1999) - Part III
States/City-wise Juvenile Delinquency under Different Crime Heads
(SLL) in India (During 1999) - Part I
States/City-wise Juvenile Delinquency under Different Crime Heads
(SLL) in India (During 1999) - Part II
States/City-wise Juveniles Apprehended under Different Crime Heads
(SLL) in India (During 1999) - Part I
States/City-wise Juveniles Apprehended under Different Crime Heads
(SLL) in India (During 1999) - Part II
States/UTs/Citywise Classification of Juveniles Arrested under IPC
and SLL Crimes by Economic-Setup and Recidivism in India (During
1999)
States/UTs/Citywise Classification of Juveniles Arrested under IPC
and SLL Crimes by Education and Family Background in India (During
1999)
States/UTs/Citywise Juveniles Apprehended under IPC Crimes by Age
Group and Sex in India (1999)
States/UTs/Citywise Juveniles Apprehended under SLL Crimes by Age
Group and Sex in India (1999)
State-wise Disposal of Juveniles Arrested under IPC and SLL Crimes
and Sent to Courts in India (1999)
State-wise Number of Juvenile Homes/Observation Homes/Special Homes/
Aftercare Institutions in India (1997-1998)
Crime Head-wise Juveniles Apprehended under IPC and SLL Crimes by
Age Groups and Sex in India (1996)
State-wise Juveniles Apprehended by Sex for Committing Crime under
IPC and SLL in India (During 1996)
State-wise Juveniles Apprehended under Different SLL Crimes in
India (1996) - Part I
State-wise Juveniles Apprehended under Different SLL Crimes in
India (1996) - Part II
State-wise Juveniles Apprehended under SLL Crimes by Age Group and
Sex in India (1996)
Crime Head-wise Juveniles Apprehended by Age Groups and Sex in
India (1995)
Juveniles Arrested under IPC Cognizable Crime and Offences under
Local and Special Laws in India (1968, 1971, 1981, 1986, 1988, 1991 to
1995) - Part III
State-wise Institution under the Juvenile Justice Act in India
(1994-1995)
Crime-wise Juvenile Delinquency IPC Cases in India (1968, 1971,
1981, 1986 and 1988)
State-wise Institutions for Neglected and Delinquent Children under
the Juvenile Justice Act, 1986 in India
State-wise Welfare Boards and Juvenile Courts under the Juvenile
Justice Act, 1986 in India
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/juvenilecourts/148/stats.aspx
Crime against Child
Figures at All-India / State level : (Currently showing India with
State Level consolidated figures) Andaman & Nicobar Islands | Andhra
Pradesh | Arunachal Pradesh | Assam | Bihar | Chandigarh |
Chhattisgarh | Dadra & Nagar Haveli | Daman & Diu | Delhi | Goa |
Gujarat | Haryana | Himachal Pradesh | Jammu & Kashmir | Jharkhand |
Karnataka | Kerala | Madhya Pradesh | Maharashtra | Manipur |
Meghalaya | Mizoram | Nagaland | Orissa | Pondicherry | Punjab |
Rajasthan | Sikkim | Tamil Nadu | Tripura | Uttar Pradesh |
Uttaranchal | West Bengal |
(Data table headings are shown Year-wise in descending order)
State/Sex-wise Number of Children Traced in India (2005 to 2007)
State-wise Number of Children Missing (upto Age of 0-18 Years) in
India (2004 to 2007)
State-wise Persons Arrested under Kidnapping and Abduction in India
(2007)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committed Crimes
Against Children by Court in India (2006)
Number of Cases of Murder, Rape and Kidnapping of Abduction of
Children in (NCR Regions of Delhi) India (2004 to 2006)
State-wise Cases Registered Under Child Marriage Restraint Act in
India (March to June, 2006)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committed Crimes
Against Children by Court in India (2005)
State-wise Cases Registered, Charged sheeted, Trial Completed,
Convicted and Person Convicted Under Child Marriage Restraint Act in
India (2003 to 2005)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committed Crimes
Against Children by Court in India (2004)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Children by Court in India (2003)
State-wise Cases Registered, Charged sheeted, Trial Completed,
Convicted and Person Convicted Under Child Marriage Restraint Act in
India (2001 to 2003)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Children by Court in India (2002)
Victims of Child Rape in India (1992-2002)
Crime-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committed Crimes
Against Children by Court in India (2001)
State-wise Child Rape Victims (upto 14 years) in India (2001)
State-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committing Crimes
Against Children by Court in India (2001)
State-wise Disposal of Persons Arrested for Crimes Committed
Against Children by Police in India (2001)
State-wise Number of Cases Reported under Child Marriage Restraint
Act, 1929 in India (1999 to 2001)
Disposal of Cases for Committed Crimes Against Children by Courts/
Police
Disposal of Persons Arrested for Committed Crimes Against Children
by Courts/Police
Incidence and Rate of Committed Crimes Against Children
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/incidenceofcrime/130/crimeagainstchild/17912/stats.aspx
Violent Crimes
Figures at All-India / State level : (Currently showing India with
State Level consolidated figures) Delhi | Punjab | Tamil Nadu |
(Data table headings are shown Year-wise in descending order)
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Culpable Homicide Not Amounting to
Murder in India (2007) - Part I
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Culpable Homicide Not Amounting to
Murder in India (2007) - Part II
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Murder in India (2007) - Part I
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Murder in India (2007) - Part II
State/City-wise Number of Unidentified Dead Bodies Recovered and
Inquest Conducted in India (2000 to 2007)
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2007) -
Part I
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2007) -
Part II
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2007) -
Part III
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2007) -
Part IV
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2007) -
Part V
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2007) -
Part VI
State-wise Incidence and Rate of Violent Crimes in India (2007) -
Part I
State-wise Incidence and Rate of Violent Crimes in India (2007) -
Part II
State-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide Not Amounting to
Murder (C. H.) in India (2007) - Part I
State-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide Not Amounting to
Murder (C. H.) in India (2007) - Part II
State-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide Not Amounting to
Murder (C. H.) in India (2007) - Part III
State-wise Number of Cases Registered /Disposed under Violation of
Human Rights in India (2004-2005 to 2006-2007)
State-wise Number of Victims Murdered by Use of Fire Arms in India
(2007)
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Culpable Homicide Not Amounting to
Murder in India (2006 ) - Part I
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Culpable Homicide Not Amounting to
Murder in India (2006 ) - Part II
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Murder in India (2006) - Part I
State/Age Group-wise Victims of Murder in India (2006) - Part II
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2006) -
Part I
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2006) -
Part II
State-wise Disposal of Violent Crimes by Courts in India (2006) -
Part III
State-wise Incidence and Rate of Violent Crimes in India (2006) -
Part I
State-wise Incidence and Rate of Violent Crimes in India (2006) -
Part II
State-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide not Amounting to
Murder (C.H.) in India (2006) - Part I
State-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide not Amounting to
Murder (C.H.) in India (2006) - Part II
State-wise Motives of Murder and Culpable Homicide not Amounting to
Murder (C.H.) in India (2006) - Part III
State-wise Number of Victims Murdered by Use of Fire Arms in India
(2006)
State-wise Number of Victims Murdered by Use of Fire Arms in India
(2003 to 2005)
Violent Crime (2004 and 2005)
Age Group/Gender-wise Victims of Culpable Homicide not Amounting to
Murder in India (2002 to 2004)
Age Group/Gender-wise Victims of Murder in India (2002 to 2004)
Age Group-wise Victims of Kidnapping and Abduction in India (2001
to 2004)
Crime Rate for Violent Crimes under IPC in India (1996 to 2004)
State/Age Group/Sex-wise Victims of Culpable Homicide Not Amounting
to Murder in India (2004) - Part I
State-wise Percentage Share of Violent Crimes to Total IPC Crimes
in India (2000 to 2004)
Victims of Murder by Fire-Arms in India (1999 to 2004)
Violent Crimes Reported in India (1996 to 2004)
State-wise Murder Cases Pending Investigation in India (1991 to
2003)
Violent Crime (2002 and 2003)
State-wise Number of Victims Murdered by Use of Fire Arms in India
(2001 and 2002)
Age/Gender-wise Profile of Victims of Murder in India (1999 to
2001)
Age/Gender-wise Victims of C.H. not amounting to Murder in India
(1999 to 2001)
State-wise Left Wing Extremist Violence in India (During 2000 and
2001)
Violent Crime (2000 and 2001)
Age-wise Victims of Kidnapping and Abduction in India ( 1999 and
2000)
Violent Crimes (1999)
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/incidenceofcrime/130/violentcrimes/17910/stats.aspx
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/incidenceofcrime/130/stats.aspx
http://www.indiastat.com/crimeandlaw/6/stats.aspx
...and I am Sid harth
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Crime is present in various forms in India. Organized crime include
drug trafficking, gunrunning, money laundering, extortion, murder for
hire, fraud, human trafficking and poaching. Many criminal operations
engage in black marketeering, political violence, religiously
motivated violence, terrorism, and abduction. Other crimes are
homicide, robbery, assault etc. Property crimes include burglary,
theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson. Corruption is a significant
problem.
Crimes against women
Main article: Women in India
Police records show high incidence of crimes against women in India.
The National Crime Records Bureau reported in 1998 that the growth
rate of crimes against women would be higher than the population
growth rate by 2010.[1] Earlier, many cases were not registered with
the police due to the social stigma attached to rape and molestation
cases. Official statistics show that there has been a dramatic
increase in the number of reported crimes against women.[1]
Sexual Harassment
Half of the total number of crimes against women reported in 1990
related to molestation and harassment at the workplace.[1] Eve teasing
is a euphemism used for sexual harassment or molestation of women by
men. Many activists blame the rising incidents of sexual harassment
against women on the influence of "Western culture". In 1987, The
Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act was passed[2] to
prohibit indecent representation of women through advertisements or in
publications, writings, paintings, figures or in any other manner.
In 1997, in a landmark judgement, the Supreme Court of India took a
strong stand against sexual harassment of women in the workplace. The
Court also laid down detailed guidelines for prevention and redressal
of grievances. The National Commission for Women subsequently
elaborated these guidelines into a Code of Conduct for employers.[1]
While public urination is not practised by men of all ages in India,
it is socially unacceptable for girls and women to publicly urinate
when restrooms are unavailable. In other countries such as Laos,
Cambodia, and Vietnam public urination is practised by women when
there are no toilets. This leads to harassment and UTI in women.
[3] [4] [5] [6]
Dowry
Main articles: Dowry and Dowry law in India
In 1961, the Government of India passed the Dowry Prohibition Act,[7]
making the dowry demands in wedding arrangements illegal. However,
many cases of dowry-related domestic violence, suicides and murders
have been reported. In the 1980s, numerous such cases were reported.
However, recent reports show that the number of these crimes have
reduced drastically.[8]
In 1985, the Dowry Prohibition (maintenance of lists of presents to
the bride and bridegroom) rules were framed.[9]
According to these rules, a signed list of presents given at the time
of the marriage to the bride and the bridegroom should be maintained.
The list should contain a brief description of each present, its
approximate value, the name of whoever has given the present and his/
her relationship to the person.
A 1997 report[10]
claimed that at least 5,000 women die each year because of dowry
deaths, and at least a dozen die each day in 'kitchen fires' thought
to be intentional. The term for this is "bride burning" and is
criticized within India itself. Amongst the urban educated, such dowry
abuse has reduced dramatically.
Child Marriage
Child marriage has been traditionally prevalent in India and continues
to this day. Young girls live with their parents until they reach
puberty. In the past, the child widows were condemned to a life of
great agony, shaving heads, living in isolation, and shunned by the
society.[11]
Although child marriage was outlawed in 1860, it is still a common
practice.[12]
According to UNICEF’s “State of the World’s Children-2009” report, 47%
of India's women aged 20–24 were married before the legal age of 18,
with 56% in rural areas.[13]
The report also showed that 40% of the world's child marriages occur
in India.[14]
Female infanticides and sex selective abortions
India has a highly masculine sex ratio, the chief reason being that
many women die before reaching adulthood.[1]
Tribal societies in India have a less masculine sex ratio than all
other caste groups. This, in spite of the fact that tribal communities
have far lower levels of income, literacy and health facilities.[1]
It is therefore suggested by many experts, that the highly masculine
sex ratio in India can be attributed to female infanticides and sex-
selective abortions.
All medical tests that can be used to determine the sex of the child
have been banned in India, due to incidents of these tests being used
to get rid of unwanted female children before birth. Female
infanticide (killing of girl infants) is still prevalent in some rural
areas.[1]
The abuse of the dowry tradition has been one of the main reasons for
sex-selective abortions and female infanticides in India.
Domestic violence
The incidents of domestive violence are higher among the lower Socio-
Economic Classes (SECs). There are various instances of an inebriated
husband beating up the wife often leading to severe injuries. Domestic
violence is also seen in the form of physical abuse. The Protection of
Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 came into force on October 26,
2006.
Trafficking
The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act was passed in 1956.[15]
However many cases of trafficking of young girls and women have been
reported. These women are either forced into prostitution, domestic
work or child labor.
Illegal drug trade
India is located between two major illicit opium producing centres in
Asia - the Golden Crescent comprising Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran
and the Golden Triangle comprising Burma, Thailand and Laos.[16]
Because of such geographical location, India experiences large amount
of drug trafficking through the borders.[17]
India is the world's largest producer of licit opium.[18]
But opium is diverted to illicit international drug markets.[18]
India is a transshipment point for heroin from Southwest Asian
countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan and from Southeast Asian
countries like Burma, Laos, and Thailand.[19]
Heroin is smuggled from Pakistan and Burma, with some quantities
transshipped through Nepal.[19]
Most heroin shipped from India are destined for Europe.[19]
There have been reports of heroin smuggled from Mumbai to Nigeria for
further export.[19]
In Maharashtra, Mumbai is an important centre for distribution of drug.
[20] The most commonly used drug in Mumbai is Indian heroin (called
desi mal by the local population).[20]
Both public transportation (road and rail transportation) and private
transportation are used for this drug trade.[20]
Drug trafficking affects the country in many ways.
Drug abuse: Cultivation of illicit narcotic substances and drug
trafficking affects the health of the individuals and destroy the
economic structure of the family and society.[21]
Organized crime: Drug trafficking results in growth of organized crime
which affects social security. Organised crime connects drug
trafficking with corruption and money laundering.[21]
Political instability: Drug trafficking also aggravate the political
instability in North-West and North-East India.[22]
A survey conducted in 2003-2004 by Narcotics Control Bureau found that
India has at least four million drug addicts.[23]
The most common drugs used in India are cannabis, hashish, opium and
heroin.[23]
In 2006 alone, India's law enforcing agencies recovered 230 kg heroin
and 203 kg of cocaine.[24]
In an annual government report in 2007, the United States named India
among 20 major hubs for trafficking of illegal drugs along with
Pakistan, Afghanistan and Burma. However, studies reveal that most of
the criminals caught in this crime are either Nigerian or US nationals.
[25]
Several measures have been taken by the Government of India to combat
drug trafficking in the country. India is a party of the Single
Convention on Narcotic Drugs (1961), the Convention on Psychotropic
Substances (1971), the Protocol Amending the Single Convention on
Narcotic Drugs (1972) and the United Nations Convention Against
Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (1988).
[26]
An Indo-Pakistani committee was set up in 1986 to prevent trafficking
in narcotic drugs.[27]
India signed a convention with the United Arab Emirates in 1994 to
control drug trafficking.[27]
In 1995, India signed an agreement with Egypt for investigation of
drug cases and exchange of information and a Memorandum of
Understanding of the Prevention of Illicit Trafficking in Drugs with
Iran.[27]
Arms trafficking
According to a joint report published by Oxfam, Amnesty International
and the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA) in 2006,
there are around 40 million illegal small arms in India out of
approximately 75 million in worldwide circulation.[28]
Majority of the illegal small arms make its way into the states of
Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Orissa and Madhya
Pradesh.[28]
In India, a used AK-47 costs $3,800 in black market.[29]
Large amount of illegal small arms are manufactured in various illegal
arms factories in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and sold on the black market
for as little as $5.08.[28]
Chinese pistols are in demand in the illegal small arms market in
India because they are easily available and cheaper.[28]
This trend poses a significant problem for the states of Bihar, Uttar
Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Maharashtra, West Bengal,
Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh which have influence of Naxalism.[28]
The porous Indo-Nepal border is an entry point for Chinese pistols,
AK-47 and M-16 rifles into India as these arms are used by the
Naxalites who have ties to Maoists in Nepal.[28]
In North-East India, there is a huge influx of small arms due to the
insurgent groups operating there.[30]
The small arms in North-East India come from insurgent groups in
Burma, black market in South-East Asian countries like Pakistan,
Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka, black market in Cambodia, the
People's Republic of China, insurgent groups like the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Indian states like Uttar Pradesh
and pilferages from legal gun factories, criminal organizations
operating in India and South Asian countries and other international
markets like Romania, Germany etc.[30]
The small arms found in North-East India are M14 rifle, M16 rifle,
AK-47, AK-56, AK-74, light machine guns, Chinese hand grenades, mines,
rocket-propelled grenades, submachine guns etc.[30]
The Ministry of External Affairs and Ministry of Home Affairs drafted
a joint proposal to the United Nations, seeking a global ban on small-
arms sales to non-state users.[28]
Poaching and wildlife trafficking
Illegal wildlife trade in India has increased.[31]
According to a report published by the Environmental Investigation
Agency (EIA) in 2004, India is the chief target for the traders of
wildlife skin.[32] Between 1994 and 2003, there have been 784 cases
where the skins of tiger, leopard or otter have been seized.[32]
Leopards, rhinoceros, reptiles, birds, insects, rare species of plants
are being smuggled into the countries in Southeast Asia and the
People's Republic of China.[31]
Between 1994 and 2003, poaching and seizure of 698 otters have been
documented in India.[32]
Kathmandu is a key staging point for illegal skins smuggled from India
bound for Tibet and PRC.[32]
The report by EIA noted there has been a lack of cross-border
cooperation between India, Nepal and the People's Republic of China to
coordinate enforcement operations and lack of political will to treat
wildlife crime effectively.[32]
The poaching of the elephants is a significant problem in Southern
India[33]
and in the North-Eastern states of Nagaland and Mizoram.[34]
The majority of tiger poaching happen in Madhya Pradesh, Uttar
Pradesh, Orissa, West Bengal, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.[35]
Following is a comparison of reported cases of tiger and leopard
poaching from 1998 to 2003:
Year 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
Reported cases of tiger poaching[36] 14 38 39 35 47 8
Reported cases of leopard poaching[36] 28 80 201 69 87 15
Samir Sinha, head of TRAFFIC India, the wildlife trade monitoring arm
of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) and the World Conservation
Union (IUCN), told Reuters in an interview "The situation regarding
the illegal trade in wildlife parts in India is very grim. It is a
vast, a varied trade ranging from smuggling of rare medicinal plants
to butterflies to peafowls to tigers and it is difficult to predict
how big it is, but the threats and dimensions suggest that the trade
is increasing".[31]
Project Tiger, a wildlife conservation project, was initiated in 1972
and was launched by Indira Gandhi on April 1, 1973.[37]
With 23 tiger reserves, Project Tiger claimed to have succeeded.[37]
But according to critics like conservationist Billy Arjan Singh,
temporary increases in tiger population were caused by immigration due
to destruction of habitat in Nepal, not because of the widely
acclaimed success of wildlife policy in India.[37]
Cyber crime
Cases of spam, computer hacking, cyber stalking and email fraud are
rampant in India.[38]
The Information Technology Act 2000 was passed by the Parliament of
India in May 2000, aiming to curb cyber crimes and provide a legal
framework for e-commerce transactions.[39]
However Pavan Duggal, lawyer of Supreme Court of India and cyber law
expert, viewed "The IT Act, 2000, is primarily meant to be a
legislation to promote e-commerce. It is not very effective in dealing
with several emerging cyber crimes like cyber harassment, defamation,
stalking and so on".[38]
Although cyber crime cells have been set up in major cities, Duggal
noted the problem is that most cases remain unreported due to a lack
of awareness.[38]
In 2001, India and United States had set up an India-US cyber security
forum as part of a counter-terrorism dialogue.[40]
In 2006, India and the US agreed to enhance cooperation between law
enforcement agencies of the two countries in tackling cyber crimes as
part of counter-terrorism efforts.[40]
A joint US-India statement released in 2006 after talks between US
President George W. Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
stressed that in view of the importance of cyber security and cyber
forensic research, the two countries are also carrying out discussions
on a draft protocol on cyber security.[40]
Corruption and police misconduct
Main article: Corruption in India
Corruption is widespread in India. It is prevalent within every
section and every level of the society.[41]
Corruption has taken the role of a pervasive aspect of Indian politics.
[42]
In India, corruption takes the form of bribes, evasion of tax and
exchange controls, embezzlement, etc.
Despite state prohibitions against torture and custodial misconduct by
the police, torture is widespread in police custody, which is a major
reason behind deaths in custody.[43][44]
The police often torture innocent people until a 'confession' is
obtained to save influential and wealthy offenders.[45]
G.P. Joshi, the programme coordinator of the Indian branch of the
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi comments that the
main issue at hand concerning police violence is a lack of
accountability of the police.[46]
In 2006, the Supreme Court of India in a judgment in the Prakash Singh
vs. Union of India case, ordered central and state governments with
seven directives to begin the process of police reform. The main
objectives of this set of directives was twofold, providing tenure to
and streamlining the appointment/transfer processes of policemen, and
increasing the accountability of the police.[47]
In 2006, seven policemen were charge sheeted and eleven were
convicted[48]
for custodial misconduct.
Crime over time
Incidence of cognizable crimes in India 1953-2007[49]
A report published by the National Crime Records Bureau compared crime
rate from 1953 to 2006. The report noted that burglary declined over a
period of 53 years by 38% (from 1,47,379 in 1953 to 91,666 in 2006),
whereas murder has increased by 231% (from 9,803 in 1953 to 32,481 in
2006).[50]
Kidnapping has increased by 356% (from 5,261 in 1953 to 23,991 in
2006), robbery by 120% (from 8,407 in 1953 to 18,456 in 2006) and
riots by 176% (from 20,529 in 1953 to 56,641 in 2006).[50]
In 2006, 51,02,460 cognizable crimes were committed including
18,78,293 Indian Penal Code (IPC) crimes and 32,24,167 Special & Local
Laws (SLL) crimes, with an increase of 1.5% over 2005 (50,26,337).
[48]
IPC crime rate in 2006 was 167.7 compared to 165.3 in 2005 showing an
increase of 1.5% in 2006 over 2005.[48]
SLL crime rate in 2006 was 287.9 compared to 290.5 in 2005 showing a
decline of 0.9% in 2006 over 2005.[48]
Year[50] Total cog. crimes under IPC Murder Kidnapping Robbery
Burglary Riots
1953 6, 01, 964 9,802 5,261 8,407 147,
379 20, 529
2006 18, 78, 293 32,481 23,991 18,456 91,
666 56, 641
% Change in 2006 over 1953
212.0 231.0 356.0
120.0 -38.0 176.0
SOURCE: National Crime Records Bureau[50]
Crime by locale
Location has a significant impact on crime in India. In 2006, the
highest crime rate was reported in Pondicherry (447.7%) for crimes
under Indian Penal Code which is 2.7 times the national crime rate of
167.7%.[48]
Kerala reported the highest crime rate at 312.5% among states.[48]
Kolkata (71.0%) and Madurai (206.2%) were the only two mega cities
which reported less crime rate than their domain states West Bengal
(79.0%) and Tamil Nadu (227.6%).[48] Delhi, Mumbai and Bangalore have
accounted for 16.2%, 9.5% and 8.1% respectively of the total IPC
crimes reported from 35 mega cities.[48]
Indore reported the highest crime rate (769.1%) among the mega cities
in India followed by Bhopal (719.5%) and Jaipur (597.1%).[48]
Jammu & Kashmir (33.7%), Manipur (33.0%), Assam (30.4%) and Daman and
Diu and Pondicherry (29.4%) reported higher violent crime rate
compared to 18.4% at national level.[48]
Uttar Pradesh reported the highest incidence of violent crimes
accounting for 12.1% of total violent crimes in India (24,851 out of
2,05,656) followed by Bihar with 11.8% (24,271 out of 2,05,6556).[48]
Among 35 mega cities, Delhi reported 31.2% (533 out of 1,706) of total
rape cases.[48]
Madhya Pradesh has reported the highest number of rape cases (2,900)
accounting for 15.0% of total such cases reported in the country.[48]
Uttar Pradesh reported 16.9% (5,480 out of 32,481) of total murder
cases in the country and 18.4% (4,997 out of 27,230) total attempt to
murder cases.[48]
Crimes against foreigners in India
There are several instances of violent crime against foreigners in
India.[51]
Many of the crimes occur against foreigners only. Scams involving
export of jewels occur in India, which target foreign citizens.[51]
Political demonstrations are common in India. These demonstrations
often turn violent and routinely cause disruption of transportation
services, causing great inconvenience to foreign tourists in India.
Traveling alone in remote areas after dark is of particular risk to
foreigners.[52]
Because U.S. citizens' purchasing power is relatively large compared
to the general Indian population, they the preferred target for
robbery and other serious crime.[53]
In April 1999, Swaraj Damree, a tourist from Mauritius was befriended
by a group of Indians who later held him in 25 days of captivity. They
robbed him of cash amounting to US $1,500, took his travellers'
cheques, wrist watch, gold chain, bracelet, two bags and suitcase.
[54]
In 2000, two German trekkers were shot in Himachal Pradesh. A few
weeks later, two Spanish tourists were killed in Himachal Pradesh by
robbers.[55]
Many foreign tourists are victims of violent crime in Kolkata.[56]
In September 2006, criminals robbed the wallet of a British woman in
Kolkata.[56] The same month, a Japanese tourist was robbed on his way
to Sudder Street.[56] In October 2006, a foreigner was robbed in
daylight on Park Street.[56]
Petty crime
Petty crime, like pickpocketing, bag snatching etc. are widespread in
India. Theft of valuables of foreigners from luggage on trains and
buses is common. Travelers who are not in groups become easy victims
of pickpockets and purse snatchers. Purse snatchers work in crowded
areas.[57]
Passport theft
In India, stealing passports of foreigners from their luggage on
trains and buses is widespread.[51]
Theft of U.S. passports is very common, especially in major tourist
areas.[53][58]
Scam incidents
Many scams are perpetrated against foreign travelers, especially in
Jaipur, the capital of Rajasthan.[53]
Scams usually target younger foreign tourists and suggest them that
money can be made by privately transporting gems or gold or by taking
delivery abroad of expensive carpets avoiding customs duties.[53]
Such incidents pull the traveler over the course of several days and
begin with a new scam artist who offers to show the foreign traveler
the sights. They also offer cheap lodgings and meals to foreign
travellers so that they can place the traveler in the physical custody
of the scam artist and can leave the foreigner with threats and
physical coercion. In the due process, the foreigner loses his
passport.[53]
Taxi scam
There are also taxi scams present in India, whereby a foreign
traveler, who is not aware of the locations around Indian airports, is
taken for a ride round the whole airport and charged for full-fare
taxi ride while the terminal is only few hundred yards away.[57]
Overseas Security Advisory Council in a report mentioned the process
about how to avoid taxi-scam.[57]
Rape and sexual assault against foreigners
Incidents of rape and sexual assault against foreign tourists at
popular tourist spots is increasing in India. Many of the alleged
perpetrators are children of senior government officials or
politicians.[59][60]
In September 1994, Gurkirat Singh, grandson of the then CM Beant
Singh, was accused of abducting and molesting a French tourist Katia
Darnand in Chandigarh[61][62].
In March 2006, Biti Mohanty, son of a senior police official in
Orissa, raped a German tourist in Alwar, Rajasthan.[63][64]
A Japanese woman was raped in Pushkar, Rajasthan on April 2, 2006.[65]
[66] In June 2007, a South Korean was raped near Manali.[63]
In September 2007, two Japanese women were gang-raped in Agra,[63]
a popular tourist-spot in India where the Taj Mahal is situated. The
Indian state of Rajasthan, which is a popular destination among
foreign tourists with one out of every three foreign travellers
visiting the state, have been rattled by rape cases of foreign
tourists.[67]
On December 5, 2009, a Russian woman was raped in Goa by a local
politician John Fernandes. In February 2008, Scarlett Keeling, a
British national aged 15 was raped and killed in Goa [68].
In January 2010, a Russian girl aged 9 was raped in Goa [69];
referring to this and earlier cases, Russia threatened to issue an
advisory asking its citizens not to travel to the coastal state [70].
The US Bureau of Consular Affairs has warned women not to travel alone
in India.[58]
However in contrast the British Foreign office only advise women to
take normal precautions.[71]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bureau_of_Consular_Affairs
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_Foreign_office
See also
Caste-related violence in India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste-related_violence_in_India
Corruption in India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corruption_in_India
Indian mafia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_mafia
Indian political scandals
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_political_scandals
Law enforcement in India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Law_enforcement_in_India
Mafia Raj
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mafia_Raj
Religious violence in India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religious_violence_in_India
Kala Kaccha Gang
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kala_Kaccha_Gang
Notes
^ a b c d e f g Kalyani Menon-Sen, A. K. Shiva Kumar (2001). "Women in
India: How Free? How Equal?". United Nations. http://www.un.org.in/wii.htm.
Retrieved 2006-12-24.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A._K._Shiva_Kumar http://www.un.org.in/wii.htm
^ "The Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1987".
http://www.wcd.nic.in/dowryprohibitionrules.htm. Retrieved
2006-12-24.
^ http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/node/255611
^ http://www.travelblog.org/Asia/Cambodia/North/Battambang/blog-325432.html
^ http://www.getjealous.com/getjealous.php?action=showdiaryentry&diary_id=149258&go=tasha
^ http://radicalchange.wordpress.com/2008/01/04/cambodia-a-wayfarers-journey/
^ "The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961".
http://www.wcd.nic.in/dowryprohibitionact.htm. Retrieved 2006-12-24.
^ (2006-12-19)"Women of India: Frequently Asked Questions".
2006-12-19.
http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/women/faq.htm. Retrieved 2006-12-24.
^ "The Dowry Prohibition (maintenance of lists of presents to the
bride and bridegroom) rules, 1985".
http://www.wcd.nic.in/dowryprohibitionrules.htm. Retrieved
2006-12-24.
^ Kitchen fires Kill Indian Brides with Inadequate Dowry, July 23,
1997, New Delhi, UPI
^ Jyotsna Kamat (2006-12-19). "Gandhi and Status of Women".
http://www.kamat.com/mmgandhi/gwomen.htm. Retrieved 2006-12-24.
^ BBC News | SOUTH ASIA | Child marriages targeted in India
^ http://www.unicef.org/sowc09/docs/SOWC09_Table_9.pdf
^ http://www.hindu.com/2009/01/18/stories/2009011855981100.htm
^ "The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956".
http://www.wcd.nic.in/act/itpa1956.htm. Retrieved 2006-12-24.
^ P. J. Alexander (2002). Policing India in the New Millennium. Allied
Publishers. pp. p658. ISBN 8177642073.
^ Caterina Gouvis Roman, Heather Ahn-Redding, Rita James Simon (2007).
Illicit Drug Policies, Trafficking, and Use the World Over. Lexington
Books. pp. p183. ISBN 0739120883.
^ a b "CIA World Factbook - India". CIA World Factbook.
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/in.html.
Retrieved 2007-12-01.
^ a b c d India
^ a b c "Drug trade dynamics in India".
http://laniel.free.fr/INDEXES/PapersIndex/INDIAMOLLY/DRUGSDYNAMICSININDIA.htm.
^ a b P. J. Alexander (2002). Policing India in the New Millennium.
Allied Publishers. pp. p659. ISBN 8177642073.
^ Alain Labrousse, Laurent Laniel (2002). The World Geopolitics of
Drugs, 1998/1999. Springer. pp. p53. ISBN 1402001401.
^ a b "Mechanism in States".
http://narcoticsindia.nic.in/Mechinstates.htm.
^ Airports get scanners to check drug trafficking
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1680312.cms
^ "US names India among 20 major hubs for drug trafficking".
http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=5f7ed0c7-60a5-40fc-bbf1-7e9b4c070f59&&Headline=India+among+20+major+drug+hubs%3a+US.
^ Daniel J. Koenig (2001). International Police Cooperation: A World
Perspective. Lexington Books. pp. p172. ISBN 0739102265.
^ a b c Daniel J. Koenig (2001). International Police Cooperation: A
World Perspective. Lexington Books. pp. p173. ISBN 0739102265.
^ a b c d e f g India home to 40 million illegal small-arms
^ "Small Arms Trafficking".
http://www.havocscope.com/trafficking/smallarms.htm.
^ a b c A Narrative of Armed Ethnic Conflict, Narcotics and Small Arms
Trafficking in India's North East
^ a b c Illegal wildlife trade grows in India
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSDEL8332720070817?sp=true
^ a b c d e The Tiger Skin Trail
http://www.eia-international.org/files/reports85-1.pdf
^ R. Sukumar (1989). The Asian Elephant: Ecology and Management.
Cambridge University Press. pp. p210. ISBN 052143758X.
^ Charles Santiapillai, Peter Jackson (1990). The Asian Elephant: An
Action Plan for Its Conservation. pp. p30. ISBN 2880329973.
^ The situation in India
http://www.internatyearofthetiger.org/india.htm
^ a b Poaching & Seizure Cases
http://projecttiger.nic.in/poaching.asp#
^ a b c At least one tiger is killed by poachers every day
http://www.rediff.com/news/1998/oct/02tiger.htm
^ a b c Byte by Byte
http://www.rediff.com/netguide/2003/feb/18crime.htm
^ India cyber law comes into force
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/978231.stm
^ a b c India-US to counter cyber crime
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/978231.stm
^ Where will corruption take India? People's Union for Civil Liberties
http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Human-rights/2002/corruption.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_Union_for_Civil_Liberties
^ Corruption in India
http://www.indianchild.com/corruption_in_india.htm
^ Torture main reason of death in police custody The Tribune
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070313/punjab1.htm#7
^ Custodial deaths in West Bengal and India's refusal to ratify the
Convention against Torture Asian Human Rights Commission 26 February
2004
http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2004statement/146/
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asian_Human_Rights_Commission
^ Custodial deaths and torture in India Asian Legal Resource Centre
http://www.alrc.net/pr/mainfile.php/2004pr/41/
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asian_Legal_Resource_Centre
^ Police Accountability in India: Policing Contaminated by Politics
http://www.hrsolidarity.net/mainfile.php/2005vol15no05/2448/
^ The Supreme Court takes the lead on police reform: Prakash Singh vs.
Union of India, CHRI
http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/programs/aj/police/india/initiatives/writ_petition.htm
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Snapshots – 2006 National Crime Records
Bureau
^ "Incidence of cognizable crimes (IPC) under different crime heads
during 1953-2007". National Crime Records Bureau.
http://ncrb.nic.in/cii2007/cii-2007/1953-2007.pdf. Retrieved
2009-11-08.
^ a b c d Snapshots (1953—2006) National Crime Records Bureau
http://ncrb.nic.in/cii2006/cii-2006/Snapshots.pdf
^ a b c "TRAVEL REPORT India".
http://www.voyage.gc.ca/dest/report-en.asp?country=128000.
^ "India". http://www.canadiancontent.net/profiles/India.html.
^ a b c d e "India 2007 Crime & Safety Report: New Delhi".
https://www.osac.gov/Reports/report.cfm?contentID=62883.
^ Foreign tourist drugged, robbed, tortured, released after 25 days
http://www.indianexpress.com/res/web/pIe/ie/daily/19990420/ige20118.html
^ India's valley of death
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/low/south_asia/909877.stm
^ a b c d "Shudder street".
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070218/asp/calcutta/story_7406290.asp.
The Telegraph
^ a b c "Crime & Safety Report: Chennai".
https://www.osac.gov/Reports/report.cfm?contentID=62882.
^ a b "Consular Information Sheet: India".
http://travel.state.gov/travel/cis_pa_tw/cis/cis_1139.html. Bureau of
Consular Affairs
^ Handle foreign tourists with care, DNA
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_handle-foreign-tourists-with-care_1124186
^ Crimes against tourists alarm tour operators, DNA
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_crimes-against-tourists-alarm-tour-operators_1123611
^ <http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?207483
^ http://www.indianexpress.com/oldStory/34517/
^ a b c "Main accused arrested in Agra tourist rape case".
http://in.news.yahoo.com/070924/211/6l4pp.html.
^ Biti Mohanty's father gets showcause notice, DNA
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_biti-mohanty-s-father-gets-showcause-notice_1075743
^ Another foreign tourist cries rape, The Times of India
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1497108.cms
^ Japanese tourist alleges rape, The Hindu
http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/20/stories/2006042006481000.htm
^ West India state troubled by rape case of foreign tourist
http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2006-04/20/content_4451686.htm
^ http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article3529865.ece
^ http://www.hindustantimes.com/goa/Russian-rape-case-Goa-women-s-panel-to-seek-details/502950/H1-Article1-502942.aspx
^ http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100128/jsp/nation/story_12036988.jsp
^ (15 February 2010)"India travel advice". British Foreign Office. 15
February 2010. http://www.fco.gov.uk/en/travel-and-living-abroad/travel-advice-by-country/asia-oceania/india.
Retrieved 22 February 2010.
References
New trends in drug trafficking
http://www.hindu.com/2008/01/19/stories/2008011956120300.htm
India becoming hot bed for drug trafficking: Expert
http://expressbuzz.com/edition/default.aspx
http://www.cyberlawsindia.net Cyber Crime in India
Mumbai mafia is using more sophisticated weapons then police
Further reading
Edwardes, S M (2007), Crime in India, READ BOOKS, ISBN 1406761265 .
Broadhurst, Roderic G.; Grabosky, Peter N. (2005), Cyber-Crime: The
Challenge in Asia, Hong Kong University Press, ISBN 9622097243 .
Menon, Vivek (1996), Under Siege: Poaching and Protection of Greater
One-Horned Rhinoceroses in India, TRAFFIC International, ISBN
1858501024 .
Vittal, N. (2003), Corruption in India: The Roadblock to National
Prosperity, Academic Foundation, ISBN 8171882870 .
Gupta, K. N. (2001), Corruption in India, Anmol Publications Pvt Ltd,
ISBN 8126109734 .
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crime_in_India
chhotemianinshallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which is of a temporary
nature, grants special status to Jammu and Kashmir.
Text of Article 370
In view of its importance the text of the article 370 (Without
amendments) is reproduced below:
Article 370 of the Constitution of India (Temporary provisions with
respect of the State of Jammu and Kashmir)
1. Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution:
a. the provisions of article 238 shall not apply in relation to the
State of Jammu and Kashmir,
b. the power of Parliament to make laws for the said State shall be
limited to;
i. those matters in the Union List and the Concurrent List which, in
consultation with the Government of the State, are declared by the
President to correspond to matters specified in the Instrument of
Accession governing the accession of the State to the Dominion of
India as the matters with respect to which the Dominion Legislature
may make laws for that State; and
ii. such other matters in the said Lists, as, with the concurrence of
the Government of the State, the President may by order specify.
Explanation—For the purpose of this article, the Government of the
State means the person for the time being recognised by the President
as the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir acting on the advice of the
Council of Ministers for the time being in office under the Maharaja’s
Proclamation dated the fifth day of March, 1948;
c.the provisions of article 1 and of this article shall apply in
relation to this State;
d.such of the other provisions of this Constitution shall apply in
relation to that State subject to such exceptions and modifications as
the President may by order specify
i. Provided that no such order which relates to the matters specified
in the Instrument of Accession of the State referred to in paragraph
(i) of sub-clause (b) shall be issued except in consultation with the
Government of the State:
ii. Provided further that no such order which relates to matters other
than those referred to in the last preceding proviso shall be issued
except with the concurrence of the Government.
2. If the concurrence of the Government of the State referred to in
paragraph
(ii) of sub-clause (b) of clause
(1) or in second proviso to sub-clause
(d) of that clause be given before the Constituent Assembly for the
purpose of framing the Constitution of the State is convened, it shall
be placed before such Assembly for such decision as it may take
thereon.
3. Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of the
article, the President may, by public notification, declare that this
article shall cease to be operative or shall be operative only with
such exceptions and modifications and from such date as he may notify:
Provided that the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the
State referred to in clause (2) shall be necessary before the
President issues such a notification.
4. In exercise of the powers conferred by this article the President,
on the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the State of
Jammu and Kashmir, declared that, as from the 17th day of November,
1952, the said art. 370 shall be operative with the modification that
for the explanation in cl.(1) thereof the following Explanation is
substituted namely:
Explanation—For the purpose of this Article, the Government of the
State means the person for the time being recognised by the President
on the recommendation of the Legislative Assembly of the State as the
*Sadar-I-Riyasat of Jammu and Kashmir, acting on the advice of Council
of Ministers of the State for the time being in office.
Implications of Article 370
This article specifies that except for Defence, Foreign Affairs,
Finance and Communications,(matters specified in the instrument of
accession) the Indian Parliament needs the State Government's
concurrence for applying all other laws. Thus the state's residents
lived under a separate set of laws, including those related to
citizenship, ownership of property, and fundamental rights, as
compared to other Indians.
Similar protections for unique status exist in tribal areas of India
including those in Himachal Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, and Nagaland
however it is only for the state of Jammu and Kashmir that the
accession of the state to India is still a matter of dispute between
India and Pakistan still on the agenda of the U.N.Security Council and
where the Government of India vide 1974 Indira-Sheikh accord committed
itself to keeping the relationship between the Union and Jammu and
Kashmir State within the ambit of this article .
The 1974 Indira-Sheikh accord mentions that " The State of Jammu and
Kashmir which is a constituent unit of the Union of India, shall, in
its relation with the Union, continue to be governed by Article 370 of
the Constitution of India " .
Indian citizens from other states and Kashmiri women who marry men
from other states can not purchase land or property in Jammu & Kashmir.
[1]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1974_Indira-Sheikh_accord
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_%26_Kashmir
See also
Article 356
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Article_356
PART XXI of Indian constitution
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PART_Twenty_One_of_the_Constitution_of_India
References
Full text of the articlePDF (387 KiB)
http://lawmin.nic.in/coi/PARTXXI.pdf
Article 370 text from wikisource
http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_India/Part_XXI
^ Vasudha Dhagamwar (May 04, 2004). "The price of a Bill".
http://www.indianexpress.com/oldStory/46240/. Retrieved 24 March
2009.
External links
Background of article 370
http://rashtraman.blogspot.com/2008/08/article-370.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Article_370
Indian Opinion
A real Indian view of current affairs
Sunday, August 24, 2008
Article 370
article 370 was introduced to abide by the terms of J&K's accession.
The accession of J&K was conditional.
India desperately wanted to prove 2-nation theory wrong and wanted a
muslim majority region under its fold, also the strategic significance
of Kashmir and willingness of Kashmiri leaders to have separate state
for themselves (under protection of India) were the main reasons why
India went ahead for accession of J&K.
When Instrument of Accession was signed, constitution of India was not
ready. As per clause 7 of the Instrument of Accession, J&K was not
committed to accept the future Constitution of India.
In 1949 november when all the princely state heads and provincial
heads of Indian dominion were supposed to issue proclaimations making
Constitution of India operative in their respective states and
provinces, J&K refused such proclaimation refering to the clause 7 of
Instrument of Accession. This is because the draft form of
constitution refused separate constitutions for the states and J&K
always wanted their own separate constitution.
There was a legal imbroglio in this situation, the accession issue was
already with united nations and in such situations India has to abide
by its promise. This lead to Article 306-A of the draft Constitution
of India (which became article 370 in the actaul constitution).
Considering the overall situation prevalent, Article 370 was a major
step forward at that time. The Article at least paved the way for the
Republic of India to make several laws and provisions of the
Constitution of India applicable to Jammu & Kashmir State beyond the
strait jacket of the Instrument of Accession. Besides, Article 370 was
conceived as a temporary arrangement, with hopes of a full integration
in time to come.
Posted by Shailendra at 1:25 AM
Labels: article 370, India, J K, kashmir
2 comments:
kavi deependra said...
thank you very much ..for such valuable information...
kavi deependra
December 25, 2009 10:26 AM
Acme Consultants said...
This information cannot be considered as full information. Please give
the actual reason
February 27, 2010 4:11 AM
Post a Comment
http://rashtraman.blogspot.com/2008/08/article-370.html
SP, RJD pipe down, Govt not in a hurry for Women's Bill in LS
PTI
New Delhi, March 10, 2010
UPA allies SP and RJD on Wednesday piped down on their threat to
withdraw support to the government and the ruling coalition appeared
not to be in a hurry to press ahead with the Women's reservation bill
in the Lok Sabha.
A day after the Rajya Sabha passed the historic legislation, Trinamool
Congress leader Mamata Banerjee, whose party boycotted the voting, on
Wednesday met Congress president Sonia Gandhi who reportedly addressed
her concerns and assured her all parties would be consulted before the
historic legislation is brought before the Lok Sabha.
However, Banerjee continued to sulk over Congress attitude when she
walked away from the Rajya Sabha during the discussion on the Railway
budget after a Congress leader made a veiled attack on her suggesting
she was not following "Cabinet discipline".
The timing of tabling the bill in the Lok Sabha was a matter of
speculation amid reports that the Government does not want to take any
chance with the crucial money bills to be voted before the House
adjourns for a recess on March 16.
However, Law Minister Veerappa Moily dismissed any fears of threat to
the government on the issue of financial business saying government
had the numbers and there was no deliberate strategy to delay the
Bill.
Parliamentary Affairs minister P K Bansal gave no indication of the
Bill being brought before March 16, saying "We want everyone on board.
We will certainly try for a congenial atmosphere."
On the other side, the Bill's strong opponents SP chief Mulayam Singh
Yadav and RJD chief Lalu Prasad, who had threatened to withdraw
support over its passage, did not execute their threat today.
Women's Bill to be in place in two years
It will be more than two years after the Women's Reservation Bill is
passed in Lok Sabha for it to be implemented because of the long
subsequent legislative and other processes associated with it.
"It will take a minimum of two years. Just like the delimitation
process...a commission or a committee it will take two to two-and-a-
half years from now. The process is such," Moily told PTI.
However, he expressed confidence that the reservation of seats and the
identification of 181 of the 543 seats for women in Lok Sabha will be
in place "definitely" before the next Lok Sabha elections due in 2014.
Apart from reserving seats in Lok Sabha, the Constitution Amendment
Bill, which was passed by Rajya Sabha on Tuesday, seeks to provide
reservation for women in 1,370 out of a total of 4,109 seats in 28
assemblies.
The principle of reservation of seats for women will also apply to
seats reserved for SC/ST candidates.
The Bill also provides for rotation of seats reserved for women every
Lok Sabha.
Explaining the process, Moily said once Lok Sabha passes the Bill and
the President signs it it will be sent to all the states for
ratification.
At least 14 of the 28 states will have to ratify the legislation for
it to become a law. This process, Moily said, may take about nine
months.
Women's bill in LS likely on March 15
The Women's Reservation Bill, which has been passed by Rajya Sabha,
may be tabled in Lok Sabha on March 15 or 16 but a final decision on
it will be taken by the Business Advisory Committee which meets on
Friday.
"The BAC is meeting on Friday. It will have to decide the date," Law
Minister M Veerappa Moily told reporters when asked when the
Constitution (108th Amendment) bill would be tabled in the Lower
House.
Replying to questions, Moily said the bill could be tabled on March 15
or March 16.
He expressed confidence that the bill that provides for 33 per cent
reservation for women in Lok Sabha and state assemblies would have a
smooth sailing in the Lower House of Parliament too.
The bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha yesterday with overwhelming
majority, with 191 voting in favour and only one against among those
present in the House.
Moily said the government has some other agenda like the Finance bill
and some legislations to replace ordinances that are needed to be
taken up urgently.
Asked whether there was any plan to revoke suspension of the seven
Rajya Sabha members considering demands for the same, the Law Minister
evaded a direct reply and merely said, "The Congress and UPA
government are not interested in keeping out members of either Lok
Sabha or Rajya Sabha. That is not our legacy. Our legacy is to involve
everybody.
No quotas within quota, no threat to Govt: Moily
Government ruled out providing 'quota within quota' for OBCs and
Muslims in the Women's Reservation Bill and said there was no
deliberate delay in bringing the measure to Lok Sabha on perceived
threat to its stability.
Unfazed by threats of withdrawl of support by allies like SP and RJD,
the Government is absolutely confident and has no worries about
numbers in Lok Sabha or about passage of the money bills in the lower
house.
"There is no provision for sub quota for OBCs or minorities under the
present scheme of things in Constitution and also because there is no
data available even today on communities and castes under the census,"
Moily said.
BPCC suspends Lalu's relative, Tytler says no
Congress in Bihar suspended RJD chief Lalu Prasad's relative Anirudh
Prasad alias Sadhu Yadav for reportedly speaking against Women's
Reservation Bill, but AICC general secretary in-charge of state
affairs, Jagdish Tytler, said no such measure was taken against him.
"He does not stand suspended as announced by BPCC president Anil
Sharma earlier in the day," Tytler told reporters in Patna.
Yadav had personally explained his position to him stating that he
believed in the policies and programmes of the Congress, Tytler said.
"Yadav has explained to me that he was not averse to the party line on
the Women's Reservation Bill. "I have asked Yadav to explain his
position in writing to which he has agreed," Tytler said.
Yadav, brother-in-law of Lalu, said, "I have not said anything on the
issue. Since the assembly elections are around the corner, some vested
interests in the party are playing dirty politics to malign me."
Earlier in the day, the BPCC chief said, "We have taken a serious note
of Yadav going to the extreme step of violating the party lines on the
bill and suspended him with immediate effect."
According to reports, Yadav had threatened to resign from the Congress
to protest against its stand on the Bill. He had switched over to
Congress following differences with Lalu on allotment of party ticket
before the last Lok Sabha election.
AP Cong demands Bharat Ratna for Sonia Gandhi
Hailing AICC president Sonia Gandhi for getting the Women's
Reservation Bill passed in the Rajya Sabha, women wing of the Andhra
Pradesh Congress demanded that she be awarded Bharat Ratna for her
valuable contribution for the empowerment of women in the country.
"We have faxed our demand to President Pratibha Patil already. We will
meet her soon and request her to confer Bharat Ratna on madam
Soniaji," state Mahila Congress president K Ganga Bhavani said in
Hyderabad.
She said a resolution has also been passed in this regard by the
Congress' women wing.
Gandhi Bhavan, the headquarters of the state Congress Committee, wore
a festive look with party members distributing sweets, bursting
crackers, lighting sparklers and dancing with joy over the passage of
the women's reservation bill in the Rajya Sabha.
The party members hit out at RJD chief Lalu Prasad, Samajwadi Party
supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav and Janata Dal (U) president Sharad Yadav
for opposing the bill.
"The behaviour of MPs who tried to snatch away and tear the papers was
abominable. If Lalu has so much love for dalits, then why had he made
his wife (Rabri Devi) chief minister. He could had made a dalit leader
the chief minister," T Venkata Ratnam, a woman Congress leader, said.
Related Stories
Govt firm on MPs' suspension
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/87525/Top%20Stories/Govt+refuses+to+revoke+RS+MPs'+suspension.html
'TC wanted all-party debate'
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/87457/Top%20Stories/We+wanted+all-party+debate:+Mamata.html
Uproar over Women's Bill
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Video/87478/42/Uproar+over+Women's+Bill;+LS+adjourned.html
RS passes Women's Quota Bill
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Video/87352/42/RS+passes+Women's+Quota+Bill.html
Suspended MPs refuse to apologise
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Video/87509/42/Suspended+MPs+refuse+to+apologise.html
ASK PRABHU
India Today ASK PRABHU Story If the Congress starts supporting Common
Civil Code, eliminates Article 370, terminates all the casts/religion-
based reservations, where would you be?
March 3, 2010
None of these changes would affect my life. I trust democracy and
nationalist secularism.
-Asked by Shivram Gopal Vaidya
vaidyas...@gmail.com
More stories from ASK PRABHU
Why do you avoid answering the question that might put Muslim
hooligans and Congressmen in tight spot? Are you afraid of them? Do
they hamper your channels' day-to-day work?
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89191/ASK%20PRABHU/Why+do+you+avoid+answering+the+question+that+might+put+Muslim+hooligans+and+Congressmen+in+tight+spot+Are+you+afraid+of+them+Do+they+hamper+your+channels'+day-to-day+work.html
Pakistan plays with our govt, like cat plays with a mouse, bleeding us
regularly. Yet our ministers run to defend tapori like pro-Pak
statements of some celebrities. What message does Pakistan get out of
this?
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89190/ASK%20PRABHU/Pakistan+plays+with+our+govt,+like+cat+plays+with+a+mouse,+bleeding+us+regularly.+Yet+our+ministers+run+to+defend+tapori+like+pro-Pak+statements+of+some+celebrities.+What+message+does+Pakistan+get+out+of+this.html
How to elect honest politician where elections are based on money
power?
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89189/ASK%20PRABHU/How+to+elect+honest+politician+where+elections+are+based+on+money+power.html
I take extra care of my children studying in convent as I see so many
improper tricks are applied to make them deviate religiously. Everyday
after school I force them into Quransharif. Am I communal to defend
our beliefs?
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89188/ASK%20PRABHU/I+take+extra+care+of+my+children+studying+in+convent+as+I+see+so+many+improper+tricks+are+applied+to+make+them+deviate+religiously.+Everyday+after+school+I+force+them+into+Quransharif.+Am+I+communal+to+defend+our+beliefs.html
Sir, recently, I heard that India was rebuffed and snubbed in Tehran
and in Istanbul. Is this true? Why were we treated like this
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89187/ASK%20PRABHU/Sir,+recently,+I+heard+that+India+was+rebuffed+and+snubbed+in+Tehran+and+in+Istanbul.+Is+this+true+Why+were+we+treated+like+this.html
ASK PRABHU
India Today ASK PRABHU Story Mumbai is a part of India. Any Indian
can settle there. What about Kashmir? Do you and your channel support
the scrapping of article 370?
February 20, 2010
Why don't you read the Constitution of India? Many of us can't buy
land in many states in North East and even in Himachal. Article 370 is
part of our Constitution and it can be changed only by the state
assembly.
AIMPLB begins a new journey from Lucknow
Farzand Ahmed
March 21, 2010
The 38-year-old All India Muslim Personal Law Board [AIMPLB] that
stands for the protection of Shariat and Muslim Personal Laws seemed
to be rewriting its own history on the banks of Gomti in Lucknow when
it elected when it elected four new female members to the 51-member
executive committee. With this number of elected members of Board
increased to five. [There were 25 nominated women members in the 201-
member general body].
The AIMPLB representing all Muslim sects and schools of thought is
currently in session for the first time in Lucknow which once
threatened its existence.
It was on the ground of gender bias within the Ulema-dominated
organisation and deliberate neglect of growing plight of women that a
parallel all-women All India Muslim Women Personal Board [AIMWPLB]
headed by Shaishta Ambar was set up in Lucknow some five years ago.
Later Hazrat Tauquir Raza Khan, the spiritual head of powerful Barelvi
school of Sunni Muslims split the Board and floated AIMPLB [Jadeed].
It was followed by third split in January 2005 in Lucknow when well-
known Shia cleric Khateeb e-Akbar Maulana Mirza Athar set up a
separate All India Shia Muslim Personal Law Board. The founders had
alleged that AIMPLB had been neglecting views of Shia community and
not doing much for the Indian Muslims as a whole.
Despite splits and criticism AIMPLB stood firmly. However, many
members viewed the direct election of four women members---Rukhsana
Lari, Safia Naseem [both from Lucknow], Noorjehan Shakeel [Kolkata)
and Asma Zehra [Hyderabad] was seen as sign of Board's acceptance of
the fact it could no longer ignore the growing pressure from Women.
Naseem Iqtidar Ali Khan was till now the sole woman member in the
executive committee. She continues to be on the panel.
Earlier in January this year AIMPLB Secretary Maulana Wali Rahmani had
held the first ever direct dialogue with women in Lucknow and faced
their anger over various issues including the issue of Talaq
[divorce].
Expands to NE States
Maulana Rabey Hasni Nadwi, head of the Dar-ul-Uloom Nadavat-ul-Ulema,
the Lucknow-based Islamic Seminary, was unanimously elected the
president of the Muslim Law Board for the third successive term.
According Board Spokesperson Zafaryab Jilani another significant
feature of elections was the Board's attempt to expand its
representation in the north-eastern States and Ladakh. The
representatives from these regions were elected as term members.
While, Maulana Bilal was elected from Meghalaya and Syed Ahmed from
Tripura, the Independent MP from Ladakh (Jammu and Kashmir), Ghulam
Hussain and Maulana Ata-ur- Rehman, AUDF (Assam United Democratic
Front ) MLA from Badarpur in Assam were elected term members from
Ladakh and Assam.
Announcing the results of the elections, the AIMPLB spokesperson,
Zafaryab Jilani said the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, K. Rahman
Khan and retired justice, Mohammad Qadri were made the life members of
the board. Jilani said these appointments were made against the eight
vacancies among the 102 founder members of the Law Board.
Kamal Farooqui, Qasim Rasool Ilyas, Saifullah Rahmani, Maulana Atiqur
Rehman Bastavi and Syed Athar Ali of Mumbai were the new faces elected
as term members. Besides, 10 members would be nominated by the Board
chairman.
History
All India Muslim Personal Law Board was established at a time when
"the then Government of India was trying to subvert Shariah law"
applicable to Indian Muslims through parallel legislation. Adoption
Bill had been tabled in the Parliament. Mr. H.R.Gokhle, then Union Law
Minister had termed this Bill as the first step towards Uniform Civil
Code. Ulema, leaders and various Muslim organisations convinced the
Indian Muslim community that the risk of losing applicability of
Shariah laws was real and concerted move by the community was needed
to defeat the conspiracy.
"It was a historic moment" claims Board adding "this was the first
time in the history of India after Khilafat Movement that people and
organisations of Indian Muslim community belonging to various schools
of thought came together on a common platform to defend Muslim
Personal Law.
First such meeting was convened at the famous Islamic Seminary at
Deoband on the initiative of Hazrat Maulana Syed Shah Minnatullah
Rahmani, Ameer Shariat, [Bihar & Orissa] and Hakeemul Islam Hazrat
Maulana Qari Mohammad Taiyab, Muhtamim, Darul Uloom, Deoband. The
meeting held a convention in Mumbai on December 27-28, 1972. "The
Convention was unprecedented. It showed unity, determination and
resolve of the Indian Muslim community to protect the Muslim Personal
Law".
All India Muslim Personal Law Board was born
The Board came into limelight for the first time when it intervened in
the Shah Bano case and pressured the Rajiv Gandhi government to blunt
the Supreme Court rule. The government had asked AIMPLB then headed by
highly revered Maulana Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, then Chief of Darul Uloom
Nadvatul Ulema [Lucknow] to come out with the amendment in sections in
the Criminal Procedure Code [Cr PC] relating to the issue of alimony
[that was against Shariat]. And the law was changed which the Sangh
Parivar took up as an example of Muslim appeasement. Later Board
intervened in the Babri Masjid movement too. But so far the Board has
confined itself to the cause of Shariat. It also launched movement to
reform the Muslim Society in 1986 against misuse of Talaq, vulgar
display of wealth in functions like marriage, dowry, female foeticide,
illiteracy among women and also to spread the understanding of Shariat
[Quoranic laws] among men and women.
Its campaign includes revival and strengthening of Dar-ul-Qaza [the
court of Qazi] to deal with the disputes relating to Muslim Personal
laws.
Failure
Critics say that the male & cleric dominated organisation has
neglected the plight of women and failed to take any effective steps
to protect the women from the curse of Triple Talaq [uttering Talaq
thrice in one sitting verbally]. However, Senior Board member Zafaryab
Jilani [also Board's legal advisor] said though the Board was aware of
misuse of Triple Talaq, the question was how to abolish it. He said
different sects and schools have different practices but all the main
four Schools among Sunni sect were almost unanimous in favour of
Triple Talaq. Scholars, he said, also quote numerous Hadis [rulings
and sayings of the Prophet] on this.
Its role in the Imrana case was criticised everywhere. Imarana of
Muzaffarnagar was allegedly sexually assaulted by her father-in-law
but when the issue was highlighted a Fatwa had declared her husband as
her "son". This had led to hue and cry by women groups. The Board had
sent an investigation team but it tried to cover up the issue.
It also failed to bring out an effective Model Nikahnama that could be
acceptable to women groups too. Yet this time again it evaded the
Women Reservation Bill which was being projected by a section of
Muslim political leadership that it was against Muslim women. The
Lucknow session focused on Librehan Commission report stressing that
all the people found guilty of destroying the Babri Masjid should be
prosecuted and punished. It has also opposed the proposed Communal
Violence Bill. The Board was of the view that the proposed Communal
violence Bill was 'most harmful' for Muslims as it would not fix
responsibility of the police and administration. AIMPLB spokesperson
Mohammad Abdur Rahim Qureshi told mediapersons "Muslims have been the
sufferers be it riots in Bhiwandi, Meerut, Nalanda, Bhagalpur or
anywhere". Qureshi said the proposed legislation would be discussed in
detail. The Board has also opposed the setting up of a Central Madarsa
Board.
Having done this, scholars attending the 21st Session in Lucknow would
spell out the future plans at public meeting on Sunday evening.
Abolish 370, says Bhagwat, Advani
Arvind Chhabra
Madhopur (Pathankot), March 20, 2010
Different leaders including RSS chief Mohan Rao Bhagwat and former
deputy prime minister L.K. Advani today raised demand to abolish
Article 370 from the constitution as they paid glorious tributes to Dr
Shyama Prasad Mookherjee, described as the first martyr of independent
India, who laid down his life for the principle of one nation, one
flag and one constitution. Various leaders had splurged in Madhopur in
Pathankot on the occasion.
Punjab Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, BJP president Nitin
Gadkari and Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Prem Kumar Dhumal were
among thousands who had gathered at the border point of Punjab-Jammu
and Kashmir (J&K) as it was here in 1953 he had started his campaign
to make J&K integral part of India and to make it possible for every
Indian citizen to visit J&K without permit. His life size statue was
unveiled and the place was named as Ekta Sathal.
Mohan Bhagwat gave a call to launch a second struggle to abolish
Article 370, the "last remaining symbol of disintegration." He also
demanded respectable rehabilitation of 3.5 lakh Kashmiri Hindu
migrants back in Valley, who are suffering in different parts of the
country.
Advani said that the struggle of Dr. Shayamal Prasad would be complete
only if Article 370 was repealed from the constitution. He said that
we became victim of British policy of disintegrating India even after
partition.
Gadkari, who also demanded repealing of Article 370 said that talks
with Pakistan would be futile till Pakistan continue to foment
terrorism from its soil.
More stories from North
'Thank God, we don't have a Thackeray'
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/86961/LATEST%20HEADLINES/Thackeray+targets+Maha+governor+over+'Mumbai+for+all'+remark.html
Bhilai: Principal sends lewd SMSes to students; thrashed
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89030/India/Bhilai:+Principal+sends+lewd+SMSes+to+students;+thrashed.html
India ok with life term for Headley: Govt
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89024/India/India+ok+with+life+sentence+for+David+Headley:+Govt.html
Getting official access to Headley will help India: BJP
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89000/India/Getting+official+access+to+Headley+will+help+India:+BJP.html
Batla autopsy: Police in the dock
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/88969/India/Damning+Batla+autopsy+findings.html
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89176/India/Abolish+370,+says+Bhagwat,+Advani.html
Courtesy: Mail Today
Damning Batla autopsy findings
Aman Sharma
New Delhi, March 19, 2010
Eighteen months after the controversial Batla House 'encounter'in the
aftermath of the Delhi serial blasts, the post-mortem reports of the
victims are out and are drilling gaping holes in the police version of
the incident.
The post-mortem reports reveal that both the slain suspected
terrorists, Atif Ameen and Mohd Sajid, had injuries inflicted by a
blunt object, other than the numerous gunshot wounds on their bodies.
Sajid's post-mortem report also confirms he was shot three times in
the head with the bullets travelling vertically downwards, which was
visible in the photographs of Sajid's body published by MAIL TODAY
earlier.
The report says these three bullets having their entry wounds in the
scalp led to cranio-cerebral damage to the brain, causing Sajid's
death.
One of these bullets fired in the head exited from the back of his
chest, another came out near his jaw and the third one exited from the
back of his right shoulder.
There was another bullet shot behind his head.
How the police managed to shoot Sajid from above during an encounter
remains unexplained.
The report also confirms that Sajid has another bullet entry wound on
his right shoulder, which went vertically down and lodged in his
chest.
There were two more injuries on Sajid's body, which are non-firearm
wounds. How these wounds could be inflicted when bullets were being
fired from both sides, according to the police version, remains
unanswered.
These are injury numbers 13 and 14 specified in the post-mortem report
- the former is a four by two cm abrasion over the midline on Sajid's
back while the latter is a muscle-deep laceration wound of 3.5 by two
cm on the right leg. It is unexplained how Sajid could have got such
wounds before his death in a shootout.
The post-mortem report of Atif reveals his body was riddled with 10
bullets in the chest, abdomen, thighs, shoulder, neck and lower back.
He also has a nonfirearm injury - specified as injury number seven
which is an abrasion on his right knee.
The post-mortem reports have been furnished by the National Human
Rights Commission (NHRC) in response to an application filed under the
Right to Information (RTI) Act by a Jamia Millia Islamia student Afroz
Alam.
The Delhi Police had persistently refused to share these reports over
the last 18 months. Even the NHRC had skirted the issue initially in
their report on the Batla House encounter though it went to great
lengths to explain the fire-arm injuries to Delhi Police inspector
Mohan Chand Sharma that caused his death.
The NHRC, in its report, had merely said that the post-mortem reports
of the two suspected terrorists mentioned injuries other than fire-arm
injuries but did not disclose more or investigate how injuries by a
blunt object could have been inflicted in a shootout. The autopsies of
Atif and Sajid were done three days after the encounter by a panel of
three AIIMS doctors of forensic medicine.
Advocate Prashant Bhushan, who had been fighting to get the post-
mortem reports made public, said the autopsy reports reveal what the
Delhi Police have been desperately trying to hide.
"Blunt injuries mentioned in the autopsy could not have been caused in
a shootout. Obviously, there was some scuffle or the two boys were
beaten up before they were shot.
How can anyone explain the top of the head bullet injuries or the one
in the top of his (Sajid) right shoulder - with all bullets going
vertically down in the body?" Bhushan asked.
He added: "Pictures of the bodies had exposed these injuries. The
police were hence desperately trying to hide these post-mortem
reports.
The non-firearm injuries on both the back and leg of Sajid cannot be
explained. That is why we have been demanding an independent
investigation into the alleged encounter." A senior doctor at AIIMS,
who was associated with the autopsies, said he could not explain the
nonfirearm injuries on Sajid's body.
"But the other three or four gunshot wounds on Sajid's head and
shoulder is possible in a shootout… for example, the terrorist may
have fallen after taking a bullet in his leg and could have been
firing at the police lying down. So, such a pattern of injuries is
possible in such a volley of fire," he said.
But Bhushan rubbished the explanation.
"If Sajid was lying down and firing, there should be a hail of police
bullet marks on the walls of the room. But there was none in the room
where the shootout happened," he said.
The Jamia Teachers Solidarity Association also reacted strongly to the
contents of the autopsies. "Almost all entry wounds on Atif's body are
in the region below the shoulders and at the back of the chest, which
point to the fact that he was repeatedly shot from behind. In Sajid's
case, the entry points of the gunshots and the fact that all but one
bullet travelled downward suggests he was held down by force (which
also explain the injuries on the back and leg), while he was shot in
the back and head," said Manisha Sethi of the association.
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/88969/India/Damning+Batla+autopsy+findings.html
Getting official access to Headley will help India: BJP
PTI
New Delhi, March 19, 2010
With extradition of Pakistani- American David Coleman Headley now
ruled out after he pleaded guilty to terror charges, BJP today said
this was a loss but official access to India to question him would
help prove to the world about Pakistan's involvement in the Mumbai
strikes.
"It (consequences of his pleading guilty before a US court) is a mixed
bag. As we cannot get extradition, it is a loss. But, at the same
time, we can get official access and can officially question him so
our dossiers (against Pakistan) will be more weighty," BJP
spokesperson Prakash Javadekar said.
He asserted that though Pakistan may ultimately dismiss Headley's
confessions as "mere papers" and not evidences, the involvement of the
neighbouring country in the 26/11 terror attacks would be established
more firmly and be "very clear" to the world community.
"Now the trial of Ajmal Kasab (lone surviving terrorist in the 26/11
case) is winding up. So, I think we can expect the result in that case
also," he said.
Javadekar took a dig at the UPA government for making a "unilateral
offer" of foreign secretary-level talks to Pakistan inspite of its
continued support to terror.
"The real test of India lies in how it deals with Pakistan because
Pakistan has not changed a bit. It has not done anything, not taken
any credible steps....Terror continues, infiltration is growing. Still
government did a sudden U-turn and unilaterally offered talks," he
said.
This move had emboldened the Pakistani establishment, especially the
ISI, to simultaneously do business with India and plot terror,
Javadekar alleged.
He said it was ISI's policy to inflict a thousand cuts and wound
India.
Bhilai: Principal sends lewd SMSes to students; thrashed
Raghunandan Panda & Sunil Namdeo
Bhilai/Raipur, March 19, 2010
Parents of a Bhilai school students beat up its principal after he
allegedly sent lewd messages on their mobiles.
K.S. Chhabra, principal of famous school Maharishi Vidya Mandir, a
well known school in Chhattisgarh's steel city Bhilai, has been
accused of making obscene phone calls and sending lewd short messages
(SMSes) on some of his students' mobiles.
Chhabra even called them to his office in the school and at home, the
parents alleged. A victim recorded her principal's sickening demands
on her mobile and reported to the parents.
Enraged over the principal's gesture, the parents beat him black and
blue. They alleged that Chhabra's disgusting behaviour was going on
for a few years. They thrashed him all the way to the police station
until the policemen rescued him.
The police have started an enquiry into the matter and have recorded
calls by Chhabra as proof.
Bahadur, one of the parents of such students, said, "The principal
used to say that your children are failing. If you want them to pass
you will have to do everything I say."
Thank God, we don't have a Thackeray here: Dikshit
PTI
New Delhi, March 20, 2010
"Thank God, we don't have a Bal Thackeray," said Chief Minister Sheila
Dikshit on Saturday while calling Delhi a unique city where people
from across the country can live comfortably.
"We have varied culture and true cosmopolitan people. People from
Kerala to Jammu and Kashmir and to those from the North-East can live
here comfortably.
"Everyone knows what is happening in Mumbai (anti-north Indian
campaign). It certainly does not happen here. Thank God, we don't have
a Bal Thackeray here," she said about the anti-North Indian campaign
by the Shiv Sena and MNS.
Dikshit was speaking at an interactive session at a summit organised
by CII and the Wall Street Journal.
The chief minister also spoke about the uniqueness of Delhi, where
everything including its weather, is imported and the number of
heritage structures it has.
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Bal Thackeray lashes out at IPL
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Sena chief attacks Chavan, Rahul
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ASK PRABHU
India Today ASK PRABHU Story As per our Constitution, an Indian can
stay or live in any part of India except Jammu and Kashmir. But some
political leaders, for their political gains, are opposing this. Is it
correct? I think the electronic media is more powerful to spread this
message.
March 3, 2010
The state of J&K enjoys a special status under Article 370 of the
Constitution. It doesn't permit people from other parts of India to
buy property in J&K. The BJP has been agitating for scrapping Article
370 but all other parties are opposed to such a move unless it is
proposed by the state assembly itself.
-Asked by Anil Kumar
anilkuma...@gmail.com
BJP believes in one nation one constitution: Nitin Gadkari
PTI
Saturday, March 20, 2010 21:37 IST
Madhopur (Punjab): Asserting it stands for "one nation one
constitution", the BJP today said the party is firm in its resolve to
scrap article 370 of the Constitution providing special status to
Jammu and Kashmir.
"The party stands for one nation one constitution slogan given by
Bharatiya Jana Sangh founder Shyama Prasad Mukherjee," BJP president
Nitin Gadkari said here on the occasion of unveiling of a statue of
the late leader.
He said the BJP will not dilute its stand on abrogation of Article 370
and there is a need to emulate Mukherjee, who "fought for scrapping of
permit system prevalent in those days which debarred people to enter
and move freely in Jammu and Kashmir".
Gadkari said his party is opposed to the Centre's policy on Kashmir,
which is mere appeasement to those who pose a threat to the nation,
and its mild approach to tackle Pakistan-sponsored terrorism.
Addressing the gathering, he said Pakistan continues to wage a proxy
war against India by sponsoring terrorism in J-K, while Naxalism is
posing an internal threat to the country.
The Centre has not yet come out with adequate measures to meet these
threats. The Government seems to be softening its stand on Pakistan
due to pressure of some foreign powers, Gadkari alleged.
"Kashmir is an integral issue and no talks with Pakistan can be
resumed unless it gives ample proof of striking hard on militants
operating from its soil.
"Pakistan should stop aiding and abetting terrorism in India," Gadkari
said.
Former deputy prime minister L K Advani in his address said while
Vallabh Bhai Patel and Mukherjee had a common resolve to see a strong
India, the British gave independence but with a rider that the rulers
of the erstwhile princely states could use their discretion on staying
with India.
Apparently referring to the "Mumbai for maharashtrians' issue, RSS
chief Mohan Bhagwat, who unveiled the statue, said Hindus were forced
to migrate from Jammu and Kashmir but the country belongs to all
Indians and regional chauvinism does not hold any place.
Punjab deputy chief minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, who was also present
there, said Mukherjee's photographs would be put up in the gallery
here.
Himachal Pradesh chief minister Prem Kumar Dhumal, state BJP president
Shanta Kumar, Punjab industry and local bodies minister Manoranjan
Kalia, Amritsar BJP MP, Navjot Singh Sidhu
were among those present on the occasion.
The place where the life-size statue of Mukherjee was erected was
named as 'Ekta Sthal'.
Saturday, March 20, 2010
A possible deconvolution for the convoluted logic of RSS: What Mohan
Bhagwat could have said ....
In a recent blog entry the chief of RSS, Mr. Mohan Bhagwat (MB) was
criticised for saying: He who is an Indian is a Hindu and he who is
not a Hindu is not an Indian.
A long and winding debate ensued. It was desirable to retain the
informal notions related to the words Hindu and Indian, and yet
certain specificity was needed for precision, unambiguousness and
substantiveness.
Mr. Thammayya, in one of his comments, had asked: Hey, I have another
suggestion. What do you think, MB should have told? Interesting to
know this.
I have recently outlined an abstract version of Hindu-WOL (Hindu Way
of Life), terming it, for various reasons, Sanatana Dharma. In light
of this article, here is my take on what MB could have said:
One of the essential underpinnings of an open and free mind regarding
religious truths is: There can be points of view regarding the Truth
and the ways of attaining the Truth which are seemingly quite
different from the ones I uphold but are equally valid.
Hindus pursue and practice such openness and freedom.
A belief in exclusive monopoly regarding religious truths and/or
insistence on one's concrete details regarding the same, is
inconsistent with this notion of freedom.
India, in our view, is a home-nation for Hindus. Those who are not
Hindus are not legitimately Indian.
Remarks:
0. The term Hindu is not defined comprehensively here. And yet,
whatever is essential for for the political debate is captured in
terms of the concepts of openness and freedom.
For example:
a. The term Hindu is free from geographical, racial, linguistic,
regional connotations and overtones.
b. So there can be Hindus residing as citizens of other nations.
1. Similarly, India, although not defined comprehensively, is hinted
in the last sentence, to be the current geopolitical entity, whose
citizens we are. This suffices for the political debate.
For example:
a. The term India is free from racial, linguistic, and regional
connotations and overtones.
b. Those, who are currently residing in India as citizens but do not
honor this openness and freedom are termed illegitimate citizens.
This allows us to use the terms "Hindu" and "India" with specificity
necessary for the relevant aspects of political debate, while
retaining the same informal notions regarding these words, which most
of us may entertain.
Nonetheless, this is still a tentative version, and is open to be
improved upon. Readers' suggestions are welcome.
Interestingly, a Dutch Politician, Geert Wilders has said many things
which RSS could have, and should have articulated long long ago. Some
of these are, I have provided links obtained from the same wikipedia
page: "not tolerate the intolerant", "Ban Koran like Mein Kampf", and
"There might be moderate muslims, but there is no moderate Islam".
However, as I have repeatedly alleged, owing to intellectual lethargy,
among those who are supposed to provide India with political
leadership, these things have not happened here in India.
Posted by samAlochaka
http://medsyn.blogspot.com/2010/03/possible-deconvolution-for-convoluted.html
bademiyansubhanallah
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
CINEMA
Keezhavenmani revisited
S. VISWANATHAN
The Keezhavenmani massacre of December 25, 1968, by landlords and
their henchmen, which was all but ignored by the mainstream press, is
poignantly brought to life in a documentary film.
TIME, they say, is the best healer. But certain wounds, especially
those that remain in the collective memory of a society, defy the
saying. This was quite in evidence at a function held in Chennai on
December 18 to mark the release of a documentary film, perhaps the
first ever, on the massacre of 44 people, mostly women and children
belonging to families of Dalit agricultural workers, nearly 40 years
ago at Keezhavenmani village, 25 km from Nagappatttinam in Tamil
Nadu.
The film, Ramiahvin Kudisai (The Hut of Ramiah), narrates how they
were burnt alive in a hut where they had taken refuge. The story is
told by some of the survivors, who break down, unable to contain their
grief and anger, even after such a long time. It is a detailed account
of the violence perpetrated by landlords intolerant of the growing
strength of the agricultural workers' movement in the region. Most of
the invitees, who watched in silence the one-hour film produced by The
Roots and directed by Bharathi Krishnakumar, were seen wiping their
tears at the end of the screening.
Keezhavenmani has gone into the history of the country's agrarian
movement not only as an example of the supreme sacrifice of the
toiling masses in their struggle for liberation from economic
exploitation and social oppression, but also as a frightening reminder
of the ruthless ways in which their oppressors try to protect vested
interests. Thousands of people, including activists of the Left and
Dalit parties, gather at the village on December 25 every year, the
day on which the tragedy took place in 1968, to pay their respects at
the martyrs' memorial.
Strangely, however, the coverage of the incident in the mainstream
newspapers was inadequate. The reports were even misleading in certain
respects. For instance, many newspapers described the incident as a
clash between two sections of kisans, or between two groups of
agricultural workers, all for a wage hike of just half a measure of
rice. The incident was apparently seen in isolation of the
developments during the preceding months. The larger socio-economic
aspects of it were by and large ignored. The documentary fills the gap
to a great extent. It answers many questions, such as why and how the
massacre happened and what roles the police, the State government and
political parties played.
The documentary brings to light many a hidden fact through the
personal accounts of some of the accused in the case relating to the
arson, their close relatives, and a retired police official. The
documentary, with the help of a lot of meticulously collected
background material, presents the incident as part of the decades-long
struggle by under-paid and under-fed agricultural workers for a better
living. In this perspective, any study of the Keezhavenmani massacre
has to be made in the light of the agrarian movement in the rice-rich
undivided Thanjavur district during the preceding three decades.
THANJAVUR district, prior to its division, accounted for nearly 30 per
cent of the State's paddy production, thanks to its rich irrigation
facilities. Thousands of acres of land were in the possession of
temples, Hindu religious mutts and zamindars, a class of people
created by the British to collect land revenues for the government.
Thirty per cent of the cultivable land was in the possession of 5 per
cent of the landholders. Fifty-five per cent of the temple and mutt
lands were under the control of the cultivating tenants. There were
also small and marginal farmers. The district had a large presence of
agricultural workers, most of them Dalits who were treated as slaves
(pannai adimaigal). Dalits were therefore oppressed both socially and
economically. They suffered the worst forms of untouchability, being
denied access to public wells, rivers, streets and temples.
It was under these circumstances that the communist movement struck
root in the district. With agricultural workers being mostly Dalits
and a significant number of marginal and small landholders being from
the socially backward castes, the communists had to integrate the
fight against economic oppression and social oppression with the
cooperation of both these sections. Under the guidance of leaders such
as A.K. Gopalan, B. Srinivasa Rao and Manali C. Kandasami, the
communists first organised the cultivating tenants, who were at the
mercy of zamindars, temples and mutts, and then agricultural workers.
Long struggles by them for protection from eviction led to the
abolition of the zamindari system with the adoption of the Tamil Nadu
Estates (Abolition and Conversion into Ryotwari) Act, 1948; the
Tanjore Pannaiyal Protection Act, 1952 (later repealed) and the Tamil
Nadu Tenants Protection Act, 1955.
The Tamil Nadu Cultivating Tenants (Payment of Fair Rent) Act, 1956,
was meant to ensure that the tenants paid a fair rent. With the
abolition of the zamindari system, a new class of marginal farmers
emerged, besides the small farmers. Similarly, the mechanisation of
agriculture that came with large allotment of funds for agriculture in
the First Five-Year Plan brought in the daily-wage earners. In the
1950s a Minimum Wages Act fixing wages for farm workers came into
being. The communist agricultural workers' unions demanded agreements
on payment of wages for both cultivation and harvest periods. In the
1960s, thanks to developments such as border wars, steep fall in food
production and certain actions of the Union government, such as,
devaluation of the Indian rupee in 1966, there was a spurt in prices
of agricultural commodities giving fillip to demands for higher wages
in several places. A separate organisation for championing the cause
of agricultural workers were later formed.
The peasant movement in the State also agitated for reducing the
concentration of land in the hands of a few by fixing a ceiling on
holdings and for redistributing the surplus land among the landless
agricultural workers. The Tamil Nadu Land Reforms (Fixation of
Ceiling) Act, 1961, came into being. It is another matter that the
Act, riddled with loopholes, ensured that not much land was declared
as surplus.
Before achieving these, however, the tenants, small and marginal
landholders and agricultural workers had to confront the money power
and political influence of the landowners at several levels. The
confrontation often led to violence and loss of lives. The police were
invariably on the side of the landowners. Many people, including some
frontline leaders, were killed in police firings. Interestingly, in
the early years of the agitations for increased wages, agricultural
workers and agriculturists signed wage accords in the presence of the
police. The workers intensified their struggles when landholders
refused to pay the wages agreed upon and threatened to replace them
with workers from other places.
The Paddy Producers Association, a militant organisation of
landholders, emerged. The association not only refused to pay higher
wages but also threatened landholders intent on implementing the wage
accord with dire consequences. In 1966, the union organised rallies
and a strike in the district demanding appointment of a tripartite
committee. But the Congress government in the State refused to yield.
Next year, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) came to power in
alliance with the Communist Party of India (Marxist). The union
renewed the plea for a tripartite committee to settle the wage issue,
but the DMK government also was in no mood to accept it. However,
following the death in police firing of a union worker who was trying
to protect the union flag from attack allegedly by the men of
landlords at Poonthazhangudi village on October 6, 1967, the State
government convened a tripartite conference at Mannargudi, which fixed
the wages for the short-term crop. It was valid only for a year.
Meanwhile, the Nagappattinam taluk unit of the Paddy Producers
Association came under the control of Irinjur Gopalakrishna Naidu, a
landlord, who formed a brigade of volunteers allegedly to oppress the
workers through intimidation, undertake harvest operations, and let
loose terror.
THIS was the situation when the Keezhavenmani carnage happened. The
major issue was the refusal of landlords to yield to the agricultural
workers' demand for higher wages since the earlier agreement had
lapsed. The workers demanded six litres of paddy for every 48 litres
harvested, but the Paddy Producers Association did not agree. Wherever
workers insisted on the higher wage, the association arranged for
carrying out harvest operations with "outside" labour in violation of
the understanding between the disputants under earlier wage accords.
K.BARANIDHARAN
A glass urn containing the remains of the victims, collected a few
days after the incident by freedom fighter I. Maayandi Bharathi. The
urn is now kept at the memorial for the victims at Keezhavenmani.
Wherever the landlord offered to pay higher wages, the Producers
Association protested and warned of counter action. The association
allegedly threatened the agricultural workers in Keezhavenmani around
December 10 that their huts would be torched. Leaders of agricultural
workers said that the taluk secretary of the CPI(M) and party
legislator K.R. Gnanasambandan had written to the State Chief
Secretary about the threat and asked for protection to them. (But a
communication from the Chief Secretary, however, reportedly stated
that the legislator's letter had reached him only in January.) Both
the letters were of no avail.
The apprehensions of the labour leaders were proved right on December
25. The Hindu's lead story on December 27, 1968, reported that 42
persons, mostly Harijans (as Dalits were called then), were burnt
alive on the night of December 25, and that the gruesome incident
followed a clash between two groups of kisans. It said: "Twenty-five
huts in all were burnt to ashes. The victims are said to have taken
refuge in a hut, which was among those destroyed." The report gives
the information that the landowners refused to concede the demand of
"Marxist kisans" that they be paid a harvest wage of six litres of
paddy and went ahead with harvesting that day engaging labour from a
neighbouring village. When these "outside" workers were returning
after work in the evening, the report said, "a group of about 200
persons attacked them, armed with deadly weapons". In the clash that
followed, Pakkirisami Pillai, a farm worker, sustained stab injuries,
which proved fatal. The "outside" workers ran away and the attacking
mob chased them. According to the report, around 10 p.m., another
group of about 200 persons were said to have marched to Keezhavenmani,
where a clash followed. Gunshots were also heard during this clash.
Twenty-five houses were set on fire. The inmates of huts ran out and
were said to have taken refuge in a single hut, which was among those
burnt down, the report said. Nineteen persons injured in both the
clashes were hospitalised. The report said that Gopalakrishna Naidu
was among those taken into custody. The report refers briefly to the
kisan trouble in East Thanjavur district for two months.
Although a police station was within 5 km from the village, the police
came to the spot hours after the incidents. Senior police officials
reportedly came only the next morning. Despite prohibitory orders,
hundreds of people visited the village.
Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai observed: "The incident is so savage and
gruesome that words fail me to express my agony and anguish" and
deputed two Ministers, M. Karunanidhi and S. Madhavan, to visit the
village and report to him. The eighth congress of the CPI(M), then
being held in Kochi, expressed its shock over "the inhuman act of
vandalism of the landlords' goondas" and directed P. Ramamurti, member
of the party's Polit Bureau and Member of Parliament, K.R.
Gnanasambandam, member of the Tamil Nadu Assembly, to rush to the
village. Ramamurti visited the village and later held discussions with
the Chief Minister.
Two days later, Annadurai announced that a one-man commission, headed
by Justice Ganapathia Pillai, would inquire "into the problems of
agricultural labour, the relationship between the labourer and the
landlord, and connected issues in East Thanjavur". Another immediate
action taken by the government was to bifurcate the Thanjavur police
district and appoint Walter Devaram Superintendent of Police for East
Thanjavur with Nagapattinam as headquarters.
Protest meetings and demonstrations by workers of the Left parties
were held all over the State. Leaders condemned the massacre and the
police administration's failure to protect the lives of the poor Dalit
agricultural workers.
B.T. Ranadive, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member, wrote in a long article on
the tragedy in the party's official organ People's Democracy, in its
January 12, 1969 issue: "It must be stated that had the DMK Ministry
been alert, the wage question could have been settled long ago. But
blackmailed by Congress propaganda about the breakdown of law and
order, and pressurised by the landlords within its own party, the
Ministry allowed things to drag on thereby encouraging the latter's
offensive against the workers." He stated that the DMK Ministry could
not escape the guilt of connivance at the growing crimes of the
landlords. "In the last few months at least three murders of leaders
of agricultural workers had taken place and neither the Ministry nor
the local police had taken any action to counter this campaign of
murder and terror and bring the criminals to justice," wrote Ranadive.
The veteran Marxist also gave a graphic account of what he saw at
Keezhavenmani when he visited the village a few days after the
tragedy.
A long article by D. Pandian in the official organ of the Communist
Party of India (CPI) also threw more light on the tragic incident. He
wrote: "The latest mass murder of women and children is the
continuation of this reign of terror of mirasdars [landlords]. All
these murders took place in a taluk where special police reinforcement
is sent to `protect the crops' according to the Ministry. And, yet on
December 25, at about 7 p.m. this savagery was enacted with impunity."
He said that the police went there only around 10 a.m. the next day
only to collect the charred remains of the victims. "The mirasdars set
fire to the hut and butchered the innocent victims; the police
completed the `cremation'," the article said.
"From all evidence," Pandian wrote, "it is clear that it was a pre-
planned, calculated murder." He also faulted the State government for
its "callousness and failure to protect the kisans, poor Harijans,
even after a series of murders in the area."
THE documentary, succeeds to a fairly large extent in revoking the
memories of the mass murder as one of the most heinous crimes against
women and children, by recreating the mood of that fateful night and
restating the tales of woe of those less fortunate and deprived
sections of the people by their survivors and those who stood by them
in those hours of crisis in their own words. It goes further and makes
some bold statements by going deeper into the issues involved.
For instance, it attempts to establish that the massacre of the
innocents was an `avoidable' crime. It adduces evidence to show that
had the government acted on the alerts from the kisan and labour
leaders about the threats from the landlords and their henchmen, the
carnage could have been averted.
A letter to the Chief Secretary from Gnanasambandam, written 15 days
before the incident reportedly reached its destination late - around
January 5,1969. Another appeal to the government from legislators such
as N. Sankariah to convene a meeting of the Assembly to discuss the
worsening situation in respect of relations between agricultural
workers and a section of landlords failed to provoke any response. A
warning from Ramamurti to the State government that if the activities
of the Paddy Producers Association president were not checked by the
police and the administration, the agricultural workers' organisation
also might have to think of an army of volunteers to protect
themselves as had been done by Gopalakrishna Naidu was also of no
avail. In the process of revealing this, the documentary raises
questions about the policy of the then DMK government in using the
police while dealing with issues relating to labour and also about a
possible nexus between the police and the landlords. What results is
an expose of the government's inefficiency in managing crises.
Another aspect that is highlighted by Krishnakumar's short film is the
unbelievable attachment of the people of that little village not only
to their soil but also to the movement that grew with them in that
region. Ignoring threats to their lives and casting aside offers of
allurement, an affected person states in the documentary that they
refused to pull down the flags and switch sides. Nor did they accept
the offer to be resettled in a nearby village. The documentary also
exposes the weakness of the judicial system. One of the accused in the
main mass murder case confesses how he could escape punishment by
claiming alibi with the help of an obliging doctor. (Although 10 of
the accused, all landlords, were convicted and sentenced to 10 years'
imprisonment, the High Court quashed the sentence on appeal and the
Supreme Court confirmed it.)
A striking contribution of the documentary is perhaps that it
highlights the point that the fight for liberation from economic
exploitation and social oppression has necessarily to be an integrated
one and Dalit liberation is inseparably linked to the fight against
exploitation of all sorts, which many of the interviewees vouchsafed
for from their own experience in East Thanjavur.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2301/stories/20060127001608400.htm
Volume 22 - Issue 04, Feb. 12 - 25, 2005
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
SPOTLIGHT
Crushed by the crowd
The stampede and fire at the Mandhardevi temple in Maharashtra, in
which some 300 people died, provides an occasion to look at the safety
measures at India's many pilgrim centres.
AFP
At the Mandhardevi temple at Wai, victims of the stampede on January
25.
"I couldn't see anything except the head of the person in front of me
but all of a sudden there was shouting and the crowd started pushing.
I resisted but it was like a powerful wave. The ground was slippery
and people started falling. I fell and people fell on me... the air
went out of me in one shot. I thought my chest would be crushed. I
could not breathe and thought I would die. AlI I wanted to do was
place my offering before the Devi. That's what all of us wanted and
this is what we got."
- Nababai, a Wai stampede survivor.
THE most tragic fact about the stampede at the Mandhardevi temple at
Wai in Maharashtra's Satara district on January 25 was that it was at
once avoidable and inevitable. For the three-lakh devotees nothing
mattered - not the steepness of the climb to the temple, the narrow
entrance, or the small size of the temple compound. They were many
more than the usual number for the doubly auspicious full moon day
because it was a Tuesday, a rare combination. By the time the police
officer in charge realised, close to noon and the auspicious hour,
that the sea of humanity was swelling fast and asked for more
policemen it was too late. Thirty men arrived but the situation had
gone out of control.
In the space of a couple of hours an estimated 300 people died and
property worth lakhs was burnt. Instead of a line of enthusiastic
devotees winding their way up the hill, all that was visible was a
giant head of fire. Rescue teams that arrived from Pune, 200 km away,
could see the fire from miles afar but it took them four hours to
negotiate the 12-km ghat road to reach the site atop a 1,200-metre-
high hill. There they were faced with treacherously slippery steps,
burning stalls, mangled bodies and the prospect of an occasional gas
cylinder bursting.
Doctors at the rural and mission hospitals in Wai said that judging by
the expression on the faces of most of the dead persons, death seemed
to have been instantaneous. It was an important indicator for the
investigators as it showed the rapidity with which things happened.
The State government's response was to announce cash aid to the
survivors and to set up a judicial inquiry into the causes of the
tragedy. In the blame game that followed, everything, from the death
toll to the possible cause, came under dispute. The authorities say
251 people died - 157 women, 88 men, five boys and a girl - while the
local people say the toll is much higher and that the bereaved took
away bodies to avoid paperwork with the authorities.
Eyewitness accounts of the tragedy vary. The most plausible sequence
of events suggests that some devotees slipped on a mix of water from
broken coconuts and blood from sacrificed goats, and that triggered
panic and a stampede. Packed beyond capacity in a compound, people
struggled to find a way out and surged towards the two openings of the
compound, one of which had been earmarked for entry and the other for
exit. The 30 or so policemen on duty inside were powerless to do
anything.
RAHUL DESHPANDE/AP
A fire rages in the stalls near the temple.
What happened next is not clear. The fire that started has been
attributed to an electric pole that fell and sent shock waves through
the coconut water, adding to the panic. Another version is that as
word spread of possible deaths, angry people burnt some shops on the
road. As the fire spread, gas cylinders started exploding - 25 were
counted in the space of two hours. Doctors confirmed that there were
no deaths from the fire or the explosions. All the deaths were caused
by suffocation.
Reconstructing the sequence of events will certainly assist the
investigation, but even a cursory survey exposes many inadequacies.
The Mandhardevi temple is atop a hill and is reached after a steep
climb that culminates in narrow steps. A narrow gateway opens out into
a compound large enough to accommodate about 250 people. On this
occasion there were reportedly close to a thousand devotees inside.
There are two access points to the temple and for the occasion it was
decided to use one as an entry and the other as an exit. This attempt
at crowd control came to nought when the crowd stampeded.
The Shakambhari Paush Purnima is an annual event and attracts
thousands of devotees, many of them from the farming community eager
to pay obeisance to the goddess for the good harvest. Devotees first
break coconuts at the Mangirbaba temple near the entrance to the main
temple, sacrifice goats, offer oil at the deepmal and dance holding
aloft Goddess Kalubai's idol.
Despite this being the time-honoured tradition, no attempt has been
made to cordon off space for the breaking of coconuts. Blood from the
sacrificial goats flows freely. The sacrificed animal has to be cooked
and eaten immediately but no special spot has been marked for this and
people camp anywhere, setting up stoves and fires. The place also
lacks accommodation or conveniences for those who have come for the 15-
day festival.
Basic precautions were not followed and this magnified the extent of
the tragedy. If fewer people had been permitted at a time into the
compound, the likelihood of a stampede would have been reduced. The
availability of a public address system could have restored order
faster and the panic could have been quelled. If there had been a
watchtower, the authorities would have been able to anticipate and
control the problem.
Furthermore, despite knowing that the day was an extra special one,
there were only 300 policemen for a gathering of three lakh. There was
not even one fire tender or ambulance. At least 300 makeshift stalls
had come up on the hillside, selling pooja materials and serving
snacks. How were these unlicensed shops allowed to use gas cylinders?
Said an official of the local administration: "Our hands are tied when
it comes to religious matters. It is so difficult to make suggestions,
leave alone enforce precautions, even of basic safety, when it comes
to religious fairs. If the S.P. [Superintendent of Police] insists on
limiting the numbers who enter a small area then people complain that
we are interfering with their worship. If we try to clear the stalls
on the road, the stall owners say their livelihood is being taken
away. What are the alternatives? We are forced to stand back and wish
for the best."
THE Kumbh Melas at Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh and Haridwar in
Uttaranchal may offer him quite a few lessons in crowd management.
Allahabad is currently hosting the month-long Magh Mela (January 14-
February 14). Over 25 lakh people gathered at the confluence of the
Ganga and the Yamuna on January 14; around 80 lakh are expected to
take a dip in the sangam on Febuary 8, Mauni Amavasya.
ROY MADHUR/REUTERS
At the Kumbh Mela at Trimbakeshwar near Nashik in Maharashtra on
August 27, 2003, pilgrims fall as they try to break through barricades
during the "Shahi Snan" (grand bath).
Crowd management is not a worry for B.S. Ojha, Kumbh Mela officer in
Allahabad. Huge crowds gather now and then on the banks of the Ganga
for a holy dip but Ojha claims that the city has never witnessed a
stampede. "This has been made possible by the scientific crowd
management adopted by the administration. We constantly keep an eye on
the movement of the crowd. If we see crowd pressure increasing on a
particular route, we divert people to another route," said Ojha.
"Besides, there are clear incoming and outgoing routes, which are far
away from one another, to avoid stampedes." A well-managed public
address system advises people on the route they should take to go in
or come out and there are enough police personnel to guide the crowd.
Over three crore people gathered in Allahabad for over a month during
the Purna Kumbh in 2001, to take a holy dip in the Ganga. It passed
without incident even on the important bathing days when around 80
lakh people gathered on a single day for a holy dip. In Haridwar, too,
barring 1986, when more than 50 people died in a stampede, there has
been no untoward incident during the Purna or Ardh Kumbh Melas.
Incidently, the last time there was a stampede at a Kumbh Mela was in
2003 in Nashik in Maharashtra. More than 40 people died in it.
The secret to successful crowd management lies in proper assessment of
the crowd pressure, chalking out of entry and exit routes, round-the-
clock vigil on crowd movement on important bathing days using cameras
mounted on watchtowers, deployment of adequate numbers of the police
forces, and an alert management capable of reacting quickly at the
first sign of trouble.
Said Ojha: "Police and paramilitary forces are deployed at every nook
and corner to control the crowd. Divers are on standby and so are
water police personnel who keep an eye on people in the river."
A strict vigil on crowd behaviour ensures that nothing untoward
happens. Said Allahabad District Magistrate Mahabir Yadav, who is in
charge of the overall administration of the sprawling mela ground:
"There are 10 police stations and 24 police chowkis only for the mela
ground, besides the Rapid Action Force (RAF) and the Provincial Armed
Constabulary (PAC) to manage the crowd. Administrative officials camp
there round-the-clock on important bathing days." Cameras mounted on
three watchtowers constantly scan the ground for any unusual crowd
behaviour.
The supervision is much the same in Haridwar too. There is a proper
traffic plan, both for vehicles and for pedestrians, on important
bathing days and it is adhered to strictly even if the crowd is not as
big as expected, according to Navin Chandra Sharma, mela officer in
Haridwar. "At times this exposes us to ridicule that there are more
policemen than pilgrims, as happened during the ardh Kumbh in February-
May last year, but we allow nothing to disturb our traffic plan," said
Sharma. Besides, only a specific number of pilgrims are allowed into
the river at any given time. "The rest are made to walk around
barricades in order to slow down their approach to the river," said
Sharma.
ONE of the most sophisticated systems of queue regulation and crowd
management in temples is the one at the hill temple of Venkateswara at
Tirumala in Andhra Pradesh. But that has not allayed fears about the
safety of pilgrims in the event of a situation arising out of, say, a
fire from a short-circuit. At any given time there are around 3,000
people in queues, besides around 50,000 waiting in the massive
complexes constructed outside the temple.
CH.K.V. POORNACHANDRA KUMAR
The semi-circular queue complex for pilgrims at the Venkateswara
temple in Tirumala.
The queue-complexes are divided into spacious and airy compartments
with seating arrangements and closed-circuit television, which
telecast the rituals going on inside the temple. The Tirumala Tirupati
Devasthanams (TTD) has also introduced the computer bar-coded
wristband called `Sudarshanam token', which indicates the time of
darshan for each pilgrim. This, besides easing the congestion at the
temple, gives the pilgrims the opportunity to visit other nearby
temples and places of tourist interest instead of waiting endlessly in
the queue.
To handle the crowds on special days such as New Year's Day and annual
festivals, when more than a lakh people congregate, the TTD initiated
land acquisition proceedings and evicted all the residents,
shopkeepers and hawkers around the temple after a protracted legal
battle. The TTD, with a Rs.600-crore annual budget, rehabilitated all
the displaced persons at the foothills at an enormous expenditure.
The safety of pilgrims, particularly inside the temple, remains a
concern considering the fact that entry and exit are through one
passage, the `Mahadwaram', the main door. But on the question of
making modifications to the main structure the TTD's hands are tied.
The Agama Sastras, which deal with temple architecture and the rituals
to be performed in a temple, do not permit any tinkering with the
temple structure under any pretext. A few years ago the TTD thought in
terms of a second entry/exit point to the main temple complex but
dropped the plan after the Mathadhipathis and Peethadhipathis cried
sacrilege and pointed out that it would be a violation of the Agamic
principles.
In fact, the religious heads are against even the modification of any
structure situated outside the main temple. A case in point is the
controversy over the recent demolition of the 1,000-pillar mandapam
outside the temple to meet the increasing pilgrim influx. While the
TTD argued that the demolished mandapam had no religious significance,
Tridandi Ramanuja Jeeyar, who spearheaded a movement against the
demolition, insisted that it was nonetheless a heritage structure that
had to be protected. A few court cases on the demolition and a probe
initiated by the government have put a damper on the TTD's
initiatives.
THE resistance at Vaishno Devi, the seven-century-old shrine in
Udampur district of Jammu and Kashmir, is from environmentalists, who
are against the blasting of rocks in the picturesque Trikuta hills to
carve out new routes to the shrine. In the last 20 years there has
been a manifold increase in the number of pilgrims - it was 6.1
million in 2004 - trekking the approximately 14 km to the shrine, and
the authorities have responded by carving out new routes for them. For
instance, a new route has halved the time taken to trek between
Adhkawari (midway between Katra and Bhavan) and Bhavan but it is prone
to landslides. A constant reminder of this fact is the barren
mountains along the route. The authorities have built temporary tin
sheds along the tract for pilgrims and also put up warning signs.
Officials of the Vaishno Devi Shrine Board say they are carrying out
massive afforestation to arrest the instability of the hills, but
Sohan Singh, former Chief Conservator of Forest of Jammu and Kashmir
and eminent environmentalist, says the damage is irreparable.
The nine-member Vaishno Devi Shrine Board was set up in 1986 with the
Governor as the head to ensure that the more than 20,000 pilgrims who
visit the shrine every day met with no accident. Among its other
members are the State Chief Secretary and the Principal Secretary to
the Governor. So far the Board has invested over Rs.125 crores to
provide infrastructure and other facilities.
The Board, through a set of guidelines, regulates the pilgrimage. It
issues yatra slips at Katra town, which is the base camp, and these
have to be produced at Bhavan in order to enter the shrine. The Board
has limited the number of slips to 25,000 a day. "This is the best
guarantee to avoid a rush, which can become unmanageable near the
shrine complex," says Rohit Kansal, additional chief executive officer
of the Board.
Two hundred pilgrims are sent into the shrine at a time and they are
not allowed to carry coconuts for reasons of security - explosives
could be hidden in them. Coconuts are also not allowed to be broken
near the holy cave. Pilgrims deposit the coconuts at a counter in the
main waiting hall and are given a token. They can reclaim their
coconut from a separate counter once they come out of the cave after
worship.
GAURAV VIVEK BHATNAGAR
At Vaishno Devi, security personnel check offerings brought by
pilgrims.
To meet any eventuality, there is a medical dispensary every 4 km on
the route and at Sanjichat, 4 km from the shrine and the highest point
of the pilgrimage, there is an intensive care unit. For any trekker
who requires immediate specialised treatment, the Board has a free
helicopter service to Katra town.
At Vaishno Devi and Tirumala, the threat of militant attacks adds a
new dimension to the task of crowd management. At Vaishno Devi, which
is located close to the militant-infested areas of Udhampur district,
besides the Jammu and Kashmir Police, six companies of the Central
Reserve Police Force provide security for pilgrims. The deployment of
such a large number of personnel followed the July 21, 2003, killing
of six persons, including an infant, in a grenade attack by Lashkar-e-
Taiba militants. Now, at various points on the trekking route,
pilgrims have to pass through X-ray machines that detect explosives.
The authorities at Tirumala have been on high alert following the
terrorist attacks on Parliament House (December 13, 2001), the
Askharadam temple in Gandhinagar, Gujarat (September 24, 2002), and
Vaishno Devi. The assassination attempt on Chief Minister N.
Chandrababu Naidu at Alipiri, on the Tirupati-Tirumala ghat road, on
October 1, 2003, led to a further tightening of security at the temple
to the extent of making it virtually impregnable. Heavy metal
barricades have been installed in front of the `Mahadwaram' and armed
guards have been posted at the entrance. At the foothills at Alipiri
sophisticated security gadgets have been installed.
At the end of the day, however, one false step, as perhaps happened at
the Mandhardevi Temple, could bring to nought the best-laid safety and
security plans. That is the eternal challenge before the authorities
dealing with crowd control.
Reports from
LYLA BAVADAM
in Wai
PURNIMA TRIPATHI
in New Delhi
A. DEVARAJAN
in Tirupati
LUV PURI
in Jammu
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2204/stories/20050225002803400.htm
Volume 19 - Issue 22, October 26 - November 08, 2002
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
EDUCATION
The wrong lessons
T.K. RAJALAKSHMI
in New Delhi
The new social science textbooks of the NCERT for Classes Six and Nine
are flawed in terms of factual details, content and historical
interpretation.
NEVER before in recent history has any national educational body been
embroiled in successive controversies of the kind that the National
Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) has. Most of the
credit for this goes to the current dispensation in the Ministry of
Human Resource Development and those in positions of authority in the
Council. Now, once again, the Council is the centre of attention in
educational circles, for all the wrong reasons. This time, the new
social science textbooks prescribed for Classes Six and Nine have been
found flawed in terms of factual details, interpretation, content and
historical understanding. The books were brought out after a Supreme
Court stay on the implementation of the National Curriculum Framework
for Secondary Education (NCFSE) in the areas of "Social Sciences,
History and Hindi" was lifted on September 12.
What is surprising is that despite apprehensions of alleged distortion
of history and misrepresentation of facts in these textbooks, the
NCERT has not done much to mollify its critics. If anything, the books
contain any number of bloomers and apparent instances of political
bias. Another embarrassing dimension is that with only a few months
left for the end of the academic session, the books have come rather
late and therefore constitute a fait acccompli.
Ever since the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government took charge at
the Centre three years ago, the HRD Ministry under Murli Manohar Joshi
and allied departments have made intense efforts to alter the
trajectory and interpretation of historical knowledge at any cost.
Obsessed with the notion that the existing history textbooks for
schools contained the Leftist interpretation of history, the BJP-led
government — the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) constituents on
the whole have had little to do with this ideologically motivated
exercise — set about purging individuals from institutions and
material from textbooks. The material removed, according to it, did
not portray historical facts correctly and sometimes even hurt the
sentiments of certain communities. The NCFSE 2000 became the blueprint
for preparing new syllabi and textbooks with a view to reducing the
burden on children. Textbooks authored by prominent historians such as
Romila Thapar, Satish Chandra, Bipan Chandra and NCERT historians
Arjun Dev and Indira Dev became the casualties.
The content and language of the new books sadly lack the basic
intellectual appeal that earlier books had. Topics have been dealt
with cursorily. It appears that the new authors have taken extra pains
to highlight certain ideas of the present government at the Centre, as
for instance, those in the arena of foreign policy, the relations with
the United States in particular. But what is more serious is the
preoccupation with projecting a civilisational (and cultural)
antiquity and drawing seemingly endless parallels between the Harappan
and Vedic civilisations.
To begin with, in the textbook "India and the World", prescribed for
Class Six, Chapter Ten entitled `Indian Civilisation-Harappan
Civilisation', betrays a deliberate effort to imply that contemporary
religious beliefs and practices of Hindus, such as worshipping the
Siva linga or the pipal tree prevailed in that period as well. Some
terracotta figurines and seals of the Harappan period have been
depicted as the kamandala, Siva linga and the swastika, icons of
present-day Hindu worship. A terracotta figurine is shown with
vermilion in the parting of the hair to further emphasise the religion
of the Harappans, but at no point is it categorically stated. The
inference throughout this section is that the Vedic and Harappan
civilisations were one and the same, a theory being propounded by a
select group of historians and archaeologists.
Therefore, right from the beginning, the civilisation is referred to
as the Harappan, Indus or Indus-Saraswati civilisation. Even while
elaborating the geographical spread of the civilisation, nowhere is it
mentioned that its two most important sites, Mohenjo-daro and Harappa,
are located in Pakistan. On the possible reasons for the decline of
this civilization, nowhere is it mentioned that the advent of the
Aryans could have been a factor. Some ideas mooted in this chapter are
laughable. The presence of an elaborate drainage system was one of the
most impressive features of the Harappan period, but the NCERT would
like one to believe that this was because the Harappans gave
importance to sanitation and not because some sort of a municipal
structure existed. The possibility of a municipal structure having
existed was pointed out by historian D.N. Jha in his book Ancient
India - An Introductory Outline (People's Publishing House, New Delhi,
1977).
Chapter 11, titled `The Vedic Civilisation', introduces a new concept
of Vedic geography, perhaps to drive home the fact during the Rig
Vedic times people were settled in the same area that was the centre
of the Harappan civilisation. Readers are also informed that "the
largest number of Harappan settlements are found on the Saraswati
river."
There are some obvious omissions in this chapter, especially in the
sections on economic and social life and food habits of the Harappan-
Vedic times. Though cattle rearing was the chief occupation, as was
pointed out by Jha, the cow was not held sacred then. Beef was a
delicacy offered to the guest. The cow was an important economic
resource, a fact that has been conceded by all groups of historians.
But the NCERT historians make the cow a sacred animal in the Vedic
period itself, probably to drive home the fact that contemporary Hindu
beliefs and practices were an offshoot of Vedic systems. The
subsequent deterioration in the status of women, the strong
patriarchal order, the rigidity of the Varna order and the dominance
of certain castes over others do not find mention anywhere in the
book.
In Chapter 16 of the same book, which deals with India's cultural
contacts with the outside world, there is a picture of the Buddha
statue at Bamiyan, with the caption: "The Buddha statue at Bamiyan was
destroyed in 2001 by religious fanatics headed by the Taliban. They
destroyed all the relics kept in Kabul Museum." If the handiwork of
religious fanatics was to be described at all, the authors need not
have gone as far as Afghanistan but looked for equally recent examples
in India. It would have been easier for students to relate to the
demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya to understand what religious
fanaticism is all about.
Chapter 17, on `Major Religions', reminds the reader that some
scholars believe that the Harappan and Vedic civilisations are the
same. One is also informed that Hinduism, apart from being a Sanatana
Dharma (that which is eternal), "does not believe that there is only
one way of achieving salvation like other monotheistic religions." But
there have been sects, the Arya Samaj for instance, that are opposed
to the idea of Sanatana Dharma, writes a historian.
To highlight the distinct identity of Hinduism vis-a-vis other
"monotheistic religions" smacks of nothing but pure bias. It is also
not a coincidence that while disagreements in Christianity and the
formation of sects in it find mention, Hinduism is portrayed as a
relatively conflict-free religion. That several sects emerged on
account of the conflict with various Vedic religious practices does
not find any reference in the textbook.
No distinction is being made between theology and philosophy in the
new books, says Arjun Dev. No basic historical perspective of Hinduism
is given especially to explain the process of change over a period of
time. Also flawed is the explanation about the emergence of Jainism
and Buddhism. According to the new textbook, these two religions
simply emerged out of a quest for salvation through knowledge which
had already been initiated by the philosophical tradition and six
philosophies of the Upanishads. That these two religions denied the
authority of the Vedas and opposed animal sacrifice, thus bringing
them into conflict with the brahmanical orthodoxy, does not find
mention.
THE social science textbook prescribed for Class Nine is equally
deficient in terms of facts and understanding. Entitled "Contemporary
India", the book has three units. In Unit I, which is the history
component of the textbook and which deals with India in the 20th
century, the reader is informed that one of the most noteworthy
developments of the century was the "coup" in Russia. To write off the
October 1917 Revolution as a coup is only to undermine its historical
importance and its significance for the working class struggle.
Fascism and Nazism are described as dictatorial tendencies. Communism
is also described in the same vein, to have "represented a similar
trend in the sense that it stood for the dictatorship of a particular
class". Regarding the former two, there is no mention of the
Holocaust, the responsibility for the World War and the systematic
persecution of certain people in Nazi Germany, including social
democrats, trade unionists and socialist and Communist leaders.
AS for bloomers, on Page 4 of the textbook, Madagascar, which is an
island in the Indian Ocean off the east coast of South Africa, is
mentioned as being in the Arabian Sea. The editor of the book is a
retired Professor of Geography. There are more serious errors, such as
the one suggesting that Stalin was the first European leader to enter
into a peace agreement with Hitler, to buy temporary peace. It is
amazing that the authors should conveniently forget the Munich Pact
where one of the most shameful acts of appeasement and betrayal was
enacted, says Arjun Dev.
From Chapter Two to Six, beginning with British policies and ending
with the Independence struggle in India, there are innumerable
references to the Muslim League and to Muslim communalism, such as:
"In short, the Muslim League communalised the country's political
situation which, in turn, produced disastrous results." There is no
mention of Hindu communalism with particular reference to the Hindu
Mahasabha or the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh. But statements like the
"only political elements who did not support the Quit India Movement
were the Indian communists and the followers of Jinnah" abound. The
RSS is not perceived as a "political element" here. Interestingly,
there is no reference at all to the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by
a Hindu fanatic.
If certain exclusions appear odd, then certain inclusions are even
stranger. In Chapter Seven, entitled `Democratic Republic, Integration
and International Relations', there is a reference to Osama bin Laden
and "similar other persons" who are said to have changed the world.
The current hegemony of the U.S. and its support of repressive regimes
in a unipolar world do not seem to merit mention. In fact, Indo-U.S.
relations finds a prominent place in the chapter; the relations are
described rather nostalgically as a "tale of some kind of mistrust as
against the story of a natural friendship that should have existed
between the world's two most celebrated democracies".
In a statement, the NCERT has challenged historians to a debate on the
historical veracity of the facts given in the textbooks. It has
justified the antiquity of zero, the sindoor on terracotta figurines
and the sacredness of the cow as "findings of contemporary historical
research". While the meat of the buffalo, the bull and the calf were
eaten, the cow was held sacred throughout, stated Makhan Lal, a
retired Professor of History and one of the authors of the Class Six
textbook. The NCERT director, J.S. Rajput, has defended the use of the
word "coup" in the context of the Russian Revolution. "It is a
surprise that students were taught otherwise because this fact is
recorded in contemporary reports and almost every history textbook
published in the free world," Rajput stated. He said that the Council
would respond positively when genuine mistakes are brought to its
notice.
The debate took a new turn on October 16, when in a show of unanimity,
leaders from eight Opposition parties rejected the NCFSE and the new
textbooks on Social Science published by the NCERT. The initiative for
the meeting was taken by the Communist Party of India (CPI), and the
parties who were present included the Congress (I), the Communist
Party of India (Marxist), the Samajwadi Party, the Rashtriya Janata
Dal, the Lok Jan Shakti, the All India Forward Bloc and the
Revolutionary Socialist Party. They demanded that the Central
government immediately constitute the Central Advisory Board on
Education and hold a conference of State Education Ministers as
education was a subject under the Concurrent list. A.B. Bardhan,
general secretary of the CPI said that the new textbooks needed to be
reviewed and withdrawn as a good part of the current academic session
had elapsed and schools continued to use the old books. The meeting
exhorted political parties, including the allies of the NDA, not to
implement the NCFSE and to reject the use of the textbooks.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl1922/stories/20021108002004300.htm
Should we ban animal sacrifice in temples?
DO WE need to ban the practice offering animals and birds as sacrifice
during prayer in Hindu temples?
Does the State have the authority to police and ban animal sacrifices
of one religious group while allowing another to perform offering of
animals at prayer time.
Lord Krishna while listing the types of devotees based on the kind of
offering/kind of rituals one performs categorises them into (1) satvic
(peaceful, compassionate and calm), (2) rajasic (aggressive and
restive) and (3) tamasic devotees (very selfish and not concerned
about hurting others for one's own joy) based on the sankalpa
(intention), devatha invoked (name and form of the god invoked),
offering to the Lord and the method of prayer.
Not all devotion is satvic; therefore not all offerings are satvic.
From time immemorial the practice of offering animals during worship
as sacrifice is prevalent.
If one is allowed to kill a bird or an animal for his personal
consumption, there can be no extra harm to the animal or bird if it is
killed for the sake of offering.
The only thing that must be debated is the sensibilities of the satvic
person, who may be offering his prayers at that time, being offended
by the offering of animals or birds by those who choose a non-satvic
method based on his sankalpa and nature.
This is certainly very important. Just as smoking in public places is
banned, offering animal sacrifice in temples where predominant style
of praying is satvic is perfectly in order and needs to be done.
Just as certain places are reserved exclusively for smokers, certain
temples where traditionally animal sacrifices are done should be
allowed to continue the practice.
We should accept the fact that it takes all kinds of people to make
the world and we should frame rules and regulations taking this fact
into consideration.
If persons from other faiths can offer animals, if we can display
skinned animals sometimes with its tail intact in meat shops in public
shopping area in villages and small towns, how can we prevent animal
sacrifice in village temples where it is a time immemorial tradition?
What is necessary is proper regulation so that the majority of the
temples where the persons offering prayers choosing the satvic method
are free from animal sacrifices and allow the practice to continue
where traditionally it is much prevalent.
Hinduism is an all-inclusive way of life and therefore cannot exclude
non-satvic methods of offering prayers.
MANIKAM RAMASWAMI
http://www.hindu.com/op/2003/09/09/stories/2003090900130300.htm
Animal sacrifice: a corrective
WITH REFERENCE to Manikam Ramaswami's article "Should we ban animal
sacrifice in temples?" (Open Page, September 9), the matter has to be
put in a broader, more humane perspective transcending ritualistic
religion or sacred scriptures.
Hinduism is supposed to be a way of life. It is possible to link
virtually every practice and belief to religion. Where do we draw the
line between religion and social practice? Is it to be left
exclusively to those few who can read and interpret ancient Sanskrit
texts or to be decided by collective social thinking informed by
modern humanistic values?
I am sure that millions of Hindus once believed (hopefully not now!)
that sati was a religiously ordained act and would take the victim
straight to heaven. Even now we read now and then about cases of
children being sacrificed before undertaking construction work, and
there was this case of children being temporarily buried alive in
Madurai district purely as a religious belief. Is it true religion or
civilised social norm to brush all these aside, even justify them, as
normal examples of `non-satvic' worship sanctified by Lord Krishna, or
to say that as long as these are done in a predominantly non-satvic
social context it is all right? Are we supposed to take a vote and
decide every time to see whether the non-satvics or the satvics have a
current majority? Is active propagation of such non-satvic practices
desirable (as propagation of one's religion is a fundamental right
under our Constitution)?
Not essential for survival
It is possible, especially in our country, that other religions have
equally reprehensible practices and the government conveniently
ignores them. What needs to be done is to mobilise opinion in favour
of action to check reprehensible practices irrespective of which
religion it is and not to defend such practices merely because others
are doing it. Why not lead all other religions in eliminating such
practices and strengthen our moral right to demand such action
elsewhere? Could Raja Rammohan Roy have fought against sati and child
marriage if he had taken the stand that it should be done after the
Christian and Muslim rituals and laws were reformed?
A comparison is often made between animal sacrifice and non-
vegetarianism. This is not the place to discuss the pros and cons of
non-vegetarianism. Whether it is right or not, fortunate or
unfortunate, human beings are embedded, along with all other living
beings, in a food chain which is part of evolution. (Even eating
plants can be regarded as killing living beings). But sacrifices are
not essential or inevitable for survival. When a cannibal was told
that 20 million people were killed in World War II, he said, "what a
waste of food!" Even cannibals or animals kill only to eat and do not
indulge in sacrifice.
A human rights group has recently issued a statement that banning
animal sacrifice is a violation of the human right of poor people. How
sad that human rights groups, which are otherwise so essential to
society, have evolved such a narrow, irrelevant and barbarous
conception human rights to the callous exclusion of animal rights!
According to them, Buddha, as we usually read in stories, who saved a
lamb from slaughter, may qualify as the first of human rights violator
in history!
A practical view
As an extreme libertarian view or as a practical administrative view,
it is quite possible for one to argue that such matters should be left
to public education and not coercive legislation as, in practice,
trying to prevent such incidents often leads to law and order problems
as I have myself faced once as a Sub-Collector. But these views at
least admit in principle that such practices are bad and need to be
eliminated. But unfortunately, Mr. Ramaswami has not taken this view
but projects it as the essence of the so-called all-inclusiveness of
Hinduism.
Mr. Ramaswami starts by quoting the Supreme Court of Hinduism — the
Bhagavad Gita, the implication being that there is no further appeal!
According to the Gita, yajna or sacrifice does not refer to the
ceremonious Vedic ritual of physical killing but dedication of one's
all to the service of the `One Life' that is in all. People with such
a sacrificial spirit will accept even death gladly, though unjustly
meted out to them, so that the world may grow through their sacrifice
(Dr. Radhakrishnan's Bhagavad Gita, Allen & Unwin, 1970). In this
view, when birds and animals are slaughtered, it is they that perform
the real sacrifice a la Gita and not the slaughterers!
P.K. DORAISWAMY
Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Tuesday, Sep 16, 2003
http://www.hindu.com/op/2003/09/16/stories/2003091600290300.htm
Volume 19 - Issue 24, November 23 - December 06 2002
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COLUMN
Savaged by tradition
HARSH MANDER
The Jhajjar tragedy is a pointer to the unending plight of Dalits who
are kept ensnared in the most socially degrading traditional
occupations.
R.V. MOORTHY
The mother and daughter of Tota Ram, one of the Dalits who were
slaughtered for allegedly skinning a cow in Duliana village in Jhajjar
district of Haryana. Significant numbers of Dalit families are
routinely subjected to violence and brutal humiliation.
THE nation was shamed and stunned once again, this time by the
merciless slaughter of five Dalit men within the boundary of a police
station in Duliana village in Jhajjar district of Haryana. There is
justified, widely shared outrage at the brutality spurred by vicious
pseudo-religious communal mobilisation and unashamed state
partisanship.
However, the ensuing debate needs also to focus on the reality of the
on-going hidden violence and brutal humiliation to which significant
numbers of Dalit families are routinely subjected in villages and
towns across the country, because of their engagement owing only to
their birth in the traditional occupations that are culturally
considered degrading and polluting. These occupations continue to be
in most parts of India the monopoly of a few Dalit castes, a grotesque
perverse legacy for people shunned as the lowest of the low. They are
born into the dishonour of these occupations, and die in it,
frequently, with no path of escape.
On the evening of October 15, 2002, Devendra and Dayachand,
traditional leather-workers, were skinning a dead cow close to the
Duliana police station. With them were animal skin trader Kailash, and
the driver and conductor of the hired vehicle in which the carcass was
transported, Tota Ram and Raju. All of them were Dalits.
A crowd of villagers gathered near the Duliana police station,
infuriated by a rumour that a cow was being skinned alive. They
attacked and gravely injured the Dalit men, who were later dragged to
the police station. The policemen failed to evacuate the critically
wounded men to safety and render medical attention even after the
passage of four hours.
Meanwhile, a tractor-load of young men, who were returning from Dasara
celebrations, converged on the police post, and lynched the men, in
the presence of three magistrates and at least 60 to 70 police
personnel who had been summoned by then. The assembled police force
did little to save the lives of the five. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad
took out a procession in Jhajjar the following day in defence of the
killings, and demanded that no arrests be made. The police have since
dragged its feet in making arrests, claiming that it was too dark at
the time of the incident to identify the murderers.
Dalit women working as municipal sweepers in Delhi. Manual removal of
human waste survives as a deeply humiliating vocation in India despite
it having been outlawed.
The defence of the attackers was that the cow was alive while being
skinned by the Dalits, and that it was this outrage of their religious
sentiments that fuelled the mob fury. The State administration
remained callous and indifferent. Not a single Minister visited the
site or condoled with the bereaved families. Dayachand's brother
Jogendra broke down while testifying before a joint delegation of Left
parties investigating the massacre. "They treated us as though we were
families of the criminals, not the victims," he said. "They gave us
the brutalised body of our brother - naked. We are poor Dalits,
therefore they did not think it necessary to even cover the body of my
brother."
AT the heart of their collective tragedy and angst is the trap in
which the most oppressed communities among the Dalits continue to find
themselves even as the country surges into the 21st century.
Tradition, feudal coercion and economic compulsions continue to entrap
Dalit families across the length and breadth of the country into the
most humiliating and despised occupations.
An ambitious national survey of the status of the practice of
untouchability in 12 major Indian States was recently conducted by
ActionAid India, with the collaboration of leading social scientists
Ghanshyam Shah, Sukhdeo Thorat, Satish Despande and Amita Baviskar and
Dalit activists from across the country. One of the findings of the
survey was that Dalits in every State continue to be ensnared into
categories of work that are culturally regarded as most intensely
polluting, unclean and socially degrading. Most of the so-called
unclean occupations are associated in one way or the other with death,
human waste or menstruation, all of which are engulfed by the dense
cultural beliefs of pollution.
The unclean occupations forced upon Dalits that are related to human
death include the digging of graves, collection of firewood for the
cremation of dead bodies and setting up the funeral pyres. Death is
considered so impure and unclean that, in many regions it is Dalits
alone who are required even to communicate the news of any death to
the relatives of the deceased person, whatever maybe the distance.
There are a large number of unclean occupations that derive from the
death of animals. In every State that was surveyed, villagers expect
Dalits to dispose of carcasses of animals that die in their homes or
in the village, whether cattle or dogs or cats. They skin the bodies
of dead animals, flay and tan these and develop them into fine
leather, and sometimes even turn them into footwear and drums. The
pollution associated with leather is so pervasive that in States such
as Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and
Maharashtra, even the beating of drums at weddings, funerals and
religious festivals is considered polluting and imposed only on
Dalits. The logic is carried further in States where public
announcements are made in villages by the beat of drum - even this
occupation is considered polluting and is the monopoly of Dalits.
In Andhra Pradesh, animal sacrifice is a polluting task entrusted to
Dalits. The most humiliating custom, observed in 12 per cent of the
villages surveyed, is Gavu Pattadam. This is a ghoulish forced ritual,
by which Dalits are required to bite the neck of the animal to kill
it. The blood of the animal is then mixed with rice and sprinkled all
over the village to keep evil spirits at bay.
A third category of unclean occupations derives from the culturally
polluting character of human waste. In every State surveyed, the
manual removal of human excreta, often with bare hands, survives as a
deeply humiliating vocation despite it having been outlawed. This
pollution extends in many cases to cleaning of sewage tanks, drainage
canals and the sweeping of streets. The beliefs related to the
pollution by menstrual blood results in midwifery and the washing of
clothes deemed as unclean occupations in States such as Uttar Pradesh,
Karnataka, Bihar and Maharashtra.
The survey revealed that continued bondage to unclean occupations
creates not only deep psychological scars but also physical health
problems. In Upale Dumala village in Solapur, Maharashtra, an elderly
Mang man engaged in carcass cleaning developed huge boils and rashes
on his shoulders as a result of carrying carcass. A range of health
problems were reported from elsewhere as well, as a result of the
intensely unsanitary character of their vocations, unmitigated by
modern technology.
The sturdy beliefs in the polluting nature of certain occupations
adapt regressively to a range of potentially liberating contemporary
developments.
For instance, the establishment of leather factories and tanneries has
freed Dalits significantly from traditional hereditary occupations,
but Dalits still lift and skin carcasses to sell at a price to these
companies.
It is also interesting that leather and tanning factories have a very
high proportion of Dalit workers. In cases where the modern economy or
municipal management requires the transport of solid waste or
cascasses, even the drivers of these vehicles are drawn from the Dalit
community. Municipal authorities routinely employ only Dalits for
scavenging.
Veterinary and medical doctors, unwilling to pollute themselves by
touching corpses, use Dalits to perform post-mortems, whereas they
only sign the reports.
Some unclean occupations are non-voluntary and unpaid, or paid a
pittance.
The bearing of death messages and temple cleaning in Tamil Nadu,
cleaning up after marriage feasts in Kerala and Karnataka, making
leather chappals for people of higher castes as a sign of respect in
Andhra Pradesh, and drum-beating and the removal of carcasses in many
States are unpaid tasks. Orissa reports payments of leftover food, old
clothes, fistfuls of food grains or petty cash.
The survey in most States reported that Dalits, who still engage in
hereditary polluting occupations, unless they are also bonded, today
usually negotiate some level of wage payment in cash or kind, although
these tend to be low and at times humiliating. The Karnataka survey
reports the payment of arrack, a meal and some cash for drum-beating,
and fixed cash payments for other tasks like mid-wifery and the
lifting of carcasses. Scavengers may be employed on monthly salary by
local bodies, otherwise families pay them cash or stale food.
Similarly, in Orissa the survey showed that the Ghasis, Panos and Doms
involved in leather work and scavenging are landless and most non-
Dalits and even some of the Dalit farmers refuse to employ them for
agricultural wage work. The researchers from Rajasthan reported that
in most villages, cash is rarely paid for traditional unclean work
expected from the Dalits, instead they are usually given food (usually
two rotis).
In several cases, Dalits who persist in unclean occupations do so as
they feel powerless to resist, or even because they accept their caste
roles. In Babufasad village in North Orissa, the elected ward member,
Chamayu Pathar Khamia, who belongs to the Ghasi caste, sweeps the
roads, removes the carcasses and skins dead cattle. In return, he is
given a handful of rice, and occasionally money, by the villagers. "If
I do not do this kind of work, the non-Dalits will threaten me and
force me to leave the village. And because of my work, even Dalits of
the Ganda caste despise me even though we are all Scheduled Castes."
Economic compulsions prevent most Dalits from escaping humiliating
hereditary occupations. They may earn Rs.200 from skinning a dead
buffalo. Scavenging may secure them regular employment in the local
bodies.
These secure earnings contain the seeds of the cruel dilemma of the
most socially disadvantaged and oppressed Dalits who are trapped in
hereditary `unclean occupations'. Adherence to occupations such as
scavenging or disposal of carcasses and human bodies, which are
indispensable for any society, but which no other group is willing to
perform, bestows them with a monopoly status that gives them greater
economic security than many other disadvantaged groups. But this is at
the price of the most savage and extreme social degradation. Yet, if
they seek to escape this social degradation to achieve dignity, they
have to abandon the economic security of their despised occupations to
join the vast ranks of the proletariat. This, then, is the core of
their dilemma: if they seek economic security, they must accept the
lowest depths of social degradation; but if they wish for social
dignity, they must accept the price of economic insecurity and
deprivation.
Despite the threats of pauperisation, sporadic individual and
collective resistance have led to a steady decline in the numbers of
Dalit families engaged in unclean occupations in most parts of the
country. In Tamil Nadu, in 80 per cent of the villages surveyed, only
Dalits perform the uncleanest of occupations such as carcass removal,
grave digging and the cleaning of garbage after festivals. However,
the major change reported is that in many cases, these activities are
now performed by few, rather than all. The older generation is more
obliging whereas younger Dalits resist.
An interesting example was reported from Beguru village in Karnataka.
Dalits have negotiated with non-Dalits to release them from unclean
obligations.
The panchayat itself now employs just three Dalits on a monthly wage
of Rs.700 each, to perform the polluting occupations of drum beating,
scavenging, sweeping and removing of dead animals. The remaining
Dalits in the village have been freed, and have shifted to
agricultural wage work, industrial work or have migrated to the cities
for work that may liberate them from the indignities of the caste
system.
However, escape to the anonymity of cities does not always guarantee
liberation from the stigma of unclean occupations. Research in Orissa
observed that Dalits in rural unclean occupations sometimes migrate to
towns, but even there find work mainly as road sweepers and drain
cleaners. There seems no escape for them from social ostracism. The
same trends are reported from other states like Tamil Nadu.
Where hereditary unclean occupations for Dalits remain entrenched in
the rural social system, cracks are developing. There are many reports
of successful resistance from many parts of the country. Some
inspiring case studies have come to light even from the feudal
outposts of Rajasthan.
In Palri village of Sirohi, the Dalits collectively resolved to refuse
to remove the carcasses. The caste Hindus retaliated with a social and
economic boycott and violence, but the Dalits held their ground. Today
they have freed themselves from this legacy of shame. Likewise, in
2001, the Regar community in Sujanpura village of Sikar refused to
lift carcasses. Non-Dalits negotiated and a breakthrough was achieved
when in a major rupture from tradition, it was agreed that two persons
from each caste would take turns to carry the carcass outside the
village. However, it is still left to the Regars to skin the animals.
Likewise, the survey from Tamil Nadu reported that until recently,
refusal to perform unclean activities was met with fines, violence or
excommunication. However, collective resistance has grown over the
past decade, forcing non-Dalits to accept the mobility of these Dalits
into the more respected caste-neutral category of agricultural
workers.
Young Dalit men in a meeting with the Left parties in Jhajjar to mourn
the massacre of the five leather workers at the hands of the bigoted
mob, gave words to the depths of their mortification and anger. "These
Hindus, they make us do their dirty work and then deprive us of even a
minimum of dignity." Another added: "If they love their animals so
much, let them pick up the carcasses and bury them with full rites."
The extent to which his words unknowingly echoed those of Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar decades earlier reflects how sub-born is the
survival of the most oppressive elements of our troubled tradition. He
had said: "You take the milk from the cows and buffaloes, and when
they are dead, you expect us to remove the dead animals. Why? When you
can carry the dead bodies of your mothers, why can you not carry the
dead bodies of your `mother cows' yourselves?" To our sisters and
brothers, who are entrapped and enslaved to the most disgraceful
elements of our shared legacy, do we have an answer?
http://www.flonnet.com/fl1924/stories/20021206003009400.htm
Volume 20 - Issue 20, September 27 - October 10, 2003
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
THE STATES
A decree on animal sacrifice
S. VISWANATHAN
in Chennai
The Tamil Nadu government's ban on animal sacrifice in temples,
imposed in an effort apparently to please Hindutva forces, attracts
widespread protests.
K. GANESAN
A scene of animal sacrifice at the Pandi Muneeswarar temple in
Madurai.
THE All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government in Tamil Nadu
seems to have converted the State into a testing ground by
experimenting with legislative and administrative measures that would
please the champions of neo-liberal reforms and the hard-core Hindutva
elements in the ruling dispensation at the Centre. Chief Minister
Jayalalithaa won the approbation of reforms pundits for getting tough
with government employees and teachers who struck work seeking
restoration of certain rights they were deprived of in the name of
pruning expenditure.
At the social level, a couple of initiatives taken by the government
brought much joy to Hindu fundamentalists. The first was the passing
of the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Forcible Conversion of Religion Act,
2002 (Frontline, November 8, 2002). The latest is the order to
District Collectors and police officials to put an end to animal
sacrifice in temples by enforcing strictly a 1950 State law against
such sacrifice. Hindutva forces would like to believe that the AIADMK
government had succeeded in areas where even the Bharatiya Janata
Party-led governments at the Centre and in some States could not make
much headway. While the first measure is seen as yet another step
towards realising their long-term objective of Hinduising the multi-
religious Indian society, the second, they believe, will go a long way
in achieving another of their cherished goals - homogenising the
pluralistic Hindu fold.
If the threat by a section of Dalits to leave Hinduism in protest
against casteist oppression apparently provoked the State government
to bring in the anti-conversion law, the order on ending animal
sacrifice in temples came in the wake of the reported `sacrifice' of
500 buffaloes at a village temple in Tiruchi district. Jayalalithaa,
in her communication to officials in the last week of August, advised
stringent action against violators of the Tamil Nadu Animals and Birds
Sacrifices Prevention Act, 1950. She asked them to advise people
against following the practice and prevent them from performing "such
cruel acts". Only two days earlier the Chief Minister had ordered a
compulsory `one-month rest' for all temple elephants every year.
Expectedly, animal lover and former Union Environment Minister Maneka
Gandhi congratulated Jayalalithaa on her initiatives. Among the others
who supported the move were K. Veeramani, general secretary of the
Dravidar Kazhagam, founded by rationalist leader E.V. Ramasami and
leaders of the BJP and most other constituents of the Sangh Parivar.
The reactions of political parties such as the Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (DMK), the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party
of India (Marxist) were mixed. Although animal sacrifice was not
acceptable to them, they questioned the wisdom of seeking to end an
age-old practice by the mere enforcement of a law. The Pattali Makkal
Katchi (PMK), felt that the move was unwarranted. Puthiya Tamizhagam,
a Dalit party, demanded a ban also on yagnas conducted by caste Hindus
at the mainstream temples constructed and run under agama rules.
During yagnas, gold coins, diamonds, expensive silk sarees, ghee and
foodgrain are offered to Agni (fire) as `sacrifice', the party said.
The Dalit Panthers of India (Viduthalai Siruthaigal in Tamil) saw the
ban as an interference in the religious rights of the oppressed people
and called for an agitation to protest against it.
Dalits and people belonging to backward and most backward communities,
for whom animal sacrifice is an integral part of worship, expressed
their resentment in no uncertain terms. Within days of the order,
devotees in several parts of the southern districts went ahead with
the customary practice at the local temples in defiance of the ban.
August-September is the time of the annual or biennial `Kodai'
festivals at these temples, and the mood among these people was one of
anger, despair and defiance. In Madurai, devotees of the Pandi
Muneeswarar temple performed animal sacrifice "in fulfilment of their
vow" and shared the meat with relatives in com<147,1,7>munity feasts.
Scores of goats and fowls were reportedly sacrificed. In Tirunelveli
and Tuticorin districts, which have a large number of temples of
village deities, goats and cocks were offered in sacrifice, though a
few metres away from the temples. Thousands of people throng these
temples, particularly on Tuesday, Friday and Saturday.
A devotee of the Sudalai Madasami temple at Sirumalanji in Tirunelveli
district challenged the ban in the Madras High Court on the grounds
that the Act was violative of Articles 19 and 25 of the Constitution.
The government's action was arbitrary and an unwarranted interference
with the religious faith of various Hindu sects, the petitioner, S.
Senthivel Nadar, said in his public interest litigation (PIL) petition
filed on September 5. He stated that the ban sought to end a widely
prevalent practice among a particular community in many parts of the
State. The petitioner feared that the "sudden enforcement" of the Act
would hurt the sentiments of lakhs of people, particularly devotees
who had reared goats and hens for sacrifice at the biennial festival
in fulfilment of their vows. He pleaded for an interim injunction
restraining the police and other authorities from taking action
against devotees participating in the temple festival, pending
disposal of the petition. A Division Bench comprising Chief Justice B.
Subhashan Reddy and Justice A. Kulasekaran ordered notice to the
government and an `understanding' was reached that no arrests would be
made.
The next day, the police frustrated efforts to conduct a mass
sacrifice at the Sirumalanji temple, but devotees did offer sacrifice
at some distance from the temple. The `Samiaadi' (trance-dancer) of
the temple, M. Muthuraj, was kept in his house "under the control" of
the police and prevented from visiting the cremation ground at
midnight for the ritual that precedes the sacrifice as practised for
centuries. A number of devotees were reportedly arrested for offering
animal sacrifice.
When these developments were brought to the notice of the Chief
Justice at the High Court on September 8, he reminded Advocate-General
N.R. Chandran of the earlier `understanding'. Chandran clarified,
relying on information from the Superintendent of Police, that no
arrest had been made.
Meanwhile, another PIL petition challenging the Act was also admitted.
During the hearing, the Chief Justice sought to know the motive behind
the "urgency" in enforcing the Act now. He asked the Advocate-General
whether it was correct to ban, all on a sudden, an activity practised
for generations. The Advocate-General said animal sacrifice was a
social menace like sati and untouchability and had to be brought to an
end at some stage. Both the petitions are pending disposal.
A. SHAIKMOHIDEEN
A lone goat at the Oththapanai Sudalai Andavar temple at Sirumalanji
in Tirunelveli district, where animal sacrifice takes place.
THE motive behind the sudden move to refurbish an Act kept in cold
storage for five decades is a mystery. If the desire to ban animal
sacrifice is based on the love for animals, the question arises why
the killing of animals at homes, abattoirs and restaurants for food
should be left untouched. In fact, given the extent of rural poverty
and the skyrocketing meat prices, for lakhs of deprived people the
community feast, which follows the ritual sacrifices at temples, is
the only occasion to eat meat. If the idea is to liberate people from
superstitions, how could one explain the fact that the yagnas held in
mainstream temples, where "upper caste" Hindus offer jewels and other
valuables to be consumed by a fire and numerous other forms of
irrational beliefs have been spared?
Whatever the answers to these questions, according to researchers and
social activists, the beneficiaries of the move are the Hindutva
forces, which are only too willing to "cleanse" temples of village
deities which are "polluted" by "undesirable" practices that are not
acceptable to the temples based on the agamas. Some researchers have
pointed out for years that organisations such as the Hindu Munnani and
the Vishwa Hindu Parishad have been working among the rural
communities with a view to "homogenising" Hindu society (Frontline,
April 9, 1999).
Professor A. Sivasubramanian, who has done intensive studies on folk
deities, the forms of worship and the practices followed in the
temples of the "people's gods" in the southern districts, told
Frontline that these deities have some special characteristics. For
instance, most of them are "slain heroes" among the devotees'
ancestors. These deities, he said, were kept in the open, unlike in
the mainstream temples, only to provide easy access to the poor and
the socially deprived sections, which were generally denied entry into
caste Hindus' temples in many areas. The poojaris (priests) of the
village deities normally belong to the caste group that controls the
temples. The rules were kept flexible in order to suit the local
people's needs. For instance, unlike in the mainstream temples, there
is no rigidity about the timing of worship, keeping in mind the
village poor, who are mostly wage-earning agricultural workers.
Sivasubramanian said that in many villages the `kodai' festivals
played a unifying role among caste-ridden rural communities of varied
backgrounds and conflicting interests. Animal sacrifice was practised
not only in Hindu folk temples, but also in darghas and
church<147,2,7>es, although without the approval of the clergy. He
cited the Anthoniyar "temple" at Puliyampatti, 35 km from Tuticorin,
where Hindus join Christians in offering worship and animal sacrifice
"in fulfilment of vows". Referring to the prevalence of animal
sacrifice among Muslims, the professor said the practice among them
was to donate the hide to the dargha and partake the meat with others
in community feasts.
Any attempt to homogenise the temples of folk deities would only lead
to the end of the plurality of Hindu society, Sivasubramanian said.
The Sangh Parivar had already brought under its control several
temples. In these temples they have fixed the worship timings,
appointed Brahmin poojaris, made the rules rigid and installed idols
of mainstream gods such as Siva (in the form of Linga), Vinayagar and
Murugan. A few years ago, when a Brahmin poojari objected to animal
sacrifice in one such temple for a village deity in Coimbatore on the
grounds that it could not be done in a temple that had a Linga, the
people removed the Linga and went ahead with the sacrifice. At the
temple of a folk deity in Tuticorin, when the newly appointed Brahmin
poojari objected to animal sacrifice because the temple now also had
an idol of Murugan, devotees performed the sacrifice after hiding the
idol behind a curtain. Such developments would only create further
divisions in village communities in the southern districts, which are
known for caste-related violence.
A study by the Tirunelveli-based Human Rights Organisation on the
practices in 564 temples in Tirunelveli and Tuticorin districts
revealed that the "kodai" festivals had some positive elements.
Although Dalits were normally denied entry into 240 of these temples,
they were allowed to participate in the festivals. Dalits shared the
meat of the sacrificed animals with the people of the Thevar
community, with which they are at loggerheads most of the time. Any
attempt to disturb the balance may aggravate the caste-related
problems in these sensitive areas, the study felt.
The Tamil Nadu Progressive Writers Association has said that the State
government's action against animal sacrifice would affect the right to
worship of Dalits and other backward sections of the people and would
only unwittingly help the Sangh Parivar bring thousands of village
temples under its control.
After sensing the all-round protest against the move, the Federation
of Village Temple Priests, believed to be a Parivar organisation, has
urged the State government not to enforce the ban on animal sacrifice
in temples, since the move is "impractical". "Animal sacrifice can be
banned only if the majority of people stopped eating non-vegetarian
food," said federation president S. Vedantam. CPI(M) State secretary
N. Varadarajan said in a statement that there could be no two opinions
about the irrational nature of the belief in animal sacrifice. "All
the same, it is an age-old belief with cultural overtones, involving
the right to worship of Dalits and people from other backward
communities and also the religious sentiments of these people," he
said. "Attempts at educating these people and improving their social
and economic status should necessarily precede efforts to put an end
to such superstitious beliefs," observed Varadarajan.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2020/stories/20031010001205000.htm
Animal sacrifice
The article on the Tamil Nadu government's ban on animal sacrifice was
timely ("A decree on animal sacrifice", October 10). Animal sacrifice
by Hindus is not limited to Tamil Nadu. The practice prevails in
Nepal. All those raising a hue and cry over animal sacrifice should
first try to eliminate such antiquated Hindu practices like "widow-
sacrifice" called sati. There still exists a temple for Rani Sati and
a school in which students sing praises of her.
Historic and literary records show that cattle sacrifice was practised
by priests in the Vedic period. It was competition from Jainism that
inspired a section of Hindus to take to vegetarianism. There is
nothing in Hinduism that prohibits animal sacrifice.
The ban cannot be enforced because it is difficult to send policemen
to each and every temple in the State. The Tamil Nadu Village Temples
Priests Association has already expressed its displeasure over the
ban.
G. Raja Bharathi
Chennai
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2023/stories/20031121006212200.htm
Gadhimai Festival: Nepal Mass Animal Sacrifice Festival To Go Ahead
Despite Protests
BINAJ GURUBACHARYA | 11/20/09 12:45 AM |
KATMANDU, Nepal — A Hindu festival in which hundreds of thousands of
animals are expected to be sacrificed will go ahead as scheduled in
southern Nepal despite protests, organizers said Friday.
The Gadhimai festival, celebrated every five years, is attended by
many Hindus from India as well as Nepal. More than 200,000 buffaloes,
pigs, goats, chickens and pigeons are expected to be slaughtered this
year on Nov. 24 and 25.
Organizers said they will not bow to "interference" from animal rights
and religious groups that have held protests in Katmandu and in the
festival area in Bara district, about 100 miles (160 kilometers) south
of the capital.
"We will not stop this centuries-old tradition now. This is our
religion, belief and tradition and we will continue with it no matter
what," said Motilal Kushwa of the organizing committee.
Kushwa said thousands of people have already arrived at the site with
animals meant for sacrifice next week.
Participants believe that animal sacrifices for the Hindu goddess
Gadhimai will end evil and bring prosperity. Many join the festival
from the state of Bihar in India, where animal sacrifices have been
banned in some areas.
Critics say the killings are barbaric and conducted in a cruel manner.
Government administrator Taranath Gauram said hundreds of extra
policemen have been sent to the area to maintain security and
officials do not expect trouble during the festival.
Ram Bahadur Bamjan, a Nepalese teenager revered by many as a
reincarnation of Buddha, has joined the campaign against the animal
slaughter and plans to visit the festival area to appeal directly to
participants to stop the sacrifices.
Bamjan's followers believe he has been meditating without food and
water in the jungles of southern Nepal since 2005. Believers say he
spends months without moving, sitting with his eyes closed beneath a
tree
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/11/20/gadhimai-festival-nepal-m_n_364790.html
Gadhimai Festival (PHOTOS): Mass Animal Sacrifice Begins In Nepal
First Posted: 11-24-09 02:37 PM | Updated: 11-24-09 07:28 PM
(AP) BARIYAPUR, Nepal -- The ceremony began with prayers in a temple
by tens of thousands of Hindus before dawn Tuesday. Then it shifted to
a nearby corral, where in the cold morning mist, scores of butchers
wielding curved swords began slaughtering buffalo calves by hacking
off their heads.
Over two days, 200,000 buffaloes, goats, chickens and pigeons will be
killed as part of a blood-soaked festival held every five years to
honor Gadhimai, a Hindu goddess of power.
While cows are sacred and protected by law in Nepal, animal sacrifice
has a long history in this overwhelmingly Hindu country and parts of
neighboring India. The Bariyapur festival has become so big, in part,
because such ceremonies have been banned in many areas in the
neighboring Indian state of Bihar.
And while it is criticized by animal-rights protesters, the festival
is defended as a centuries-old tradition.
WARNING: GRAPHIC PHOTOS
Butchers with butcher knives participate in religious rituals before
slaughtering buffalos during a mass sacrifice ceremony at Gadhimai
temple in Bariyapur, about 70 kilometers (43 miles) south of Katmandu,
Nepal.
Many Nepalis believe that sacrifices in Gadhimai's honor will bring
them prosperity. They also believe that by eating the meat, which is
taken back to their villages and consumed during feasts, they will be
protected from evil.
Taranath Gautam, the top government official in the area, estimated
that more than 200,000 people had come for the ceremony in Bariyapur,
some 100 kilometers (60 miles) from Katmandu. Some brought their own
animals to sacrifice.
"I am here with my mother who had promised the goddess she would
sacrifice a goat. It was her wish and promise and I am glad we were
able to fulfill it," said Pramod Das, a farmer from the nearby village
of Sarlahi. "I believe now my mother's wishes will come true."
Animal rights groups don't have much power in Nepal, but they have
staged repeated protests in recent weeks. Local news reports say some
activists set up stands in towns on the way to the Bariyapur temple,
offering Hindu pilgrims coconuts and other fruits to sacrifice instead
of animals.
There was no sign of them Tuesday.
"We were unable to stop the animal sacrifices this year but we will
continue our campaign to stop killings during this festival," said
Pramada Shah of the group Animals Nepal.
The ceremony, which goes back for generations, has enormous resonance
in a country where per capital income is about $25 a month, illiteracy
is widespread and vast social divides have left millions working as
tenant farmers for feudal landlords.
Even many educated Nepalis see value in the tradition.
Om Prasad, a banker from the nearby city of Birgunj, brought offerings
of fruit and flowers to the festival, but said he believed people
should be able to sacrifice animals if they want.
"It is their tradition and it is fine if they continue to follow it.
No one should try to tell them they can't follow what their ancestors
did," he said.
Experts say it will take many more years before there are changes in
these deeply rooted traditions.
"They continue these animal sacrifice rituals because they believe it
is a tradition that can't be broken," said Ram Bahadur Chetri, an
anthropology professor at Katmandu's Tribhuwan University. "The people
who follow these traditions believe that if they discontinue, then the
gods will get angry and there could be catastrophe in the country."
Buffaloes, goats, chicken and ducks are sacrificed at most Hindu homes
in Nepal during the Dasain festivals, which fell in September this
year.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/11/24/gadhimai-festival-photos_n_369446.html
Buddhists and Animal Rights Activists Against Hindu Sacrifice to
Gadhimai
From all-creatures.org
Buddhists and Animal Rights Activists Against Hindu Sacrifice
By Kalpit Parajuli, AsiaNews.it
More than a million Hindus are preparing to sacrifice half a million
animals during the festival of Gadhimai Mela.
In Bara district, where the ‘living Buddha’ meditates, more than a
million Hindus are preparing to sacrifice half a million animals
during the festival of Gadhimai Mela. Actress Brigitte Bardot wants
the inhumane practice stopped. More than 12,000 police agents are
mobilized for the occasion.
Hundreds of Buddhists and animal rights activists are protesting
against the Hindu festival of Gadhimai Mela in Bayapur, Bara district
(southeastern Nepal). During the event, half a million animals will be
slaughtered. More than a million Hindu pilgrims are expected to gather
for the occasion on 25 November. Nepali authorities have deployed more
than 12,000 police officers.
Gadhimai Mela is one of the most important festivities on the Hindu
calendar and the largest sacrificial happening in the world. It
usually lasts a week, ending on the third Friday of November.
During the celebrations, the faithful sacrifice animals like
buffaloes, sheep and chickens in honour of the god Gadhimai. According
to Hindu belief, such offerings reduce the god’s anger, and bring
people luck and prosperity.
However, Bara district is also a major Buddhist pilgrimage site. This
is where Ram Bahadur Bomjan, known as the living reincarnation of the
Buddha, meditates year round.
At present, hundreds of Buddhists and activists are praying with him
to stop the animal sacrifice.
“The killing of animals in the name of sacrifice is the most serious
crime. So it must be stopped immediately,” said Rinpoche Sange
Rangjung, a Buddhist monk and protest leader. “In no religion are
animal sacrifices prescribed”.
Demonstrators, who are backed by French actress and animal rights
activist Brigitte Bardot, are calling on the Nepali government to
legislate in the matter to ban the practice in the future.
http://www.all-creatures.org/articles/ar-sacrifice.html
The Gadhimai sacrifice is grotesque
The ritual slaughter of hundreds of thousands of animals runs counter
to Hindu principles of reverence for life
Anil Bhanot guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 25 November 2009 12.00 GMT
Yesterday, Mangal Chaudhary and Dukha Kachadiya, descendants of a
feudal landlord and a village healer adept in the Hindu occult, who in
the 18th century started a mass animal sacrifice to the goddess
Gadhimai, presided over a ceremony to begin this year's festival by
beheading 10,000 buffalo. Their deaths are being followed by the
slaughter of a further quarter of a million animals and birds today.
It is all happening in Bariyarpur, a village in the south of Nepal,
bordering the state of Bihar in India. The region is well known as the
homeland of the Bhojpuri people, a close-knit ethnic community devoted
to the worship of Gadhimai.
The history of this bloodthirsty event began when Bhagwan Chaudhary,
the feudal landlord, a imprisoned in Makwanpur fort prison about 260
years ago. He dreamed that all his problems would be solved if he made
a blood sacrifice to Gadhimai. Immediately upon his release from
prison he took counsel from the local village healer whose descendant,
Dukha Kachadiya, started the ritual yesterday with drops of his own
blood from five parts of his body. Apparently then a light "appeared"
in an earthenware jar, and the gory sacrifice began.
To me it all seems utterly abhorrent. Yet the Nepalese government made
a ridiculous decision to give 4.5 million rupees to the organisers to
build an abattoir so as to avoid pollution and disease but undoubtedly
also to hold on to Bhojpuri votes. The whole incident has quite
rightly sparked an international outcry from animal welfare
campaigners, Indian politicians like Menaka Gandhi and religious icons
like the "Buddha Boy" Ram Bahadur Bomjan, among others.
Personally, I see this practice as one utterly opposed to the non-
violent principles of my Hindu religion. Five to six thousand years
ago our Vedic seers recognised that we can only survive by taking life
from a lower level of consciousness to ours as is the case with plants
and animals, but never did they condone senseless and purposeless
killing. In Hinduism all life is sacred and the whole idea of animal
sacrifice in those ancient days was based on the principle that we
must pray to God before killing an animal for food – by reciting Vedic
mantras to God – and simply put that we think twice before taking a
life for our own consumption.
Many Hindus may not like it, because we like to think we are tolerant,
but I see several superstitious practices in what otherwise is a wise
and profound religion, and issues such as this which should be
robustly challenged are instead allowed to pass.
The Gadhimai sacrifice is grotesque | Anil BhanotThis article was
published on guardian.co.uk at 12.00 GMT on Wednesday 25 November
2009.
Comments in chronological order (Total 37 comments)
BaalChaamon
25 Nov 2009, 12:20PM
Anil is right in saying that Hinduism does not condone the sacrifice
of animals or any blood sacrifice in honour of our Gods, instead we
offer flowers and fruits.
Recommend? (9)
ImranAhmad
25 Nov 2009, 12:54PM
This comment has been removed by a moderator. Replies may also be
deleted. blackadder2001
25 Nov 2009, 1:10PM
While I respect the author's views on the horror of the sacrifice, you
must understand that Hinduism is not a uniform religion, it is a
compendium of practices followed by thousands of disparate
ethnicities. While there is a commonality of some over arching
beliefs, the rituals and practices of every day life and worship vary
significantly. The differences cut across caste or linguistic
boundaries, for example, Kashmiri and Bengali Brahmins are often non-
vegetarian, a practice that would be taboo among other Brahmin
communities. Plus, animal sacrifice, especially the Ashvamedha Yagna
was a well documented practice even in the highest echelons of Hindu
society in the past. Neither is this practice unique to any religion,
even today Muslims sacrifice goats and other cattle on the occasion of
Eid-ul-Azha. With greater education and development, one can hope that
some of these practices we find abhorrent die out. Till then, I don't
think we can dictate to anyone how to lead their lies
Recommend? (8)
Mauryan
25 Nov 2009, 3:02PM
I have said many times on this forum that there is no such thing as
"Hinduism." The term Hindu is a geographic term, much like the term
American or Chinese is. There are myriad of religions, cults,
philosophies, practices, rituals, scriptures and so on. The diversity
amongst people and their practices in this land are mind boggling to
perceive and understand. On one side is this high level of tradition
that deals directly with the inner spirit, renunciation, meditation
and love for all. On the other end are practices such as those
practiced by tribals and others where animals get slaughtered and
there are gory rituals including human sacrifice in some cases.
After independence, India is slowly making progress on many fronts
that include education, better awareness and interaction between
different people. It will probably take a hundred years or more of
steady progress for practices of this kind to lose their momentum.
India is one place where primitiveness and advancement exist side by
side. But spiritual traditions of India have always kept the lamp of
enlightenment burning. Hopefully, India will rediscover its glory and
practices of this kind will disappear with sustained progress.
Recommend? (4)
LittleCowLover
25 Nov 2009, 4:21PM
This comment has been removed by a moderator. Replies may also be
deleted. CaspianSmith
25 Nov 2009, 4:55PM
LittleCowLover,
What about the blood sacrifice of Jesus to purchase redemption from
sin, through his blood? How is that different, in theory?
And Abraham and his only son? How is that different?
Recommend? (4)
Kahabaali
25 Nov 2009, 4:58PM
This comment has been removed by a moderator. Replies may also be
deleted. Kahabaali
25 Nov 2009, 5:06PM
This comment has been removed by a moderator. Replies may also be
deleted. Kahabaali
25 Nov 2009, 5:24PM
This comment has been removed by a moderator. Replies may also be
deleted. LucyQ
25 Nov 2009, 8:41PM
This comment has been removed by a moderator. Replies may also be
deleted. blackadder2001
26 Nov 2009, 7:09AM
As a libertarian when it comes to freedom of speech, I must protest
the practice of deleting comments, these deletions are arbitrary and
go against the spirit of a board titled "Comment is Free". Is this a
British newspaper or one of those squalid rags from Pakistani
madrassas? Plus, they deprive us of the entertainment we derive from
reading Kahabaali's post. Kahabaali's ramblings remind me of perverts
who go flashing their privates at old ladies, I guess he doesn't get
to do much of that in Pakistan so he's taking out his frustrations on
this board. Let him have his catharsis and allow us to enjoy the
disjointed ramblings of this depraved lunatic.
Recommend? (7)
ChrisQ
26 Nov 2009, 9:53AM
I take the point that Hinduism is not a uniform belief, but the
original article gave the impression that animal sacrifice was part of
mainstream Hinduism. It is not. About 70 to 80% of Hindus are
Vishnavites, who condemn animal sacrifice, and of the rest about 10 to
15% are Saivites who also condemn them. Of the rest there are Shaktis,
Vedantists, and neo-Hindus. The animal sacrifices are in fact only
supported by a minority of the Shaktis.
Anil's article is much more representative of Hindu mainstream views,
and far from being a "substitute" cracking of coconuts is a
traditional form of sacrifice that is much more common than animal
sacrifice.
Chris (a Western follower of Hinduism)
Recommend? (5)
m1dlander
26 Nov 2009, 10:01AM
Why has LucyQ been moderated? I've never seen her post anything
offensive
Recommend? (2)
m1dlander
26 Nov 2009, 10:10AM
This is a barbaric act of selfishness, those buffalo must be
terrified; just waiting for their turn to be butchered.
It seems to me the temples are doing this to generate funding to
sustain them by perpetrating the lie that people watching will have
their wishes granted 'within 5 years'.
That's very specific, how can it be tested, how can it be proved or
disproved?
It's a bloodbath to titilate, a spectacle and a money-spinner.
The words "the Goddess needs blood" sounds like something from the
dark ages, not the 21st century!
Recommend? (4)
Britistani
26 Nov 2009, 10:19AM
I am also very dissappointed on hearing this news. We are Punjabi
Muslims and our ancestors were Hindu and Sikh. To this day we do not
eat beef or pork and rarely is lamb cooked in our house, our cuisine
is still mainly vegetarian or chicken as is the custom of Punjabi
country folks.
I used to dread the Hajj Eid were so many goats would be sacrificed,
but at least the meat went to poor people who could not afford it
(small consolation) - and i would never eat it.
The Vedic culture is the core culture of all of South Asia regardless
of religion, and killing animals like this is definaltely not the
Vedic way. It sounds awful and as m1dlander said it sounds like its
from the dark ages.
I hope the people in Nepal see sense.
Recommend? (7)
VSBI
26 Nov 2009, 2:08PM
Could someone remind me how many turkeys have been slaughtered this
last week for US thanksgiving? And for UK Christmas. 40 million?
That's the figure I've read. Puts this Nepali issue in some
perspective. We have massive animal slaughter industries in the West
that are equally brutal, but just kept behind closed doors to spare
our guilt.
Anyone else detect more than a hint of hypocrisy in this outrage?
Recommend? (4)
Arrowhead
26 Nov 2009, 4:31PM
One of the founding beliefs of Hinduism is that
"All Life Is Important" this act is an abomination to Hinduism as is
the caste system the Indian government should act against the Indian?s
who attended the festival in Nepal.
I?ll pray for those animals.
Recommend? (1)
mischelove
26 Nov 2009, 4:44PM
I'm really sorry for those animals and for those people either. There
is no way they get better by murdering and cruelty. It's disgusting
and there is no reason to defend it whatsoever. This is not religion.
Recommend? (1)
Vulpus
27 Nov 2009, 2:51AM
It is refreshing and dare I say it, restorative of my faith in human
nature to read not only this article above but also the comments
written herein, by persons not only of the Hindu faith but of the
Muslim faith and others, which are filled with compassion and without
the conceitedness and ignorance displayed by other commentators that
is unfortunately so often the case on other threads.
One of my relatives was a soldier out in India before the last war,
and he was deeply moved by the sight of Indian villagers there, some
of whom had very little in material terms, but who would nonetheless
feed the ants and other insects every morning. He found their attitude
to be a highly civilised one indeed, which it is of course, as well as
their respect for all life. As a Brahmin friend of mine once told me
'A man who is cruel to animals in our faith is not a real man'. I only
wish that more people from a Western background felt the same way. In
this respect the comment by VSBI was correct, a sad fact indeed.
Recommend? (4)
wetanddry
27 Nov 2009, 8:09AM
If anybody is interested in seeing the lie of the land there, please
see:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/rpb1001/4137245289/sizes/o/
It is a grotesque site. It is the day after the ritual slaughter. Here
you have the 3m high wall (abattoir). Within the walls of the compound
you can see local Dalits (untouchables) skinning the slain beasts,
removing the offal and carting away the carcasses and the best meat in
sacks to villages within meat carrying distance.
Far from all of the buffalo carcasses were 'used' in this way and the
sun and nature beat the locals to the rest. The stench at the end of
this day could be described as 'large', but only to leave room for the
necessary adjectives for day three or four.
It seems not a million miles from the image below.
http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2008/01/27/weekinreview/27bittman.xlarge1.jpg"
rel="nofollow">
http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2008/01/27/weekinreview/27bittman.xlarge1.jpg
add some poverty, superstition, religion and local party politics to a
world wide love of meat and you have jumped the divide.
wetanddry
27 Nov 2009, 8:10AM
Sorry:
http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2008/01/27/weekinreview/27bittman.xlarge1.jpg
julianabanana
27 Nov 2009, 11:10AM
blackadder2001 said
"With greater education and development, one can hope that some of
these practices we find abhorrent die out. Till then, I don't think we
can dictate to anyone how to lead their lies' (I presume he meant
lives)
But we do dictate to other people how to live their lives. We do it
all the time, in our own country and at European level and on the
international stage. It's called the law. We make it a criminal
offence to sexually abuse children, to rape or beat other people, to
steal, to murder, to engage in was crimes etc etc. And in this country
we regulate abbatoirs (not very well, in my opinion, but at least the
intention to minimise suffering is there). Of course, it all starts to
break down as soon as you introduce moral relativism. So you make
religious exceptions to animal welfare laws so Halal and Shechita
slaughter methods are tolerated in the UK. Why not go further and say
it's ok to take a child bride. It's fine to abuse women. Why not? It's
a cultural thing, so it must be ok for some people to have much lower
standards of behaviour, yes? Obviously that's bollocks. I'm happy to
condemn what has happened to these defenceless animals in Nepal, and
condemn the people who did it to them, because its just plain damn
wrong. I only wish we could protest more effectively, but then we're
up against apologists for brutality like blackadder2001.
julianabanana
27 Nov 2009, 11:10AM
blackadder2001 said
"With greater education and development, one can hope that some of
these practices we find abhorrent die out. Till then, I don't think we
can dictate to anyone how to lead their lies' (I presume he meant
lives)
But we do dictate to other people how to live their lives. We do it
all the time, in our own country and at European level and on the
international stage. It's called the law. We make it a criminal
offence to sexually abuse children, to rape or beat other people, to
steal, to murder, to engage in was crimes etc etc. And in this country
we regulate abbatoirs (not very well, in my opinion, but at least the
intention to minimise suffering is there). Of course, it all starts to
break down as soon as you introduce moral relativism. So you make
religious exceptions to animal welfare laws so Halal and Shechita
slaughter methods are tolerated in the UK. Why not go further and say
it's ok to take a child bride. It's fine to abuse women. Why not? It's
a cultural thing, so it must be ok for some people to have much lower
standards of behaviour, yes? Obviously that's bollocks. I'm happy to
condemn what has happened to these defenceless animals in Nepal, and
condemn the people who did it to them, because its just plain damn
wrong. I only wish we could protest more effectively, but then we're
up against apologists for brutality like blackadder2001.
Recommend? (1)
m1dlander
27 Nov 2009, 12:27PM
VSBI
26 Nov 2009, 2:08PM
Could someone remind me how many turkeys have been slaughtered this
last week for US thanksgiving? And for UK Christmas. 40 million?
That's the figure I've read. Puts this Nepali issue in some
perspective. We have massive animal slaughter industries in the West
that are equally brutal, but just kept behind closed doors to spare
our guilt.
Anyone else detect more than a hint of hypocrisy in this outrage?
Nope
m1dlander
27 Nov 2009, 12:28PM
sorry
VSBI
26 Nov 2009, 2:08PM
Could someone remind me how many turkeys have been slaughtered this
last week for US thanksgiving? And for UK Christmas. 40 million?
That's the figure I've read. Puts this Nepali issue in some
perspective. We have massive animal slaughter industries in the West
that are equally brutal, but just kept behind closed doors to spare
our guilt.
Anyone else detect more than a hint of hypocrisy in this outrage?
Nope
Recommend? (1)
m1dlander
27 Nov 2009, 1:31PM
We have massive animal slaughter industries in the West that are
equally brutal
We also have laws that stipulate all animals should be killed in a
humane manner, meaning they are stunned first and don't feel any pain,
(and minimal fear).
(Excluding Halal slaughterhouses who have special dispensation to
cause suffering - but that's another issue)
Now how many strikes with one of those machetes do you think it takes
to kill a bull let alone sever its head? This while all the others
watch, waiting their turn in terror.
All turkeys who are killed will end up as food, as wetanddry states
above, a huge amount of the meat from these baffalo will be wasted.
Turkeys are killed to order in an efficient manner (you may be a
vegitarian and disagree morally with this, but it is the case); the
huge numbers of buffalo killed can't possibly be processed, so it's
wasteful in the very least!
The main problem I have with this, however, is that it is done as a
spectacle to entertain people and on the patently untrue premise that
spectator's wishes will come true!
If simple peasants are told this by their priests, who they respect,
then of course they're going to believe it. Once it becomes a
tradition it's difficult to stop - but that doesn't mean it shouldn't
be stopped!
Superstition should be rooted out as the harmful, regressive,
blinkered, morally-retarded evolutionary baggage that it is
blackadder2001
27 Nov 2009, 2:50PM
@julianabanana, you're going down a very slippery slope here, your own
example of abbatoirs belies what you're saying. Abbatoirs are no less
brutal than crude animal sacrifice and the end result for the poor
animal is no different. The more a society tries to regulate people's
behaviour, the more opposition it occurs because quite frankly dearie,
what may be just plain damn wrong to you might not be to others. Plus,
unless you're a saint, am sure there are aspects of your lifestyle
that are just plain wrong when viewed from different paradigms. What
would you say about laws against homosexuality? Many people believe
that that's just plain damn wrong, would you support laws banning that
as well? Do you know how Parsees and Tibetans dispose of their dead?
Is that plain damn wrong too? Try not to be wooly headed when debating
about absolute right and wrong, far brighter people have given up
trying to define or even confirm the existence of these concepts
Recommend? (3)
iZenmaster
27 Nov 2009, 3:18PM
"Human kills human just to prove that Killing is BAD" [~Anonymous)
We humans are very unreasonable kind, yet we believe we are very
reasonable!!
We called those atrocity as INHUMAN, but don't you think thats so
HUMAN!!
can you show me any ANIMAL (other than HOMO SAPIENS) who kills like
us?
and yet we call those act INHUMAN!!
I NEITHER SUPPORT ANIMAL SACRIFICE NOR I'M JUSTIFYING WHAT WE DID IN
NEPAL (GADIMAI MELA) WAS RIGHT OR WRONG!!
The fact is, that atrocity happened in the open public, hence the
loud
cry!! otherwise ANIMALS get SLAUGHTERED everywhere in the WORLD, yeah
in very HUMANLY WAY!! So what are we JUST HYPOCRITE ?? United States,
will consume 45 million turkeys for Thanksgiving alone
Only Difference is those animals were killed in PUBLIC, otherwise THE
MEAT
will get CONSUMED and THE SKIN will go for LEATHER PROCESSING!!
There is nothing called RIGHT or WRONG....cause we believe ourselves
to be
very REASONABLE, yet act HYPOCRITE.. ..on the OTHER side we are
nothing
but a RISEN APE!!
"Human
beings are animals....We may prefer to think of ourselves as fallen
angels, but in reality we are risen apes." ~Desmond Morris
anu47
27 Nov 2009, 4:41PM
Rather than pander to the ?sensitive? middleclass Guardian readers who
abhor fox hunting and other blood sports, Mr Bhanot should question
whether the method by which these animals are slaughtered makes an
iota of difference. Well whether a melon is dropped onto a sharpened
knife or if the knife is intentionally thrust into it; it is the melon
that suffers injury. The karma of killing an animal whichever way it
is done is the same. Perhaps the horror of seeing an animal hacked to
death is what is needed to stop others like Mr Bhanot here in the ?
civilized? west from eating their flesh to satisfy our palate.
It is sheer intellectual pomposity to condemn these Nepalese (for what
we consider) their atypical traditions and on the other hand pick up a
pre-packed chicken from the supermarket thereby supporting the annual ?
sacrifice? of 750 million animals in this country alone. Was it 40
million turkeys slaughtered this year for thanksgiving? How many more
are meeting a similar fate this Christmas? The author must be feeling
quite smug and should have known better than to condemn Nepali Hindus
so unashamedly, as a purported ?Hindu leader?; given what sacrifices
the Gurkhas have made for this country. Tut-tut.
Anu
Recommend? (1)
julianabanana
27 Nov 2009, 6:14PM
blackadder2001, I don't see what homosexuality has to do with this
argument at all. But for the record, no I wouldn't support laws
banning it. Last time I looked homosexuality was legal in the UK. As
for people disposing of their dead, as long as they don't leave the
bodies outside my house, I'm fine with sky burials or whatever.
Now, back to the point. Have you actually seen the graphic images of
this mass slaughter? There were lots on the BBC. Many have now been
pulled, presumably because of the disturbing content To describe the
scenes as horrific really doesn't do them justice. Animals being
butchered in plain view of each other, running round a huge enclosure
desperately trying to escape from men wielding huge knives. Pools of
blood with stricken animals lying there not yet dead. How is that
remotely connected with an attempt (granted, an imperfect one) to
minimise animal suffering by keeping the killing rooms and the holding
pens separate and the animals in ignorance of their fate for as long
as possible? By stunning before bleeding and beheading? I'm no
apologist for abbatoirs. I haven't eaten meat for over 20 years. But
what happened in Nepal was sickening beyond my comprehension. If you
really think the end result is no different for the animals, let's try
an experiment. 1) A week or so ago a judge gave the parents of a very
sick baby the right to switch of his life support machine to end his
suffering. The baby died soon afterwards. Baby P was beaten repeatedly
and neglected to the point where he died from his injuries. According
to your logic there is no difference in the treatment of these two
babies by their parents because they both died, so it didn't really
matter how and in what circumstances they died. We should condemn
both, or neither. Or try this. Your granny is very old and frail.
She'd like to die in her own bed, surrounded by her loved ones but
instead you put her in a busy hospital ward where she is left lying in
her own piss and shit and dies hungry, thirsty, alone and afraid. But
hey, what does it matter, because she was going to die anyway? Do you
begin to see a tiny problem with your own position? Maybe you're the
one who's not so bright, dearie?
wetanddry
27 Nov 2009, 7:24PM
Well it is certainly an emotive subject.... for a few days at least.
See you all in Gadhimai in 5 years time minus a couple of months for
the next repeat of this debate.
wetanddry
27 Nov 2009, 8:00PM
Juliana: The animals were not running around trying to escape. They
went like the proverbial lambs to the slaughter. Shooting fish could
possibly be a more useful metaphor. It was a pathetic scene, from the
utterly docile animals' point of view and from the point of view of
the faintly macho men given the task of wielding the knives. There was
distress though certainly and quite a lot of it was mine.
The heavy knife on the back of the neck seemed to be stunningly
effective though. Within a split second it was over for all but the
very biggest of animals.
However. They could radically change this ritual slaughter. It would
be possible to properly feed and water the animals while waiting. They
could segregate the living, the presently condemned and the dead with
some kind of barriers. They could hire people to shepard animals from
one zone to another. In the final zone they could manage the skinning
and cleaning and shipping to the local community, meat dealers and
skin traders.
They could even set up a temporary meat drying facility for making
jerky (sekuwa) which is the favour manner of preservation.
In this way you have all the superstitious sacrifice nonsense which
keeps the masses happy as their wishes will come true, the business
people are happy as the locals don't throw rocks at the trucks coming
to take their meat away so they make some money and the animal rights
people should be happier as it approximates the work-flow of the
massive, anonymous flesh industries of back home.
Or not?
julianabanana
27 Nov 2009, 9:24PM
Wetanddry
Not.
You obviously did not see the same pictures or read the same reports
as me. Unless you were actually there I will not defer to your account
of events. Amongst other atrocities, I saw a picture of a bullock
sitting up, wounded, in a pool of blood amongst the dead bodies of
other bullocks, waiting to have its head hacked off. So much for it
being over in a split second.
As for the people's wishes coming true, five years ago they must have
all wished to remain in squalid poverty and ignorance, because five
years down the line that's all their bloodthirty goddess seems to have
granted them. We compel children to go to school in the UK, to protect
them from ignorance.Why is it wrong for mainstream Hindus to want to
educate these people not to indulge in this barbaric practice in the
name of their religion?
blackadder2001
27 Nov 2009, 9:25PM
@julianabanana, you're missing the wood for the trees, the point is
that moral relativism is the basis of all societies and laws. The
point of bringing up the homosexuality example was to show that the
same behaviour can be viewed as 'right' by one group of people and
'barbaric' by another. Sure homosexuality is legal in Britain now but
Britain was at the forefront of some of the most repressive anti
buggery laws in the world, which claimed the lives and careers of men
like Oscar Wilde and Alan Turing. But societies evolve and as they do,
so do their laws. The suffering of the animals in the Gadimai massacre
is horrific no doubt, but industrial slaughterhouses are no different.
I also request you to visit some authentic Chinese restaurants where
prawns are boiled alive and snakes are sliced while still breathing.
You may find that disgusting but the Chinese don't. Good to know that
you don't eat meat but am reasonably sure there are other indirect
ways in which your lifestyle harm the environment. What makes your
ways of living less damn right than those of others? Do you drink
milk? Do you know how calves are starved so that the mil of their
mothers reaches your table? Don't give me stupid tangential arguments
and try and understand the points being made here. And you still
haven't answered (and I suspect even understood) the core point that I
have been making all through my posts viz. that in a world devoid of
absolute truths, right and wrong are determined only by societies
believing they are so. I suggest enrolling yourself in a few
philosophy courses asap.
Recommend? (1)
julianabanana
28 Nov 2009, 12:15AM
blackadder2001
So, what you are saying is you are right and I am wrong. Yes?
blackadder2001
28 Nov 2009, 8:43AM
@julianabanana - no
wetanddry
28 Nov 2009, 3:56PM
@julianabanana. Yes I was there.
I don't know how young buffaloes think, but their treatment could have
been vastly improved. You did not answer my suggestion of upgrading
this slaughter venue to something equating to the minimum standards of
the meat industry. Would this be better or still unacceptable?
Superstition is rife in this country. You get sick, their must be
spirits in the house. A young box is fat, he must be having sex. Watch
people drinking the sewage from the Ganges river, because its holy.
After giving birth, a woman should not eat vegetables for fruit for
about a month. The list goes on.
Many attending this festival still shit outdoors. They don't know why
toilets are important. Animal welfare is known here, but for the
poorest of the poor, its a long way down the list of priorities.
I think comments are closed so I'll stop here.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2009/nov/25/gadhimai-animal-sacrifice-nepal
Festival of Mass Animal Sacrifice Under Way in Nepal
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PsNKc8dOfvQ
chhotemianinshallah
By Kanchan Lakhani
A state-level function was organised here today to pay homage to Dr
Shyama Prasad Mookherjee. Addressing a mammoth gathering, former
deputy Prime Minister LK Advani said: “Dr Mookherjee laid down his
life for the unity and integrity of the nation. He not only opposed
the permit system introduced for the people from outside J&K, but also
defied the permit restriction by entering the state on May 11, 1953.
The system itself was instrumental in creating differences among the
citizens of independent India.”
Stating Article 370 as dangerous for the unity and integrity of India,
Mohan Bhagwat of the RSS said the Article should be scrapped at
earliest to ensure safety of the people of Jammu and Kashmir from the
evil designs of terrorist outfits functioning from across the border.
He also dedicated the samarak of Dr Shyama Prasad Mookherjee, named as
Ekta Sathal, at Madhopur bridge on the Punjab-J&K border, near here.
BJP national president Nitin Gadkari also rued the fact that India had
failed to settle the J&K issue even after 62 years of Independence. He
alleged that the appeasement policies of the UPA government were
encouraging terrorism in the country. Demanding immediate repealing of
Article 370, he said Dr Mookherjee’s sacrifice would not go in vein.
Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, in his brief address, said
martyrs belonged to the nation and not to any religion, cast or
region. Also present on the occasion were Himachal Pradesh CM PK
Dhumal, former CM Shanta Kumar, MP Navjot Sidhu, MP Avinash Rai
Khanna, BJP state chief Ashwani Sharma, BJP in charge (Punjab affairs)
Balbir Punj, and state ministers like Manoranjan Kalia, Master Mohan
Lal, Tikshan Sud, Luxmi Kanta Chawla and Swarna Ram.
via The Tribune, Chandigarh, India - Main News.
http://amritsarmetro.com/2010/03/21/scrap-article-370-bjp-rss/
Researcher in new BJP vanguard
Poornima Joshi
New Delhi, March 21, 2010
BJP leaders aren't known to be "overqualified". But Nirmala
Seetharaman seems to have changed that image when she set foot in the
party headquarters on Saturday afternoon.
The saffron camp's media cell acquired a new profile with
Seetharaman's inclusion as spokesperson in BJP president Nitin
Gadkari's new team of officebearers.
An international trade expert with an MPhil from Jawaharlal Nehru
University's (JNU) Centre for Economic Studies and Planning,
Seetharaman was a researcher in the world's largest professional
services firm, PricewaterhouseCoopers, in the UK.
Since she came back to India and settled in Hyderabad, the BJP's new
spokesperson has been engaged in research work in health, education
and rural employment. She is also part of running a model school
called Pranava in Hyderabad, and was a member of the National
Commission for Women. "I had finished PhD as well on textile trade
between India and Europe under the GATT regime, but could not submit
it," said Seetharaman.
So how did someone from JNU, known as the fourth bastion of the CPM
after West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, end up in the BJP? "I was anti-
Left and part of the free thinkers in JNU. But I never joined any
political party. In fact, till 2006, I was engaged in research. But
when the chance came, I signed up with the BJP," she said.
At a time when Gadkari is facing criticism about sacrificing quality
in favour of the glamour quotient in his team, Seetharaman was propped
up by the party to parry queries in this regard. "What is wrong if
women from the film world or any other profession join politics?
It will only add fresh ideas so essential for the growth.
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89207/India/Researcher+in+new+BJP+vanguard.html
Cong has defied Nehru in its RS nominations: BJP
22 Mar 2010, 0726 hrs IST, ET Bureau
NEW DELHI: BJP on Sunday kept up its attack on Congress for nominating
two of its defeated Lok Sabha candidates — Mr Mani Shankar Aiyar and
Ram
Dayal Munda — to the Rajya Sabha. BJP said the action amounted to
defying Jawaharlal Nehru’s stand on the issue.
“Pandit Nehru, in his speech in the House of the People on May 13,
1953, had categorically stated that such nominees (to Rajya Sabha)
should not represent political parties. There should be a high water
mark of literature, art or culture,” BJP spokesperson Rajiv Pratap
Rudy said.
“By nominating two active party members, Congress has defied the stand
taken by their guiding leader,” he said. Both Mr Aiyar and Mr Munda
had lost the 2009 Lok Sabha polls while contesting from their
constituencies in Tamil Nadu and Jharkhand, respectively.
“It seems the RS has become a refuge for defeated Congress candidates.
Congress is making a mockery of the nomination category,” he said. He
quoted Gopalswamy Iyengar, a Constituent Assembly member, to drive
home his party’s point. “Iyengar in his speech in the Constituent
Assembly on July 28, 1947, said that those seasoned people who may not
be in the thickest of political fray, but who might be willing to
participate from art and culture should be given an opportunity
through such nominations.”
IANS
BJP leader calls for Hindu state again in Nepal
2010-03-22 17:20:00
A little-known Hindu organisation's call for reinstatement of a Hindu
state in Nepal received an unexpected support here from a visiting top
leader of India's Bharatiya Janata Party.
Former BJP president Rajnath Singh, who had arrived in Nepal Sunday to
attend the last rites of former Nepali prime minister Girija Prasad
Koirala, who was also the architect of a secular Nepal, said at a
press conference in Kathmandu Monday that he supported a Hindu state
in the Himalayan republic.
'We used to feel proud that Nepal was the only Hindu kingdom in the
world,' Singh said. 'I will be happy when Nepal is a Hindu state
again.'
The Indian leader said that there were other theocratic countries in
the world - including in the European Union and in South Asia.
'But no one is opposed to them,' Singh said. 'No one is appealing to
(the Islamic states of) Pakistan and Bangladesh to become secular. But
it was done in Nepal.'
Singh, who met Nepal's Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal and President
Ram Baran Yadav Monday prior to his departure, said Hinduism was a way
of life and tolerant of other religions.
'That is why India is secular,' he said. '(But) Pakistan separated
(from India) to become theocratic and look at the state of the country
today.'
Asked about the sectarian riots in western India's Gujarat state under
a BJP government, the BJP leader said his party condemned violence.
Singh also made a veiled attack against Nepal's former Maoist
guerrillas, who waged a 10-year war for a secular state and are now
the biggest party in Nepal following the election in 2008.
'Weapons belong to defenders of the state, not the masses,' he said,
obliquely referring to the allegation against the Maoists that they
have still retained weapons.
'In a healthy democracy, there shouldn't be arms in people's hands.'
The Indian leader said he had urged Nepal's leaders to implement the
new constitution on the basis of consensus within the May deadline.
Singh's remarks are likely to fuel a controversy in Nepal at a time
when several Hindu organisations are calling for a Hindu state.
A little-known group called the Vishwa Ekata Parishad set two buses
and a motorcycle on fire in Kailali district in farwestern Nepal
during a general strike called by them in western Nepal Monday.
The group is seeking to reinstate Hinduism as the state religion. An
anti-monarchy campaign led to parliament declaring the country secular
in 2006.
The new constitution is expected to consolidate the nature of the
secular republic.
However, ahead of the new constitution, Hindu groups have begun
raising demands for a Hindu state.
Last week, a National Religious Revival Campaign kicked off in
Kathmandu, attended by lawmakers and veteran politicians, making the
same demand.
There has also been a series of visits by Hindu preachers, including
controversial Indian Chandraswamy, who have been attending rituals
calling for a Hindu state.
The last of them, a nine-day ritual, was attended by three former
prime ministers of Nepal and deposed Hindu king Gyanendra himself.
Nepal's only openly royalist party, Rastriya Prajatantra Party
(Nepal), is demanding a Hindu kingdom.
Kamal Thapa, who was home minister in king Gyanendra's regime and
heads the royalist party, has warned of protests against the new
constitution unless the government holds a referendum ahead of it.
Thapa says people should be allowed to decide if they want a king and
a Hindu state through the referendum.
In the past, the party called a general strike in Kathmandu valley to
show its clout and also blockaded major ministries.
SEARCH http://sify.com/topics/Nepal.html
Advani blogs against Kashmir's autonomy
2010-03-22 15:20:00
Opposing autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir and restoration of the
pre-1953 status to the troubled state, senior Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) leader L.K. Advani has said the party won't allow the
constitutional clock to be turned back and vowed to get Article 370
completely abrogated.
'All that the country wants is to move forward to the complete
abrogation of Article 370,' Advani said, referring to the
constitutional provision that gives special status to Jammu and
Kashmir in India.
'The nation will not allow the constitutional clock to be turned back
in respect to the state's integration with India,' the veteran BJP
leader blogged.
Before 1953, Jammu and Kashmir had a separate head called prime
minister. The Supreme Court, the Election Commission of India, and the
comptroller and auditor general had no jurisdiction over the state.
Only three departments, defence, currency and foreign affairs were
controlled by the Indian government.
Any Indian citizen wanting to visit the state had to acquire a special
permit to enter Jammu and Kashmir.
However, the permit system was later abolished and gradually the
clauses, which Advani called 'separatist provisions', were changed and
the article diluted.
This, Advani wrote, 'brought (Jammu and Kashmir) at par with other
states in these matters'.
'When in the name of Kashmir's autonomy, it is nowadays said that the
dilution of Article 370 that took place post-1953 must be undone, it
is all these wholesome provisions of the Indian constitution which are
sought to be once again scrapped in their application to the state of
Jammu and Kashmir,' he said.
'The nation's clarion call to the powers-that-be is that India will
never forget Shyama Prasad Mookerji's sacrifice,' he said remembering
the Bharatiya Jana Sangh founder who entered Jammu and Kashmir in 1953
defying the permit system. Mookerji was taken to a prison where he
fell ill after a hunger strike. He later died.
http://sify.com/news/advani-blogs-against-kashmir-s-autonomy-news-national-kdwpubjefbh.html
BJP leader weighed in blood
NDTV Correspondent, Monday March 22, 2010, Ahmedabad
Weighing your leader in gold and silver is passé. How innovative can
your welcome be after Mayawati's money garland caught the eye of
everyone in the country?
A silver chair for Haryana Chief Minister Bhupendra Singh Hooda. A gun
salute for BJP general secretary Narendra Singh Tomar. Now try this.
The new state BJP chief in Gujarat, RC Faldu, was weighed in blood, 75
litres of it for his 75 kg of body weight. All that blood has been
kept in Vadodara for donation "to the needy".
The leader looked quite happy at the innovation as he sat on the giant
weighing scale. For the more conventional, he was also weighed in
coins.
Tomar, the BJP MP from Madhya Pradesh and general secretary, was
felicitated over the weekend with followers firing gunshots in the air
in Morena and a district-level office-bearer ended up injured.
Chief Minister Hooda said no to the silver throne and, it is reported,
a golden crown. But then Hooda belongs to the party that is taking its
austerity drive very seriously. In neighbouring UP, Chief Minister
Mayawati shall soon be accepting her third garland made of money.
Watch Video
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/bjp-leader-weighed-in-blood-18227.php
BJP general secretary’s show of gun power injures partyman
22 Mar 2010, 1010 hrs IST, ET Bureau
NEW DELHI: Even as BJP president Nitin Gadkari battles to contain the
fall-out of a fresh burst of dissidence within his party following
the
announcement of his team of office-bearers, one of his chosen few
decided to exhibit his clout by a brazen show of gun power and might
at Shivpuri in his home constituency.
Mr Narendra Singh Tomar’s first visit to his Lok Sabha constituency —
Morena in Madhya Pradesh — after being named a national general
secretary of BJP left at least one party activist injured during the
101-gun salute given by his followers. In a brazen show of strength
and muscle power, Mr Tomar, who’s also the outgoing state BJP
president, chose to exhibit his might by parading 101 gun-totting
supporters on the occasion. This act clearly violated the law, but no
could dare taking any action against him for the fear of inviting the
state government’s wrath. MP is ruled by BJP.
What is more shocking is that the incident took place in the very
presence of police and district officials who were there during the
controversial ceremony . Most of the arms used in the ceremony were
said to be illegal.
Mr Tomar’s action has added to the woes of the BJP president, who is
already facing a lot of flak for his non-application of mind in the
selection of his team of office-bearers and the members of national
executive. The process flew in the face of his opt-repeated assertion
that he would go strictly by performance-audit while naming persons to
head important organisational posts. It now turns out that allegiance
to party satraps played an important role in team-selection exercise .
Factors such as regional and castebalancing were completely
jettisoned.
With Mr Gadkari faltering in his first big test, doubts are already
being raised about his next major hurdle — that of appointing
presidents to head the party in politically crucial states of UP,
Bihar, MP and Maharashtra. With a rejuvenated Congress gearing up to
challenge BSP in Uttar Pradesh and the JD(U)- BJP combine in Bihar, it
remains to be seen whether Mr Gadkari goes purely by merit in
appointing leaders to head the party in these states, or falls victim
once again to the pulls and pressures being exerted by powerful
chieftains.
Madhya Pradesh: Gun salute goes wrong, BJP leader injured
Press Trust of India, Sunday March 21, 2010, Morena (Madhya Pradesh)
A BJP leader was seriously injured on Sunday after he was accidentally
hit by a bullet fired to welcome party's newly-appointed general
secretary Narendra Singh Tomar at a town near Morena in Madhya
Pradesh.
Tomar was being given a gun salute by party workers on his arrival at
Ambah town when one of the bullets accidentally hit BJP's divisional
unit vice president Subhash Sharma in the leg causing serious
injuries, police said.
Sharma was rushed to primary health centre and then to Morena district
hospital, which finally referred him to Gwalior Medical College
Hospital.
Watch Video
BJP dreams big for Bangalore
Express News Service
First Published : 22 Mar 2010 06:18:17 AM IST
Last Updated : 22 Mar 2010 08:58:03 AM IST
BANGALORE: There was confusion in the run -up to the BBMP elections.
Ticket distribution was chaotic and there were allegations that
candidate selection was not transparent.
There was no confusion. We had been discussing ticket distribution for
three months and finalised the candidates based on the suggestions of
the party workers. There may be minor differences but no major
problems.
Despite your promise of not letting it happen, people with criminal
background have gotten into the fray from the BJP.
There is no such instance. We have not given ticket to any such
elements.
What are the issues that the BJP feels could fetch votes? i) The
incomparable development work our party has done in Bangalore in the
last two years.
ii) The party is committed towards the development of Bangalore, well
reflected by the allocation of Rs 3,500 crore in the state budget.
iii) Our decisions have pleased Bangalore voters. For instance, take
our decision to bring in a legislation banning cow slaughter.
iv) People know that JD(S) and Congress have been playing a drama over
NICE, they have been shedding crocodile tears.
All international airports or important industries were all built by
acquiring land. Why oppose only NICE? BJP has been an urban party for
a long time, but you still have no single leader who can claim to
represent Bangalore.
Why such a void? There is no such void. We have many leaders. Such
problems exist in the Congress, which is why they had to go away from
Bangalore to decide on ticket distribution. We did it sitting in
Bangalore.
Mention five things you will do on a priority basis if you are voted
to power.
Ensuring drinking water in all the areas; laying underground
draianage, roads and necessary infrastructure in the newly-included
areas under the BBMP; developing and conserving lakes; making
rainwater harvesting compulsory; making Bangalore greener.
How many seats do you hope to bag? I am confident of getting a clear
majority.
What would the BJP do if it falls short of majority? Will it sit in
the opposition or engineer another ‘Operation lotus’? The first
question does not arise because we are confident of getting a clear
majority. If the Congress and the JD(S) make any political conspiracy
we are ready to counter them by manoeuvring the situation.
BJP, Bollywood Ishtyle13 Comments | Post Comment
Tavleen Singh
Posted: Sunday , Mar 21, 2010 at 0140 hrs
This has been a most depressing week when seen from the perspective of
a political columnist. The new president of our main Opposition party
announced his new ‘dream team’ to revive the BJP and his list would be
hugely funny if it were not so pathetic. There are three actresses, a
cricketer, a fashion designer, a sprinkling of ‘youth’ leaders and a
former chief minister who is a misfit among the actresses.
Vasundhara Raje is the BJP’s only leader in Rajasthan and instead of a
desk job in Delhi, should have been left as a formidable Opposition
leader in Jaipur. She lost the election by inches. But, it seems as if
the BJP has decided not to be a real Opposition party, only a
Bollywood version of one. It has to be said in Nitin Gadkari’s defence
that from day one, when he burst into song at that first convention in
Indore, he indicated that despite his ample girth, he is a
lightweight. Not a bad singer but pointless since we have enough real
musicians; what we need desperately is a real Opposition party.
If we had a real Opposition party, six million tonnes of food grain
would not be rotting in Punjab while Parliament is in session. In a
country in which nearly half our children are malnourished, it is
beyond sickening that the Government of India can get away with stupid
excuses like ‘not having enough warehouses’. Just put the wretched
grain in trucks and send it to organisations like Akshay Patra or just
give it free to village shops. Our TV channels did an excellent job
last week in emphasising that the grain is being eaten by rats while
children starve, but there is only so much the media can do. The rest
is in the hands of the Prime Minister and his Cabinet and why should
they do anything as long as there is no Opposition party to rub their
nose in the dirt?
If we had a real Opposition party, we would not be putting another Rs
30,000 crore of taxpayers money into ‘cleaning’ the Ganga and the
Yamuna until we know why twenty years of expensive effort failed to
clean our most sacred rivers. Before throwing more of our money down
the drain, should we not first be given some answers? One example. Why
was our money spent on building sewage treatment plants that do not
work when everyone knows that the only solution is to not allow any
sewage into these rivers in the first place?
But, what is the point in my depressing myself further with these
questions when I know that it is futile asking them until we have a
real Opposition party? If you need proof that we do not have one you
only need to have watched this last session of Parliament. In neither
the Lok Sabha nor the Rajya Sabha did we see the BJP raise any real
issues. Sushma Swaraj’s interventions have been heavy on elocution and
low on content. She ends up sounding like someone trying to win first
prize in a college debate. Arun Jaitley supported the Women’s
Reservation Bill as if his heart was really not in it. There is no
reason why it should have been. The Bill, as I pointed out in this
space last week, undermines the fundamental principles of Indian
democracy and should be strenuously opposed.
Even as I write those words, I slip further into gloom as the face of
Shri Lal Krishna Advani floats before my eyes. Not in the form of the
Hindutva hawk on that chariot to Ayodhya that left so much death and
hatred in its wake. But, as the tired, old man he now is. A tired, old
man who has nothing new to say, no future prospects, but who clings
shamelessly to the few crumbs of power that remain with him. In doing
so he destroys any chance the BJP has of renewal or even survival.
What was the point of him giving up his job as Leader of the
Opposition in the Lok Sabha if he refuses to give up control of the
parliamentary party?
The reality is that he has given up nothing. Mr Gadkari can take his
‘dream team’ of actresses and sportsmen and sing all the way back to
Mumbai and it would make no difference. There remains only one leader
in the BJP. He is a worn-out, jaded old man who appears determined to
destroy what remains of the party he once helped build. With only the
Commies on the Opposition benches, the Government can lapse safely
into complacent non-activity while we the people rely on our own
efforts to withstand a certain decline. Forgive me if I sound
seriously gloomy but it is a seriously gloomy time.
Follow Tavleen Singh on Twitter at tavleens
13 Comments |
Rotting Grain
By: K.C.Sharma | Monday , 22 Mar '10 16:51:07 PM
Rotting grain is really a shame when so many starvation deaths are
happening.But if the real figures can somehow, may be through RTI be
extracted from the Govt it will be found that so much money has been
spent on construction of go-downs and on the Food Corporation of India
that if the same money was spent by private traders there would be no
shortage of storage space.And grain would be available where required
through cash coupons distributed to the really needy. But the Govt
babu's and the socialistic politicians would have even then found a
way to pocket that money and the grain meant for the poor. You have
every right to rubbish the BJP but most of the blame lies at the door
of the socialistic dreams of our great leaders of fifties and sixties
who still control the mindset of our present leaders of the GOP.
Will BJP bounce back?
By: Neetu Banga | Monday , 22 Mar '10 12:16:43 PM
The party needs to stop talk on hard-line Hindutva and focus on
emerging as a true secular party.By inducting educated and positive
attitude people does not mean party will come back to power, it still
have long way to go to win the hearts of the people.
UNBALANCED CRITICISM
By: B.V.SHENOY | Monday , 22 Mar '10 11:56:56 AM
Tavleen Singh seems to have written this article with the editor
holding the secular gun to her head. The criticism of Gadkari and his
new team seems to be pointless and cheap. If Sunil Dutt can be a
politician, and the congress government can honour a dead actor
(M.G.Ramachandran) with Bharat Ratna (nothing less!), what is wrong
when Gadkari selects intelligent actors like Kiran kher for his
youthful team? Sidhu is a world reknown cricketer, a good human being,
a witty orator and a successful parliamentarian. Any party would feel
proud to have him in its national management team, But Tavleen has
nothing but derisive words for these young, politically savvy public
figures. By using vile language for Advani, you are only be exposing
your own lack of balance. Once in a way you may attempt writing about
the lady who runs the country from behind closed doors of 10 Janpath,
who doesn't know the A,B, C or D of Indian politics but lords over the
country. And please mind your language.
Corrupt Officers of FCI
By: Shiv M | Monday , 22 Mar '10 11:06:07 AM
FCI and its ministry has been making mockery of food storage System.
Dont they see how developed world store their grains in sylos and not
even a piece of grain goes waste and they can export same wheat to we
Indians with cheap prices with their so high labour cost. FCI
officials show these food grains as gone waste but at the same time
sell them to black market and pocket in 1000s of crores rs. this must
come to an end and no government agency should be allowed to buy and
misappropriate tha tax money of we common Indians. it's high time we
must stop these unchecked corruption or we and out chilren will die
out of malnutrition while these thugs and rats will get fatter and
fatter day after day.
TRUE OPPOSITION
By: NIRANJAN | Monday , 22 Mar '10 8:54:44 AM
OPPOSITION IN OUR COUNTRY IS ALWAYS TOO BUSY PULLING DOWN THE RULING
GOVT. BUT IT IS ALSO BUSY TRYING TO MAKE SURE THAT WHEN THE RULING
GOVT. COMES DOWN THEY HAVE THE BIGGEST BOWL TO COLLECT THE FALLOUT! I
WISH THE PARLIAMENTARIANS WOULD LOOK AT SOME DECENT COUNTRY'S SYSTEM
AND TRY NOT EMULATE POORLY RULED DICTATORSHIP LIKE COUNTRIES! ATRUE
OPPOSITION WOULD THINK FIRST OF THE COUNTRY AND THEN OF THE PARTY AND
THEN FOR INDIVIDUALS. IN OUR COUNTRY THE ORDER IS REVERSED.
How
By: Neelima Choahan | Monday , 22 Mar '10 7:53:38 AM
Dear Ms Singh, I am a great a admirer of yours. I have read you since
I was a child. I think you are the byword in Indian politics
commentary but what I cannot understand is how is that you manage to
criticize BJP even when you are berating the Congress. Or is it the
other way around? I hope we get rid of this useless government and of
course that cannot be done without a strong Opposition.
Professor Emeritus
By: DR. D. Prithipaul | Monday , 22 Mar '10 5:40:51 AM
Mrs. Tavleen Singh does not seem to get it. With the Prime Minister's
office sponsoring a third rate Bollywood actor with a Padma, it is
proof that the Government acquires its understanding of social
realities from Bollywood fillums. This being so Mrs. Singh's laments
function like mere whispers in the wind - however much she may be
right, as she always is. Is there a debate on the nature of the
reasons, for example, which she marshals against the allotment of a
third of parliamentary seats to women? How will the rural electorate
field its women candidates and what will be the criteria for the
selection of the latter?
STANGE TRUTH
By: V.K.CHAWLA | Sunday , 21 Mar '10 23:11:43 PM
IF THE BJP TAKES A ISSUE & MAKE RUCKUS IN PARLIAMENT , THE SO CALLED
MEDIA CRTICISE IT . EVERYBODY KNOWS THAT UPA GOVT. IS NOT WORRIED &
THEIR LEADERS ARE SAYING IT OPENELY THAT THEY GIVE TWO HOOTS TO ALL
THOSE WHO ARE CRYING - MEHANGAI - PRICE RISE, BECAUSE THEY KNOW HOW
THE THE POOR PEOPLE ARE FORCED TO VOTE FOR THEM BY CLAIMING ONLY THEY
ARE SECULAR
Nitin Gadkari is not an outstanding leader at any stretch of
imagination.
By: Jay | Sunday , 21 Mar '10 20:15:55 PM
When the top level of any organization is occupied by mediocre people
they tend to choose mediocre or below people to work under him/her.
With more efficient and talented people they feel threatened. Nitin
Gadkari is not an outstanding leader at any stretch of imagination. He
is neither a good orator like Vajpayee-Advani nor have we read good
scholarly article from him unlike many other BJP leaders like Arun
Shourie. He may be a points man for RSS within BJP, but he can never
re-invent or re-energize the fast declining BJP party organization and
establish it as the main viable opposition.
Bashing BJP
By: R. Kapoor | Sunday , 21 Mar '10 19:15:41 PM
Only yesterday a Bollywood person, Shatrugan Sinha, a BJP stalwart and
a cabinet minister in NDA bashed Gadkari for neglecting some senior
members in the 'dream' team. Bollywood influence in BJP goes back many
years and is nothing new, however, recently it has become fashionable
for parties to exploit its presence. Didn't MNIK score one over the SS
and MNS in Maharashtra recently? We should not forget how SP tried to
enrope Sanjay Dutt, while already having Jaya Prada and Jaya Bahaduri
Bachachan being MPs. Why should we not forget Raj Babbar winning in
general elections as a Congress party candidate. Bollywood or in other
words the cinema world in India has been very prominent in politics,
especially in the South. So, it is wrong to criticise BJP vis-a-vis
Bollywood influence. I do agree with Tavleen, however, that BJP is in
'gloomy time.' Was Gadkari a racehorse that is expected to win the
Derby? With all the pessimism around BJP, can these dark clouds
disappear. I think they would.
bitter truth
By: savita | Sunday , 21 Mar '10 18:45:38 PM
very well said tavleenji
Nitin Gadkari is not an outstanding leader at any stretch of
imagination.
By: Jay | Sunday , 21 Mar '10 18:25:03 PM
When the top level of any organization is occupied by mediocre people
they tend to choose mediocre or below people to work under him/her.
With more efficient and talented people they feel threatened. Nitin
Gadkari is not an outstanding leader at any stretch of imagination. He
is neither a good orator like Vajpayee-Advani nor have we read good
scholarly article from him unlike many other BJP leaders like Arun
Shourie. He may be a points man for RSS within BJP, but he can never
re-invent or re-energize the fast declining BJP party organization and
establish it as the main viable opposition.
bitter truth
By: vikram | Sunday , 21 Mar '10 3:17:46 AM
Bitter truth. Tavleenji, you are great.
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/bjp-bollywood-ishtyle/593498/0
Not summoned by SIT on March 21: Modi
Agencies
Posted: Monday , Mar 22, 2010 at 1813 hrs
Gandhinagar:
Modi's letter came following reports that he had boycotted the SIT
summons.
In an open letter, Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi on Monday said
he shall respond to the SIT probing the 2002 Gujarat riots ‘fully
respecting’ the law, as he refuted reports that he had skipped
appearance before the panel on Sunday.
"SIT had not fixed March 21, 2010 for my appearance. To say that I was
summoned on March 21 is completely false. I shall respond to the SIT
fully respecting the law and keeping in view the dignity of a body
appointed by the Supreme Court," he said in an open letter.
Modi's letter came following reports that he had boycotted the SIT
summons. He said, "Truth cannot be suppressed. It is now my duty to
place before you the facts that brings out the importance of
understanding what the truth really is."
Elaborating his stand, he said, "After the 2002 Godhra incidents, I
had categorically said in the Vidhan Sabha and in public that no one
is above the Indian Constitution and the law, even if he happens to be
the chief minister of a state.
These are not mere words. My actions have reflected this statement in
its true spirit. I assure you that this would be my stand in the
future."
However, sources in the government said that Modi was seeking legal
help for which senior party leader and BJP MP in the Rajya Sabha from
Gujarat Arun Jaitley, who is a senior lawyer of the Supreme Court, has
arrived in the city.
BJP sources claimed that Jaitley would be looking into the summons
issued to Modi and give his legal opinion on what steps should be
taken. On Sunday, when Modi was summoned, SIT office was kept open
during the office hours from 1030 hrs to 1810 hrs.
In connection with Zakia's complaint, SIT has already recorded
statements of a number of persons named in her complaint which
include, former minister of state for Home Gordhan Zadafia, BJP leader
I K Jadeja, former BJP MLA from Lunawada Kalu Malivad and sitting MLA
from Mehsana Anil Patel, former IPS officer R B Sreekumar, social
activist Teesta Setalvad, IG Shivanand Jha, some other senior police
officers and political leaders.
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/not-summoned-by-sit-on-march-21-modi/594116/0
'Marathi vs non-Marathi' narrow political agenda: Chavan
Agencies
Posted: Monday , Mar 22, 2010 at 1636 hrs
Mumbai:
Ashok Chavan reiterated that his govt was committed to the welfare of
all people who live in the state.
Describing the "Marathi versus non-Marathi" issue as the narrow
political agenda of few politicians, Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok
Chavan on Monday said a placement agency owned by one such leader had
recruited 150 non-Maharashtrians.
"Their party's public stand says something and the leaders act
otherwise. I am not complaining," Chavan said without naming any party
during his reply to the motion of thanks to the Governor for his
address to the joint sitting of the state Legislature.
When the opposition benches asked Chavan to name the party and the
leader concerned, he said, "I would reveal the names at an appropriate
time."
Chavan said his government had an all-inclusive approach in its vision
for developing the state.
"Maharashtra belongs to all. My government is committed to the welfare
of all people who live here," he said.
Opposition members staged a walkout at the end of the Chief Minister's
speech criticising him for not spelling out the government's stand on
extension of statutory development boards whose term expires next
month.
He said his government was committed to the development of Marathi
language, art and culture.
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/marathi-vs-nonmarathi-narrow-political-agenda-chavan/594098/
RSS feed: New BJP chief spikes journalists
21 March 2010
Coomi Kapoor in the Indian Express on the journalists’ contingent in
the new team of BJP office-bearers.
This entry was posted on 21 March 2010 at 10:07 am and is filed under
A bit of fun, Magazines, Newspapers, People, Television.
http://wearethebest.wordpress.com/2010/03/21/rss-feed-new-bjp-chief-spikes-journalists/
Sunday, September 13, 2009
BJP laments stab by ‘insider journalists’
PNS | New Delhi
It may still be trying to recover from the jolt dealt by insiders, but
the BJP believes that it has got another problem: ‘friendly
journalists’, who cannot remain ‘insider’ for too long.
An editorial in the latest issue of the party’s organ Kamal Sandesh
has dwelt on the issue. It says, “There are journalists who wish that
BJP should run as per their whims. Any person — journalist included —
has a right to offer advice and opinion but how can it be that a
political party should follow, without exception, the diktats of some
journalists. If that doesn’t happen, the political organisation turns
bad in their considered opinion.”
That is not the only complaint of the party. “A scenario in which
journalists should turn a tool in the hands of an individual
politician does not augur well for either of the two. Our effort
should be to create a healthy balance in which neither the journalist
is a weapon in the hands of a politician nor should the latter have to
act as a shield for journalists.”
Rajya Sabha MP Prabhat Jha, who is a former journalist and editor of
the party’s magazine, stops short of taking names. “This write-up is
not against an individual. This is what an aam karyakarta (normal
workers) of the BJP feels.”
The BJP has already made its displeasure widely known over some of the
articles and TV interviews by journalists and former journalists, who
had been closely associated with the party but later started behaving
like an ‘independent entity’.
Jha says, “Even while working in a political party, they (friendly
journalists) wish to maintain their separate identity, something
special and different from the rest of the lot. An impression also
gains ground among karyakartas that these people originally from
journalism are senior karyakartas.”
The BJP leaders would admit that this impression is not wrong too,
because they (friendly journalists) move about and communicate only
with higher echelons in the leadership and not with the lower rung of
political workers. “The respect and attention they get subject of envy
to others,” the editorial in Kamal Sandesh reads.
The same write-up adds, “It is true that it is their duty to report
but the questions remains: how, when and where. This is a matter that
these wielders of the pen should ponder over. They have to ensure that
in the process of the performance this onerous duty to present the
ideology to the nation, mutual confidence, faith and respect does not
fall a casualty.” And, the last word from the party organ: “We do
understand that journalism cannot be a synonym for bosom friendship
between a journalist and a politician. Yet, we have to stand firm at
our respective post of duty.”
http://dailypioneer.com/202162/BJP-laments-stab-by-‘insider-journalists’.html
Who are the journos ‘running & ruining’ the BJP?
25 August 2009
PRITAM SENGUPTA writes from New Delhi: Former Indian Express editor
Arun Shourie’s explosive interview with the paper’s current editor,
Shekhar Gupta, while revealing the deep schisms within India’s
principal oppostion party, the BJP, has also once again thrown light
on the less-than-professional role political journalists have been
playing.
For the second time in two months, Shourie targetted “The Gang of Six”—
a pack of half-of-dozen journalists who, says the Magsaysay Award
winning investigative journalist, have been used (abused? misused?) by
various different sections of the BJP.
On Gupta’s Walk the Talk interview for NDTV on Monday, Shourie said
his letter to the BJP president Rajnath Singh demanding accountability
in running the party had been dubbed as an act of indiscipline even
though that letter had remained confidential.
There were leaders, he says:
“…who had been planting stories against L.K. Advani, Rajnath Singh and
others through six journalists (and yet it’s not called
indiscipline)”.
At the BJP’s national executive meeting in mid-June, shortly after the
party suffered a “nasty jolt” in the general elections, Shourie had
gone so far as to say that “the BJP was being run by six journalists”
who were “damaging the party interest“.
On both occasions, Shourie hasn’t named “The Gang of Six”, but by
repeatedly talking about them has set tongues wagging.
However, the questions remain: is the BJP so feeble a party to be
felled by mere pen-pushers? If BJP leaders are using them to “plant”
stories against one another, are the journalists exceeding their brief
by allowing themselves to be used?
Is ex-editor Shourie sanctimoniously crying wolf or is this par for
the course in other parties too? Are editors and publishers of the
publications where the “Gang of Six” work aware of their journalists
being so used?
And if so, is it OK?
http://wearethebest.wordpress.com/2009/08/25/who-are-the-journos-running-ruining-the-bjp/
The sad and pathetic decline of Arun Shourie
16 February 2009
SHARANYA KANVILKAR writes from Bombay: Arun Shourie is one of the
strangest cases on the Indian intellectual landscape if not its most
disappointing. A living, walking, moving advertisement of how rabid
ideology can addle even the most riveting of minds, stripping it of
all its nuance and pretence; its very soul and humanity.
***
Once a fiery critic of Reliance Industries as editor of the Indian
Express, he was happy to deliver a eulogy at Dhirubhai Ambani’s first
death anniversary; even changing the law as minister to benefit
Reliance Industries, as alleged by the son of Girilal Jain, the former
Times of India editor who held shares in the company, no less.
Once a symbol of middle-class integrity and probity for various scams
unearthed his watch, his stint as disinvestment minister was
pockmarked with allegation after allegation (although an unattributed
Wikipedia entry claims he was ranked “the most outstanding minister of
the Atal Behari Vajpayee government” by 100 CEOs).
A slow, scholarly, Chaplinesque demeanour hides a cold, clinical mind
that piles the rhetoric and the stereotypes on the poor, the
marginalised and the disenfranchised while taking up high faluting
positions on terrorism, governance, internal security and such like,
through long, meandering essays whose opacity could put cub
journalists to shame.
And, as always, selectively twisting and turning the facts to fit his
preconceived conclusion, and hoping no one will notice.
To paraphrase Ramachandra Guha, Shourie has become the Arundhati Roy
of the right:
“The super-patriot and the anti-patriot use much the same methods.
Both think exclusively in black and white. Both choose to use a 100
words when 10 will do. Both arrogate to themselves the right to hand
out moral certificates. Those who criticise Shourie are characterised
as anti-national, those who dare take on Roy are made out to be agents
of the State. In either case, an excess of emotion and indignation
drowns out the facts.”
But what should disappoint even his most ardent fans, and there are
many young journalists, is how easily and effortlessly a pacifist
penman has regressed from “a concerned citizen employing his pen as an
effective adversary of corruption, inequality and injustice” (as his
Magsaysay Award citation read) to a hate-spewing ideological warrior
with fire blazing through his nostrils.
A son of a Gandhian who now openly advocates “two eyes for an eye and
a whole jaw for one tooth” with barely any qualms.
***
At a series of lectures in Ahmedabad on Saturday, Shourie bared his
fangs some more:
“India is still a passive country when it comes to taking a stand
against terrorism….
“It should, in fact, take an extremist stance and must prove that it
can also create a Kashmir-like situation in Pakistan.
“There are many places like Baluchistan, where a Kashmir-like
situation can be created but, “hum abhi bhi Panchsheel ke pujari hain
(We still worship the tenets of Panchsheel)”….
“Pakistan has been successfully carrying out destruction in India for
the last two decades and has still managed to escape problems, while
India on every occasion has failed to present a unified response to
terrorism and has suffered as a consequence….”
Really?
An eye for an eye? Two eyes for an eye? A jaw for a tooth?
In the name of Vivekananda, should India do unto Pakistan what
Pakistan has done to us? Is this a sign of vision on the part of a man
who some believe should be the next prime minister, or tunnel vision?
Is such barely disguised hatred and vengeance, hiding behind vedas and
upanishads, going to make the subcontinent a better place to live in?
Should the people of Pakistan, the poor, the marginalised, the
disenfranchised, pay the price for the sins of the generals?
Should a great, ancient civilisation become a cheap, third-rate,
neighbourhood bully?
Has Arun Shourie lost more than his soul and humanity?
Has Arun Shourie just lost it?
Photograph: courtesy The Hindu Business Line
http://wearethebest.wordpress.com/2009/02/16/the-sad-and-pathetic-decline-of-arun-shourie/
bademiyansubhanallah
Post by Sachhidanand on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:20pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news1_02.html
Trivedi must have been sanctioned by Didi
Post by Mahesh shah on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:21pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news2.html
Main points of disagreement
Post by Lets talk in open on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:21pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news4.html
Five areas of contention between Pankaj Trivedi and Didi.
According to Mahesh shah old Swadhyayee and good friend of Pankajbhai
there were five main areas of disagreement.
1. If Swadhyay claims to rebuild 40,000 houses, where are this houses.
Only 4-5,000 houses were rebuild.
2. Bhav Nirzar is a temple and should be accessible to any devotee.
3. Accounting of various trusts that hold funds from Swadhyay
activities. What is the purpose of accumulating wealth?
4. Dada had promised all the money received from Templeton Award to
use of Swadhyay activities, why it was diverted to family?
5. Love letters between Ashok Joshi and Didi - both were married at
the time of letters.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Archana on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:23pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news7.html
another foreign trip for Jayshree T ? Let us see if she goes to
Gujarat or runs away?
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ranjeet on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:25pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news15.html
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Dear Vijaybhai on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:26pm
FYI ... The "BAHURUPIA" person who assumed more than half a dozen
names on YAHOO PUBLIC GROUPS for SWADHYAY is compalining about someone
else using his name...
Herambuster=Trueswadhyayi1=HIRDIP=MukundM=mptshah=Janmohammed2003 just
to name a few.
Nilesh, do you want me to post the threatening messages you had posted
on YAHOO PUBLIC GROUPS?
Review of last 50 posts have revealed that
Post # 384, 408, 413 posted under "Paying tribute to Pankajbhai'
Post # 389, 403, 407, 410 posted under Mukesh,
Post # 391 posted under "Indian Citizen"
Post # 385 posted under "Asheet
are likely to be one and the same person according to my webmaster.
Please refrain from posting under different names. I am sure others
are doing the same thing. - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by The swadhyayee on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:28pm
Dear Brother A SWADHYAYEE(Brain Washed),
Still you want to say police will catch the culprits; police already
declared they caught hands and they are looking for Brains....Iam
sorry yours already washed out
next she want to face it calmly coz now she cant be able to give
threaten or what?
next you cant do whatever you want just see what's happening around.
Bahurupia..
Post by Roma on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:29pm
on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:26pm, Guest-Dear Vijaybhai wrote:FYI ... The
"BAHURUPIA" person who assumed more than half a dozen names on YAHOO
PUBLIC GROUPS for SWADHYAY is compalining about someone else using his
name...
Herambuster=Trueswadhyayi1=HIRDIP=MukundM=mptshah=Janmohammed2003 just
to name a few.
Nilesh, do you want me to post the threatening messages you had posted
on YAHOO PUBLIC GROUPS?
Please post those messages and let people know how nilesh has adopted
to swadhyay thoery in real life. Let people know how swadhyay
represntative talk to others.
You are also posting under Roma # 445, Ajay Doshi # 446; Rakesh # 447
and Rajesh Parikh # 448!
Why can't you post all that in one post?
- Vijay Mehta,
Jayshree's love letters were not a script
Post by Ajay Doshi on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:35pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news13.html
Bhagawanano Bhag used for helping criminals
Post by Rakesh on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:38pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news20.html
Swadhyay now fighting in court to save thier people. Kona baap ni
diwali? Who will pay to fight the case? They could not use the trust
funds for earthquake relief but now to protect Jayshree from going to
jail the Swadhyay is spending money like there is no to morrow.
Hitesh Chudasama goes underground
Post by Rajesh Parikh on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:42pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060707/guj/gujarat/news6.html
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 6th, 2006, 5:13pm
Dear Vijaybhai,
Why two of my last messges were deleted?
Sorry, I can not tell you out of many that were deleted what post urs
was. Please send to me at vija...@aol.com or post it again. Please
make sure to avoid name calling and discussing topics not related to
Pankajbhai. Remeber one man is dead and his family and friends do
visit this frequently. - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 6th, 2006, 5:57pm
Is there any internet savvy person who can make sure that articles
published by Gujarati Newspapers on "Pankaj Trivedi Murder" comes in
search engines, Google, Yahoo, MSN.
There are lot of non-Gujaratis interested in these articles.
Link to Information In English:
http://www.swadhyayee.org/download/EnglishDocs/
http://www.gujaratglobal.com/nextSub.php?id=808&cattype=NEWS
http://www.gujaratglobal.com/nextSub.php?id=809&cattype=NEWS
http://www.gujaratglobal.com/nextSub.php?id=814&cattype=NEWS
http://www.gujaratglobal.com/nextSub.php?id=804&cattype=NEWS
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Swadhyayee on Jul 6th, 2006, 7:01pm
I
Re: Bahurupia..
Post by Swadhyayee on Jul 6th, 2006, 7:05pm
Vijaybhai - thanks for exposing these Bahrupia who has posted messages
under different names in your forum.
on Jul 6th, 2006, 4:29pm, Guest-Roma wrote:Please post those messages
and let people know how nilesh has adopted to swadhyay thoery in real
life. Let people know how swadhyay represntative talk to others.
You are also posting under Roma # 445, Ajay Doshi # 446; Rakesh # 447
and Rajesh Parikh # 448!
Why can't you post all that in one post?
- Vijay Mehta,
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Nilesh Sahita on Jul 6th, 2006, 7:12pm
Vijaybhai,
Yes - indeed it was a nice conversation that we had a while ago.
Yes, please send me IP addresses of messages that were posted under my
name (I will email you my email address separately).
I will arrange to speak with a US Attorney to see what action I can
and should take.
I appreciate your prompt and firm action with respect to this.
To all who are posting messages under my name:
We all live in post 9/11 era and do not think you can not be found
out. You have committed act of "Identity Theft" which is a crime and
you may have landed yourself into a legal mess without realizing it.
Just remember ignorance is not an excuse and Prison has no broadband
service
Regards,- Nilesh
on Jul 6th, 2006, 2:49pm, Guest-Nilesh Sahita wrote:Dear Vijaybhai,
Someone has been using my name to post article like below to defame
me.
As the owner of the forum I trust you will take necessary action to
act on it and remove from your forum immediately.
Regards,
- Nilesh
Dear Nileshbhai,
I have posted a clarifying message on that post. Obviously you feel
totally differently than the post under your name. If you need we may
be able to give you the IP address of that person using your name.
Thank you for nice conversation. - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Unbelievable on Jul 6th, 2006, 7:39pm
Vijay...you have been doing a great job moderating this discussion
board..keep up the good work.
Nilesh, you're quite a tough guy. Threatening lawsuits sometimes works
just fine, but remember, the USA is the land of litigation. You're
going to contact and pay a US based lawyer to file suit against
somebody who posted a single message on an anonymous message board, a
message that was nowhere near dangerous? Good luck...
If you have something to say, then say it without making empty
threats....oh wait, you probably have already using one of your many
alias usernames, since I highly doubt you just started monitoring this
thread.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 6th, 2006, 7:50pm
Here are few illegal doing of one of the swadhyayi MOTABHAI Chandrashi
Jadeja involved in kiling of Pankaj Trivedi. Can some one translate
the into english Please?? Are all so called Motabhai in real
Khotabhai?? Where did they learn to snatch land from others? Is this
topic included into swadhyay Parivar 101 teachings, or are they doing
the same what KAVRAV did 5000 years ago!
As I understand back in June, 1992 There was a prime land in
Padadhari. There was 750 Sq ft of prime land. Panchayat voted for
15x10 size cabins. Chandrasinh Jadeja, a Motabhai and Swadhyayi (who
now in jail for Pankajbhai’s murder), applied under different names
and got the land for 11 months. Now many years later he owns a complex
valued at 40 Lakh Rupees!
Ravi Patel
ravi_pa...@yahoo.com
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Nilesh Sahita on Jul 6th, 2006, 7:50pm
Dear Unbelievable,
Identity Theft is a crime.
Whoever is committing this crime - stop it or be prepared to face the
music.
Let me repeat - post 9/11 - there is no such thing as 'anonymous'.
Every thing can be tracked.
My suggestion to Vijaybhai is - please do not allow anonymous posting
on this forum. Let people who are willing to write their name and who
are willing to stand by what they write participate in this forum.
It will make this forum truly useful and beneficial to everyone.
- Nilesh
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Unbelievable on Jul 6th, 2006, 8:11pm
Nilesh,
The only reason most people are posting anonymously is that they don't
want the same fate (for themselves and their families) as Pankaj
Trivedi or the 10 others.
If the threat of physical or emotional backlash towards my family was
not there, I would be the first to use my real name.
P.S Someone posting a message on an anonymous board using your name is
not identity theft. Who says there aren't other Nilesh Sahita's out
there?
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 6th, 2006, 8:35pm
Can we list all trust that were and are operated under "swadyay
Parivar" those currently in operation and those closed after filing
bankruptcy (in this case the money or land was transfered to another
trust owned by the owners of swadhyay parivar main trust or sold for
profit). I want the location or the town name where the trust were
registered or were just run.
Thanks
Ravi Patel
ravi_pa...@yahoo.com
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Nilesh Sahita on Jul 6th, 2006, 8:46pm
Brother Unbelievable,
I will be more than happy if you can find another Nilesh Sahita in the
world
Seriously speaking - posting message on my name is a serious matter
and once again I request all indulging in such acts to think carefully
before what they do.
on Jul 6th, 2006, 8:11pm, Guest-Unbelievable wrote:Nilesh,
The only reason most people are posting anonymously is that they don't
want the same fate (for themselves and their families) as Pankaj
Trivedi or the 10 others.
If the threat of physical or emotional backlash towards my family was
not there, I would be the first to use my real name.
P.S Someone posting a message on an anonymous board using your name is
not identity theft. Who says there aren't other Nilesh Sahita's out
there?
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 6th, 2006, 9:28pm
1.How about all the false cases filed against Pankajbhai which your so
called 'Parivar' lost and got a stricture from High Court Judge for
misusing the system? Any apology or slightest of remorse will show
that you have some 'swadhyay' quality left.
2. For moral matters-Dadaji has more standing than anyone else. You
are entitled to your opinion. However this is again a characteristic
of a typical cult memeber who does not want to see any evil of a
person for whom he has been brain-washed.
3.I have spoken to many villagers myself who go to swadhyay and they
speak good about everybody who go to them with any religious pretext.
That type of ignorance is what makes business of religion thrive in my
beloved Gujarat. I have also spoken to villagers who go to
Swaminarayan in Gujarat and they do not speak well about Swadhyay.
Today it will be your worth before you open your mouth and go to
villages in Gujarat and find out what villagers are talking about Didi
and her brand of Swadhyay.
I am only hoping that Gujarat Government does not succumb to greed(as
some media have reported that crores of rupees bribes are offered to
remove Didi's name from chargesheet) as I am sure that by now they
have realized that there is nothing to fear from Didi and her blind
faith follower like you.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 6th, 2006, 9:45pm
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Nilesh Sahita on Jul 6th, 2006, 9:59pm
1.How about all the false cases filed against Pankajbhai which your so
called 'Parivar' lost and got a stricture from High Court Judge for
misusing the system? Any apology or slightest of remorse will show
that you have some 'swadhyay' quality left.
Please refer to the statements issued by Swadhyay Parivar in this
matter.
2. For moral matters-Dadaji has more standing than anyone else. You
are entitled to your opinion. However this is again a characteristic
of a typical cult memeber who does not want to see any evil of a
person for whom he has been brain-washed.
As I said before you are entitled to your opinion and so are we.
3. I have spoken to many villagers myself who go to swadhyay and they
speak good about everybody who go to them with any religious pretext.
That type of ignorance is what makes business of religion thrive in my
beloved Gujarat. I have also spoken to villagers who go to
Swaminarayan in Gujarat and they do not speak well about Swadhyay.
I do not want to go in to Swadhyay v/s Swaminarayan war here. They do
what they think is best and we do what we think is best. This may not
be zero sum game - may be society needs both.
It is clear to me that you have never put a foot in any Gujarat
village in your lifetime. Let me tell you this - Swadhyay message has
reached each and every village in Gujarat. Obviously some part of the
population has picked it up and some part has not. For those people
who are part of Swadhyay Parivar - this latest crisis has not affected
them. For those who were not part of Parivar (for whatever reason and
we respect their choice) - obviously this has given them one more
reason to do so and that is fine with us.
4. Today it will be your worth before you open your mouth and go to
villages in Gujarat and find out what villagers are talking about Didi
and her brand of Swadhyay.
Do not give me Bull!$#@ of what villagers are talking about, OK?
Instead of relying on cheapo Gujju media, it will be worthwhile for
you to go to villages and check the situation yourself.
In any case - Swadhyay has never been afraid of what some section of
society is talking about.
I remember that even back in 80's also there were Swadhyay Critics and
there will always be sections of society which doesn't find Swadhyay
acceptable because Swadhyay doesn't allow them to fulfill their
personal ego. For e.g. if one goes to Swadhyay and do Swadhyay work
for 10/20 years - no where his/her name is mentioned on the stage but
even if someone give $1,000/- to local community, they are happy to
announce his/her name on the stage. To some people this (prestige)
gives more gratification than path that Dadaji has shown - and they
should follow the path according to their level of development/
understanding.
In Swadhyay one has to sublime their ego and work with everyone in the
Yagniya spirit which is not everyone's cup of tea.
5. I am only hoping that Gujarat Government does not succumb to
greed(as some media have reported that crores of rupees bribes are
offered to remove Didi's name from chargesheet) as I am sure that by
now they have realized that there is nothing to fear from Didi and her
blind faith follower like you.
Hmmm.... crores of rupees bribes offered to remove Didi's name from
chargesheet? Are you nuts? Do you think Indian state machinery and
judiciary is Timbuktu state?
You can call me blind faith follower and I can call you blind faith
critic and we can keep doing this namecalling until cows come home. I
suspect you have not met many people who are in Swadhyay and you like
to believe all of us in Swadhyay are because of blind faith follower.
Well... I leave it for your wisdom to decide and in any case I and our
Swadhyayees do not care about your certificate anyway.
I have said enough about what I wanted to stay and I am going to be
away for few days. If time permitting I may revisit this forum after
few days / weeks.
Thank you and May God bless us all.
Jay Yogeshwar.
PS - Vijaybhai once again thanks for your help. I have emailed you
separately.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 6th, 2006, 10:06pm
Nileshbhai,
How about all the false cases filed against Pankajbhai which your so
called 'Parivar' lost and got a stricture from High Court Judge for
misusing the system? Any apology or slightest of remorse will show
that you have some 'swadhyay' quality left.
Please refer to the statements issued by Swadhyay Parivar in this
matter.
Before you go away for few days/weeks, Pl. post these statements by
Swadhyay Parivar.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by OO7 on Jul 6th, 2006, 10:39pm
Does anyone know where is Jayshree Talwarkar? She was in Tamilnadu and
supoosed to go to Gujarat. Is she going? It is raining hard here so I
feel she may not come. I think she should make another foreign
trip
you Dont know anything
Post by Kamal on Jul 7th, 2006, 12:37am
dear Vijaybhai,
Just read below whatever you have posted......
Five areas of contention between Pankaj Trivedi and Didi.
According to Mahesh shah old Swadhyayee and good friend of Pankajbhai
there were five main areas of disagreement.
1. If Swadhyay claims to rebuild 40,000 houses, where are this houses.
Only 4-5,000 houses were rebuild.
2. Bhav Nirzar is a temple and should be accessible to any devotee.
3. Accounting of various trusts that hold funds from Swadhyay
activities. What is the purpose of accumulating wealth?
4. Dada had promised all the money received from Templeton Award to
use of Swadhyay activities, why it was diverted to family?
5. Love letters between Ashok Joshi and Didi - both were married at
the time of letters
This is the proof that you dont know about Swadhyay. Why are wasting
your time here. (see No.5)
Here, 99 % men (?) are against swadhyay. only 1% used to read you
'Bakvas' forum. and by your forum , 'Kai tuti sakvana nathi' (nothing
will break). We have no any effects by your 'bakvas' . Anybody can
understand You are all FAKE swadhyayee. Everybody from you tries to
draw out Ego.
Brothers, Just stop this 'bakvas' and go to Indian Village and see the
spirit of swadhyay, result of the swadhyay.
The aim of this forum is only to show Ego.
By your all post anybody can understand you are most egotistic.
You are only barking. and remember barking dog never hurt you.
Dear Kamal,
The five contention I have listed is from that article for those who
can not read Gujarati.
This is the forum to discuss the Murder of Pankajbhai and assult
(beating up) of more than 12 people. If you think this is Bakwas than
we hope you wont come here anymore.
This 'ego' line is getting old as is the 'asking the people from
village.' Ask the people from Padadhari who found out that one of the
murder has a 40 lacs complex on land obtained illegally and he was a
motabhai close to Didi.
Even if you have done everything you claim to do, that does not
justify killing of maiming anyone disagreeing with you.
Many years ago, there were more than 700 people killed by Jim Jones in
Guana, and few years ago 87 people burned to death in Waco. Texas. All
these followers had what they thought God leading them. Of course he
lead them to death. History is full of people who thought they had a
Godly leader only to find out the truth later on. Sometimes too late!
We are simply curious - just as any good God loving Swadhyayee would
be - what happened to 40,000 new houses that were to be built. Can
anyone give us the address?
Why with every passing day more and more motabhai in India are found
to be corrupt and using public land and money for their own purpose?
If the Swadhyay was as strong and pious as you guys claim why it did
not stop Motabhai's (Khotabhai) from committing fraud, theft, assult
and violence?
We are not interested in harming Swadhyayee movement but we are
interested in giving a voice to those who want to speak up. Apprently
speaking up in Swadhyay has dire consequenses.
'Kai Tuti Sakawana Nathi" line was used by Manishbhai who is enjoying
the hospitality of prison system for past two weeks, it was used by
these five goons who thought they had to commit murder to protect
Swadhyay. If the movement is good it does not need any Gujdagiri to
protect it. It should not need any Dhamaki and Dadagiri. It should not
be afraid to listen to dissenting voices. Unfortunately, so far anyone
speaking against party line has been threatened and punished.
Like it or not .. Pap no Dhado Futi Gayo Chhe. There comes a time when
your sin catches up with you.
Good Bye and go find another forum where you can sing virtues of Didi
and others - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by You Have Got to Be Kidding on Jul 7th, 2006, 03:38am
Kamal, are you serious?
The truth doesn't really matter anymore - ego would drive one to prove
that they are right. Do you really think it matters whether Pankaj
Trivedi was correct or whether Didi is guilty of conspiring to kill
him?
The damage is done. Over done.
Didi is hiding, Swadhyay is telling everyone around the world what to
say, people are relating the situation with other religious wars
likening Swadhyay to Krishna and Ram, the Pankaj Trivedi crowd is
saying everything negative about Didi and Dada that they can come up
with.
We are just going to sit around and whine that "you are a barking dog"
or that "you don't know the truth" or that "Didi must be innocent"
WHY? so that we can feel like we didn't waste our life by going to
Swadhyay?
Yes, Swadhyay has been a tremendous influence in villages. By
recognizing that the Swadhyay organization isn't perfect and that Didi
may have flaws in her ability to lead, we are not reducing the value
of Swadhyay.
This is not "all or nothing"
But the very fact that intelligent people are not willing to look at
facts that suggest how desperate Swadhyay is to be in control shows us
exactly how ridiculous Swadhyay is becoming.
Don't be a loyalist to the people, be a loyalist to the idea.
Respecting free speech is important, and the only 'bakvas' around here
are those who believe everything they hear from Swadhyay as something
that cannot be questioned.
I agree. If there is gangrene of the foot and you realize that foot is
beyond repair. You must amputate the foot to save the rest of the
body. Vast majority of Swadhyay is great. But if the gangrene is
allowed to spread the bacteria and poison to rest of the body the
whole body may suffer.
This forum is to encourage everyone who loves Swadhyay to
constructively think and speak as to what are the different option the
gangrene can be cured. What can be done so that few bad apples do not
use name, fame and power of Swadhyay for their selfish reason. The way
many of motabhai (khotabhai) have used their connection to Swadhyay
will open eyes of many. Only thru ope dialogue a new more powerful
movement will emerge. - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 05:57am
True Believers or so called brain washed swadhyayi,
There is no way to educate true believers. They judge information by
whether it agrees with what they already believe. (And this of course
is by definition prejudice.) The right-wing of conservatism continues
to provide true believers, and Political Correctness has given us a
new generation of true believers. Islam is another prime example of
true believers.....
None of these people want anyone to know what prejudice is. This is
why prejudice is no longer talked about or taught to swadhyayee
although they hear ad nauseum about racism. And since students are
taught to reject the concept of evidence, and fooled in the name of
GOD.
I was born and raised in a small village in Gujarat, so I know the
psychology of poor and uneducated villagers. Most of them dont even
know the meaning of psychology, their brains are been hijacked by
mastermind Sadhu's and Dadaji's (grandfather's or big brother's) or
Bhai's. Even if we get rid of dadaji's(grandfather's or big brother's)
ideas off their mind there is another Didi(sister) or kaka(uncle)
ready to take his place.
Read the Paragraph below its from swadhyay.org
http://swadhyay.org/krishi.htm
"It is the practice of collective farming of a single field (normally
of three to five acres taken from poor villagers in the name of GOD
transfered the land into trusts name and sold later, most of the farms
used for "yogeshwar krishi" are sold, and poor villagers dont even
know where the money has gone to) in a village by the villagers who
each offer devotional labour, possibly for one or two days per
cropping season. The resulting crop belongs to no one except God."
Which GOD?? Who is GOD?? Where the money goes?? and above all you
canot ask questions to GOD, let him do whatever he wants to.
Ravi Patel
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Unbelievable on Jul 7th, 2006, 06:24am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 03:38am, Guest-You Have Got to Be Kidding
wrote:Kamal, are you serious?
Yes, Swadhyay has been a tremendous influence in villages. By
recognizing that the Swadhyay organization isn't perfect and that Didi
may have flaws in her ability to lead, we are not reducing the value
of Swadhyay.
This is not "all or nothing"
But the very fact that intelligent people are not willing to look at
facts that suggest how desperate Swadhyay is to be in control shows us
exactly how ridiculous Swadhyay is becoming.
Don't be a loyalist to the people, be a loyalist to the idea.
Wow...I cannot agree with you more..these paragraphs probably are the
best written and to the point of any other message that exists in this
thread. Again....Wow.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by RAVI PATEL on Jul 7th, 2006, 06:28am
GUYS I WANT YOU TO DISCUSS IT HERE TOO, LET THE WORLD KNOW THE SINS...
http://discussions.pbs.org/viewforum.pbs?f=152
RAVI PATEL
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by the irish robin hood on Jul 7th, 2006, 06:48am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 06:28am, Guest-RAVI PATEL wrote:GUYS I WANT YOU TO
DISCUSS IT HERE TOO, LET THE WORLD KNOW THE SINS...
http://discussions.pbs.org/viewforum.pbs?f=152
RAVI PATEL
I think you have what is termed an unhealthy fixation. Where you not
even good enough to become a krutishil ? was bhavpheri too daunting
for you ?
Its not even about pankajbhai for you is it ?
Its more to do with pushing your own personnel crusade. Its all to
abudnatley clear theres some thing missing in your life.
May you find peace if not in this life than the next.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by reality on Jul 7th, 2006, 07:11am
Hi,
It is not like that nobody know about Didi.
But, Lac of people still in Swadhyay. Why ?
They are not blind follower.
The reality is, Everybody from Swadhyay is Selffish.
Everybody sees their developement under swadhyay.
They dont care about your coments, they dont care about DIDI, they
want to remain in swadhyay.
We know what is the foundation of this quarral, Two love letter.
TJust a few minutes ago you posted as Kamal and thought this forum is
a Bakwas and now you can not keep away form it? Come and write here
again? Why dont you go back to your prayers?
No you do not see anything. Foundation of quarrel is that many people
dedicated their Tan Man and Dhan for a very long time thinking that
Dada & Didi were embodiment of virtues and knowledge and decent human
beings. They started suspecting otherwise, they started asking
questions. That lead to "How dare you ask any question."
So same Pankajbhai who was addressed as a captain by Dada lovingly
became a Rakshash.
Pankajbhai was not to be intimidated. He knew that there might be
danger pursueing truth. He kept questioning, kept wanting Bhav Nirzar
Mandir for all devotees. He must be getting close to the nerve center
so after five years few people decided to kill him. He became such a
big threat from nuisance.
Now that there is so much light on every aspect of Swadhyay, many of
facts are coming out such as the Hitesh had illegally seized prime
land in Padadhri and made a complex there worth 40 Lacs. You think his
position as Motabhai helped him get this?
I hope you would not waste your time with all this Bakwas and people
with ego!!!
Jai Yogeswar - Vijay Mehta
Then what ??????
Post by Kamal on Jul 7th, 2006, 07:29am
Yes, You are right and Didi may be wrong, then what ?
you u believe Didi is killer and must be arrested and send to jail.
Then what
Re: Then what ??????
Post by the irish robin hood on Jul 7th, 2006, 07:34am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 07:29am, Guest-Kamal wrote:Yes, You are right and
Didi may be wrong, then what ?
you u believe Didi is killer and must be arrested and send to jail.
Then what
then the healing begins, by looking back at what is wrong on a
national and kendra level. What the key elements that worked and which
were good what they were and going back to them and refocusing on
them.
The only way forward now is for Mrs talwaker to resign and then let
people answer the finacial questions. Before moving forward. If that
happens the parviar will be in a much stronger place in years to come.
As long as Mrs Talwaker is the head, these matters will keep cropping
up and taking focus away from the actual good that the parivar does.
Didi must step down or come to terms that she is holding back the
parivar. Resign resign resign......
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 08:08am
Dear Nileshbhai,
Before you go away for few days/weeks, Pl. post these statements by
Swadhyay Parivar.
I believe your motabhai ( in a typical cult style) have asked you to
stay away for few weeks as from whatI read in Akila, Didi and her 27
cronies are in big trouble.
Honestly, I think, Nileshbhai you are a good person but like many
others still in Swadhyay you are too shocked at the turn of events on
Pankajbhai's killing and finding Parivar members involved in it.
Jayshree finds out being a 'Don' has downside
Post by Ramki on Jul 7th, 2006, 08:41am
Jayshree loses sleep.. Will she be spending time in big house? Would
government have guts to put noose around her neck?
DADA was a 'Don' too but no one knew it!
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 08:41am
Dada was a smart manipulator and he spared no effort to crash any
opposition during his life time. He had perfected the technique of
Sham - Dam -Dand - Bhed and anyone trying to question him was swiftly
given punishment that no one else would even dare repeat the mistake.
JAY YOGESHAR
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by GUEST on Jul 7th, 2006, 08:46am
We all should be focusing on the THE REAL ISSUES here.
Lets make sure that Late Pankajbhai's sacrifice does not go in vein.
I know that Swadhyayi people will not answer any questions in an
HONEST and STARIGH FORWARD manner but they always try to use tactics
such as "personal attacks", "character assasination", "lies",
"abusive language" etc to derail the discussion so these questions can
be avoided.
Can you prove it to me that 100% of the money collected in USA for
earthquake victims were sent to INDIA and used to BUILD houses?
Can you deny the FACT that the cash balance on DAY's books had been
consistently inceasing for over a decade? What is DAY's current cash
balance?
Can you tell us who gets the profits made by selling books, picture
frames, audio cassetts and CDs?
Can you deny the FACT that "SHRADHDHA" trust exists and only Athvale
family members are sole trustees in this trust?
Can you tell us how many different trusts Swadhyay has and who are the
trustees?
Can you tell us how many crores Swadhyay has accumulated in different
trusts?
Can you tell us the total value of land, including Bhav-Nirzar land
that Swadhyay acquired?
Can you deny the FACT that questions are not allowed in any meetings
and if someone dare to ask questions, he or she is intimidated to set
an examples so other people do not even dare to ask questions in
future?
Can you deny the FACT that brainwashing, manipulation and exploitation
have been going on for years?
Can you deny the FACT that fabricated stories are feed to the innocent
followers to potray Athvale as an "AVATAR"?
Can you deny the FACT that DAY's financial books were NEVER opened for
the followers for inspection?
Can you deny the FACT that if someone writes a letter to DAY asking
for the detailed information on earthquake donation issue, DAY's
attorney replies and denies the request for information?
Can you deny the FACT that Shibirs and camps are used mainly for
brainwashing and recruit more volunteers?
Can you deny the FACT that Dada's Putri-Moha is the same as
DRUTRASHTRA's Putra-Moha and Dada's act of GADI-PRATHA establishment
is fundamentally wrong and is betrayal of trust of unsuspecting
followers?
Who pays for Didi's frequent trips overseas every year in summer when
it is hot in INDIA?
Can you ADMIT that it is inappropriate that you use poor swadhyayis
for FREE MARKETING, I mean LAV-FERI and Didi spends charity money
collected as a result of hard work, dedication and bhav-samarpan of
poor fellow swadhyayees?
Has Dada ever worked in his life? How did he managed his finances?
Has Didi or her husnabd ever worked? How do they manage their finance?
What kind of business Didi's husband is in?
Can you prove it to us that the drama "TUMHARI-AMRITA" was ever played
by swadhyay?
Please answer these questions FIRST in CLEAR TERMS and a STRAIGHT
FORWARD manner before I ask many more questions.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by motabha on Jul 7th, 2006, 08:54am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 08:51am, Guest-the irish robin hood wrote:so whats
the point of asking ? . unless you happen to like the sound of your
own voice, like some sort of broken record.
Great reply. As per swadhyay policy, we do not answer real questions
but confuse people by telling rubbish.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by RAVI PATEL on Jul 7th, 2006, 08:59am
Can you deny the FACT that swadhyay Motabhai's in Gujarat and
Maharashtra were bain washed by Dada and Didi, who filed false cases
in court against Pankaj Trivedi and others trying to expose the Land/
Money making scandal Dadaji started in the name of GOD. Ultimately,
resulted into death of Mr. Pankaj Trivedi by few swadhyayi's who were
made to think they were doing God's deed. Whats different between
Islamic Jihad and swadhyayi Jihad??
If the killers of Mr. Pankaj Trivedi are compared to Mohmmad Atta (and
others) who flew into WTC in new York, Swadhyayi leaders are no less
then Osama Bin Ladin.
Ravi Patel
ravi_pa...@yahoo.com
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Hindustani on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:01am
I agree with you. I hope swadhyay leaders will get punished by law.
Lets see.
cover up to protect Bharat Bhatt
Post by RAVI PATELS DADA on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:02am
Murderers are hiding their whereabouts to protect big wigs in
Swadhyay. Now that they have already admitted to committing murder why
are they not telling the truth as to where exactly they all were in
hours preceding the murder. Police strongly suspect they are trying to
cover up big wigs in Swadhyay who apparently met them to give final
instructions.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by the irish robin hood on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:13am
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by the irish robin hood on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:15am
on Jul 6th, 2006, 2:25pm, Guest-Come ON Guys wrote:I am detecting lots
of messages from USA and also from India.
Where are the guys from UK
Have they worn 'BANGLES' & SAREES so that they are shy/frightened to
come out and express their anger/view/opinion??
Or they think what's happening is all fine as long as it does not
affect them.
Come on gyus..........at least ......be brave enough, to expree your
solidarity.....
Didi will not kill you by doing so.
Well if they are wearing bangals and sarees, they are alsready
expressing themselves you muppet
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:24am
Who are Yatin Oza and Reshmi jani? trying to defend the killers of Mr.
Pankaj Trivedi. Are they Brain wahed swadhyayi or mean lawyers wanting
more money? See what the killers have to say "we are innocent, we are
into police's trap only because of our negative image from the media"
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:30am
Yatin Oza is lawyer by profession and a politician by brain. I guess
he is trying to defend the killers in order to get voted from
swadhyayi's. He has already shown his way of politics by jumping from
BJP to Congress...
http://www.rediff.com/election/2002/nov/28guj.htm
Also he is known as "Giant Killer" How appropriate for a lawyer to be
known as Giant Killer and defend most famous murderers! - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by the irish robin hood on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:31am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:24am, Guest-Ravi Patel wrote:Who are Yatin Oza
and Reshmi jani? trying to defend the killers of Mr. Pankaj Trivedi.
Are they Brain wahed swadhyayi or mean lawyers wanting more money? See
what the killers have to say "we are innocent, we are into police's
trap only because of our negative image from the media"
[img]http://www.akilaindia.com/daily/news_img/main019.gif[/mg]
Well the police caving into solving a crime as quickly as they can due
to media pressure never ever happens. Well not in your world. As long
as the mob gets justice ..who cares about civil liberties....damn
human rights....just put someone in jail and make us feel safe in our
homes.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Hindustani on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:33am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:30am, Guest-Ravi Patel wrote:Yatin Oza is lawyer
by profession and a politician by brain. I guess he is trying to
defend the killers in order to get voted from swadhyayi's. He has
already shown his way of politics by jumping from BJP to Congress...
http://www.rediff.com/election/2002/nov/28guj.htm
I thought killers of Pankaj Trivedi already admitted crime. I saw it
on TV. Now what happened?
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by the irish robin hood on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:39am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:33am, Guest-Hindustani wrote:I thought killers of
Pankaj Trivedi already admitted crime. I saw it on TV. Now what
happened?
they admitted to the crime under duress
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:40am
on Today at 09:30am, Guest-Ravi Patel wrote:Yatin Oza is lawyer by
profession and a politician by brain. I guess he is trying to defend
the killers in order to get voted from swadhyayi's. He has already
shown his way of politics by jumping from BJP to Congress...
http://www.rediff.com/election/2002/nov/28guj.htm
I thought killers of Pankaj Trivedi already admitted crime. I saw it
on TV. Now what happened?
May be the lawyer defend them did not see it!
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by ravi patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:49am
"they admitted to the crime under Pressure"
May be they Murdered Mr. Pankaj Trivedi under Pressure, they might
have not even knew that they were actually killing him.
Thanks
-Ravi
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Hindustani on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:52am
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by the irish robin hood on Jul 7th, 2006, 10:00am
on Jul 7th, 2006, 09:52am, Guest-Hindustani wrote:May be killers
realised mistake they made and now talking as lawyer told them. Lets
wait and watch now what happen next. I am sure Jayshree is keeping
close watch on this case.
Well lets see the next time your beaten into a making a confession,
lets see how strong your resolve is. The police through their own
incompetnace may have screwed up the case big time.
Dhongi ko Gujarat Bhalo
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 10:01am
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Chitralekha on Jul 7th, 2006, 10:07am
I read inChitralekha too about corruption and misuse of power in
swadhyay. Now atleast follwing media has written about swadhyay case
and exposed them
1> Aarpar
2> Gujarat Samachar
3> Akila
4> mumbai Samachar
5> sandesh
6> Times Of India
7> Divya Bhaskar
8> Zee TV
Lets see if swadhyay leaders decide to take any action against them.
Root cause of this evil was the greatman himself
Post by Chitralekha on Jul 7th, 2006, 10:13am
Chitralekha did an expose of Swadhyay back in July 2002. Documenting
as to what was going on behind the closed doors, how Dada transferred
millions of rupees to his adopted daughter and suddenly all those long
time dedicated Swadhyayees like Mahesh Shah and Rudhani etc became a
target of 'hate campaign' Even Chitralekha took a big risk of standing
up to the big bully. Link may not work, please see the images posted
http://www.chitralekha.com/content/Friday1.asp#3
http://www.chitralekha.com/content/Friday1.asp#4
http://www.chitralekha.com/content/Friday1.asp#1
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by An Observer on Jul 7th, 2006, 11:09am
1. People listed by Pankajbhai as potential killers are banned by
court, not to leave India. Is this true?
2. Manish Savsani is in Jail. Does anybody have his photo behind the
bars in Jail uniform?
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Sunil on Jul 7th, 2006, 11:28am
Check all the preachings of DADA & analyse his acts you will find them
exactly opposite.So there are no opponents of DADA as he himself is
his biggest opponent.
All the procedures of funds collection are devised ,applied & followed
up by DADA why to blame DIDI only
Before this present crises in DADA's reggime people like Haribhai
Kothari,Dayhabhai Jani,Manibhai Amin etc. were tortured, threatened &
excommunicated.They were called asuras & were also beaten by the then
blind followers of DADA.
DADA is the mastermind behind all false stories like Japan
Conference,Invitation of Mr.Compton,Vinoba etc.
He had copied other's books (Hindunche Samajrachna Shastra,Gita Tatwa
Vimarsh,Geeta Purusharthprabhodini,Geeta Pravachans by Vinoba,Kuransar
etc.He copied it To To but never mentioned their Names (Krudanyata?)
but the blind swadhyayi is forced to say after the Chintanika that all
the thoughts are of DADA & nothing is mine.
So dear open your eyes, study the history, find out why all the old
vetrens have left Swadhyaya.
If you want to continue Swadhaya nobody can stop you because Swadhyaya
is Study of self & is not owened by greedy Athawales.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 12:28pm
Sunil says.. "DADA is the mastermind behind all false stories like
Japan Conference,Invitation of Mr.Compton,Vinoba etc."
I Truely agree with Sunil, not only that but some followers say that
his leg was 300 years old and he is Avtar of Krishna.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by You Have Got to Be Kidding on Jul 7th, 2006, 12:49pm
Let us all take a step back for a second and wonder what we are out to
do:
(1) Do we want Didi to admit to all of these things? Would that make
everything better?
(2) Do we want all of the Swadhyay leadership to resign? Is that
possible? All of these years we beamed about Swadhyay's structure-less
structure and now that we don't like the way it works we scream
treason?
(3) Do we want Swadhyay to disappear? Would that make us feel like we
succeeded in bringing something down that was making us feel down?
Trying to make everyone believe that Didi is awful and she has cronies
(who are intelligent people) is just as ignorant as what you fight.
Trying to make it seem like Pankaj Trivedi and crew are ideal martyrs
is also just as ignorant - they don't have a spotless record of
integrity in the language or methods they use.
Is it true that things in Swadhyay's operations and governance should
be better? Absolutely.
Whether directly responsible or not, is Didi responsible? If a good
leader, she should feel so (even if she has nothing to do with it).
Is all of Swadhyay a big hoax? Of course not. Use your own brain, you
weren't duped by going to Swadhyay - you just feel like it now.
It is our philosophy as much as it is Didis or anyone else. Step and
say something useful that we keep the best of Swadhyay intact and the
worst of Swadhyay less damaging.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by An Observer on Jul 7th, 2006, 12:51pm
Avtar Of Krishna?
I think people should know the facts re" Kusumbahen" and "Kum kum
Pagla"
Lord Krishna was known for paltonic love and not..
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by You Have Got To be Kidding on Jul 7th, 2006, 12:58pm
Irish Robin Hood:
All confessions in India come with a beating; police brutality is
tolerated and acceptable, it is not an excuse for a technicality to
make it seem like this was a conspiracy.
Would a technicality vindicate Swadhyay/Swadhyayees from being party
to the conflict with Pankaj Trivedi?
It doesn't matter whether they killed him or not. Say he was still
alive: Is it acceptable to you that Swadhyayees wanted him dead?
Is it acceptable to you that die hard Swadhyayees will do anything
(including deferring their own intellect) to prove Swadhyay's
innocence? Are we puppets?
The problem isn't his murder, it is the escalation and obsession with
this conflict that is ruining the essence of Swadhyay.
One more kendra is closed
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 1:53pm
Aaradhana School in Amadawad shuts down the Swadhyay at their
property. They had given permission to conduct Swadhyay meeting under
impression that it was for a good cause but after the arrest of
several of prominent leaders they have decided not to allow Swadhyay
meeting at their place. Article in Gujarati.
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060708/guj/gujarat/news3.html
Shocking report by auditors..
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 1:55pm
Suryakant Mehta Institute of Charter Accounting has revealed
sensational and damaging information.
They were auditors for project "Matsya Gandha" Basically there are
four trusts under this project - Arnav Mandir, Agasti Pujan, Ratnakar
Pujan, Arnan Pujan.
Matsya Gandha Project was started with a vision of upliftment of
fisherman community. Expert fisherman and women were to work on
fishing boat and the income generated was to be used for loan and
scholarship of fisherman community. It was said that there will be 100
boats for this purpose.
But the real fact is..
There is not a SINGLE fishing boat under the name of any of these
trusts. All fishing boats are under the name of one person (Swadhyay
leader) and he is using them as his personal property. Not a single
instance of loan or scholarship is evident in any of the four trusts.
All these fishing boats are being used as commercial properteis but
they have not paid any income tax.
They found no evidence of any prior audit of any of these trusts and
if it was audited there is no evidence of any publication of it.
On Feb 27, 2004 it was announced at Tatognan Vidyapith after the Aarti
that " We have 100 boats in Arabian sea in Gujarat and Maharashtra, in
one more year we shall have 100 more."
Not a single trust has shown any income from fishing.
Charity commissioner, tax authorities and general public are entitled
to know
Whose name are all these boats under?
What is the registration numbers?
Where is the office?
Who if anyone has audited accounts and where has it been filed?
Partial translation of sensation article in Gujarati. - Vijay Mehta
So it seems like poor fisherman thought they were helping community by
fishing to help scholarship for their community but they were helping
some Motabhai?
For full article in Gujarati go to:
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060708/guj/national/anu.html
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 3:56pm
http://www.aarpar.com/web%20246/pdf/c1.pdf
http://www.aarpar.com/web%20246/pdf/marinajare.pdf
http://www.aarpar.com/web%20246/pdf/c2.pdf
http://www.aarpar.com/web%20246/pdf/c3.pdf
http://www.aarpar.com/web%20246/pdf/c4.pdf
http://www.aarpar.com/web%20246/pdf/kankarichalo.pdf
http://www.aarpar.com/web%20246/pdf/newsium.pdf
Shrutiben's Interview
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 4:11pm
Pl. read Shrutiben's interview on Sandesh. When you are a victim of
Mafia, victims often choose to stay quiet rather than seek justice.
Same way Shrutiben and Himanshu did not have the courage to stand up
and ask for justice. How much fear they must have to control their
anger and frustration. This gives you some idea of what Swadhyay is as
seen by those who really know it.
Didi is the mastermind behind the murder - Shah
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 4:24pm
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Amit on Jul 7th, 2006, 6:05pm
Does any one have recorded interview of Didi which was aired on Star/
DirecTV? I was asked by one swadhyayi to record today but I don't have
STAR/DirecTV.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 6:47pm
Translation of Didi's ( with two D's) interview on Star TV as given on
Akila:
1. Me and Swadhyay Parivar is sorrowed by Pankaj Trivedi's death!
However as matter is in court she refused to say anything more!
It is a brutal murder and we all know you ordered it.
2. Love letters are part of drama script.
Sure! You must be a very relaxed person to write drama script than to
worry about how to instill 'sanskars' in millions of people.
3. Swadhyay Parivar have not lost its cool in spite of many incidents.
Sure! You never expected such a back-lash from Society and Media. It
is not coolness! You have become speechless.
4. All our accounts are audited and hence there is no financial
irregularities.
Sounds like audited accounts of 'Enron' to me!
5. I am not President of Parivar. I am part of it.
Sure. The same way Dawood is part of 'D' gang.
6. Swadhyayees are showing tremondous patience and unity.
They all are so shell -shocked. Because of her they are branded Goonda-
Parivar by Sacchidanand. What unity she is talking about? That
Swadhyayees are not talking against her? It is a false assumption.
The way she has spoken smells of 'understanding' between Gujarat
Government and her.
Well, she can escape Gujarat Government but she will not escape God's
anger for killing an innocent man.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Unbelievable on Jul 7th, 2006, 6:55pm
So true...karma's a b**ch, as they say...
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 7th, 2006, 7:52pm
The way she has spoken smells of 'understanding' between Gujarat
Government and her.
Well, she can escape Gujarat Government but she will not escape God's
anger for killing an innocent man.
Aagee agee deekho hota hain kya.....
I cheated on you,
YOU cheated on me
I can't believe we are still together,
how can this be?
I suppose to leave you,
you suppose to leave me.
But cheating on eachother didn't set us free.
Now we are here, screwing everybody.
No it doesn't hurt and we don't mind,
cuz that what they say, Beliving is blind.
So you honestly think this is true SWADHYAY or
just a MASS MOVEMENT? Beacause cheating on
eachother really proves alot.
-PUJYA DIDIJI
Heat is on!!!
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 7th, 2006, 8:02pm
27 Motabhai's have been served summons. They had filed identical
wrongful cases against Pankajbhai. Police is suspecting higher up in
Swadhyay behind the murder.
Amadawad: Ex Swadhyay member Bhupendra Patel has written a letter to
Chief High Court Judge and demanded justice. If not on Aug 1e has sent
a copy of this letter to President of India, The prime minister, Ch he
will start "fast until death" at Income Tax Circle.
Hief minister of Gujarat, Chief justice of supreme court of India and
Governer of Gujarat.
Based on the sensational information obtained from five people so far
arrested f
or Pankajbhai's murder Police commissioner and DCP has met with Home
Minister of Gujarat. On other hand rumors are flying that Didi might
be on verge of getting a notice. Didi was said to have given a speech
at Madhav Baugh in Mumbai on Friday July 7th.
27 Motabhai's in Gujarat have been told not to leave the country.
(partial translation)
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by RAVI PATEL on Jul 7th, 2006, 8:20pm
Mukhda Dekh Le DIDI jara darpan main..
http://www.musicindiaonline.com/p/x/pVm7Q6IxUt.As1NMvHdW/
The Greatest swadhyayi of all time.... Every swadhyayi musty listen
this.
God Bless Us all..
Ravi Patel
ravi_pa...@yahoo.com
To listen more songs from this great swadhyayi click this...
http://www.musicindiaonline.com/l/29/s/album.5581/
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 8:46pm
http://www.divyabhaskar.co.in/newsfromgujarat/newsfromahmedabad/ahmedabadnews_03.asp
Didi's show of Power. Will Gujarat Government be scared?
Didi said 'We need to continue Manushya Gaurav Work'.
Is she planning to make more people 'Krantikari' and 'Shahid' like
Pankajbhai?
When will Police take action?
US Based Swadhyayee speaks...
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 7th, 2006, 8:54pm
US based swadhyayi blasts Gujarat Global in defense of Parivar
2006-06-27 23:50:54
Gujarat Global News Network, Ahmedabad
For last couple of days we have been receiving number of e mails and
telephone calls about the activities of Swadhyay Parivar, both for and
against. A day before, we received a letter which shows the approach
of those who claim that there is nothing wrong with the Parivar and it
is being wrongly dragged into a controversy involving the murder of a
swadhyayi, Pankaj Trivedi.
We have nothing to say since the tone and tenor of the letter shows
prejudiced and parochial approach which is very characteristic of
followers of sects. What we have reported is already on our website.
But to claim that only loyalists know the truth is to give a go by
progressive and open minded outlook which is necessary for the healthy
growth of anyone whether an individual or an organization.
We would like to quote Osho to describe the situation of the followers
"In thousands of years we have made Gautam Buddha, the Buddha, Christ
a Christian, but we have remained same!" Deification of a person or
organization leads only to hypocrisy and all other associated evils.
Here is an e mail Shreyas Patel of Bank of America Charlotte NC USA
has sent to me the editor ofwww.gujaratglobal.com.
Since the death of Mr. Pankaj Trivedi you have published articles
blaming and defaming the entire Swadhyaya Parivaar. You have not tried
to verify your information or print it objectively. One would expect a
newspaper to print only facts and not unduly prejudge. You have not
taken into account a clean track record of Swadhyaya work and its
service to people. Your articles have hurt all the members of
Swadhyaya Parivaar and we are pained to understand the motive behind
this. I am submitting this response aimed at answering some of the
questions and clarifying facts.
Swadhyaya is a spiritual movement founded by Rev. Pandurang Shastri
Athavale, fondly known as "Dadaji", which means elder brother. Born in
1920, Dadaji took a resolve to uplift human life through the means of
self-introspection ('Swadhyaya'). He looked deeply into the problems
that plague humanity. He noted that these problems were the result of
alienation of man from his creator. His solution to these inherent
issues, therefore, included the concept that we are all sons and
daughters of the same god. Hence the Swadhyaya philosophy and work are
based upon the belief that god is present in each of us and we are, as
a result, related by this divine relationship. Dadaji has coined this
concept as "the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God"; hence
it is indeed a parivaar, a family, which now includes tens of
millions.
It strongly emphasizes dignity of all human beings. It transcends the
boundaries of caste, creed, and religion. It welcomes anyone to join
unconditionally, without any membership requirements, and it allows
any member the total freedom to leave at any time. It has brought
about a multifaceted revolution encompassing all aspects of human
life; these include spiritual, social, economical, emotional, and
political elements. Dadaji calls this the five-colored revolution.
This is a peaceful revolution that has been described by a prominent
educator as "a silent yet singing revolution". It does not support,
encourage or condone any violence. It has never solicited any money
nor has it accepted funds from anyone who is not an active member.
Dadaji and Didiji have always preached and practiced love and unity of
all. They have never sought any recognition, prestige or awards.
Swadhyaya work has been studied by many research scholars, economists,
politicians, and social thinkers. The United Nations (UN) has also
taken a keen interest in this work. Many laurels and awards have been
given to Dadaji and Didiji from around the globe, including the Sir
John Templeton Award for Progress in Religion, the Ramon Magsaysay
Award from the Phillipines, and the noteworthy Padma Vibhushan title
from the government of India.
Dadaji single-handedly started his work by visiting the entire Indian
subcontinent, along with many other areas of the world. It has
transformed countless lives in tens of thousands of villages in India.
Dadaji worked incessantly through his demise, which occurred in late
2003. During all these years of work, as Dadaji went from "heart-to-
heart" and "hut-to-hut" in thousands of villages of India, Mrs.
Dhanashree Talwalkar, Dadaji's daughter, was his constant companion.
With her own efforts, love, and dedication, she has become the heart
and soul of the "Swadhyaya parivaar". In his later years, Dadaji
delegated the full responsibility of his work to Mrs. Talwalkar,
affectionately known as "Didiji", which means "elder sister".
Unfortunately, when Dadaji delegated Didiji to take on the
responsibility of the massive Swadhyaya work, there were a few members
of the Swadhyaya family who did not accept this decision. Because of
their longstanding relationship with Dadaji, they felt a sense of
entitlement to this responsibility. Begrudged by the appointment of
Didiji to take the responsibility, they and a few of their cohorts
began a concerted effort to destroy Didiji's image and tarnish
Dadaji's life.
The main purpose of these people, the "anti-Swadhyayees", was to usurp
the control of the work. Once it was clear that this purpose would not
be served, persons like Mr. Pankaj Trivedi set out to destroy the
verywork they were once a part of.
Mr. Trivedi and a few others chose to engage in antagonistic activity
and false accusations against Didiji and the Swadhyaya parivaar. They
alleged that the Swadhyaya parivaar and Didiji asked for funds during
the 2001 earthquake in Gujarat (a state in India). This is an entirely
false statement. To begin with, Dadaji and Didiji have never solicited
funds from anyone, directly or indirectly. They have also instilled
this mentality in the entire Parivaar. In the aftermath of the
earthquake in 2001, a total of 5058 houses were built through the
efforts of 76 non-government organizations (NGOs). Of these, 4534
houses were built by the Swadhyaya Parivaar alone, according to a
report by the United Nations Development Board. In addition,
accusations that have been leveled at the management of trust funds of
Swadhyaya Parivaar are completely unfounded.
Further efforts to damage Swadhyaya work led a few anti-Swadhyayees to
allege to the home ministry of India's central government in 2002 that
"Swadhyaya is a terrorist activity". In response, the Indian
government's intelligence bureau conducted a thorough investigation in
Swadhyayee villages throughout India. This investigation revealed
absolutely no basis for the accusation. Other facet of anti-Swadhyaya
propaganda has included the repeatedfiling of police cases against
many devoted Swadhayees over the last five years. Police
investigations have found each and every one of these complaints to be
completely untrue and without merits.
The media has reported that Mr. Trivedi was a prominent Swadhyayee,
that he donated 1.5 crore (15 million) rupees, and that Pujya Dadaji
used to visit him at hishome often. All these reports are completely
untrue. At the current time, it is the media's responsibility to
report only the truth, instead of reporting and sensationalizing
completely baseless allegations in an attempt to tarnish the image of
Dadaji, Didiji, and Swadhyaya work. It is important to consider who
benefits by misleading the police and by harassing the Swadhyaya
Parivaar. In the end, it is society and devoted Swadhyayees who are
hurt when attempts are made to tarnish the image of holy work such as
Swadhyaya.
Link to lots of articles in English
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 7th, 2006, 9:03pm
http://news.google.com/news?hl=en&ned=us&q=swadhyay&btnG=Search+News
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 7th, 2006, 9:10pm
Aaj to Brahmin ki bhi hatya hoti hai........
Dur Kahin Kone mein Majhab Rota hain.............
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 7th, 2006, 9:19pm
Daes Liya (bite) Sare Desh Ko Jahrili Nagin (poisonous snake) Ne...
Ghar Ko laga di Aag Ghar Ke Chirago ne...
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 7th, 2006, 9:37pm
It is very important that future generations remember Pankajbhai's
sacrifice and learn a lesson of not falling in a trap of any organized
religion.
Please write to Government of Gujarat to dedicate a monumnet in the
memory of "Krantikari Pankajbhai".
May be rename Ellisbridge to "Pankajbhai Trivedi Bridge."
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 7th, 2006, 9:53pm
I believe Swadhyay should start " Krantikari Pankajbhai Trivedi"
Scholarship for needy students and open up a college and dedicate it
to " Krantikari Pankajbhai Trivedi".
I am sure that even after doing that, crores of rupees will be
available which can be used to build a charitabl hospital dedicated to
Pankajbhai.
Shri Satya Sai Baba had been doing noble humanatarian work for decades
and its time that Swadhyay learn some lessons on humanity and charity
from this organization.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 7th, 2006, 9:56pm
I think it will be a great disservice to soul of Pankajbhai if we go
the route of naming any bridge or other monument after him.
All we know is that he wanted Society to know true face of Didi's
brand of Swadhyay.
When Government of Gujarat does not listen to person of Swamiji's
stature, I doubt if they will ever pursue justice for Pankajbhai's
killer.
May be some investigative Journalist can find out real story behind
tall claims of Didi's brand of Swadhyay, and issues which Pankajbhai
have raised and reported elsewhere in this forum.
Only 'fourth Jagir (Press)' can take up this challenge and show the
true face of Didi's brand of Swadhyay to Society.
Didini Diary
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 7th, 2006, 9:57pm
Gunawant Shah on Pankajbhai's Sahidi
Post by Unbelievable on Jul 7th, 2006, 11:10pm
Renowned philosopher and writer Gunawantbhai Shah appeals public to
wake up. The degree of blind following in Swadhyay is a black mark
against Hinduism. Back in 1992 he wrote "Blind faith manufacturing
company unlimited is Swadhyay" Dada had put his image between Shiva
and yogeswar and everyone would offer Aarti to DADA. He was the one to
criticise this deification of Pandurang Athawale. How lacks of
Swadhyayees can not see the difference between God and Pandurang and
now Didi? No wonder this has given Didi an opportunity to do anything
she pleases.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Karan on Jul 8th, 2006, 05:25am
Aaj yeh shehar kaisee sanwar aayee hai,
Har taraf bikeree ek khaak nazar aayee hai!
rang lagee hai ye khoon-e-jiger (pankaj bhai)ki taaseer,
yaad jab aati hai to aankhe bhar aayee hai!!
ye aag har khafan ko jalaakar rakh karegi,
dhuvaan ek din teri galee(madhav bagh) me aayegi!
ek ek saans me yahaa behroopiya (khota bhai)mile hai,
ye sholey lipte rahee saneeha ka khabhar aayee hai!!
tumharee nakse-kadam ne sab ko gumraah kardiya,
kitna behtar ye kaary tha usko mitti me milaadiya!
kaise maafi milega bhagwan ko bhee parwaa na kiyaa,
sang-e-lehad pe tumne jhootee aansu bahaadiya!!
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by An Observer on Jul 8th, 2006, 06:54am
I hear that Gujrat Govt is in the process of changing the name of
A'bad to either Pandurang Sastri Nagar or Pandurang Sastri Dham (as in
Gnadhi Nagar / Gandhi Dham).
Is it true??
Prime reason given is that it is a tribute to DADA & its present
leader. They have worked tremendously hard to uplift the communities
of Gujarat and the whole state of Gujrat. and have succeeded in doing
so.
After Gandhiji, its now DADA, the only person who can be said to
deserve this tribute!
Although Gujrat has so many prominent Kathakars and is home to one of
the most famous religious sect - Swaminarayan, but so far they have
failed to match the sort of upliftment DADA gave to this state.
It is for this reason Ahmedabad will now have a new name.
Please share your hearsay here.
You have a great sense of humor or imagination! - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Unbelievable on Jul 8th, 2006, 07:43am
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Karan on Jul 8th, 2006, 08:14am
Sunil posted a nice msg
Swadhyaya is not just to follow some one blindly
Swadhyaya's literal meaning is study, self-study
But at the same time a Swadhyayee should be cautious
Instrumental Devotion means .... its not anybody can use him atleast
he should know that he is not getting victimised in an organised trap.
Now its the time to have a kind of transperancy in all trusts, The
governement should work on it atleast Gujarat government.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 8th, 2006, 08:44am
Gujarat Global News Network, Ahmedabad
Jayshree Talwalkar 'Didi' suddenly surfaced on Friday night in a TV
News Channel where she spoke about some controversies and Swadhyay
Parivar but refused to speak about the famous Pankaj Trivedi murder.
She said that she was pained by the murder but avoided questions on
the issue saying that the matter was sub-judicious.
Describing media reports as her character assassination she said that
people who are against her and wanted to remove her were indulging in
such activities. Didi who spoke for the first time 24 days after
murder of Trivedi said that she was not the head of Swadhyay Parivar
"I am a member of the Parivar. I, my family and the entire Swadhyay
Parivar is sad over Trivedi's murder and we protest the incident. No
individual has the power in Parivar but all the members work in co-
operation", she said.
About funds in Pariver she said that the accounts of Parivar are
audited regularly. People asking about Rs.2,000 crore should first ask
NRIs where they have sent this money, Didi said in an irritating
tone.
About her alleged love letters Didi said that they were letters about
a project and her opponents had misused them. "I have not written any
love letter to anyone", she said.
Furious over media reports Didi said that they are hammering
Swadhyayis. They are misleading people. She appealed Swadhyayis to be
tolerant and spread the message of peace. "Parivar members are
brothers and sisters and I am one of them. I am not a saint", Didi
reiterated
Parivar members are brothers and sisters and I am one of them. I am
not a saint", Didi reiterated.
'We all know you are not a saint but you are not even a good human
being'.
You shall be with 5 Parivar memebers in Jail for killing Pankajbhai.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 8th, 2006, 09:08am
"After Gandhiji, its now DADA, the only person who can be said to
deserve this tribute!"
If Gandhiji is BAPU is he was DADA (most of Gujarati's following him
blindly dont even know y he is called DADA) It means Big Brother in
Marathi, they think it ment Grandfather.... lol
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 8th, 2006, 09:16am
"Swadhyaya is not just to follow some one blindly
Swadhyaya's literal meaning is study, self-study"
If it means self study! selfstudy could be done in the corner of ur
room, bringing 10000 or 15000 people together for selfstudy!
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 8th, 2006, 09:23am
It is a known fact in Madhav Baug Pathshala since 2001 that people are
called from distance so when Didi gives her 'Bakwas' hall looks full.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by An Observer on Jul 8th, 2006, 09:47am
I think Ravibahi & Unbelivable have missed my point.
Gujrat Govt is considering changing name of A'BAD.
No other state Govt is even thinking of doing this & why should they?
On of the reasons given is that the mass upliftmnet has taken place in
Gujrat, not in Mumbai.
Therefore Guj Govt feels that this is the best tribute they can bestow
on DADA.
This is what I have heard and may not be true.
Maharashtra state has not seen the so caled upliftment in its state.
Its the Gujratis who have benefited from this movement and therefroe I
think modi govt (sarkar) may be correct in thinking on this changes.
May be DIDI has MADE some FINANCIAL (or otherwise (promised to use her
VOTE Bank) as part of POLITICAL deal to change the
name.............who knows!
This is wild speculations.
I am simply asking if anyone has heard about this.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 8th, 2006, 10:13am
WE ARE AL EQUAL IN SWADHYAY, DO I NEED EYE CHECKUP?
-Ravi Patel
ravi_pa...@yahoo.com
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Paying Tribute to Pankajbhai on Jul 8th, 2006, 10:18am
I think Didi is in the process of doing something like Sonia Gandhi,
Bal Thackeray etc.
Denounce that she is dictator of Parivar. Appoint group of cronies
till controversy dies down and control every thing from behind the
curtain.
These group of cronies will later day come out and tell that since
Dada have appointed you, you must take it over again!
This way she can fool her blind faith followers that she is Tyag ni
Murti.
I hope before she succeds in doing so, Gujarat Government does
something rather than renaming Ahemadabad as 'Andheri nagari' and CM
as 'Gandu Raja'.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 10:20am
I have heard that all khotabhais are considering changing their last
name to "Athvale".......
How many khotabhais call their REAL elder sister "Didi"?
How many khotabhais from US went to India for their parents "ASTHI-
VISARJAN"?
How many khotabhais helped their needy relatives in India?
How many khotabhais who worked for FREE at MADHAV KENDRA farm had
helped their relatives on their farms in India?
How many khotabhais went to see their relatives when they were in
Hospital?
How many khotabhais went to attend a Birthday Party of their relatives
in India?
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 8th, 2006, 10:23am
DADAJI SAID
"BETI MAIN BHI INKA DADA HU, KAISA ULLU BANAYYA DEKH, KAHA DEKHNA AANA
WALLA HAIN YEAH GORA INDIA MAIN ......JO LEKHKER DIYA INHONA MAAN
LIYA"
DADA EK NUMBERI TO BETI DUS NUMBARI..
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 10:31am
Lies, Lies and more Lies...
Most of the khotabhais had been feeding lies and fabricated stories to
potray Athvale into an " AVATAR" for YEARS.
Some of the stories are so ridiculous that even any one with a half
brain can tell that it is an outright lie.
One person told me a story about the Murti of Yogeshwar. Read this
funny story.
Once, Yogeshwar Bhagavan appeared in Dada's dream and talked to him.
The way Yogeshwar Bhagvan was standing in Dad's dream is exactly the
same as the Murti of YOGESHWAR is made. Dada had called an expert
artist to make the MURTI and described the pose that he saw in his
dream.
While the artist was making the MURTI, Dada stopped him many times and
corrected his mistakes. After so many iterations and trials, the final
shape of the Murti was developed.
This person also claimed that no one in this world has an exact
imagination of Yogeshwar as Dada had as he had seen Yogeshwar Bhagvan
in his dream.
Propaganda is so powerful that any one can take an ordinary Pandu and
trnsform him into an "AVATAR".
Like Mirza Galib said,
"Murkhon kin Kami Nahi Galib,
Ek dhundho Hajar Milte Hein.........."
We shall rape you in front of ur Sasara - Swadhyay
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 8th, 2006, 11:59am
Jalgaon,
Retired professor S. K. Joshi shared terror on his family during a
visit with Gujarat Samachar.
S. K. Joshi had worked with Dada and Swadhyay for more than two
decades. Back in 1995 several tall and heavy men entered his house. In
front of everyone including women in the house they told my daughter
in law, "We shall rape you in front of your husband and your father in
law. Tell your father in law to keep his mouth shut about Swadhyay."
One time Mr. Joshi was travelling in his car with his son and suddenly
at one stop they found themselves surrounded by 8-10 men. Luckily his
son used his quick judgement and steered his car away from this
goons.
Article in Gujarati.
Jagruti - staunch Swadhyayee are wondering
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 8th, 2006, 12:17pm
Last night Didi finally gave an interview to media- setting was
interview by a private channel at an undisclosed location.
She said that there is a conspiracy against Swadhyay. She has nothing
to do with murder of Pankajbhai.
There is no financial irregularities in Swadhyay.
She is just another member of Swadhyay and everyone is equal in
Swadhyay.
She is saddened by the death of Pankajbhai but she can not talk about
it due to the legal process.
She appealed to all the Swadhyayees to stay focused.
Some of staunch Swadhyayees were totally disappointed that:
1. Interview was from an undisclosed location. Why?
2. If she is innocent, why she does not come out and say that she &
other members of Swadhayay are willing to co-operate with poilice
investigation in any way they can.
3. Why it took so long to come out and make a statement.
4. Why interview was given to a private channel.
It seems that many Swadhyayees are disappointed and now wondering as
to what is being hidden? There is a possibility that of current
members there will be two groups, one supporting current stratagy to
"keep quiet and it will go away" and the other group supporting "those
who do not have any thing to hide - hide nothing!"
Jagruti continues. Biggest challenge will come not from police and
outsiders but from true Swadhyayees within.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 12:31pm
http://www.gujaratglobal.com/nextSub.php?id=814&cattype=NEWS
Swadhyay parivar has become goonda parivar: Sacchidanand
2006-07-06 10:05:42
Gujarat Global News Network, Ahmedabad
At a meeting held in the city on "Religion Terrorism" number of
leading personalities launched a scathing attack on Swadhyay Parivar
and described its head, Didi, with a variety of adjectives like a
tigress donning the skin of cow. These persons were of the view that
the mafia of religious leaders was more dreadful than the underworld
of Dawood.
Referring to the murder of NRI swadhyayi Pankaj Trivedi, Swami
Sacchidanand said that Swadhyay Parivar had become goonda parivar. The
fear of terror created by it can never be tolerated, he added. Pankaj
Trivedi, a staunch critic of Didi , was murdered on June 15 and police
have arrested five swadhyayis in this connection.
He said that the fault of Trivedi was just that he had sought details
of account of the Parivar, a multi billion rupee voluntary
organization founded by Pandurang Shastri. He also blasted the Modi
government for not responding to the requests of Trivedi for
protection though he had feared attack from members of Swadhyay
parivar. He said people worshipped Didi as a holy cow, but in the skin
of cow she is a tigress.
Noted activist Prakash N Shah said that the activity of spreading
terror in the name of religion should be checked. He suggested that
there should be a social audit of such organizations. Writer Rajnikant
Joshi said Dada, founder of Parivar, was a good man but not a straight
man.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Karan on Jul 8th, 2006, 12:33pm
Dear Vijay Bhai
Jagruthi will be there, atleast some "Yuwan" will think and an in-side
revolt will be there. But what do you say this Khota Bhai will
realise?
They may be forgot The Virtues which (said) will acquires by Swadhyay
1) Gratitude (Kritaznata) : Told to appreciate saints but they are
busy in appreciating ****
2) Asmita (self-awareness): but unfortunatly they are not aware of
their own ability, it was told in last shibir that you are a
donkey ,who is carrying statue.
3)Brilliance (Tejaswita): He should not be a puppet but they feel
Chamchagiri is not puppetism.
4)Boundless love: in this situation we dont want to talk about any
Love!!!!
5)Samarpan(offering); yah its going on
so i think they wont change
Unlike you, I think there will be radical changes in Swadhyay. It may
come by design or default. Now that more and more stories come out,
true swadhyayee (majority of them) will suddenly wonder. This may
prompt them to do one of two things. 1. Move away from Parivar and
join some other group. 2. Be bold enough to address the irregularity
and make parivar stronger.
At least in USA Parivar I have found that this bond and sense of
common goal is extremely strong. How can one walk away from the
family? I shall venture to predict that most of them will be in group
2 here. Currently they are behaving as if nothing has happened. But in
their head and conscious the debate has started. Next, they will feel
comfortable with discussing their feeling to nearest Swadhyayee
friends followed by discussion with rest of them. Process will take
time but it shall happen.
Of course now after being duped before the flow of money will slow
down tremendously and when it start they shall demand voice in it.
For the Khotabhai's back home this was like Mafia. Too much power just
by having the title. They will have to be thrown out by others to save
the movement. I think process will take 1-2 years but it will bring
accountability and Samaj seva back in the focus.
Unlike India, I shall venture to predict that it is much less likely
that the Motabhai's abusing power here. With very small tight neat
community, people do know who you really are. There are lot more ways
for people to earn then to resort to deceit in this country.
I am sure other sampraday's are also looking at this and doing some
introspection as how they can avoid same fate. I think devotees of
other Sampraday's might develop courage to ask, what is being done
with the money.
Sahid Sri Pankajbhai has served Hinduism as very few people in recent
history has. - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 12:58pm
I agree with Karan. The puppets WILL NOT CHANGE.
They choose to poke in their own eyes and became BLIND FOLLOWERS, they
are beyond repair.
If they were to wake up, they would have done so in past when
countless newspapers and magazines published countless articles on all
wrongdoings and when Justice B.J.Diwan resigned. But no, they THINK
know Athvale more than Justice Diwan and Pankajbhai Trivedi.
The funny thing is that most of the swadhyayis have not even spent
five minutes with Athvale, then how can they know him that well? The
false image of an AVATAR in their BHAVUK mind is the result of years
of Brainwashing, propaganda and manipulation.
We can only help people who are starting to develope "cataract" (Not
blind yet) and have their cataract surgically (thru open discussion).
It is much easier to be an Avatar by minimizing contact. Human being
has weakness. It is much easier to hype someone up by edited videos
and managed exposure to general public. Only the inner group knows
real person. And you can keep inner group quiet because they have a
vested interest in Avatar. I am impressed with how many staunch
Swadhyayees are now asking questions, not openly of course. I think
this is defininig moment in the life of Swadhyay. - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 1:06pm
Maheshbhai Shah consoling Shrutiben Trivedi. Maheshbhai is concerned
he might be next on the list.
How to tell a spiritual movement from cult?
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 8th, 2006, 1:38pm
Here is an issue of Aar Paar. This may offend you if you are not able
to handle the truth. Your motabhai may say 'they' are jealous of our
success - the fact is no one has to be jealous of your success, if
Swadhyay is indeed the movement of uplifting the human spirits we all
are beneficiary of it being one of you. The motabhai may tell you not
to pay attention to media - you need to wonder why all the media have
tried to expose the wrongdoings or more important you may tell your
motabhai -why not we publish our point by point rebuttal of all these
concerns. If we have built houses why not make a website with the
pictures of all those houses, roads, schools and hospitals. In this
day and age it is not too expensive to put your information on network
(and they have crores rupees sitting in several trust accounts) for
everyone to see and decide for your self. Remember, the way mind
control works is to avoid answering question and tell followers to
have faith or shradhha in Dada. That is your cue to run out of that
movement no matter how good it may feel you to belong to it at
present. -Vijay Mehta
http://vmehta.conforums3.com/index.cgi?board=Religions&action=print&num=1150555879
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Mailesh on Jul 8th, 2006, 1:46pm
Vijaybhai,
First off, you have done a commendable job of creating and moderating
this board.
This unfortunate event has exposed pariwar internals big time and am
optimistic that this WILL trigger a change
First thing that comes to mind is the fact that now media and public
in general know more and have more questions than the so called
motabhai's actually know
Due to their blind follower mentality, they have never questioned
their superiors and so on and now they will feel awkward facing
members and outsiders. Once this questioning starts, the ball starts
rolling
I doubt if someone in US can think, plan and pull off a criminal act
against someone who asks questions as easily as it may be possible in
India
Simple questions like
1. why the focus on 'others' and not 'me'
2. why the focus on numbers
3. why are some members more previlaged to inside information than
others
4. what happened t the norm of taking joint decisions
5. why huge gatherings for events
6. Does a local motabhai ever question their superiors?
7. Who makes those large sankalps? Sankalps should be from within -
when someone else tells me to achieve some number it is called target
not sankalp
8. how can I access local financial accounts?
Answers:
1. Focus on others and not me: If there is not much good about me, I
can distract you by talking bad about others like Pankajbhai, they are
out to destroy us etc. It keeps focus away from me.
2. For some of them it was all about the numbers. Problem is that more
they got more they wanted. Had they only taken out 10% of Bhagawanano
Bhag no one would have ever been able to prove anything.
3. Motabhai's have invested more and are williing to do more for
Swadhyay than Chhotabhai. They are willing to maime or kill anyone for
parivar. If you are not that loyal why should you have the same
privilege?
4. Joint decision: Trust me they are taking joint decision. But you
and I are not at that level to be part of decision making. Remember
humility is a virtue.
5. Large gatherings are good for morale and publicity. It impresses
people in thinking - if so many people believe in it ... it must be
great.
6. If you start questioning the superiors you are not right material
to be a Motabhai in first place. And if you do, we need to make Asura
out of you, You can not go back to Chhotabhai from Motabhai because
now you know too much. Many of victims of violence had to suffer
because they knew too much. Had they been ordinary Swadhyayee they
could have been easily ignored as common ashuras. Loyalty and ability
to understand without asking anyone is important qualifying
characteristics for Motabhai.
7. There are some chosen devine among us and they help us by making
Sankalps on our behalf. The mere fact that we joined the group without
ever asking or questioning shows that we are not capable to making
independent decision. They are just being helpful.
8. Forget asking for local accounts. They were simply forwarded to
head quarter. Once you offer coconut to God you do not inquire what
happens to it, do you?
I have a feeling that Swadhyayees from USA eventhough in numbers we
may be miniscule compared to those in India, will be instrumental in
providing leadership.
Living in this open society does change who we are. There is more
courage to ask questions. We have learnt that open society is
strength. We have witnessed Jim Jones and David Kuresh. We have seen
financial or sexual scandals destroying prominent churches. Hopefully
we have learned that you can not suppress disinformation too long once
it starts coming.
I think at this time asking financial account will be taken as you
being a traitor or Swadhyay destroyer (Ashura).
What you can do is to generate discussion as how in future we can
establish credibility? What checks and balance do we place to prevent
abuse by select few? At the end of the day, your future depends on
credibility among young Swadhyayees. With all the horror stories that
has come out and likely to come out let me tell you, your younger
generation is confused and concerned. Their loyalty to what we fed
them so far can only last so long.
Good luck. Keep us posted if you have any ideas or how your attempts
are received by others. Remember, the spirit should be one of "I love
Swadhyay there for I am willing to speak up" - Vijay Mehta
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 1:56pm
Now people have all kind of question...
look at this
I think now police have to open them eye..
I have heard this theory too and it may make sense.
Dadaji worked all his life to start his projects. People show a man
with ability to interpret Gita at the same time man with passion to
uplift the poor and backward communities. Karma Yoga and Bhakti Yoga
to gather is a strong combination. No acquisition of real estate in
terms of Mandir basically made the expense side of balance sheet very
small. Money grew, fame grew. He must have thought for a long time
that this all can be turned over to some one with same passion.
Then came the aging, failiing health and amputation left him in hands
of his daughter. She suddenly realizes the opportunity to step into
his chair. She has to remove all good Swadhyayees surrounding him. The
access to Dada is limited. Basically he is in "Nazar Ked" so only
message Dada can get is what is approved by Didi. Tai would also like
the power go to someone in family than outsider. Only the inner core
can see the change. Because for millions of them all they see is the
video that comes in mail.
Dada behaves in un-Dada like fashion and suddenly claims that
Swadhayay belongs to him. Now all loyal Swadhyayees needs to be thrown
out one by one. Some of them knew too much. So they became threat. One
by one they were disgraced and thrown out. If they kept posing threat,
they were threatened and to teach a lesson bones were broken.
Earthquake in Gujart proves to be a windfall. Large amount of
donations flowing from all over, no need to account for it. Everyone
at the top could get a piece of the pie as long as they keep the mouth
shut. Few trouble makers need to be silenced.
Arrogance lead to mistakes. We can get away with anything. Police or
Government and Media will think ten times before doing anything
against us. Few people with broken bones became a lesson for many
others who were thinking of speaking their mind. Well it all went well
until...
Until one fateful day.. Pankajbhai Trivedi was brutally murdered. And
suddenly 'Jan Prakop' is beyond anyone's expectation. Police was lucky
to find a strong clue by one cell phone, he opens his mouth and now
the amount of information that out is too much to cover it all up.
Daily headlines exposing more and more stories. Many Swadhyayees start
seeing a pattern. As much as they do not want to believe all these
they have to admit that there are some problems.
The question is how this moves on from this point...
-Vijay Mehta
Would Didi run to USA if noose comes closer?
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 2:01pm
Didi might have avoided being questioned or arrested for this crime
more than three years. But there is no statute of limitation on
murder. So all her life she will have to worry, what if some evidence
pops up? What if someone talks? There are many many crimes in history
books where years after the crime the law catches up with you. Let us
be patient and pray to God at the end justice may prevail and
sacrifice of Panjakbhai does not go in vein.
Na Muh Chhupake Jityo...
Post by Guest on Jul 8th, 2006, 2:04pm
Didi has paid a price for Pankajbhai murder. Now she avoids limelight
and media.
Na Muh Chhupake Jiyo
No Sar jhukake Jiyo
Jo paap kiye hai tumne
woh Karmoki Kimat chukake Jiyo..
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by sunil on Jul 8th, 2006, 2:16pm
Dear NRI Swadhyayees,
Please listen to what DIDItold to SAHARA SAMAY TV
She said we recd.Rs.1 crore & spent 1.5 crores for Kutch EQ relief.( I
have seen this twice)
Now isn't this a lie? They have collected alltogether 37 crores
+cash(only Yogeshwar knows the amount)
You still want to call her a Satyanishtha?
who siphoned the money?
Will you dare to ask your motabhais about this?
In an another reply on this forum today these blind fellows are still
saying that the pariwar constructed 4534 concrete houses in Kutch when
it is very clear to everybody (exceot their Blind counterparts in
India)
that the pariwar has not constructed even a single house is this
another example of Satyam Vada?
The Pariwar has become so proficient in lieing & so shameless that
even after the murder of Pankajbhai they published a nivedan is all
gujarati news papers on
19th June stating that they have constructed 5058 houses if this is
Swadhyay then why someone should join or if has joined stay?
Earthquake Relief by Swadhyay Gujarati Article
Post by Vijay Mehta on Jul 8th, 2006, 4:34pm
http://www.gujaratsamachar.com/gsa/20060625/guj/national/anu.html
How much money was collected by Swadhyay and how much was used for
actual house building in Kutch area has been the biggest point of
argument. Swadhyayees will point that they have built 4500 plus
houses. While others will say that there is not a single house by
Swadhyay! This Article looks at what could be the explanation.
Gujarati article.
Partial translation to follow;
According to the letter by Pankajbhai Trivedi to Chief Minister of
Gujarat DAY Trust, Chicago had deposited 2,4000,000 (2.4 Million
Dollars( between 1978 to 2000. Due to the Gujarat Earthquake 3,890,000
(3.89 Million Dollars were collected from Swadhyay in USA) While Vinoo
Sachania (Who was later beaten up) sent Two Crores from England.
On 6/24/2006 Dr. Rajesh Parikh said in response to a question that
"Swadhyay Parivar has built 4534 houses in Kutch, and there is no
doubt about it." When asked if he had seen personally this houses
being built he said he has not. Than based on what is he making this
statemet? In response Dr Parikh showed a report by UNDP and 2003
report by ILO (International Labor Organization), where it was
mentioned that Swadhyay Parivar had built 4534 houses. Dr. Parikh was
asked if Swadhayay has their report of all these houses? He responded
that Swadhyay Parivar has a report of work performed at 112 villages
and that report is in Mumbai and we are getting in Amadawad. But in
this report we do not have details of work performed, just which
village had how many houses is mentioned.
Sri Mansi Anand fron Navnirman office in Kutchchh, Bhuj explained that
ILO report has no value since it is a copy of UNDP report. He
explained that in June of 2001 when Prime Minister came to visit
Kutchchh we asked all the organization to report of relief work. We
put an ad in the paper asking everyone to supply the information.
Based on what they reported we published those figures. We DID NOT
CHECK ACCURACY OF ANY OF THESE FIGURES!
Based on the information received (that was never varified by anyone)
we published reports. Few months later we published updated report
again based on the information received. This way by 2003 we had
published five reports.
September 2001 report had 75 organizations reporting. All of them
combined reported 4272 houses while Swadhyay ALONE REPORTED 4534
HOUSES!
When questioned in this regard Bhav Sarjan Trust informed that they
merely provided 'MATERIAL FOR CONSTRUCTION"
Abhiyan felt that if only material was provided than how many houses
were built? were they earth quake proof? In contrast to all other
organization Bhav Sarjan trust did not have any M U (? Memorandum of
understanding) with GSDMA of Gujarat Government.
Based on all these facts mention of Bhav Sarjan Trusts was taken out
of alphabetical order and placed last. And it was noted that this
organization is working independently (polite way of saying that we
can not varify facts)
Kutchchh Navnirman Abhiyan had asked for detail report from all the
organization but Swadhyay did not provide this list. (I guess they
believe that when right hand donates left should not know!). They had
also asked them to provide with financial report of earth quake
related activities (how much received and how much spent) but that was
not provided.
Of note is the fact that In any Government report there is no mention
of a SINGLE HOUSE BUILT BY BHAV SARJAN! COLLECTOR AND MAMLATDAR IN
KUTCHCHH HAS REPORTED THAT BHAV SARJAN TRUST - SWADHYAY PARIVAR HAS
NOT BUILT A SINGLE HOME.
According to Dr. Ramesh Parikh after the earthquake all the
responsibility was managed by Sri Vasanbhai Aahir. According to
Kutchchh Nirman Abhiyan Mr Aahir has been supplying all the
information.
When Mr Aahir was asked on 6/24 he said all the Parivar had provided
all the roofing material, wood, cement etc and laborers came from
Maharashtra. When he was asked to give specifics he answered from
moral high ground When a brother helps another brother in times of
need, do we need to keep an account? When he was asked as to how come
Swadhyay was able to build more houses than all other 75 combined in
such a short period of time? He said "DADA" wanted us to build quickly
so we did!!!
Basically what he is saying is trust me, if we say we built than we
built. Of course we can not tell you which particular house we have
built.
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Fabricated Stoies about Dadaji on Jul 8th, 2006, 7:09pm
1)Dada had once gone to USA. Dada used shaving soap and brush to
shave. During this visit, Dada forgot to take along with him, his
shaving soap and brush. Dada was habituated to use shaving soap and
brush and so he was un-comfortable. He mentioned it to one of the
Motabhais of USA while they were driving on a trip to Ohio. They
started looking for shaving soap and brush. They tried about 15 stores
but could not find it. When they were passing through a small town,
Dada pointed to a store and asked to inquire there for shaving soap
and brush. Fortunately this time, it was available in the store.
The whole story seems like fabricated and this common incident was
glorified and told to all swadhyayees of USA as and when chance came
by one of this Motabhai. He used to tell, he did not believe in
miracles, but narrated the story driving the point that Dada was
Avatar - incarnation of Lord and hence he could tell where the shaving
soap and brush was available?
Question: when followers were trying to find the brush at different
places and if an AVATAR knew that they were not going to find it
there, why he didn’t stop them in first place? An AVATAR can not
adjust with the situation and use shaving cream instead?
2) The second incident is related to Anuts
I-VANDANA program in BHARUCH. One of the motabhai told fellow
swadhyayees in a meeting that we don’t believe in miracles but since
we are a FAMILY (What a Joke), he would like to share this incident.
At the end of the program, NARMADA Maata changed the flow direction,
the water level raised up to the stage where Dada was sitting, NARMADA
Matta touched Dada’s feet and then slowly water level came down. I am
sure you should have a video to prove this as you take video of every
little thing and won’t forget to capture this “miracle”, right?
(Swajan Re Juth Mat Bolo, Khuda Ke pas Jana Hein)
If you were an Avatar, would you choose failing health, amputation of
leg because it was not treated in time and your followers in disarry
after your death?
Re: Krantikari Pankajbhai pays ultimate price
Post by Ravi Patel on Jul 8th, 2006, 7:12pm
"Last night Didi finally gave an interview to media- setting was
interview by a private channel at an undisclosed location.
She said that there is a conspiracy against Swadhyay. She has nothing
to do with murder of Pankajbhai."
DADI HAS BEEN TELIN HER FOLLOWERS TO STAY AWAY FROM THE MEDIA BECAUSE
THEY LIE, IS SHE LYING TOO?
http://vmehta.conforums3.com/index.cgi?board=Religions&action=print&num=1150555879
This material presented is but one/tenth of what is presented in the
link above. Most is in Gujarati and some in Hindi. It is a sad saga of
Hindu morality breakdown under the very haughty noses of Gujarati,
Marathi Hindu hoodlums parading under a panoply of real and phony
nomenclatures. Hindutva brigade led by self styled protectors of
mytholoy based religion keeps a close score of who is an "Un-Indian,"
" A Traitor," "A Terrorist," "A Pseudo-Secular," "A Secular," and by
bunch of other pet-names these Hindu hound dogs give to anyone and
everyone who speaks, writes and expresses their opinions, truthfully
and with all the evidence under the sun, yours truly included.
These bastards don't want the truth to be told. Not privately, not in
words or actions.
"Viswa Hindu Parishad" and their paid and unpaid co-conspirators fish
out all the dirt that they can find on other religions and spill all
over the creation, especially, on the internet newsgroups such as this
one. These concerted efforts on the part of such idiots as Dr Jai
Maharaj, and especially him has put the free speech in jeopardy.
This low-level skunk, a slum-dog, takes words from Ashok Chowgule, an
industrialist from Goa. A very rich man and very vicious man indeed.
This man is a Vice-President of the "Vishwa Hindu Parishad." The
another is S. Kalyanraman. This hoodlum is portrayed as a former
director of the World Bank.
There are many who are either of high ranking "RSS" members or their
famous "Parivar." It is not necessary to make a list of who they
affiliate with. Their venom is deadly and dangerous. Why would Hindu
religion or the religious beliefs of almost eighty-three million
people be defended? If they are as good as they claim to be, why, all
the sane people of the world would want to be Hindu in a jiffy.
The lies these fake Hindus tell may become their coffins.
bademiyansubhanallah
By Our Staff Correspondent
MYSORE, JAN. 20. Members of Sri Digambara Jain Samaj here have
expressed anguish over reports of animal sacrifice at Girinar Hills in
Gujarat, which is associated with Bhagawan Sri Neminatha Tirthankara.
The community members observed a fast on Thursday to protest the cult
of animal sacrifice at Girinar Hills, which is gaining in prominence
in recent times.
Girinar Hills is a sacred pilgrim centre for Jains for it was here
that Sri Neminatha attained his salvation having preached non-violence
and compassion. It is customary for the Jain community members to
visit the spot at least once in their lifetime.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/2005/01/21/stories/2005012114200300.htm
Out on a mission
As she takes yet another daring step, this time to set right the
disharmonious political system of Assam, Indira Goswami, the
celebrated writer, talks about her experiences to NITI PANTA.
BE IT a life threat for her controversial writings or a face-to-face
encounter with the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), nothing
daunts this intrepid explorer to continue writing on social or
political issues that the State has been grappling with for so many
years. One of the most celebrated writers in the vernacular and a
Jnanpith Award winner, Indira Goswami, talks about her experiences as
she takes yet another daring step to contribute to solving a
disharmonious political system of Assam.
Q: You are penning a book on the United Liberation Front of Assam
(ULFA). How did the idea hit you?
A: I accidentally visited the ULFA transit camp around 12 years ago.
Since I've had a great association with students all my life, some of
the students in Assam invited me for a talk by Bishnu Rabha, where I
discovered that those students were ULFA members. I was also invited
to visit their transit camp, which terrified me at first but I was
touched to see them involved in welfare activities despite having
taken up arms. A few days later, I learnt that all the boys I met were
killed in a military encounter, except for one, who was imprisoned and
continued to write to me. This incident inspired me to pen a book on
their life, which is still in progress.
Q: From a caste riddled world in "The Shadow of Kamakhya", and an
impassioned plea against animal sacrifice in "Chhinamasta" to life of
ULFA militants. It's a complete transition.
A: Most of my writings have a humanist theme. Animal sacrifice has
been an age-old tradition in Assam and surprisingly no one has ever
protested against such gruesome practices in the name of religion.
There was a hue and cry when I wrote against such an inhuman practice.
Although the priests of the Kamakhya temple protested the theme of my
novel and one of my old publishers even refused to publish my book, I
had the support of a large section of Assamese society and people like
Anuradha Barpujari - editor of a weekly. ULFA too has been a serious
problem in Assam for 25 years and there has been so much bloodshed. We
Assamese have witnessed a lot of killing in our State and I personally
have lost some of my colleagues and a close friend. This has to end
somewhere. All that is required is awareness among people which can be
effectively brought about by writing on such social and political
issues.
Q: You now play an intermediary between the Centre and ULFA.
A: It was a personal desire to help in this situation and if this one
step could change things I was most willing to take the plunge. I
don't like to be termed as a `mediator' but have simply requested the
government to talk to the militant group and my role ends here. Q:
There have been several attempts for negotiations earlier. Sanjay
Hazarika and even singer Bhupen Hazarika have sent appeals but in
vain.
A: It is for the first time in 25 years that ULFA has agreed for talks
with the Centre. I am not aware of the strategy of other people or do
not know why attempts of people like Sanjay Hazarika or Bhupenda
failed to show results. I saw ULFA Chief, Paresh Barua, who approached
me for the same - probably because I have known them for some time
now.
Q: Do you think your effort will bring results? Is your strategy any
different?
A: My strategy is a simple appeal to the government written after
consulting senior professors and my colleagues in Delhi University and
it requests the government to invite ULFA for negotiation.
Q: Are you positive about the negotiations taking place? How has the
government reacted to your plea?
A: The State government has agreed to support me, though the Centre's
approval is still awaited. Since ULFA is ready to negotiate it makes
things easier for the government. Q: Don't you think regional writing
is yet to make a mark in Indian literature?
Well regional writing has come a long way though it's still underrated
by Indian publishers. I can vouch that there are any number of
regional books through which publishers can popularise good writing.
I personally feel that English writers in India don't cover the
experience of real India. Without knowing the regional languages they
cannot write with a true sense of feeling.
Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Thursday, Jan 13, 2005
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mp/2005/01/13/stories/2005011301350300.htm
Cuttack temples set to restart animal sacrifice
Correspondent
At least two goats are sacrificed every year, they say
Sacred places are turning into slaughterhouses, says social
organisation
CUTTACK: Notwithstanding the fact that animal sacrifices have stopped
in all Cuttack temples during Durga puja, the oldest Kali temple in
Bidyadharpur locality of Cuttack city is all set to restart the age-
old practice from this year.
“At least five persons have wished to offer sacrificial goats at the
altar of the Goddess on Friday night when the rituals of Kali puja
would begin around 12 O’clock midnight”, said the temple priest
Santosh Kumar Chatterjee.
Kali puja in Bidyadharpur is believed to be the oldest in Cuttack and
arguably began much before the Durga puja concept invaded into the
millennium city.
Like Durga puja, Kali puja too began here by Bengali communities.
Age-old practice
Following instructions from the district collector in 2003, the age-
old practice to propitiate the Goddess here had reportedly stopped. In
fact the local administration had claimed that no animal sacrifices
are done at any of the places of worship in the city.
But Chattarjee who has been associated with the Kali temple of
Bidyadharpur since 1973 pointed out that although, the number of the
goats sacrificed at the altar had reduced marginally, the practice was
never discontinued. “At least two goats of the local puja committee
are sacrificed every year”, he said.
Chatterjee said never ever the district administration has stopped us
from doing so. We have also not received any communiqué form the local
police station in this regard. “In fact a senior officer of the local
police station offered a goat for sacrifice last year which has
encouraged other common people to come forward to do the same”, he
asserted. Local puja committee head Mahendra Kumar Panda when
contacted said: “animal sacrifices in the Kali temple here is an age-
old practice and it has been continuing for the past 500 years”. How
can we stop it now, he asked?
Police denial
But the Chauliaganj police station inspector S.N. Behera when
contacted, he claimed that animal sacrifices are not done at
Bidyadharpur temple. It has been stopped since long, he said.
Meanwhile, People for Animal, a State-level social organisation which
has been campaigning against the animal sacrifices in places of
worship has taken strong note of the ill-practice. “In the name of
animal sacrifices to propitiate the Goddess, the sacred places of
shrines are turning out to slaughter houses which is sending a wrong
message in the society”, said Sanjib Das, the member secretary of the
social organisation.
http://www.hindu.com/2007/11/10/stories/2007111058300300.htm
Karnataka - Bidar
‘No’ to animal sacrifice sparks violence in Bidar
Staff Correspondent
People prevented from sacrificing goat
Four police personnel injured in stone throwing
Village residents allege police
high-handedness
BIDAR: Violence erupted after a few people were prevented from
performing animal sacrifice on the premises of a temple in Karpakpalli
village of Humnabad taluk in Bidar district on Monday.
The police said that they had prevented the people from sacrificing a
goat on the Gali Maramma temple premises. The ritual was part of a
three-day “jatra”. Irked by this, they started throwing stones at the
police. The police lobbed teargas shells and resorted to lathi-charge
to disperse the crowd. Four police personnel were injured and two
police vans damaged in the stone-throwing incident.
Superintendent of Police A. Subramanyeswara Rao said here on Tuesday
that the police had not fired in the air to disperse the mob. No
arrests had been made in connection with the violence. But cases had
been registered against more than 50 persons. The situation in the
village was under control, he added.
Additional police personnel from Humnabad, Bidar and Chittaguppa have
been deployed as a precautionary measure. Police officers have been
stationed there to assess the situation.
Deputy Superintendent of Police P.A. Korwar held a meeting in
Karpakpalli on Tuesday, urging the residents to maintain the peace.
The village residents said that they had not performed any animal
sacrifice. They alleged that the police had stopped them from
performing puja. The police had resorted to lathi-charge unnecessarily
and even women had been beaten up, they added.
About a month ago, some associations appealed to the people of the
village not to perform animal sacrifice during the “jatra”.
They had also sought the help of the police in this regard.
The police held meetings with the people of the village and asked them
not to perform animal sacrifice. The local police were told to take
steps to put an end to animal sacrifice in the village.
http://www.hindu.com/2008/02/13/stories/2008021356960400.htm
Opinion - Letters to the Editor
Ban animal slaughter
Sir, — It has become a fashion to condemn sacrifice of animals in
yajnas and temples. This is looked at by some groups as cruelty to
animals. If the whole country becomes vegetarian and adopts ahimsa as
a policy such a stand is justifiable. On the other hand, when millions
of animals are reared to be killed for being consumed as food, it is
sheer hypocrisy to criticise animal sacrifice.
There is greater need to condemn seafood export and meat export,
killing of cows and beef-eating. If animal sacrifice is done as per
religious beliefs, it should not be condemned unless we ban all animal
slaughter for any other purpose.
V.V.S. Sarma,
Bangalore
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/2002/07/01/stories/2002070100021006.htm
MANIKAM RAMASWAMI
http://www.hindu.com/op/2003/09/09/stories/2003090900130300.htm
Sacrificing an age-old practice
According to popular belief, the animal or bird sacrifice is only a
symbol of their `Nerthi Kadan' (thanksgiving), which, if not
fulfilled, would be construed as `unpardonable'.
THOUGH NOT far away from the Temple City, the Pandi Muneeswarar
temple, `Pandikovil' in local parlance, is located in an area free
from the humdrum of the urban life. Surrounded by lush green
paddyfields, an eerie silence prevails in and around the temple
complex now despite hundreds of devotees continuing to throng the
shrine.
"Animal or bird sacrifice is not allowed here!" screams a notice
board, put up by the temple administration at the entrance to the
complex, which had been a scene of ritual killings for decades
together.
Some of the devotees, who shun slitting or hacking animals and birds,
continue with the symbolic puja by offering pongal, flowers and money
to the deity. Still many are at a loss to understand how they can
propitiate the temple deities -- Pandi Muneeswarar, Andi and
Samayakaruppasamy -- without offering them goats or roosters.
Till August 30, scores of goats and fowls were sacrificed,
particularly on Tuesdays, Fridays and Sundays by the devotees who
thronged the shrine from different parts of the State, including towns
and villages in Madurai, Tiruchi, Virudhunagar, Theni, Ramanathapuram,
Sivaganga and Chennai districts, as a mark of fulfilment of their vow
to the deities. The blood-splattered mud floor around the Pandi
Muneeswarar temple stands a testimony to the age-old practice.
Now that the ritual has come to a grinding halt, the crowd of devotees
comprising mainly small and medium farmers and farm workers has also
grown thinner, thanks to the Government's order on August 28 banning
animal and bird sacrifice in temples. As it has been publicised, the
immediate provocation for the ban was the sacrifice of 500 buffaloes
at a village shrine in Tiruchi district recently. The Chief Minister,
Jayalalithaa, has written to the district authorities, asking them to
prevent the killing of animals and birds in the name of seeking the
blessings of gods. Calling for stringent action against the
`violators', she has pointed out that the Tamil Nadu Prevention of
Cruelty to Animals Act, 1950, and its subsequent amendment, also
banned such cruel acts on the temple premises.
The Government clamped the ban close on the heels of the Madras High
Court ordering notices to the Home Secretary and the DGP on a public
interest petition seeking the ban.
But ritual killings are not confined to the Pandi Muneeswarar Temple
alone, though it is a well-known fact that animal and bird sacrifice
is common in the State, more particularly in the southern districts.
It is practised in other parts of the country and prevalent among
different religious sects in many parts of the subcontinent from time
immemorial, historians point out.
The village deities, otherwise known as `folk gods', with regional
character, are installed mostly in roofless outdoor temples. As many
of these deities attract people in the lower strata of society, the
devotees have a `direct access' to them.
Unlike classical temples, where pujas are held as per `agamas', meat,
cigar and liquor are permitted for worship here.
As the relationship between the devotees and the deities is `personal'
without even a minimum role for intermediaries including the temple
priests, people believe that their god will help them fulfil any wish.
Childless couple seek the deity's grace to bless them with children
while unmarried persons plead for fixing elusive weddings.
Solution is also sought for family problems arising out of socio-
economic conditions. According to popular belief, the animal or bird
sacrifice is only a symbol of their `Nerthi Kadan' (thanksgiving),
which, if not fulfilled, would be construed as `unpardonable'.
Animal sacrifice, followed by common dining, is part and parcel of the
worship at the folk shrines. Till the enforcement of the ban, if
affordable sections sacrificed goats, the poor and downtrodden offered
the less expensive roosters.
Separate enclosures were installed near the temple for cooking the
carcasses returned to the devotees after the sacrifice was performed.
However, the head and a leg of the goat would be handed over to the
butcher, who slaughtered the animal. A fixed fee was also collected
from the devotees for chopping off the heads of goats, besides
skinning and de-boning the meat.
The Government's action has been given a new twist as it has come
close on the heels of its decision to support the demand for a ban on
cow slaughter. Several opposition parties have dubbed the move as yet
another proof of the ruling party's `pro-Hindutva slant', even while
systematically depriving the Dalits and backward communities of their
age-old cultural rights.
The ban will only pave the way for performing the sacrifice
clandestinely within four walls, they claim, citing the example of a
ruling party MLA, who reportedly offered `annadhanam' with the meat of
goats slaughtered near his residence in Dindigul district.
But the ban has been hailed by animal and bird lovers, apart from some
religious personalities, who claim that no book says ritual killing is
religious.
But there are many, who believe that the age-old custom will disappear
only through persuasion and education rather than through an official
ban.
S.DORAIRAJ
Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Monday, Sep 08, 2003
Special issue with the Sunday Magazine
From the publishers of THE HINDU
RIVERS: JULY 01, 2001
Requiem for a river
M. T. Vasudevan Nair
The author is a winner of the Jnanpith award and is a Malayalam film-
maker and writer.
When the bridge across the River Bharatapuzha was completed in 1954,
the late Edasseri who had blazed literary trails with his poetic
force, looked at it with wonder and later wrote the poem "Kuttipuram
Bridge". It is a famous work, often quoted in the context of the eco-
aesthetics of Malayalam poetry. The poet marvelled at the engineering
skill. The bridge cost twenty-three lakhs of rupees, a formidable sum
at that time. He could visualise the thousands of vehicles about to
fly through the new highway. But he did not conceal his subtle fear
that the serenity of the riverside village might vanish in the near
future. The poem concluded on an apprehensive note:
S. Ramesh Kurup
"Oh Mother Perar, will you also change
Into a miserable gutter eventually?"
Perar or Nila (pet names of Bharatapuzha) did not turn into a gutter.
The poet never foresaw the calamity of sand-mining and he could not
imagine it as the desert strip, which it is now. Huge thickets grow on
the small mounds in the sand bed in several places. One can even see a
large casuarina grove right in the middle of the river between
Kuttipuram and Tirunavaya. They are partially hidden only during the
few days of heavy monsoon.
The river had inspired many of our major poets like Vallathol, P.
Kunhiraman Nair and Edasseri. For the commoners it was the sacred
Dakshina Ganga. Vallathol established the illustrious Kerala Kala
Mandalam on its banks in the village of Cheruthuruthy. A whole lot of
writers, singers and Kathakali artistes grew up in the villages close
to the river from Kalpathy to Ponani. So the river was often described
as the cultural stream of Malabar.
I have seen the terrifying form of the river during the floods of 1942
and 1944. We were safe in the ancestral house as it was built on an
elevated area beyond the stretch of paddy fields. The elders said the
worst flood was in 1924 when waters touched the foot hills.
The flood of 1944 is vivid in my memory. I was sent to the provision
shop to get something in the afternoon and instead of the short cut
through the fields I returned by the road bordering the river. The
river was alarmingly full. Elders were watching from several points.
Somebody shouted to me: "Run, boy, run. Any moment the water may rush
in through a breach." I ran at a terrific speed. By the time I reached
the steps to the house, water had gushed into the field. This flood
lasted for four days. There were so many relatives in the house who
had vacated from their riverside houses.
R. Prasanna Venkatesh/Wilderfile
We all took our daily baths from the steps below the main gate. During
the heavy monsoon the river hissed during the days and roared at
night, threatening to cut across and overflow. Yet we were not afraid
of the river. The dark misty mountains in the distance and the
ascending rolls of thick rain clouds were giving the necessary
warnings. Of course the flood damaged the dwelling of low lying areas.
Plantains and vegetables of those greedy farmers who encroached the
riverbed and did unauthorised cultivation, suffered. The villagers
generally kept the flat lands on either side of the river as flood-
plains. This minimised the force of the flood and incidentally
collected and stored large quantities of fertile top soil.
Bharatapuzha once boasted of a water transport system from Palakkad to
Ponani. Twin boats carrying agricultural produce to Ponani port used
to halt for the night at our ferry point. The oarsmen cooked their
food on the banks and rested till daybreak. From our courtyard we
could hear their friendly quarrels late in the night. An occasional
Mopla ballad also floated in the night air.
The whole village, except the very old, took their bath in the river
during summer. The water in the tanks was not good enough while
compared to the crystal clear running water, even though it was not
deep. The families without their own wells made their private water
holes in the riverbed for potable water.
During the summer, guests and relatives came to all the upper middle
class house from distant villages or towns like Calicut or Trichur.
For the adolescent males it was a festive occasion to watch discreetly
the sophisticated maidens chaperoned by elders going to certain
protected areas of the river for their evening ablutions.
The cattle also enjoyed a bath in the river - there were areas marked
for cattle - after a hot day's toil. If you could drive the cattle to
the river without their taking a bite from the paddy fields on either
side of the bund, then the grownups deemed you fit to enter the farm
work. (If you could read Ezhuthachan's Ramayanam without faltering,
your Malayalam education was complete!)
For me, the moonlit riverbed in the summer is a distant, but vivid
dream. We were never allowed to go there as it was a favourite
playground for the celestials. Villagers who got down at Pallipuram
Railway Station from a night train had to be careful while crossing
the river. If you did not disturb them, they would not bother you.
That was the perfect understanding between divine beings and mortals.
K. Ananthan
Our family deity was in Kodikunnath Temple, six kilometres away across
the river. We all believed in a legend that at some time in the past
there was only a poor widow and three children in our house. She used
to keep cows and every morning she would take the milk to the temple.
In return she got enough cooked rice for the day. Once the river was
full and the boatman did not dare to make it across. The widow
returned and told the children that there would not be any rice till
the river subsided. She gave boiled milk to the children and put them
to bed. At midnight someone knocked on the front door and she opened
it. There was an old woman on the door step all covered up and
drenched. The nocturnal visitor placed a brass vessel full of rice in
front of the widow and commanded: "Wake the children and feed them!"
Then the figure vanished. After the flood receded, on the fourth day
the widow went to the temple with the usual milk. She had kept the
rice vessel also with her to discuss the incident with the priest. The
priest was astonished. The vessel had been missing from the sanctum
sanctorum for the last three days.
So we all grew up loving and adoring the Mother Goddess who once
brought rice to our hungry ancestor.
We have a grandmother too, the mother of Kodikkunnath Goddess. She is
in the temple Muthassiar Kavu (grandmother's temple) near Pattambi.
According to one legend the Grandmother Goddess and her three
beautiful daughters (including the mother of Kodikkunnath) were
strolling along the river bed on a summer night. They saw a dance
festival by the Harijans and the youngest daughter was so carried away
by it, that she refused to go along when it was time to leave. The
mother ordered her to be with the Harijans and perform as their
guardian deity. This is the popular belief on the origin of Kanakkar
Kavu (Kanakkar is a sect of Harijans).
On another occasion the two sisters quarrelled after witnessing the
ritual of an animal sacrifice. As the younger one was so much
engrossed in the gory scene, the elder one parted company and settled
down in Kodikkunnath. The younger sister shifted to Kodungallur where
blood sacrifices were a common ritual until the immediate past.
Coming to the present, hundreds of lorries now wait in queue at every
point of access in every Panchayat all along the river. Roads are laid
right into the midrib of the river for quick mining and loading. The
thickets have grown into mini jungles in many places. They shield the
gamblers during the day and the illicit distillers at night.
It is not an unusual spectacle now in April and May to see, while
travelling through some villages by the river, long queues of women
with their coloured plastic pots waiting patiently for the water
lorry. The sub-soil water has receded so much that the wells on the
river belt have gone dry.
The river Bharatapuzha set the stage for many battles and historical
spectacles like Mamankam in the past. Noisy scenes are enacted even
now on the riverbed over territorial rights of mining and loading and
validity of official licenses. Long rows of heavy lorries block every
access to the river. You can no longer get a panoramic view of the
river. Instead, it is a vast scattering of mining pits.
To us, the river was another benevolent Mother Goddess. She discreetly
guarded our intimate dreams. Her deep chasms painfully received the
frustrations and shame of some of the erratic children. The departed
dear ones accepted the rituals of our obeisance under her watchful
eyes and left peacefully for their heavenly abodes.
The river which has often inspired me and which has witnessed my
growing up, affectionately tolerating my contradictions within, is
breathing her last.
I feel one of my filial bonds is about to be cruelly snapped. The
village is losing a colourful historical past, a nostalgic glory and a
cultural legacy. Yes, we have lost all of them, almost.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/folio/fo0107/01070480.htm
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mp/2003/09/08/stories/2003090800700100.htm
A case for satvic food
CHENNAI, OCT. 15. How can food have any relevance to a person's
ultimate goal?
According to scriptures, eating is akin to conducting a homa, and
technically we are observing vaishvanara yagna when we are consuming a
meal. It is in the pit of the stomach that hunger, a sensation akin to
fire, is produced. This can be quenched only when we partake of food.
However, the nature of the ingredients of the food is important and
careful adherence to vegetarian meal is more in consonance with a
seeker's spiritual journey. In the Ramayana, sage Viswamitra sought
from Dasarata the assistance of Rama and Lakshmana to protect a yagna
from the evil forces which were showering entrails into the
sacrificial fire. Similarly, we are guilty of indulging in meaty food
in our daily diet which is but a reflection of the evil forces in our
spiritual life, said Sri Vidyasagara Madhva Theertha in his address at
the Indian Vegetarian Congress.
One should resist the temptation of eating meat, polluting the system
in the name of nutrition. Don't the Vedas sanction animal sacrifice,
some ask. Saint Madhwacharya argues against superficial study of
scriptures and prescribes analysis by exclusive application of "maha
vyakarna," the superior grammar. It will then be found that the cow
that is to be sacrificed is nothing more than a composition of flour
and ghee (clarified butter). Detailed analyses are found in the works
of the exponents of the Madhwa school of thought, such as Sri Vijendra
Theertha and Sri Narayana Panditacharya.
Some argue that whatever is offered to God should be consumed by the
seekers. Since the Vedas sanction animal sacrifice, consumption of
animal flesh is considered a just course of action by some. A few
others compromise when caught in a dilemma over meat — while adopting
animal sacrifice at yagnas, they are strict vegetarians in their food
habits. However, Sri Madhwacharya argues that there cannot be two sets
of rules for yagnas. The sacrificial fires at the visible homakunda
and the invisible fire pit (the stomach) are in principle the same.
The Vedas are for the uplift of people and as such they will not
advocate anything retrograde in a person's quest for liberation. To
the evolved, there is no dichotomy.
Over eons, violent modes of worship have been replaced with more
satvic methods. The scriptures have to be read and interpreted
carefully in both letter and spirit, and harmful practices should be
given up.
Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Friday, Oct 15, 2004
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/2004/10/15/stories/2004101500070900.htm
Beef eating: strangulating history
While one must respect the sentiments of those who worship cow and
regard her as their mother, to take offence to the objective study of
history just because the facts don't suit their political calculations
is yet another sign of a society where liberal space is being
strangulated by the practitioners of communal politics. [text Tag=blue-
tint][/Text]PROF. D. N. JHA, a historian from Delhi University, had
been experiencing the nightmares of `threats to life' from anonymous
callers who were trying to prevail upon him not to go ahead with the
publication of his well researched work, Holy Cow: Beef in Indian
Dietary Traditions.
As per the reports it is a work of serious scholarship based on
authentic sources in tune with methods of scientific research in
history. The book demonstrates that contrary to the popular belief
even today a large number of Indians, the indigenous people in
particular and many other communities in general, consume beef
unmindful of the dictates of the Hindutva forces.
It is too well known to recount that these Hindutva forces confer the
status of mother to the cow. Currently 72 communities in Kerala - not
all of them untouchables - prefer beef to the expensive mutton and the
Hindutva forces are trying to prevail upon them to stop the same.
Not tenable
To begin with the historian breaks the myth that Muslim rulers
introduced beef eating in India. Much before the advent of Islam in
India beef had been associated with Indian dietary practices. Also it
is not at all tenable to hold that dietary habits are a mark of
community identity.
A survey of ancient Indian scriptures, especially the Vedas, shows
that amongst the nomadic, pastoral Aryans who settled here, animal
sacrifice was a dominant feature till the emergence of settled
agriculture. Cattle were the major property during this phase and they
offered the same to propitiate the gods. Wealth was equated with the
ownership of the cattle.
Many gods such as Indra and Agni are described as having special
preferences for different types of flesh - Indra had weakness for
bull's meat and Agni for bull's and cow's. It is recorded that the
Maruts and the Asvins were also offered cows. In the Vedas there is a
mention of around 250 animals out of which at least 50 were supposed
to be fit for sacrifice and consumption. In the Mahabharata there is a
mention of a king named Rantideva who achieved great fame by
distributing foodgrains and beef to Brahmins. Taittiriya Brahman
categorically tells us: `Verily the cow is food' (atho annam via gauh)
and Yajnavalkya's insistence on eating the tender (amsala) flesh of
the cow is well known. Even later Brahminical texts provide the
evidence for eating beef. Even Manusmriti did not prohibit the
consumption of beef.
As a medicine
In therapeutic section of Charak Samhita (pages 86-87) the flesh of
cow is prescribed as a medicine for various diseases. It is also
prescribed for making soup. It is emphatically advised as a cure for
irregular fever, consumption, and emaciation. The fat of the cow is
recommended for debility and rheumatism.
With the rise of agricultural economy and the massive transformation
occurring in society, changes were to be brought in in the practice of
animal sacrifice also. At that time there were ritualistic practices
like animal sacrifices, with which Brahmins were identified. Buddha
attacked these practices. There were sacrifices, which involved 500
oxen, 500 male calves, 500 female calves and 500 sheep to be tied to
the sacrificial pole for slaughter. Buddha pointed out that aswamedha,
purusmedha, vajapeya sacrifices did not produce good results.
According to a story in Digha Nikaya, when Buddha was touring Magadha,
a Brahmin called Kutadanta was preparing for a sacrifice with 700
bulls, 700 goats and 700 rams. Buddha intervened and stopped him. His
rejection of animal sacrifice and emphasis on non-injury to animals
assumed a new significance in the context of new agriculture.
The threat from Buddhism
The emphasis on non-violence by Buddha was not blind or rigid. He did
taste beef and it is well known that he died due to eating pork.
Emperor Ashok after converting to Buddhism did not turn to
vegetarianism. He only restricted the number of animals to be killed
for the royal kitchen.
So where do matters change and how did the cow become a symbol of
faith and reverence to the extent of assuming the status of
`motherhood'? Over a period of time mainly after the emergence of
Buddhism or rather as an accompaniment of the Brahminical attack on
Buddhism, the practices started being looked on with different
emphasis. The threat posed by Buddhism to the Brahminical value system
was too severe. In response to low castes slipping away from the grip
of Brahminism, the battle was taken up at all the levels. At
philosophical level Sankara reasserted the supremacy of Brahminical
values, at political level King Pushyamitra Shung ensured the physical
attack on Buddhist monks, at the level of symbols King Shashank got
the Bodhi tree (where Gautama the Buddha got Enlightenment)
destroyed.
One of the appeals to the spread of Buddhism was the protection of
cattle wealth, which was needed for the agricultural economy. In a way
while Brahminism `succeeded' in banishing Buddhism from India, it had
also to transform itself from the `animal sacrifice' state to the one
which could be in tune with the times. It is here that this ideology
took up the cow as a symbol of their ideological march. But unlike
Buddha whose pronouncements were based on reason, the counteraction of
Brahminical ideology took the form of a blind faith based on
assertion. So while Buddha's non-violence was for the preservation of
animal wealth for the social and compassionate reasons the counter was
based purely on symbolism. So while the followers of Brahminical
ideology accuse Buddha of `weakening' India due to his doctrine of non-
violence, he was not a cow worshipper or vegetarian in the current
Brahminical sense.
Despite the gradual rigidification of Brahminical `cow as mother'
stance, large sections of low castes continued the practice of beef
eating. The followers of Buddhism continued to eat flesh including
beef. Since Brahminism is the dominant religious tradition, Babur, the
first Mughal emperor, in his will to his son Humayun, in deference to
these notions, advised him to respect the cow and avoid cow slaughter.
With the construction of Hindutva ideology and politics, in response
to the rising Indian national movement, the demand for ban on cow
slaughter also came up. In post-Independence India RSS repeatedly
raised this issue to build up a mass campaign but without any response
to its call till the 1980s.
While one must respect the sentiments of those who worship cow and
regard her as their mother, to take offence to the objective study of
history just because the facts don't suit their political calculations
is yet another sign of a society where liberal space is being
strangulated by the practitioners of communal politics. We have seen
enough such threats and offences in recent past - be it the opposition
to films or the destruction of paintings, or the dictates of the
communalists to the young not to celebrate Valentine's Day, etc., -
and hope the democratic spirit of our Constitution holds the forte and
any threat to the democratic freedom is opposed tooth and nail.
Prof. RAM PUNIYANI
A member of EKTA (Committee for Communal Amity), Mumbai
Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Tuesday, August 14, 2001
http://www.hinduonnet.com/2001/08/14/stories/13140833.htm
Volume 21 - Issue 06, March 13 - March 26, 2004
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COVER STORY
The spread in the South
Hindutva has percolated to the nooks and corners of South India, and
the routes taken have often been socio-cultural and educational rather
than political. Reports from Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka.
S.R. RAGHUNATHAN
At the Mahamaham in Kumbakonam, the VHP makes its presence felt during
the holy dip in the Kumbeshwara temple tank on March 6.
TAMIL NADU
A multi-pronged approach
"Tamil Nadu today is under the spiritual rule of Jayalalithaa." This
is a pious declaration made by P.C. Ramasami, Minister for Hindu
Religious and Charitable Endowments in the Jayalalithaa-led All India
Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) government in the State, at
Kumbakonam in Thanjavur district on March 6 after a ritual "holy dip"
to mark the Mahamaham festival. About 10 lakh devotees are estimated
to have taken a dip in the tank of the Kumbeshwara temple, along with
"priests carrying trishuls". The Sankaracharya of the Kanchi mutt,
Jayendra Saraswati, inaugurated the festival, which is described as
the "Kumbh Mela of the South" and is held once in 12 years. Numerous
Saivite and Vaishnavite mutt heads participated in the festival.
Ramasami told mediapersons that under the Jayalalithaa regime 2,822
temples had been renovated. The Minister's observations are indicative
of not only the government's priorities, but also the congenial
atmosphere in the State for the Sangh Parivar to exploit the
religiosity of the faithful to advance its communal and political
agenda.
The Hindutva forces were helped by the fact that they had the
Bharatiya Janata Party in power at the Centre and two successive
friendly governments in the State, the first headed by the Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), an ally of the BJP until recently, and the
second by the AIADMK, an erstwhile ally of the BJP which is keen to
build bridges with the Sangh Parivar. The Sangh Parivar has been
largely successful in its attempt to make the best of the situation
because of the competitive political lines taken by the DMK and the
AIADMK in support of the Hindutva forces in order to make electoral
gain. Political observers criticised the Dravidian parties' tactical
line as a significant deviation from rationalism and self-respect, the
cornerstones of the Dravidian movement founded by `Periyar' E.V.
Ramasami. The Dravidian parties' competitive political support to the
Sangh Parivar gave legitimacy to the actions of the Hindutva forces
and contributed to their growth. Jayalalithaa's AIADMK has been the
more enthusiastic of the two in supporting the Hindutva cause. While
in power the DMK extended only passive support to the Parivar, without
concealing its reservations on issues such as a common civil code and
the construction of a temple in Ayodhya. The AIADMK government has had
no qualms in not only supporting many of its causes but also wresting
the initiative from the Hindutva forces by launching certain
legislative measures that even BJP-led governments in other States did
not resort to.
When, in 2002, the Jayalalithaa government brought in an Ordinance,
later made into a law with legislative approval, banning "forcible"
religious conversions through "financial allurement" or otherwise, the
move drew protests from many parties, including the DMK, then an ally
of the BJP at the Centre. The anti-conversion law was seen as one more
of the many pro-Hindutva measures taken by the Jayalalithaa government
since it came to power in 2001. These included the provision of
substantial financial assistance to renovate temples, grant of pension
to poojaris, and the `Annadhanam' scheme to feed poor Hindus in
temples. The government also introduced a scheme to conduct spiritual
classes in over 150 Hindu temples. Jayalalithaa also arranged for a
mass wedding ceremony for a hundred Hindu couples.
Even during her first term as Chief Minister, in 1991-96, she took
several measures that pleased the Hindutva forces. Apart from
renovating temples, she started Vedic colleges to benefit the priestly
class. She brought in an Ordinance to facilitate government
interference in minorities-run educational institutions, but had to
withdraw it amid protests. Her support to the kar seva at Ayodhya,
expressed at a meeting of the National Integration Council in November
1992, a fortnight before the demolition of the Babri Masjid is only
too well known.
Another controversial move by her government was the directive to the
administration to enforce strictly the law against animal sacrifice in
temples, which had been in cold storage for five decades (Frontline,
October 10, 2003). The Hindu orthodoxy had for long been demanding a
ban on such sacrifices on the grounds that the practice "polluted"
places of worship, most of which were even denied the status of
temples. The government's move to enforce the Act met with stiff
resistance, particularly from the oppressed people such as Dalits.
They claimed that it violated their constitutional right to worship
and sought to interfere with the form of worship of the disadvantaged
sections. The government order was also challenged in the Madras High
Court. The government, however, kept on justifying its action with the
support of the heads of religious mutts and State BJP leaders.
Ultimately, Jayalalithaa was forced to bow to the people's wish and
even annul the Tamil Nadu Animals and Birds Sacrifices Prohibition
Act, 1950.
The State government's willing cooperation in implementing some of the
priority issues on the Hindutva agenda has helped the Sangh Parivar in
the task of consolidation in the past five years. For instance,
Vinayaka Chaturthi processions organised in Chennai by the Hindutva
forces, which had in the first few years led to violent confrontations
with religious minorities, have spread to other places in the State.
Even the activists of the two principal Dravidian parties are now seen
in the Chaturthi processions with their own Vinayaka idols decorated
with party flags. Although their potential to cause violence has shown
a significant fall in recent years, the processions still cause
tension.
Another major step taken by the Hindu Munnani and the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) was to organise non-Brahmin poojaris of village temples
and secure governmental assistance for them. This was done in
pursuance of their plan to wrest control of thousands of village
temples, meddle with the existing forms of worship and ensure the
loyalty of lakhs of people in rural areas. According to A.
Sivasubramaniam, a researcher, the idea is to Brahminise these temples
by robbing Dalits and other backward communities of their natural
rights over these places of worship built by their ancestors mostly in
honour of slain heroes.
The VHP claims that it has built 120 temples in Dalit areas of Tamil
Nadu, where "persons from all communities can worship". It further
claims that because of this action untouchability has been "reduced to
a great extent in these areas". In fact, what Dalits in Tamil Nadu and
other States are demanding is not separate temples, but a reassurance
that their constitutional right to enter the mainstream temples will
be honoured. Dalits in many parts of the State have launched struggles
to assert their right to temple entry, but on no occasion has the VHP
or its allies thought it necessary to intervene on behalf of these
helpless people. In many parts of the State, the Parivar's workers are
not sympathetic to Dalits' struggles against casteist oppression; they
often depend upon leaders of the oppressive castes to carry out their
activities.
Education is another area in which Hindutva forces have made
substantial headway in recent years. In Tamil Nadu about 150 schools
are functioning under the guidance of the Vidya Bharati Akhil
Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan, a Sangh Parivar organisation that aims at,
among other things, evolving "an integrated system of education in
conformity with the aims of Indian culture and its ideals of life". Of
these schools, 24 are Hindu Vidyalayas run by the VHP. Other schools
are under the control of many organisations, including the Vivekananda
Educational Society and the Vivekananda Educational Trust, both based
in Chennai. There has been a substantial increase in the number of
schools run by these institutions during the past five years. For
instance, schools under the Vivekananda Educational Society increased
from 10 in 1998 to 16 in 2003. Last year, the Society added a
residential school run on the "gurukula" model.
Most of these schools, located in the suburbs of Chennai, cater to
middle-class families. Over 17,000 students of the schools run by the
Vivekananda Educational Society are trained in music, dance, yoga,
physical exercise and so on. Besides Hindi, Tamil and English, they
are taught Sanskrit as a compulsory fourth language. In the name of
moral instruction they are taught Hindu epics and the Puranas.
An interesting practice in these schools is that the applications of
the students writing public examinations are taken to a temple nearby
and placed "at the feet" of the deities, invoking their blessings. All
students, irrespective of their religion, are compelled to participate
in this ritual. Teachers and students are expected to attend camps in
the name of "refresher courses" or "in-house training". At a certain
stage, students are taken to the Vivekananda Kendra in Kanyakumari for
a 21-day camp run on the lines of a `shakha' of the Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS). This camp is believed to serve the purpose of
recruiting cadets for the RSS. All schools have a prayer hall
displaying pictures of Hindu deities. One significant development with
regard to the Vidya Bharati schools in recent years is that they have
been increasingly using textbooks prepared by the National Council of
Educational Research and Training (NCERT), unlike in the past when
they used them only for the 10th and 12th standards. This may be
because NCERT books have now been doctored to suit the needs of
saffronised education. These schools, with the assistance of a trained
RSS worker, organise thiruvilakku poojas for women in temples and lend
space for holding RSS camps.
In university education, too, attempts are being made to introduce
subjects such as Vedic Astrology and Vedic Mathematics. However, these
face stiff resistance at university bodies such as the Academic
Council, the Senate and the Syndicate. For instance, when the
University Grants Commission's suggestion to start courses in Vedic
Astrology and Vedic Mathematics came up for implementation,
representatives of the Madurai University Teachers Association in the
various university bodies protested against the move and stopped it.
In the University of Madras, an M.A. degree course in Natya (Dance and
Theatre) was sought to be introduced with the blessings of Sangh
experts. At a meeting of the Academic Council, the proposal was
opposed on the grounds that the project had no scientific basis and
contained retrograde features in the name of "incorporating the
learning advantages of the centuries-old guru-sishya parampara along
with research and training methodologies of modern education". The
Vice-Chancellor had to shelve the proposal pending detailed
discussion.
There is no doubt that the increased activities of the Sangh Parivar
in recent years portend dangerous consequences for the communal
harmony in the State. However, these efforts do not seem to have
enabled the BJP to expand its political space in a big way. Its
influence does not appear to have spread to areas other than its
traditional strongholds, Kanyakumari and Coimbatore districts.
S. Viswanathan
KERALA
A switch in strategy
The supreme confidence, if not the menace, in the statements was
unmistakable, as the leader of the Marad Arayasamajam, the Sangh
Parivar's fishermen's organisation in the communally volatile Marad
village in coastal Kozhikode, introduced himself to Frontline in his
office in October 2003: "I was born here. I was brought up here. I am
a fisherman and have been a member of the Arayasamajam from the
mid-1970s. I have held all the important positions in the Samajam,
except that of the president. I rose through the Rashtiya Swayamsewak
Sangh (RSS). When my work proved a hindrance for everyday RSS `shakha'
activity, I joined the Bharatiya Janata Party, a party in which I have
held several important local responsibilities. Now I am the secretary
of the Arayasamajam. I have no hesitation in saying that all members
of the Arayasamajam (the entire fishing community at Marad) are RSS
supporters. Nobody sings a different tune here. Our activities are
fully supported by our leadership."
C.RATHEESH KUMAR
In Thiruvananthapuram, a Ganesha festival procession organised by the
Shiv Sena.
For months on end, after nine fishermen, eight of them Hindus, were
brutally done to death in a frenzy of communal revenge killings at
Marad in May last year (Frontline, November 7, 2003), T. Suresh, the
leader of the small Hindu fishing community in the village, literally
became the face of the Sangh Parivar in Kerala, making demands, posing
threats, rejecting proposals and keeping the State government
machinery on tenterhooks before agreeing to proposals that eventually
launched a peace initiative in the Muslim-majority village in north
Kerala. The Muslim families that fled the village fearing reprisals
have since returned and the tenuous peace holds. The Arayasamajam
office in the village is a veritable fortress secured by Sangh cadre.
During the strife it was the virtual government in the village, where
political parties feared to tread.
The Arayasamajam leader and the men who surround him perhaps symbolise
what the Hindutva combine is up to in Kerala.
The violence at Marad in May was a clear indication that the
intervention of a large number of majority as well as minority
communal organisations had started showing its ugly results in Kerala.
The leader of the Hindu fishermen in Marad was a symbol of a growing
body of men and women in Kerala who "bore the same vision and the same
dream and moved forward as one" in their belief that a "Hindu Kerala
is not a myth", that each one of them has to "take such a glorious
vision to heart" to bring to reality a Kerala that will become a
"laboratory for the Hindu way of life and vision, if not immediately,
soon, in future".
Recently, the Sangh Parivar announced an ambitious target for such men
and women: of spreading the activities of the Parivar to all regions
in the State by 2006, the birth centenary year of RSS leader Madhav
Sadashiv Golwalkar. The focus of its recent activities has been on
extending its influence among all sections of Hindus, especially
Dalits, fisherfolk and Adivasis, and gaining acceptance in the State
through persistent socio-cultural interventions (Frontline, December
2, 2002 and February 28, 2003).
In Kerala, the RSS-led growth of the Sangh Parivar has overshadowed
the activities of its political arm, the BJP, especially in the years
since the demolition of the Babri Masjid. The number of RSS `shakhas'
has increased from 4,300 in 2001 to 4,800. Its organisers claim that
the `Sangh' is active in all the 14 districts of the State, the
weakest links being the Christian belt of the high-range Idukki and
Wayanad districts and the predominantly Muslim areas of north Kerala.
According to RSS activists, over 10,000 locations have been
"identified" for active work and in 1,329 of them daily drills and
discussions take place for an hour each in the morning, evening and
night.
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), too, has established its
organisational network in all parts of the State, resorting to emotive
actions such as the distribution of tridents and the controversial
construction of a temple within the Idukki dam area. More important, a
myriad RSS-backed socio-cultural organisations promoting communal
ideas in the field of education, literature, theatre, science and arts
and actively involved in the renovation and protection of temples have
made a visible presence in the State within a short period.
The Kshetra Samrakshana Samiti, a Parivar unit with the declared aim
of "building a temple-based organised society" and a "temple-based way
of life", actively promotes the renovation of small family temples
dotting the State and has gained control of the management of the day-
to-day affairs and conduct of festivals of a number of big ones.
`Balagokulam', a mass organisation for children with over 1,300 units
in the State, organises the high-visibility "Srikrishna Jayanti rally
and celebrations" in various cities and towns every year. Thousands of
children participate in the event. In addition, it runs Balasamskara
Kendras (children's cultural centres) at five centres; `Sowrakshika',
an organisation for the protection of children's rights; Mayilpeeli, a
magazine; and `Amrita Bharati Vidya Peetom', a centre for the
promotion of Sanskrit and Hindu culture.
Balagokulam claims a membership of over 26,000 children, who attend
weekly catch-them-young classes. The aim is to groom them as
leadership material for other Hindutva activities. As part of its 30th
anniversary, Balagokulam has announced the establishment of an
`International Sri Krishna Centre' in Kerala, to be developed as a Sri
Krishna pilgrimage centre in the State.
The Bharatiya Vichara Kendra, an intellectual forum for debate with
political opponents, was established in Kerala in 1982 after a sudden
spurt in RSS activity following frequent clashes between the Communist
Party of India (Marxist) and RSS activists in north Kerala. It has
more than 30 units in the State and brings out a magazine. Among other
activities, it conducts Gita, Yoga and Sanskrit classes.
Perhaps the most prominent and effective Sangh Parivar organisation is
the one that is involved in education, the Bharatiya Vidya Niketan. It
runs about 375 schools in all the districts with no government support
and purely on the initiative of the local Parivar cadre. Fifteen
schools, the majority of them in districts that have a sizable Muslim
or Christian population, follow the syllabi of the Central Board of
Secondary Education (CBSE), with English as the medium of instruction.
The rest follow the State syllabus. Teachers are required to undergo
special training under a five-point programme, which includes physical
education, Sanskrit, yoga, value education and art and culture, all
meant to acquaint them, and eventually their pupils, "with the Hindu
way of life". Key organisers in such schools are from the RSS, even
though the organisation does not have any direct involvement in its
running.
In addition to Janmabhoomi, a daily newspaper, and Kesari, a weekly,
the Parivar has 10 regular publications in the State. The Swadesi
Science Movement, which has as its declared objective the development
of an "Indian approach to science" (it recently organised an
international conference on Ayurveda), and `Tapasya', an organisation
promoting art and culture, are also prominent Sangh Parivar
"recruitment agencies".
In the past few years, the Hindutva combine's voluntary activity has
had a new focus: the tribal and coastal areas of Kerala. Providing
free medical aid and education and running informal, single-teacher
schools for tribal children are some of the activities it undertakes
there. A 33-bed hospital at Kalpetta in the predominantly tribal
Wayanad district, for example, offers free food, medicines, in-patient
facitlity and diagnostic services to the tribal people. The Vanvasi
Kalyan Ashram has established its units in 52 tribal areas of the
State and is now engaged in meeting the "challenge" of Christian
missionary activity in those areas, offering competitive healthcare
and educational facilities.
Early last year, the attack on an American missionary, Joseph William
Cooper, in Thiruvananthapuram, almost coincided with the two-day
`Vanavasi Sangamom' organised by the Sangh Parivar at Mananthavadi in
Wayanad district, to promote the all-India game plan of "Hinduising"
tribal people. The high-profile conference, attended by top Sangh
Parivar leaders, was itself preceded by events orchestrated by the VHP
and other Hindutva organisations to "celebrate the reconversion of (a
few) Adivasis to Hinduism". The Matsya Pravartaka Sanghom, another RSS
family unit, recently started a mobilisation initiative, organising
`Sagara poojas' (worshipping the sea) and Hindu maha sammelans at
select centres in the coastal areas and near freshwater lakes.
This is but an example of the vast infrastructure the RSS-led Hindutva
organisations have established in Kerala, which it considers a sunrise
region for interventions tailored to bring about a fundamentalist
shift in the thinking of Hindus. But the Hindu community, whose
loyalties are divided among various political parties and coalitions,
castes and caste-based political groups, has so far given no
indications of helping the Parivar realise its dream.
For three days from January 24, the RSS held a "Pranteeya Karyakarthru
Sibiram" in Kollam, its first in 25 years in Kerala, where the
Hindutva vision and dreams were reiterated. Nearly 16,000 delegates,
ranging from leaders of 4,800 shakhas in Kerala to the top leadership
including Sarsanghchalak K.S. Sudarshan, participated in it. The
address to the delegates of the conference by P. Parameswaran,
director of the Bharatiya Vichara Kendra, was a clear exposition of
the Sangh Parivar's vision of the challenges it faced in Kerala and
its long-term prospects in the State. The following are certain
significant excerpts from his speech:
1.Compared to other States, Kerala has a "substantial population of
Muslims, organised Christian missionary activity and support for deep-
rooted, `anti-national' Communist way of thinking". The State's Hindu
population came down in a decade from 57 per cent to 55 per cent,
while the Muslim and Christian populations increased to 23.34 per cent
and 19.32 per cent. "Even while we take pride in the fact that Hindus
form 55 per cent of the population, we should not forget that the
`other side' is 45 per cent. Even though Hindus are described as the
majority, they should remember that they are neither organised nor
strong. That is why they do not have influence or participation in any
sector in the State."
2.The formation of united Kerala (from the erstwhile Malabar, Cochin
and Travancore regions) "had also created an imbalance in terms of
population", along with changes in the structure of government and
politics of the State. (From then on) Hindu society lost the position
and influence it had before. It lost its predominant position in the
economy, politics and the educational sector in the State. "Other
sections" came to prominence. "Minority community organisations
transformed themselves into political parties. An organisation that
was once described as a "dead horse" (the Muslim League) increased its
number of seats, its position and influence. It gained the strength to
shake Kerala to the core. It threw ordinary laws to the winds. The
result was that along with their pre-eminence in the politics of the
State, they gained in the fields of education, industries as well as
economically. Land came under their control. The state of Hindus
became pathetic. They did not get even the benefits due to 55 per cent
of the peopulation."
3.Though the RSS has grown in strength in Kerala with its extremely
complex social climate, it is unable yet to put the stamp of Hindutva
in all walks of life, even though "anti-Hindu, anti-national" forces
remain strong but divided among themselves. It is unable yet to spread
the message of Hindutva among such forces that continue to fight among
themselves.
4.The intention of the Sangh Parivar is not to create a Hindu
organisation, but the strengthening of Hindu society... to have its
influence in all fields of life, including the economy and education.
Its aim is to bring about a social transformation by organising Hindus
in all walks of society and grow as an organisation of Hindu society.
5.The Parivar finds it encouraging that the Hindu revivalism taking
place all over India "is finding its echo in Kerala too"; that "people
who once sabotaged such efforts were seeing them with respect now";
that "a new spiritual climate" is developing in the State; that the
number of `spiritual gurus' is growing in Kerala ; that the number of
believers too is growing; and that "the various religious and cultural
activities it organised in the hundreds of temples in the State are
being widely welcomed. It believes in cooperating with the spiritual
revival efforts controlled by organisations that have no link with the
Parivar. "Ours is not an isolated stream, but a huge Ganga that
accepts all such efforts."
6.The Sangh Parivar believes that the present climate is ideal for its
growth in Kerala. It believed that the people are waiting eagerly to
accept the Hindutva message. Critics have disappeared and the sound of
criticism has vanished. "Kerala today has two political coalitions
which are bereft of ideas and are ideologically in a state of vacuum
and need not be a hindrance for the Sangh Parivar's activities."
Parameswaran's statements are the clearest exposition yet of the
concerns, goals and strategies of the RSS in relation to Kerala from
its own leaders. Clearly, it is because its political goal often
seemed so elusive in Kerala that the Hindutva combine had, ever since
the 1990s, subtly shifted its fight onto a new battlefield - that of
winning the hearts and minds of Hindus through non-political,
religious and socio-cultural mediation, using a vast network of
organisations. It is a platform where it finds itself left to its own
winning deeds by secular formations, including the Left parties and
the Congress(I).
R. Krishnakumar
KARNATAKA
Mutts as political players
What will be the likely role of the mutts in Karnataka in determining
the outcome of the elections in the State? Though defined legally as a
religious establishment headed by a pontiff, the mutt plays a role
that extends well beyond the purely religious. The mutts in Karnataka
are sharply divided along caste and sectarian lines. They have emerged
as major and not-to-be-ignored political players in the present
milieu, offering direct or indirect support to political parties and
candidates.
The Madhwa mutts in the coastal belt have been vehicles for the spread
of Hindutva, both as an ideology and as an electoral force. There are
eight Madhwa mutts, which are the joint custodians of the Krishna
temple in Udupi - the Palimar, Adamar, Krishnapur, Puttige, Shirur,
Sode, Kaniyur and Pejavar mutts. The reigning pontiffs of the mutts
conduct worship at the Udupi temple by a system of rotation. The two
most prominent mutts that have long been the standard-bearers of the
Hindutva cause are the Pejavar and Adamar mutts. The pontiff of the
Pejavar mutt, Sri Vishwesa Tirtha Swamiji, is a founder-member of the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and has been associated with the Ram
Janmabhoomi movement from its inception. He was present in Ayodhya
when the Babri Masjid was demolished in 1992 and is a prominent figure
on all Sangh Parivar platforms both in Karnataka and elsewhere in the
country.
Speaking to Frontline from Udupi, the octogenarian head of the Pejavar
mutt said he actively propagated the message of Hindutva and spread
the aims of the Ayodhya movement by addressing meetings, rallies and
samaveshas (mass meetings). "I speak about it and answer questions. If
there is any wrong writing on these issues in newspapers, I reply
immediately. I know from the reactions at my meetings that the message
has spread very well in Karnataka." As a margadarshi for the VHP, he
had ensured that his mutt worked with the VHP on many activities, he
said, although the mutt also worked through its own organisations,
particularly in providing education and healthcare in tribal areas and
inaccessible hilly regions.
The Pejavar mutt, in particular, has given active patronage to the
samavesha, which has, in recent months, become the most popular method
of Hindu mass mobilisation in the coastal belt. Following the Gujarat
riots, the samavesha has become a frequent event, spreading now from
the cities to small towns and villages of Udupi and Dakshina Kannada
districts. "The town or village is first covered with plastic saffron
flags of the VHP. The meeting is usually held near a minority-
dominated area. Leaders of the VHP, like Pravin Togadia, spit fire and
venom in their speeches, which threaten the minorities and exhort
Hindus to build a Hindu Rashtra," said H. Pattabhirama Somayaji,
Professor of English at University College, Mangalore. "Mutt leaders
like the Pejavar Swamiji are frequent speakers at these meetings. In
fact, in the last 10 years the mutts have become the standard bearers
of Hindutva rather than formal political parties. Political leaders
depend more and more upon the Swamijis to get their message across."
With the emergence of the mutts as the rallying points for Hindutva in
this region, the distinction between the religious and the political
as different spheres of public activity has all but disappeared. "Most
religious functions have been saffronised," said Somayaji. Take
paryaya, a ceremony held every two years to mark the passing on of the
authority to conduct worship in the Krishna temple amongst the
pontiffs of the eight Madhwa mutts. From a ceremony confined to a sect
of Madhwa Brahmins in Karnataka, paryaya has virtually become a State-
level function for all Hindus and a major expression of the power and
prestige of the mutt concerned. This year's paryaya ceremony was
attended by a galaxy of persons prominent in public life in the State.
Even the myriad `little traditions' of Hinduism, like the Bhootakulas
- a popular form of spirit worship practised in the villages of
Dakshina Kannada district by members of the lower castes - have been
permeated by the colour, sound, speech and symbolism of Hindutva, said
Somayaji.
"I have lived here for the past 50 years and was saddened to see the
Udupi Krishna temple founded 7,000 years ago by the great
Madhwacharya, flying the flag of the VHP," said G. Rajashekhar, an
employee of the Life Insurance Corporation of India and an active
member of the Souharda Vedike, an organisation that has been fighting
communalism. According to him, the Pejavar Swamiji welcomed and
blessed Pravin Togadia at a mammoth samajotsava held recently in
Udupi. The banners at the rally glorified Gujarat Chief Minister
Narendra Modi, and Togadia and hailed Dara Singh, the murderer of the
Australian missionary Graham Stains and his two sons, as the "saviour
of Hinduism". "We protested to the District Commissioner, after which
Dara Singh's name was removed from the banners," said Rajashekhar.
"The Pejavar Swamiji says he condemns the violence in Gujarat. Why
does he then continue to patronise Hindutva outfits that supported
it?"
Vishwesa Thirtha Swamiji of the Pejavar mutt with Karnataka Chief
Minister S.M. Krishna in Bangalore in February.
The Pejavar Swamiji told Frontline that though he might share a
platform with Modi or Togadia, he did not hesitate to disagree with
them publicly on some issues. "I argue with them and oppose them
whether it is the Gujarat violence or the issue of war with Pakistan
which Togadia supports and I oppose, or with Giriraj Kishore Acharya
who recently said that the life of a cow was more precious than the
life of a Dalit. I opposed them on all these issues," he said.
Although until very recently each Madhwa mutt had its own location of
caste influence, in recent years the mutts have tried to propagate
Hindutva across the caste divide. Mahatma Gandhi refused to enter the
Krishna temple on a visit to Udupi in the 1930s because untouchability
was practised there. Today, however, the mutts realise that for
Hindutva to have any relevance for the lower-caste segments of the
population, it has necessarily to be given political articulation and
distanced, at least in its rhetoric, from Brahminism. The mutts
realise that they cannot do this on their own and must associate
themselves with the political outfits of the Sangh Parivar, which use
the samaveshas as fora to make the call for the unification of Hindu
society.
One of Hinduism's attributes was its sanction for a plurality of forms
of religious practice. This non-threatening and accommodative element
of Hinduism is being erased systematically by the votaries of
Hindutva. Today, economically vulnerable castes like fisherfolk,
weavers, carpenters, barbers, cobblers and potters are being drawn
into the ambit of a militant Hindutva worldview. "It is clear from the
attendance at their rallies that the appeal of the Hindutva parties is
no longer to elitist Hindus but to Hindu society at large," says
Rajashekhar. Here too it is the Pejavar mutt that has shown the way.
Its pontiff has considerable influence with leaders both at the Centre
and in the State.
An influence far greater than that of the Brahmin mutts is exerted by
the Veerashaiva or Lingayat mutts on social and political life in
Karnataka. Veerashaivism grew out of a revolutionary 12th century
reform movement started by Basava against the stranglehold of
Brahminism on religion and society. Lingayats, or the followers of
Basava, are converts from various castes, and all castes have their
Lingayat converts.
The mutt became the functional nucleus of Basava's philosophy where
religion met its social purpose of providing free education and food
to all sections of the social order regardless of caste. Veerashaiva
mutts, which spread and consolidated themselves in the last decades of
the 19th century and in early 20th century, grew with state patronage
after Independence. Today, many Veerashaiva mutts are powerful
commercial entities that run hundreds of educational institutions.
They also control bulk votes and are therefore sought after by
political parties.
"The Veerashaiva mutts have, by and large, resisted the growth of
Hindutva in Karnataka as their founding philosophy is anti-
Brahminical," said K. Marulasiddappa, a well-known Kannada writer and
literary critic. On the other hand, the need for state patronage and
cordial relations with the party in power exerts a contrary pull on
them, which is why some Veerashaiva pontiffs have been less outspoken
than others against the politics of the Sangh Parivar. Some of the
major Veerashaiva mutts, like the Tumkur Siddaganga mutt, the Mysore
Suttur mutt, the Chitradurga Sirigere mutt, the Sanehalli mutt and the
Nidumamidi mutts and Belimath in Bangalore, the Gadag mutt and the
Muragha mutt in Chitradurga, have not endorsed the politics of
Hindutva. Some of the pontiffs of these mutts have actively opposed
it. "However, the hard fact is that it is caste, and not politics,
that eventually determines which party or candidate a particular mutt
supports," said Marulasiddappa.
"Political Hindutva is the new face of Brahminism, which the vaidika
mutts are spreading," Sri Veerabhadra Chennamalla Swamiji of the
Nidumamidi mutt told Frontline. "While on the one hand they say that
Hindu society is one, they embrace casteism, patriarchy and
untouchability. They are using Dalits and Sudras for vote bank
purposes."
Scoffing at the samaveshas organised by the Sangh Parivar, where
"ready-made crowds comprising VHP, RSS and Sangh Parivar activists"
are ferried, the Swamiji, who is a frequent speaker on anti-communal
platforms, believes that a majority in all religions are peace-loving
and will defeat the designs of the communal forces.
"Lingayats believe in casteless, classless, secular principles," the
pontiff of the Gadag mutt, Sri Jagadguru Tontada Siddalinga
Mahaswamiji, told Frontline. The Swamiji was a recipient of Communal
Harmony Award 2001, instituted by the Government of India.
"Lingayatism differs radically from Hinduism. We are naturally against
the Hindutva concept and oppose its onslaught against the people at
large. On the other hand, the Vedic mutts, which are Hindu mutts,
support the Sangh Parivar and indirectly the BJP," he said.
Several leading Veerashaiva mutt heads were associated with the
founding of the VHP at its first Dharma Sansad in 1984, according to
Sri Shivarudra Mahaswamy, the pontiff of the Belimath Maha Sansthana
in Bangalore. "At that time, the VHP focussed on social reform within
Hinduism, which we supported. It was only after the Ram Janmabhoomi
movement started that these swamijis became disenchanted and left," he
told Frontline. The Swamiji himself stayed on in the VHP. He was
present in Ayodhya during the destruction of the Babri Masjid ("none
of us knew this would happen," he claims) and slowly began distancing
himself from the Sangh Parivar after that. "The final break with the
VHP for me came with Gujarat. I was the only Lingayat swamiji who
participated in all their functions, but after Gujarat I left out of
conviction. They think they are building a Hindu society - they are
only building hell," he said. Although wary of the BJP, the
Veerashaiva mutts are likely to support Lingayat candidates if they
are fielded by the party. The electoral outcome, particularly in north
Karnataka, will be influenced strongly by the way Lingayats vote.
The only religious caste leader of the Vokkaligas is the Swamiji of
the Adichunchungiri mutt, a powerful establishment with assets running
into crores of rupees. The Swamiji is as much of a political figure as
a religious one and is known to be close to the ruling Congress(I),
although he also accepts invitations to speak on Sangh Parivar
platforms. At a recent samavesha in Bangalore, the Swamiji is reported
to have said that just as Muslims and Christians have their own
countries, Hindus need theirs. He later retracted the statement,
claiming that he had been misquoted.
With his sizable wealth and vote base, the swamiji is much-sought-
after by political parties. Except on the coast, where the BJP will
have the backing of a sizable section of the mutts, in the rest of the
State the major non-Brahmin mutts appear to be tilting towards either
the Congress(I) or the Janata Dal(S). This will certainly have an
impact on the electoral chances of the BJP in this region.
Parvathi Menon
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2106/stories/20040326004900900.htm
Ashvamedha
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Ashvamedha (Sanskrit: अश्वमेध aśvamedhá; "horse sacrifice") was
one of the most important royal rituals of Vedic religion, described
in detail in the Yajurveda (TS 7.1-5, VSM 22–25[1] and the pertaining
commentary in the Shatapatha Brahmana ŚBM 13.1–5). The Rigveda does
have descriptions of horse sacrifice, notably in hymns RV 1.162-163
(which are themselves known as aśvamedha), but does not allude to the
full ritual according to the Yajurveda.
Gayatri Pariwar have been organising performances of a modernised
version of the sacrifice, not involving actual animal sacrifice, since
1991.
The Vedic sacrifice
The Ashvamedha could only be conducted by a king (rājā). Its object
was the acquisition of power and glory, the sovereignty over
neighbouring provinces, and general prosperity of the kingdom.
The horse to be sacrificed must be a stallion, more than 24, but less
than 100 years old. The horse is sprinkled with water, and the
Adhvaryu and the sacrificer whisper mantras into its ear. Anyone who
should stop the horse is ritually cursed, and a dog is killed symbolic
of the punishment for the sinners. The horse is then set loose towards
the North-East, to roam around wherever it chooses, for the period of
one year (or half a year, according to some commentators). The horse
is associated with the Sun, and its yearly course. If the horse
wanders into neighbouring provinces hostile to the sacrificer, they
must be subjugated. The wandering horse is attended by a hundred young
men, sons of princes or high court officials, charged with guarding
the horse from all dangers and inconvenience. During the absence of
the horse, an uninterrupted series of ceremonies is performed in the
sacrificer's home.
After the return of the horse, more ceremonies are performed. The
horse is yoked to a gilded chariot, together with three other horses,
and RV 1.6.1,2 (YV VSM 23.5,6) is recited. The horse is then driven
into water and bathed. After this, it is anointed with ghee by the
chief queen and two other royal consorts. The chief queen anoints the
fore-quarters, and the others the barrel and the hind-quarters. They
also embellish the horse's head, neck, and tail with golden ornaments.
The sacrificer offers the horse the remains of the night's oblation of
grain.
After this, the horse, a hornless he-goat, a wild ox (go-mrga, Bos
gavaeus) are bound to sacrificial stakes near the fire, and seventeen
other animals are attached to the horse. A great number of animals,
both tame and wild, are tied to other stakes, according to a
commentator 609 in total (YV VSM 24 consists of an exact enumeration).
Then the horse is slaughtered (YV VSM 23.15, tr. Griffith)
Steed, from thy body, of thyself, sacrifice and accept thyself.
Thy greatness can be gained by none but thee.
The chief queen ritually calls on the king's fellow wives for pity.
The queens walk around the dead horse reciting mantras. The chief
queen then has to mimic copulation with the dead horse, while the
other queens ritually utter obscenities.[2]
On the next morning, the priests raise the queen from the place where
she has spent the night with the horse. With the Dadhikra verse (RV
4.39.6, YV VSM 23.32), a verse used as a purifier after obscene
language.
The three queens with a hundred golden, silver and copper needles
indicate the lines on the horse's body along which it will be
dissected. The horse is dissected, and its flesh roasted. Various
parts are offered to a host of deities and personified concepts with
cries of svaha "all-hail". The Ashvastuti or Eulogy of the Horse
follows (RV 1.162, YV VSM 24.24–45), concluding with:
May this Steed bring us all-sustaining riches, wealth in good kine,
good horses, manly offspring
Freedom from sin may Aditi vouchsafe us: the Steed with our oblations
gain us lordship!
A coin created by Samudragupta I to commemorate the Ashvamedha ritual.
[3] The tethered horse is depicted on the left; the queen, carrying
ritual equipment, is on the rightThe priests performing the sacrifice
were recompensed with a part of the booty won during the wandering of
the horse. According to a commentator, the spoils from the east were
given to the Hotar, while the Adhvaryu a maiden (a daughter of the
sacrificer) and the sacrificer's fourth wife.
The Shatapatha Brahmana emphasizes the royal nature of the Ashvamedha:
Verily, the Asvamedha means royal sway: it is after royal sway that
these strive who guard the horse. (ŚBM 13.1.6.3 trans. Eggeling 1900)
It repeatedly states that "the Asvamedha is everything" (ŚBM 13.4.2.22
trans. Eggeling 1900)
Known historical performances
Pusyamitra Sunga is said to have performed the Ashvamedha rite after
he toppled Mauryan rule in 185 BC.
A historically documented performance of the Ashvamedha is during the
reign of Samudragupta I (d. 380), the father of Chandragupta II.
Special coins were minted to commemorate the Ashvamedha and the king
took on the title of Maharajadhiraja after successful completion of
the sacrifice.
There were a few later performances, one by Raja of Kannauj in the
12th century, unsuccessfully, as Prithviraj Chauhan thwarted his
attempt and later married his daughter. The last known instance seems
to be in 1716 CE, by Jai Singh II of Amber, a prince of Jaipur[4]
Performances in Hindu epics
illustration of the Ramayana by Sahib Din, 1652. Kausalya is depicted
slaying the horse (left) and lying beside it (right)Performances of
the Ashvamedha feature in the epics Ramayana (1.10–15) and
Mahabharata.
In the Mahabharata, the sacrifice is performed by Yudhishtira (Book
14), his brothers guarding the horse as it roamed into neighbouring
kingdoms. Arjuna defeats all challengers. The Mahabharata says that
the Ashvamedha as performed by Yudhishtira adhered to the letter of
the Vedic prescriptions. After the horse was cut into parts, Draupadi
had to sit beside the parts of the horse[5].
In the Ramayana, Rama's father Dasharatha performs the Ashvamedha,
which is described in the bala kanda (book 1) of the poem. The
Ramayana provides far more detail than the Mahabharata. The ritual
take place for three days preceded by sage Rishyasringa and
Vasista(1.14.41,42). Again it is stated that the ritual was performed
in strict compliance with Vedic prescriptions (1.14.10). Dasaratha's
chief wife Kausalya circumambulates the horse and ritually pierces its
flesh (1.14.33). Then "Queen Kausalya desiring the results of ritual
disconcertedly resided one night with that horse that flew away like a
bird." [1-14-34].[6] The fat of the sacrificed horse is then burnt in
ritual fire and after that the remaining parts of the body with spoons
made out of Plaksha tree branches(1.14.36,38-39). At the conclusion of
the ritual Dasharatha symbolically offers his other wives to the
presiding priests, who return them in exchange for expensive gifts
(1.14.35). The four sides of the Yagna alter is also donated to
priests who had done the ritual and it is exchanged by them for gold,
silver, cows and other gifts(1.15.43-44).[7]
The ritual is performed again towards the end of the poem, but in very
different circumstances. It figures centrally in the uttara kanda
(book 7) where it leads to the final major story in the poem. In this
narrative, Rama was married to a single wife, Sita, who at the time
was not with him, having been excluded from Rama's capital of Ayodhya.
She was therefore represented by a statue for the queen's ceremony
(7.x[citation needed]). Sita was living in Valmiki's forest ashram
with her twin children by Rama, Lava and Kusha, whose birth was
unknown to Rama. In its wanderings, the horse, accompanied by an army
and Hanuman, enters the forest and encounters Lava, who ignores the
warning written on the horse's headplate not to hinder its progress.
He tethers the horse, and with Kusha challenges the army, which is
unable to defeat the brothers. Recognising Rama's sons, Hanuman sends
them to Ayodhya where they are reconciled with their father, who also
accepts Sita back at court. Sita, however, no longer wishes to live,
and is absorbed by the earth. It is never stated whether the sacrifice
was completed, but after Sita's death Rama is said to have repeatedly
performed the Ashvamedha using the golden statue as a substitute for
his wife.[citation needed]
Some historians believe that the bala kanda and uttara kanda were
latter interpolations to the authentic form of the Ramayana, due to
references to Greek, Parthians and Sakas, dating to no earlier than
the 2nd century BCE[8]
Indo-European comparison
Main article: horse sacrifice
Many Indo-European branches show evidence for horse sacrifice, and
comparative mythology suggests that they derive from a PIE ritual. The
Ashvamedha is the clearest evidence preserved, but vestiges from Latin
and Celtic traditions allow the reconstruction of a few common
attributes.
The Gaulish personal name Epomeduos is from *ek'wo-medhu- "horse
+mead", while ashvamedha is either from *ek'wo-mad-dho- "horse+drunk"
or *ek'wo-mey-dho- "horse+strength". The reconstructed myth involves
the coupling of a king with a divine mare which produced the divine
twins. Some scholars, including Edgar Polomé, regard the
reconstruciton of a PIE ritual as unjustified due to the difference
between the attested traditions (EIEC s.v. Horse, p. 278).
Vedanta and Puranas
The Brhadaranyaka Upanishad (a mystical appendix to the Shatapatha
Brahmana and likely the oldest of the Upanishads) has a creation myth
where Mṛtyu "Death" takes the shape of a horse, and includes an
identification of the Ashvamedha with the Sun:[9]
Then he became a horse (ashva), because it swelled (ashvat), and was
fit for sacrifice (medhya); and this is why the horse-sacrifice is
called Ashva-medha [...] Therefore the sacrificers offered up the
purified horse belonging to Prajapati, (as dedicated) to all the
deities. Verily the shining sun [ye tapati] is the Asvamedha, and his
body is the year; Agni is the sacrificial fire (arka), and these
worlds are his bodies. These two are the sacrificial fire and the
Asvamedha-sacrifice, and they are again one deity, viz. Death. (BrUp
1.2.7. trans. Müller)
The Upanishads describe ascetic austerities as an "inner Ashvamedha",
as opposed to the "outer" royal ritual performed in the physical
world, in keeping with the general tendency of Vedanta to move away
from priestly ritual towards spiritual introspection; verse 6 of the
Avadhuta Upanishad has:
"Through extreme devotion [sam-grahaneṣṭi] he [the ascetic] performs
ashvamedha within [anta]. That is the greatest sacrifice [mahā-makha]
and the greatest meditation [mahā-yoga]."
According to the Brahma Vaivarta Purana (185.180),[10] the Ashvamedha
is one of five rites forbidden in the Kali Yuga.
In Hindu revivalism
In the Arya Samaj reform movement of Dayananda Sarasvati, the
Ashvamedha is considered an allegory or a ritual to get connected to
the "inner Sun" (Prana)[11] Dayananda in his Introduction to the
commentary on the Vedas[12] rejected the classical commentaries of the
Vedas by Sayana, Mahidhara and Uvata as medieval corruptions "opposed
to the real meaning of the Vedas" (p. 443) in order to arrive at an
entirely symbolic interpretation of the ritual: "An empire is like a
horse and the subjects like other inferior animals" (p. 448). Thus,
VSM 23.22, literally "he beats on the vulva (gabha), the penis (pasas)
oozes repeatedly (ni-galgaliti) in the receptacle" is interpreted not
in terms of the horse and the queen, but in terms of the king and his
subjects, "The subjects are called gabha (to be seized), kingly power
called pasa (to be penetrated)" (p. 454). This interpretation is
apparently based on a verse from Shatapatha Brahmana [13].
Following Dayananda, Arya Samaj disputes the very existence of the pre-
Vedantic ritual; thus Swami Satya Prakash Saraswati claims that
"the word in the sense of the Horse Sacrifice does not occur in the
Samhitas [...] In the terms of cosmic analogy, ashva is the Sun. In
respect to the adhyatma paksha, the Prajapati-Agni, or the Purusha,
the Creator, is the Ashva; He is the same as the Varuna, the Most
Supreme. The word medha stands for homage; it later on became
synonymous with oblations in rituology, since oblations are offered,
dedicated to the one whom we pay homage. The word deteriorated further
when it came to mean 'slaughter' or 'sacrifice'."[14]
arguing that the animals listed as sacrificial victims are just as
symbolic as the list of human victims listed in the Purushamedha[15]
(which is generally accepted as a purely symbolic sacrifice already in
Rigvedic times).
Other commentators accept the existence of the sacrifice but reject
the notion that the queen lay down with the dead horse. Thus Subhash
Kak in a blog posting suggests that the queen lay down with a toy
horse rather than with the slaughtered stallion, due to presence of
the word Ashvaka, similar to Shivaka meaning "idol or image of
Shiva"[citation needed]
All World Gayatri Pariwar since 1991 has organized performances of a
"modern version" of the Ashvamedha where a statue is used in place of
a real horse, according to Hinduism Today with a million participants
in Chitrakoot, Madhya Pradesh on April 16 to 20, 1994.[16] Such modern
performances are sattvika Yajnas where the animal is worshipped
without killing it,[17], the religious motivation being prayer for
overcoming enemies, the facilitation of child welfare and development,
and clearance of debt,[18] entirely within the allegorical
interpretation of the ritual, and with no actual sacrifice of any
animal, nor any sexual connotations.
Criticism and controversy
The earliest recorded criticism of the ritual comes from the Cārvāka,
an atheistic school of Indian philosophy that assumed various forms of
philosophical skepticism and religious indifference. A quotation of
the Cārvāka from Madhavacharya's Sarva-Darsana-Sangraha states:
“ The three authors of the Vedas were buffoons, knaves, and demons.
All the well-known formulae of the pandits, jarphari, turphari, etc.
and all the obscene rites for the queen commanded in Aswamedha, these
were invented by buffoons, and so all the various kinds of presents to
the priests, while the eating of flesh was similarly commanded by
night-prowling demons. [19] ”
The mock bestiality and necrophilia involved in the ritual caused
considerable consternation among the scholars first editing the
Yajurveda. Griffith (1899) omits verses VSM 23.20–31 (the ritual
obscenities), protesting that they are "not reproducible even in the
semi-obscurity of a learned European language" (alluding to other
instances where he renders explicit scenes in Latin rather than
English). A. B. Keith's 1914 translation also omits verses.[2]
This part of the ritual offended the Dalit reformer and framer of the
Indian constitution B. R. Ambedkar and is frequently mentioned in his
writings as an example of the perceived degradation of Brahmanical
culture.[20]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/C%C4%81rv%C4%81ka
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Madhavacharya
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bestiality
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yajurveda
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ralph_T.H._Griffith
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A._B._Keith
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._R._Ambedkar
See also
Horse sacrifice
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_sacrifice
Animal sacrifice
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Animal_sacrifice
Purushamedha
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Purushamedha
Somayajna
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somayajna#Somayajnas
Ashva
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashva
Notes and references
^ Ralph Thomas Hotchkin Griffith, The Texts of the White Yajurveda.
Translated with a Popular Commentary (1899), 1987 reprint: Munshiram
Manoharlal, New Delhi, ISBN 8121500478.
^ a b Keith, Arthur Berridale (trans) (1914). The Veda of the Black
Yajus School Entitled Taittiriya Sanhita, Oxford, pp. 615-16
http://books.google.com/books?id=N1WiQzJutqkC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_navlinks_s#v=onepage&q=&f=false
^ Hoernle, August Friedrich Rudolf; Stark, Herbert Alick (1906). A
History of India. Cattuck: Orissa Mission Press.
http://books.google.com/books?id=d4MqAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_navlinks_s#v=onepage&q=&f=false.
^ Bowker, John, The Oxford Dictionary of World Religions, New York,
Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 103
^ Draupadi of great intelligence ... to sit near the divided animal."
Ashvamedha Parva, Section 89 [1]
http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m14/m14089.htm
^ Translation by Desiraju Hanumanta Rao & K. M. K. Murthy
http://www.valmikiramayan.net/bala/sarga14/bala_14_frame.htm
^ Online version of the Ramayana in Sanskrit and English
http://www.valmikiramayan.net/bala/sarga14/bala_14_frame.htm
^ The cultural Heritage of India, Vol. IV, The Religions, The
Ramakrishna Mission, Institute of Culture
^ implicitly, in eṣa vā aśvamedho ya eṣa tapati "verily, that
Ashvamedha is that which gives out heat [tap-]"
^ Quoted in Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, A.C. (1975). "Srimad-
Bhagavatam". The Bhaktivedanta Book Trust.
http://vedabase.net/sb/5/7/5/en. Retrieved 2006-07-31.
^ as a bahuvrihi, saptāśva "having seven horses" is another name of
the Sun, referring to the horses of his chariot.; akhandjyoti.org
glosses 'ashva' as "the symbol of mobility, valour and strength" and
'medha' as "the symbol of supreme wisdom and intelligence", yielding a
meaning of 'ashvamedha' of "he combination of the valour and strength
and illumined power of intellect"
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahuvrihi
http://www.akhandjyoti.org/marapr05/article12.html?Akhand-Jyoti/2005/Jul-Aug/Ashvamedha/
^ Dayananda Sarasvati, Introduction to the commentry on the Vedas,
Meharchand lachhmandas Publications; 1st ed. (1981), Sarvadeshik Arya
Pratinidhi Sabha; 2nd ed. (1984) [2]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dayananda_Sarasvati
^ [3] Sh.Br 13:2:9:6 http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/sbr/sbe44/sbe44091.htm
^ The Critical and Cultural Study of the Shatapatha Brahmana by Swami
Satya Prakash Saraswati, p. 415
^ ibid., p. 476
^ Hinduism Today, June 1994
^ Ashwamedha Yagam in city,The Hindu http://www.hindu.com/2005/10/13/stories/2005101316990400.htm
^ Ashwamedhayagnam.org http://ww23.rr.com/index.php?origURL=http://www.ashwamedhayaagam.org/whyamy.html
^ Madhavacarya, Sarvadarsana-sangraha, English translation by E. B.
Cowell and A. E. Gough, 1904 quoted in Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya
(ed.), Carvaka/Lokayata: An Anthology of Source Materials and Some
Recent Studies (New Delhi: Indian Council of Philosophical Research,
1990)
^ B.R. Ambedkar, Revolution and Conter-Revolution in Ancient India
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashvamedha"
Ashwamedha Yagam in city
Staff Reporter
HYDERABAD: A ritual that is termed by Vedic literature among the most
powerful and beneficial yagams, the Ashwamedha Yagam, will be
performed in the city from December 11 to 18.
The event, titled Vishwa Santhi Vishwa Kalyana Yagna, will have the
founder of Aananda Ashram P.V. Sesha Sai taking responsibility as the
`yaaga kartha'.
To be performed with the blessings of Sri Ganeshanada Bharthi
Mahaswami and several other `peetadhipathis' and Mutt pontiffs, the
Ashwamedha Yagam will be on the bright eleventh day of Margasira
maasam, coupled with Sunday and the Revati star, which falls on
December 11, 2005.
Contrary to popular perception, the said yaagam will have no animal
sacrifice. Instead, it will be a "satvik" yagam where animals will be
worshiped, according to the organisers.
Individuals and organisations interested in participating in the yagam
and other related activities can contact P.C. Sesha Sai over phone
numbers 27661613, 55581368 and 94404 22613 or email him at
shoda...@rediffmail.com, shoda...@yahoo.com and
shoda...@hotmail.com.
http://www.hindu.com/2005/10/13/stories/2005101316990400.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashvamedha
chhotemianinshallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is about the Hindu demon. For other uses, see Kali
(disambiguation).
Not to be confused with the goddess Kali.
Kali
In Hinduism, Kali (IAST: káli; Devnāgari: कलि; from a root kad
"suffer, grieve, hurt; confound, confuse") is the reigning lord of
Kali Yuga and nemesis of Kalki, the 10th and final avatar of the Hindu
god Vishnu. According to the Vishnu Purana, he is a negative
manifestation of Vishnu, who along with his extended evil family,
perpetually operates as a cause of the destruction of this world.[1]
In the Kalki Purana, he is portrayed as a demon and the source of all
evil. In the Mahabharata, he was a gandharva who possessed Nala,
forcing him to lose his Kingdom in a game of dice to his brother
Pushkara. His most famous incarnation is the Kaurava King Duryodhana.
Kali is the prototype for the demon Kroni and his incarnation Kaliyan
of Ayyavazhi mythology.
Mahabharata
See also: The Gandharvas mentioned in Mahabharata
Damayanti speaking with a celestial swan.According to the Mahabharata,
the gandharva Kali became jealous when he was late to Princess
Damayanti's marriage ceremony and discovered she had overlooked the
deities Indra, Agni, Varun, and Yama (and ultimately himself) to
choose Nala as her husband. In anger, Kali spoke to his companion
Dvapara, the personification of Dwapara Yuga:
"I am ill able, O Dwapara, to suppress my anger. I shall possess Nala,
deprive him of his kingdom, and he shall no more sport with Bhima's
daughter. Entering the dice, it behoveth thee to help me." [2]
Kali traveled to Nala’s kingdom of Nishadhas and waited twelve long
years for the right moment to strike. Because Nala had rendered
himself impure by not washing his feet before his prayers, Kali was
able to bewitch his soul. Kali then appeared before Pushkara and
invited him to play a game of dice with his brother, guaranteeing
Nala’s downfall. Dwarpa took the form of the Vrisha die that would be
used in the fixed game. Kali forced Nala to lose and, each time, he
would raise the stakes higher despite the protest of his advisors and
wife. Finally, Nala lost his kingdom to Pushkara. Both he and
Damayanti were exiled to the forest.
Duryodhana as depicted in Yakshagana popular drama from
KarnatakaDuring their exile, Kali drove Nala to abandon Damayanti, who
later enacted a curse against everyone that had caused the downfall of
her husband. She eventually returned home after a short time as a hand-
maiden to the Princess of Chedi. Nala, meanwhile, saved the Naga
Karkotaka from fire (where he was cursed to suffer by sage Narada).
Intending to exorcize the devil within him, the serpent bit Nala,
injecting him with deadly poisons that forever tortured Kali. The
venom also changed Nala into an ugly dwarf named Bahuka. He later
became the charioteer of the Ayodhya King Rituparna, who was a master
mathematician and dice player.
Years later, King Rituparna revealed to Bahuka the supreme skill of
controlling the dice in exchange for horsemanship lessons. This skill
awakened Nala from Kali’s control and allowed him (with the help of
Damayanti’s curse and Karkotaka's venom) to exorcise the demon;
vomiting him in the form of poison from his mouth. Nala forced the
Kali’s trembling spirit into a Vibhitaka tree. He then counted the
fruits of the tree and left in search of his wife and later regained
his true form. Kali returned to his abode as well.
Kali was later incarnated as king Duryodhana, eldest of the one
hundred Kaurava brothers. His companion Dvapara became his uncle
Sakuni. The day Duryodhana was born, he unleashed a donkey-like scream
which the donkeys outside the home replied to. Despite the advise from
Vidura to discard the evil baby, Duryodhana's father Dhritarashtra
kept the child because demons had received a boon from Shiva that the
future king would be invincible.[3][4]
Puranic accounts
The Kalki Purana describes him as a huge being, the color of “soot,”
with a large tongue, and a terrible stench. From his birth, he carried
an Upaasthi (worship) bone. The Kalki Purana says this demon "chose
gambling, liquor, women and gold as his permanent abodes."[5] The
Sanskrit-English Dictionary states Kali is "of a class of mythic
beings (related to the Gandharvas, and supposed by some to be fond of
gambling)".[6] The Bhagavata Purana describes him as a sudra wearing
the garments of a king.[7] An early 20th century anti-beef eating
pamphlet protesting the slaughter of the sacred cow in India portrays
Kali as a brownish-skinned demon with a dog-like face, protruding
fangs, pointed ears, long green bushy hair and wearing a red loin
cloth and golden jewelry. (See Religion and politics)
The names of the four yugas of time—Satya, Treta, Dvapara and Kali—are
named after “dice throws” from a game of dice popular during the Vedic
period. Their order coincides with the favorability of each throw:
Satya is the best throw, whereas Kali is considered the worst.[8][9]
During the Mahabharata, king Nala exorcises the disembodied spirit of
Kali to a vibhitaka tree,[10] the nuts of which were used to create
the dice for the vedic dice game.[11] Therefore, not only Kali’s name,
but his penchant for gambling and reputation as being evil comes from
this dice game.
The churning of the ocean of milk
According to a lesser known Madhva version of the legend, during the
churning of the ocean of milk, a great poison known as halahala was
produced, which Vayu, the god of wind, rubbed in his hands to reduce
its potency. Then a small portion was given to god Shiva, turning his
throat blue. The rest was collected in a golden vessel and digested by
Vayu. (One source states he drank the Kalakuta poison of Vasuki nāga.
[12] Still others more commonly state that Shiva drank alone.[13]) A
little portion of poison that wasn't swallowed by Shiva became the
body of Kali. From this poison also came, "cruel objects like snakes,
wolves, and tigers."[3]
Later, when the asura Rahu was decapitated by Vishnu's Mohini avatar,
the demon’s allies attacked her and all except Kali were killed.
Having the power to possess the bodies of immortal and mortal beings,
he entered the hearts of man and escaped death.[14] He occasionally
entered Shiva and caused him to write evil scriptures, which created
great confusion and misconceptions. Because Kali was “invisible,
unimaginable, and present in all” the only way to correct the chaos
born from the miswritten texts was to completely renew the sacred
scriptures entirely. Thus Vishnu descended to earth as Vedavyasa, the
compiler of the sacred scriptures Vedas and the writer of the Puranas.
[3]
Markandeya Purana
According to Markandeya Purana, the Brahmin Pravara was given a
magical ointment that allowed him to fly. But when he flew to the
Himalayas, the ointment was washed away from the bottoms of his feet
keeping him from returning home to his wife. During this time, the
nymph Varuthini fell madly in love with him and begged the Brahmin to
stay with her forever. But eventually, he rejected her. He prayed to
Agni who returned him home safely.
The gandharva Kali was in love with Varuthini and had been rejected by
her in the past. He saw how she hungered for the Brahmin, so he took
on the appearance of Pravara and came before the courtesan. He led her
into the bedchamber and told her to close her eyes during their shared
pleasure [sambhoga]. (Another version of this tale explains the reason
he told her to shut her eyes was because gods revert to their true
forms whenever they do the basest of things, such as eating, sleeping,
and making love (including dying for demons).) As they made love,
Varuthini noticed that his body became flaming hot and believed it was
because his Brahmin spirit was infused with the sacrificial fire.
After climax, Kali, still-as-Pravara, left the apsara and returned to
his abode. Varuthini soon became pregnant and nine months later gave
birth to a human child that not only looked like the Brahmin but
possessed his soul as well.[15] The authors of the book Science in
Culture comment this was an example of the Sanskrit phrase "from his
semen and from her thinking," meaning the child was indeed Pravara's
child because she believed it was his.[16]
In another version, Kali stipulates he will only marry the apsara if
she keeps her eyes closed while they are in the forest (presumably
making love). However, Kali leaves after their marriage and the birth
of their son Svarocisa. Svarocisa grows up to become a very learned
scholar of the Vedas and learns to speak the languages of all
creatures from one of his three wives. He later marries a goddess and
fathers Svarocisa Manu, one of the progenitors of mankind.[17] (See
Progeny)
Bhagavata Purana
The Bhagavata Purana states the very day and moment god Krishna left
this earth, Kali, "who promotes all kinds of irreligious activities,
came into this world.”[18] Thus, Kali simply came into being because
the prosperity brought by Krishna left after his death.
After setting off to wage war against the evils of the world with his
armies, Emperor Parikshit, the grandson of Arjuna, came across a Sudra
dressed as a king who was beating a cow and an ox with a club.
Parikshit immediately lead his chariot over to the scene and angrily
berated the sudra for abusing the sacred cow and her mate. However,
this was no ordinary sudra and these were no ordinary bovine, for the
sudra was Kali and the cow and ox were embodiments of the earth
goddess and Dharma. The Emperor noticed the ox was standing on one of
his legs because the other three had been broken by Kali. Dharma
explained his four legs represented "austerity, cleanliness, mercy and
truthfulness", but he had only the leg of “truth” to stand on since
the other three had been broken by kali over the preceding yugas.[7]
Kali was intent on breaking all the legs that supported the reign of
dharma so he could effect the expansion of his own dark reign on
earth. The earth goddess cried for she had once been plentiful, but
when Krishna died and ascended to heaven, she was forsaken and all of
the prosperity left from the world. She feared evil kings like Kali
would continue to lay waste to the earth.
When Parikshit raised his sword to kill Kali, the sudra stripped
himself of his royal garments and prostrated himself at the emperor’s
feet. The emperor knew Kali tainted the world with his evil and so had
no place in it and raised his sword once more. But Kali interceded
again and begged the emperor to spare his life and allow him a place
to live within his empire. Parikshit decided that Kali would live in
“gambling houses, in taverns, in women of unchaste lives, in
slaughtering places and in gold”.[19] And as long as Parikshit ruled
India, Kali stayed within the confines of these five places. This act
allowed Dharma to regain his legs and the earth to be relieved of much
burden. However, Parikshit was later cursed to die by snake bite after
hunting in the forest and throwing a dead snake on an unresponsive
sage practicing austerities. Upon the emperor’s death, “Kali made his
way to other places like wild fire and established his power
throughout the length and breadth of the whole world.”[19][20]
In another version of the tale, Kali enters into the Emperor’s crown
when Parikshit gives him permission to reside wherever there is gold.
Upon returning home after offending the sage, Parikshit says to
himself, "Kali-yug’s abode is in gold; this was on my head; hence I
had so evil a thought that, having taken a dead snake cast it on the
sage’s neck. Therefore, I now understand that Kali-yug has taken his
revenge on me. How shall I escape this grievous sin?"[21][22]
Kalki Purana
KalkiMain article: Kalki Purana
The beginning of the Kalki Purana describes Kali’s lineage starting
with the creator-god Brahma, his great-great grandfather, and ending
with the birth of his children’s children. Instead of being born of
poison from the churning of the ocean of milk, he is the product of a
long line of incestuous monsters born from Brahma's back. (See Family
Lineage below) Kali and his family were created by Brahma to hurry the
dissolution of the cosmos after the pralaya period was over. When his
family takes human form on earth, they further taint the hearts and
minds of mankind to bring about the end of Dvapara Yuga and the
beginning of Kali Yuga. During the first stage of Kali-Yuga, the
Indian caste system breaks down and god-worship is forsaken by man.
All through the second, third, and fourth stages, man forgets the name
of god and no longer offers Yagya (offerings) to the Devas. It is at
this point when god Vishnu reincarnates as Kalki in the name of the
Devas and all of mankind to rid the cosmos of Kali's dark influence.
The remainder of the tale describes Kalki's childhood, military
training under the immortal Parashurama, his marriage, his preparation
for war against Kali, and the decisive war between the two. Kalki
kicks off his campaign by performing the Ashvamedha sacrifice and
leading his armies behind the horse as it runs freely from kingdom to
kingdom. If any evil king tries to stop the horse, Kalki engages them
in combat. After defeating them, he continues to follow the horse
until all evil kingdoms are vanquished. When Kali finally faces
Kalki's forces, his entire family blood line is wiped out by the
avatar's generals and he presumably dies from wounds inflicted by
Dharma and Satya Yuga personified. Kalki, meanwhile, battles and
simultaneously kills the demon's most powerful generals, Koka and
Vikoka, twin devils adept in the dark arts.[5]
Death
Kali dies one-third of the way through the Kalki Purana. During the
decisive battle between Kali and Kalki’s armies, Kali tried to face
both Dharma and Satya Yuga personified, but was overwhelmed and fled
on his donkey because his chariot had been destroyed, leaving his owl-
crested war flag to be trampled on the battlefield. Kali retreated to
the citadel of his capital city of Vishasha where he discovered his
body had been mortally stabbed and burned during his battle with the
two devas. The stench of his blood billowed out and filled the
atmosphere with a foul odor. When Dharma and Satya burst into the
city, Kali tried to run away, but, knowing his family had been
destroyed, coupled with his grevious wounds, he "entered his
unmanifested years".[5] This might lead some to believe he died, but
one version of the Kalki Purana in the book The Origins of Evil in
Hindu Mythology states Kali does not die but, instead, escapes through
time and space to live in the Kali Yuga of the next Kalpa. The author
comments, "Unlike most battles between gods and demons, however, this
apparent victory is immediately undercut, for Kali escapes to reappear
in 'another age'—in our age, or the next Kali Age."[23] Since he had
the power to manifest himself in human form on earth, he was able to
forsake his dying corporal form to escape in spirit.
Family lineage
Kali is the great-great grandson of Lord Brahma. He is the son of
Krodha (Anger) and his sister-turned-wife Himsa (Violence). He is the
grandson of Dambha (Vanity) and his sister-turned-wife, Maya
(Illusion). He is the great-grandson of Adharma (Impropriety) and his
wife, Mithya (Falsehood). Adharma was originally created from Lord
Brahma's back as a Maleen Pataka (a very dark and deadly sinful
object).
B.K. Chaturvedi, a modern translator of the Kalki Purana, states in a
foot note that the growth of this dark sinful object into Adharma
seems to, "convey the growth of Kaliyuga and its obnoxious
offshoots."[5]
Vishnu Purana
Kali's family lineage is told differently in the Vishnu Purana, which
is a father purana to the Kalki Purana:
The wife of Adharma (vice) was Himsá (violence), on whom he begot a
son Anrita (falsehood), and a daughter Nikriti (immorality): they
intermarried, and had two sons, Bhaya (fear) and Naraka (hell); and
twins to them, two daughters, Maya (deceit) and Vedaná (torture), who
became their wives. The son of Bhaya and Máyá was the destroyer of
living creatures, or Mrityu (death); and Dukha (pain) was the
offspring of Naraka and Vedaná. The children of Mrityu were Vyádhi
(disease), Jará (decay), Soka (sorrow), Trishńa (greediness), and
Krodha (wrath). These are all called the inflictors of misery, and are
characterised as the progeny of Vice (Adharma). They are all without
wives, without posterity, without the faculty to procreate; they are
the terrific forms of Vishńu, and perpetually operate as causes of the
destruction of this world. On the contrary, Daksha and the other
Rishis, the elders of mankind, tend perpetually to influence its
renovation: whilst the Manus and their sons, the heroes endowed with
mighty power, and treading in the path of truth, as constantly
contribute to its preservation.
In this version, Himsa is Adharma's wife instead of his granddaughter.
[1]
Bhagavata Purana
According to the Bhagavata Purana, Adharma is the husband of Mrishá
(falsehood), and the father of Dambha (hypocrisy) and Máyá (deceit),
who were adopted by Nirritti (Hindu god/dess of misery). The series of
their descendants is also somewhat varied from our text; being in each
descent, however, twins which intermarry, or Lobha (covetousness) and
Nikriti, who produce Krodha (wrath) and Hinsá: their children are,
Kali (wickedness) and Durukti (evil speech): their progeny are, Mrityu
and Bhí (fear); whose offspring are, Niraya (hell) and Yátaná
(torment).[24]
In this version, Mrisha is the wife of Adharma and not Himsa or
Mithya.
Linga Purana
The Linga Purana enumerates Adharma among the Prajapatis (Lords of
Creatures).[24]
Dharma Personified
Since Dharma is one of the major antagonists of Kali, it is important
to note this personified deity has his own line of offspring that work
against the demon and his family to bring balance to the world. The
following comes from the Vishnu Purana:
The progeny of Dharma by the daughters of Daksha were as follows: by
Sraddha he had Kama (desire); by Lakshmi, Darpa (pride); by Dhriti,
Niyama (precept); by Tushti, Santosha (content); by Pushti, Lobha
(cupidity); by Medhá, Sruta (sacred tradition); by Kriya, Danda, Naya,
and Vinaya (correction, polity, and prudence); by Buddhi, Bodha
(understanding); by Lajj, Vinaya (good behaviour); by Vapu, Vyavasaya
(perseverance). Santi gave birth to Kshema (prosperity); Siddhi to
Sukha (enjoyment); and Kírtti to Yasas. These were the sons of Dharma;
one of whom, Kama, had Hersha (joy) by his wife Nandi (delight).
Again, the Bhagavata Purana gives a different account of his
children's names.[25]
Progeny
Kali’s sister-turned-wife, Durukti (Calumny), gave him two offspring:
a son named Bhayanak (Fear) and a daughter named Mrityu (Death). His
son and daughter gave him two grandchildren: a boy named Naraka (Hell)
and a girl named Yatana (Torture).[5] Again, there are some
discrepancies here. The Vishnu Purana says Mrityu and Bhayanak are his
brother and sister. Mrityu is even represented as male instead of
female.[5]
Kali is the grandfather of Svarocisa Manu, one of the progenitors of
mankind.[17] As previously mentioned, Kali had a son named Svarocisa
with the Apsara Varuthini. Svarocisa once traveld to Mt. Mandara and
was met by Manorama, a cursed-woman being chased by a demon. In the
past, she had made fun of a sage practicing Tapasya austerities on Mt.
Kailas and was cursed to be captured by a demon. When her friends
Vibhavari and Kalavati berated the sage for enacting a curse for such
a minor offence, he cursed one to be a leper and the other a carrier
of diseases. Manorama had knowledge of a powerful spiritual weapon,
but did not know how to wield it, so she taught it to Svarocisa. When
the demon leaped out of the forest and grabbed a hold of the woman,
Svarocis called forth the weapon. But the demon stayed his hand and
explained he was actually Manorama’s father, Indivara. He had also
been cursed to become a demon by the sage Brahmamitra because he tried
to covertly obtain the secrets of Ayurveda medicine without the sage’s
knowledge. The sage told him that the curse would end when he was
about to eat his own daughter. Once he regained his true form,
Indivara taught Svarocisa the Ayurveda medication, which he used to
cure Manorama’s friends. He later married the three and had three sons
with them. He learned the languages of all creatures from Vibhavari
and the Padmini vidya from Kalavati.
Despite his prosperity, Svarocis was unhappy in his life and could
hear the ducks and deer talking about him behind his back. One day he
went hunting and took aim at a boar, but a deer came through the
clearing and asked to be shot in its place. When he enquired why, the
deer told him that she was really the goddess of the forest and wished
to marry Svarocisa. So he embraced the deer and she turned into a
beautiful woman. Together, they had a son named Dyutiman, who later
became the Svarocisa Manu.[17]
One source states, "Kali's wife Alakshmi and her sons who supervise
evil also came from Kshirasagara [the ocean of milk]."[3] Alakshmi is
the elder sister of the goddess Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu.[26]
Since the Kalki Purana states his wife Durukti is his sister, Alakshmi
would be a second wife because she is not directly related to him.
There are a number of connections and similarities between Kali and
Alakshmi. First and foremost, Alakshmi’s sister is the consort of Lord
Vishnu, who sent his Kalki avatar to earth to defeat Kali.[26] Second,
legends say she was born either from the churning of the ocean of
milk, the poison from Vasuki (who helped churn the ocean) or the back
of Prajapati.[26][27] As previously mentioned, Kali is said to have
been born from the halahala poison created from churning the ocean or
from a lineage created from Lord Brahma’s back.[3][5] Third, Alakshmi
takes the form of an owl.[26] Kali's emblem on his war flag is of an
owl.[5] Fourth, whenever Alakshmi enters a house, families fight and
turn on one another.[28] The presence of Kali and his family on earth
causes mankind to fight and turn on one another. Finally, Alakshmi is
said to ride a donkey.[26] Kali also rides a donkey in the Kalki
Purana.[5]
Role in modern communalism
Further information: Communalism (South Asia) and Religious violence
in India
Anti-beef eating pamphlet (1890 CE) showing Kali (far right)
attempting to slaughter a sacred cow.
The color version ran by the Ravi Varma Press (c. 1912).Kali’s image
was used in several pamphlets circulated by various Agorakshanasabh
(“cow protection leagues”) and “wandering ascetics” as a protest
against the Muslim practice of beef-eating during the British raj.[29]
[30] These pamphlets were produced in a time when Hindu-Muslim riots
over cow slaughter occurred in several areas of India; including
Azamgarh district (1893), when a total of 100 people died in similar
conflagrations throughout the empire; Ayodhya (1912-1913); and
Shahabad (1917).[31] One such pamphlet entitled “The Present State”
showed a cow being slaughtered by a trio of "Muhammadan" butchers.[29]
[30] Another portrayed Kali raising a sword above the head of a sacred
cow, whose body was illustrated to be a microcosmic paradise in which
all the Hindu gods resided. There were many different editions of this
version. For instance, one showed a woman labeled "The Hindu" waiting
with bowl-in-hand for the cow's calf to finish suckling before she
could get milk. A form of Krishna labeled Darmaraj ("Ruler of Dharma")
stood behind the cow and Kali was, again, harassing her with his
sword. Still, a different one deleted the woman and calf and instead
portrayed Dharmaraj in front of the cow pleading mat maro gay sarv ka
jivan hai ("don’t kill the cow, everyone is dependent on it"), while
Kali rebuts he manusyaho! Kaliyugi Mansahari jivom ko dekho ("mankind,
look at the meat-eating souls of the kaligyug").[29]
Some Hindus considered Kali’s presence in the picture to be a
representation of the Muslim community.[29][30] When one of the
versions of these pamphlets came into the possession of a state
official in 1893, he commented that the image “contained a
representation of a Musalman [Muslim] advancing to slay the cow ...”.
[29] One book states, “The Magistrate [at Deoria] found Muhammadans
excited because they heard a picture was in circulation representing a
Muhammadan with a sword drawn sacrificing a cow, and this they
considered an insult.”[29] In 1915, a color version of this picture
ran by the Ravi Varma Press[32] caught the attention of the colonial
censors and was presumably censored in some way.[29]
In popular culture
Nala Damayanti (1921): This big-budget film depicts a famous episode
from the Mahabharata, starting with Narada's ascent of Mount Meru. It
shows Swarga, the Heaven of Indra, the Transformation in the Clouds of
the Four Gods into impersonations of King Nala, Swan Messengers of
Love, the Transformation of Kali into a Serpent, the Meeting of Kali
and Dwarpa and the Four Gods amidst the Blue Air.[33]
Notes
^ a b CHAP. VII http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/vp/vp041.htm#fr_212
^ SECTION LVIII http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m03/index.htm
^ a b c d e Chapter X Samudra mathana
^ SECTION XXXI
^ a b c d e f g h i Chaturvedi, B.K. Kalki Purana. New Delhi: Diamond
Books, 2004 (ISBN 81-288-0588-6)
^ Monier-Williams, Monier, Sir.Sanskrit-English Dictionary ISBN
0-19-864308-X
^ a b Canto 1: Creation, Chapter 17 http://vedabase.net/sb/1/17/en1
^ CYCLICAL TIME AND ASTRONOMY IN HINDUISM (See page. 3)
http://www.achaloza.com/docs/AchalOza_CyclicalTime.pdf
^ Glass, Marty. YUGA: An Anatomy of Our Fate. Sophia Perennis, 2004
(ISBN 0900588292)
^ "Terminalia belerica (Combretaceae) is a large deciduous tree
growing to a height of 25 – 30 meters, occurring throughout India up
to 1000 meters elevation, except in the dry regions of western
India ..." [1]
^ Smith, Frederick M. The Self Possessed: Deity And Spirit Possession
in South Asian Literature And Civilization. Columbia University Press,
2006 (ISBN 0231137486)
^ Mutalik, Keshav M. Jagannath Dasa’s Harikathamrutasara (Quintessence
of Hari’s Saga). Bombay: Focus (ISBN 81-7154-787-7)
^ In another version given by Shaivites, Shiva alone drank the deadly
poison, but his consort Parvati squeezed his neck to keep it from
reaching his stomach.[2] Still, some traditions state Vayu drank first
and Shiva last and that Vayu himself is an aspect of Shiva.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaivites
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parvati
http://www.advaita-vedanta.org/series/11_names_of_shiva/11_names_of_shiva_bhagawan-1.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vayu
^ The same source says Kali can never enter the bodies of Vishnu, his
consort Lakshmi, or Vayu.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lakshmi
^ Doniger, Wendy. The Bedtrick: Tales of Sex and Masquerade.
University Of Chicago Press, 2000 (ISBN 0226156427)
^ Graubard, Stephen R. and Everett Mendelsohn. Science in Culture. Ed.
Peter Galison and Stephen Graubard. Transaction Publishers, 2001 (ISBN
0765806738)
^ a b c Prasad, Ramanuj. Know The Puranas. Pustak Mahal, 2005 (ISBN
81-223-0912-7)
^ Canto 1: Creation, Chapter 18 http://vedabase.net/sb/1/18/en1
^ a b Sastri, Natesa S. M. Hindu Feasts: Fasts And Ceremonies: Fasts
and Ceremonies. Laurier Books Ltd., 2003 (ISBN 8120604024)
^ See chapters 16, 17, and 18
^ The Prema-Sagara: Or the Ocean of Love (PDF ONLY)
^ Bahadur, S.P. Gitavali: Complete Works of Goswami Tulsidas (Volume
III). India: Prachya Prakashan, 1979 (ISBN 8121506697)
^ O'Flaherty, Wendy Doniger. The Origins of Evil in Hindu Mythology.
University of California Press, 1980 (ISBN 0520040988)
^ a b See 55:14 http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/vp/vp041.htm#fn_212
^ See 55:13 http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/vp/vp041.htm#fn_211
^ a b c d e Pattanaik, Devdutt. Lakshmi: The Goddess of Wealth and
Fortune-An Introduction. Vakils Feffer & Simons Ltd, 2003 (ISBN
8187111585)
^ Krishna, Nanditha. The Book of Vishnu. Penguin Global, 2001 (ISBN
0670049077)
^ Chakrabarty, Dipesh. Provincializing Europe. Princeton University
Press, 2000 (ISBN 0691049092)
^ a b c d e f g Pinney, Christopher. Photos of the Gods: The Printed
Image and Political Struggle in India. Reaktion Books, 2004 (ISBN
1861891849)
^ a b c Gupta, Charu. Sexuality, Obscenity, And Community: Women,
Muslims, and the Hindu Public in Colonial India. Palgrave Macmillan,
2006 (ISBN 0312295855)
^ Paradox of the Indian Cow: Attitudes to Beef Eating in Early India
http://www.indowindow.net/sad/article.php?child=17&article=11
^ A lithograph press founded by Indian artist Ravi Varma in 1894.[3]
^ Plot Summary for Nala Damayanti (1921)
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0154931/plotsummary
External links
Look up Kali in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Places of Kali – Podcast of Kali’s tale from the Bhagavata Purana.
કલિયુગનાં ચાર આશ્રયસ્થાન (Kaliyuga's mainstay) – The tale of Kali and
Parikshit in Gujarati.
http://www.swargarohan.org/Bhagavata/Chapter01/09.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhagavata_Purana
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gujar%C4%81ti_script
Srimad Bhagavatam: Cant 1 – See chapters 16 and 17.
http://www.srimadbhagavatam.org/canto1/c1-contents.html
A very large detailed painting of King Parikshit about to kill Kali.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kali_(demon)
/ History / Myths of Origins /
Paradox of the Indian Cow:
Attitudes to Beef Eating in Early India
By DN Jha
Renowned historian writes on beef eating in ancient India and
associated issues
An average Indian of today rooted in what appears to him as his
traditional Hindu religious heritage carries the load of the
misconception that his ancestors, especially the Vedic Aryans,
attached great importance to the cow on account of its inherent
sacredness. The ‘sacred’ cow has come to be considered a symbol of
community identity of the Hindus whose cultural tradition is often
imagined as threatened by the Muslims who are thought of as
beefeaters. The sanctity of the cow has, therefore, been announced
with the flourish of trumpets and has been wrongly traced back to the
Vedas, which are supposedly of divine origin and fountainhead of all
knowledge and wisdom. In other words, some sections of Indian society
have traced back the concept of sacred cow to the very period when it
was sacrificed and its flesh was eaten.
More importantly, the cow has tended to become a political instrument
at the hand of rulers over time. The Mughal emperors (e.g. Babar,
Akbar, Jahangir and Aurangzeb etc) are said to have imposed a
restricted ban on cow slaughter to accommodate the Jaina or
Brahmanical feeling of respect and veneration of the cow[1].
Similarly Shivaji, sometimes viewed as an incarnation of God who
descended on earth for the deliverance of the cow and brahmin, is
described as proclaiming: “We are Hindus and the rightful lords of the
realm. It is not proper for us to witness cow slaughter and the
oppression of brahmanas”[2].
But the cow became a tool of mass political mobilization when the
organized Hindu cow protection movement, beginning with the Sikh Kuka
(or Namdhari) sect in the Punjab around 1870 and later strengthened by
the foundation of the first Gorakshini Sabha in 1882 by Dayanananda
Saraswati, made this animal a symbol to unite a wide ranging people,
challenged the Muslim practice of its slaughter and provoked a series
of serious communal riots in the 1880s and 1890s. Although attitudes
to cow killing had been hardening even earlier, there was undoubtedly
a ‘dramatic intensification’ of the cow protection movement when in
1888 the North-Western Provinces High Court decreed that a cow was not
a sacred object.[3] Not surprisingly cow slaughter very often became
the pretext of many Hindu-Muslim riots, especially those in Azamgarh
district in the year 1893 when more than one hundred people were
killed in different parts of the country. Similarly in 1912-1913
violence rocked Ayodhya and a few years later, in 1917, Shahabad
witnessed a disastrous communal conflagration.[4]
The killing of the kine seems to have emerged again and again as a
troublesome issue on the Indian political scene even in independent
India despite legislation by several state legislatures prohibiting
cow slaughter and the Directive Principles of State Policy in the
Indian Constitution which directs the Indian state to “…to take steps
for… prohibiting the slaughter of cows and calves and other milch and
draught cattle”. For instance, in 1966, nearly two decades after
Indian independence, almost all the Indian communal political parties
and organizations joined hands in masterminding a massive
demonstration by several hundred thousand people in favour of a
national ban on cow slaughter which culminated in a violent rioting in
front of the Indian Parliament resulting in the death of at least
eight persons and injury to many more. In April 1979, Acharya Vinoba
Bhave, often supposed to be a spiritual heir to Mahatma Gandhi, went
on a hunger strike to pressurize the central government to prohibit
cow slaughter throughout the country and ended it after five days when
he succeeded in getting the Prime Minister Morarji Desai’s vague
assurance that his government would expedite anti-slaughter
legislation. Since then the cow ceased to remain much of an issue in
the Indian political arena for many years, though the management of
cattle resources has been a matter of academic debate among
sociologists, anthropologists, economists and different categories of
policy framers.
The veneration of cow has been, however, converted into a symbol of
communal identity of the Hindus and the obscurantist and
fundamentalist forces obdurately refuse to appreciate that the
‘sacred’ cow was not always all that sacred in the Vedic and
subsequent Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical traditions and that its
flesh, along with other varieties of meat, was quite often a part of
the haute cuisine in early India. Although the Shin, Muslims of
Dardistan in Pakistan, look on the cow as other Muslims do the pig,
avoid direct contact with cows, refuse to drink cow’s milk or use cow
dung as fuel and reject beef as food,[5] the self-styled custodians of
non-existent ‘monolithic’ Hinduism assert that the practice of beef
eating was first introduced in India by the followers of Islam who
came from outside and are foreigners in this country, little realising
that their Vedic ancestors were also foreigners who ate the flesh of
the cow and various other animals. Fanaticism getting precedence over
fact, it is not surprising that the Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangha
(RSS), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal and their numerous
outfits have a national ban on cow slaughter on their agenda and the
Chief Minister of Gujarat (Keshubhai Patel) announced some time ago,
as a pre-election gimmick, the setting up of a separate department to
preserve cow breeds and manage Hindu temples.[6] More recently, a
Bajrang Dal leader has threatened to enroll 30 lakh volunteers to
agitate against cow slaughter during the month of Bakrid in 2002.[7]
So high-geared has been the propaganda about abstention from beef
eating as a characteristic trait of ‘Hinduism’ that when the RSS
tried to claim Sikhs as Hindus, it led to vehement opposition from
them and one of the Sikh youth leaders proposed, ”Why not slaughter a
cow and serve beef in a gurudwara langar?”[8]
The communalists who have been raising a hullabaloo over the cow in
the political arena do not realise that beef eating remained a fairly
common practice for a long time in India and that the arguments for
its prevalence are based on the evidence drawn from our own scriptures
and religious texts. The response of historical scholarship to the
communal perception of Indian food culture, however, has been sober
and scholars have drawn attention to the textual evidence of beef
eating which, in fact, begins to be available from the oldest Indian
religious text Rgveda, supposedly of divine origin. H.H. Wilson,
writing in the first half of the nineteenth century, had asserted:
“the sacrifice of the horse or of the cow, the gomedha or asvamedha,
appears to have been common in the earliest periods of the Hindu
ritual”. The view that the practice of killing of cattle at sacrifices
and eating their flesh prevailed among the Indo-Aryans was put forth
most convincingly by Rajendra Lal Mitra in an article which first
appeared in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and
subsequently formed a chapter of his book The Indo-Aryans published in
1891. In 1894 William Crooke, a British civil servant, collected an
impressive amount of ethnographic data on popular religious beliefs
and practices in his two-volume book and devoted one whole chapter to
the respect shown to animals including the cow[9]. Later in 1912, he
published an informative piece on the sanctity of cow in India. But he
also drew attention to the old practice of eating beef and its
survival in his own times.[10] In 1927, L. L. Sundara Ram made a
strong case for cow protection for which he sought justification from
the scriptures of different religions including Hinduism. However he
did not deny that the Vedic people ate beef, [11] though he blamed the
Muslims for cow slaughter. Later in the early forties P. V. Kane in
his monumental work History of Dharmasastra referred to some Vedic and
early Dharmasastric passages which speak of cow killing and beef
eating. H.D. Sankalia drew attention to literary as well as
archaeological evidence of eating cattle flesh in ancient India.[12]
Similarly, Laxman Shastri Joshi, a Sanskritist of unquestionable
scholarship, drew attention to the Dharmasastra works, which
unequivocally support the prevalence of the practice of flesh eating
including beef eating in early India.[13]
Needless to say that the scholarship of all of the scholars mentioned
above was unimpeachable, and that none of them seems to have anything
to do with any anti- Hindu ideology. H.H. Wilson, for example, was the
first occupant of the Chair of Sanskrit at Oxford in 1832 and was not
as avowedly anti-Indian as many other imperialist scholars. Rajendra
Lal Mitra, a product of the Bengal renaissance and a close associate
of Rabindranath’s elder brother Jyotindranath Tagore, made significant
contribution to India’s intellectual life, and was described by Max
Mueller as the ‘best living Indologist’ of his time and by
Rabindranath Tagore as “the most beloved child of the muse”.[14]
William Crooke was a well-known colonial ethnograher who wrote
extensively on peasant life and popular religion without any marked
prejudice against Hinduism.[15] L. L. Sundara Ram, despite his
somewhat anti-Muslim feeling, was inspired by humanitarian
considerations. Mahamahopadhyaya P.V. Kane was a conservative Marathi
brahmin and the only Sanskritist to be honoured with the title of
Bharatratna. H.D. Sankalia combined his unrivalled archaeological
activity with a profound knowledge of Sanskrit. Besides these scholars
several other Indian Sanskritists and Indologists, not to mention a
number of western scholars, have repeatedly drawn our attention to the
textual evidence of eating beef and other types of animal flesh in
early India. Curious though it may seem, the Sangh Parivar, which
carries a heavy burden of “civilisational illiteracy”, has never
turned its guns towards them but against historians who have mostly
relied on the researches of the above-mentioned distinguished
scholars.
While the contribution of the scholars mentioned above cannot be
minimised, the limitation of their work lies in the fact that they
have referred to isolated bits of information on beef eating
concentrating mainly on the Vedic texts without treating it as part of
the flesh eating tradition prevalent in India. Unlike their works,
therefore, the present paper seeks to draw attention to the Indian
textual evidence of cattle killing and beef eating widely dispersed
over time so as to indicate its continuity for a long time in the
Brahmanical society and to suggest that the idea of cow’s supposed
holiness does not tie up with practices current in Indian society.
II
The early Aryans, who migrated to India from outside,
brought along with them their earlier cultural traits. Therefore, even
after their migration into the Indian subcontinent, for several
centuries, pastoralism, nomadism and animal sacrifice remained
characteristic features of their life till sedentary field agriculture
became the mainstay of their livelihood. Animal sacrifices were very
common, and in the agnadheya, which was a preparatory rite preceding
all public sacrifices, a cow was required to be killed.[16] In the
asvamedha, the most important of public sacrifices, first mentioned in
the Rgveda and discussed in the Brahmanas, more than 600 animals
(including wild ones like boars) and birds were killed and its finale
was marked by the sacrifice of 21 cows, which, according to the
dominant opinion were sterile ones.[17] In the gosava, an important
component of the public sacrifices like the rajasuya and vajapeya, a
sterile spotted cow was offered to Maruts and seventeen ‘dwarf heifers
under three’ were done to death in the pancasaradiyasava.[18] The
killing of animals including the cattle figures in several other
yajnas including caturmasya, sautramani and independent animal
sacrifice called pasubandha or nirudhapasubandha.[19] These and
several other major sacrifices involved killing of animals including
the cattle, which constituted the chief form of the wealth of the
early Aryans. They, not surprisingly, prayed for cattle and sacrificed
them to propitiate their gods.
The Vedic gods, for whom the various sacrifices were performed, had no
fixed menu of food. Milk, butter, barley, oxen, goats and sheep were
offered to them and these were their usual food, though some of them
seem to have had their special preferences. Indra had a special liking
for bulls (RV, V.29.7ab; VI.17.11b; VIII.12.8ab X.27.2c; X. 28. 3c;X.
86.14ab). Agni was not a tippler like Indra, but was fond of animal
food including the flesh of horses, bulls and cows (RV, VIII. 43.11;
X. 91.14ab). The toothless Pusan, the guardian of the roads, ate mush
as a Hobson’s choice. Soma was the name of a heady drink but, equally
importantly, of a god and killing of animals including cattle for him
(RV, X.91.14ab) was basic to most of the Rgvedic yajnas. The Maruts
and the Asvins were also offered cows. The Vedas mention about 250
animals out of which at least 50 were deemed fit for sacrifice and by
implication for divine as well as human consumption. The animal food
occupied a place of importance in the Vedic sacrifices and dietetics
and the general preference for the flesh of the cow is undeniable. The
Taittiriya Brahmana (III.9.8) categorically tells us: “Verily the cow
is food” (atho annam vai gauh) and the Satapatha Brahmana (III.1.2.21)
refers to Yajnavalkya’s stubborn insistence on eating the tender
(amsala) flesh of the cow.
According to the subsequent Brahmanical texts (e.g. Grhyasutras and
Dharmasutras) the killing of animals and eating of beef was very much
de rigeur. The ceremony of guest-reception (known as arghya in the
Rgveda but generally as madhuparka in subsequent texts) consisted not
only of a meal of a mixture of curds and honey but also of the flesh
of a cow or bull. Early lawgivers go to the extent of making flesh
food mandatory in madhuparka --- an injunction more or less dittoed
by several later legal texts (AsGS, I.24.33; KathaGS, 24,20; SankhGS,
II.15.2; ParGS, I.3.29). A guest therefore came to be described by
Panini as a goghna (one for whom the cow is slain). The sacred thread
ceremony was not all that sacred; for it was necessary for a snataka
to wear an upper garment of the cowhide (ParGS, II.5.17-20).
The slaughter of animals formed an important component of the cult of
the dead in the Vedic texts as well as in later Dharmasastra works.
The thick fat of the cow was used to cover the dead body (RV, X.14-18)
and a bull was burnt along with the corpse to enable the departed to
ride with in the nether world. The funerary rites included feeding of
the brahmins after the prescribed period and quite often the flesh of
the cow/ ox was offered to the dead (AV, XII.2, 48). The textual
prescriptions indicate the degree of satisfaction obtained by the
Manes depending upon the animal offered---- the cow’s flesh could keep
them contented for at least a year! The Vedic and the post-Vedic
texts also often mention the killing of animals including the kine in
several other ritual contexts. The gavamayana, a sessional sacrifice
performed by the brahmins was, for example, marked by animal slaughter
culminating in an extravagant bacchanalian communal festival
(mahavrata) in which cattle were slaughtered. There was, therefore, a
relationship between the sacrifice and sustenance. But this need not
necessarily mean that different meat types were eaten only if offered
in a sacrifice. Thus in the grhamedha, which has been discussed in
several Srautasutras, an unspecified number of cows were slain not in
the strict ritual manner but in the crude and profane manner.[20]
Archaeological evidence also suggests non-ritual killing of cattle.
This is indicative of the fact that beef and other animal flesh formed
part of the dietary habits of the people and that the edible flesh was
not always ritually consecrated, though some scholars have argued to
the contrary.[21] Despite the overwhelming evidence of cattle killing,
several scholars have obdurately held that the Vedic cow was sacred
and inviolable on the basis of the occurrence of the word aghnya/
aghnya in the Atharvaveda and the use of words for cow as epithet or
in simile and metaphor with reference to entities of highest religious
significance. But it has been convincingly proved that if the Vedic
cow was at all inviolable, it was so only when it belonged to a
brahmin who received cows as sacrificial fee (daksina).[22] But this
cannot be taken to be an index of the animal’s inherent sanctity and
inviolability in the Vedic period or even later.
Nor can one make too much of the doctrine of non-killing (ahimsa) in
relation to the cow. Gautama Buddha and Mahavira emphasized the idea
of non-violence, which seems to have made its first appearance in the
Upanisadic thought and literature. But despite their vehement
opposition of the Vedic animal sacrifice, neither they nor their
followers were averse to eating of meat. The Buddha is known to have
eaten beef and pork and the texts amply indicate that flesh meat very
well suited the Buddhist palate. Asoka, whose compassion for animals
is undeniable, allowed certain specified animals to be killed for his
kitchen. In fact, neither Asoka’s list of animals exempted from
slaughter nor the Arthasastra of Kautilya specifically mentions cow as
unslayable. The cattle were killed for food throughout the Mauryan
period.
Like Buddhism, Jainism also enthusiastically took up cudgels for non-
violence. But meat eating was so common in Vedic and post-Vedic times
that even Mahavira, the founder of Jainism, is said to have eaten the
meat of a cockerel. Perhaps the early Jainas were not strict
vegetarians. A great Jaina logician of the eighth century,
Haribhadrasuri, tells us that the monks did not have objection to
eating flesh and fish, which were given to them by householders,
though there is irrefutable textual evidence to show that meat eating
became a strong taboo among the followers of Jainism. The
inflexibility of the Jaina attitude to meat eating is deeply rooted in
the basic tenets of Jaina philosophy, which, at least in theory, is
impartial in its respect for all forms of life without according any
special status to the cow. Thus, although both Buddhism, and, to a
greater extent, Jainism contributed to the growth of ahimsa doctrine,
neither seems to have developed the sacred cow concept
independently.
III
Despite the Upanisadic, Buddhist and Jaina advocacy of ahimsa, the
practice of ritual and random of killing animals including the cattle
continued in the post-Mauryan centuries. The law book of Manu (200 BC-
AD 200), which is the most representative of the legal texts and has
much to say on the lawful and forbidden food, contains several
passages on flesh eating, which have much in common with earlier and
later Brahmanical juridical works. Like the earlier law books, it
mentions the animals whose flesh could be eaten. Manu’s list includes
the porcupine, hedgehog, iguana, rhinoceros, tortoise and the hare and
all those domestic animals having teeth in one jaw only, the only
exception being the camel (V.18); and, it is significant that the cow
is not excluded from the list of edible animals. Eating meat on
sacrificial occasions, Manu tells us, is a divine rule (daivo vidhih
smrtah), but doing so on other occasions is a demoniac practice (V.
31). Accordingly one does not do any wrong by eating meat while
honouring the gods, the Manes and guests (madhuparka ca yajne ca
pitrdaivatakarmani), irrespective of the way in which the meat was
procured (V.32, 41). Manu asserts that animals were created for the
sake of sacrifice, that killing on ritual occasions is non-killing (V.
39) and injury (himsa) as enjoined by the Veda (vedavihitahimsa) is
known to be non-injury (V.44). In the section dealing with rules for
times of distress, Manu recalls the legendary examples of the most
virtuous brahmins of the days of yore who ate ox-meat and dog-meat to
escape death from starvation (X.105-9). Manu’s latitudinarian attitude
is clear from his recognition of the natural human tendency of eating
meat, drinking spirituous liquor and indulging in sexual intercourse,
even if abstention brings great rewards (V.56). He further breaks
loose the constraints when he says: “the Lord of creatures (Prajapati)
created this whole world to be the sustenance of the vital spirit;
both the immovable and the movable (creation is) the food of the vital
spirit. What is destitute of motion is the food of those endowed with
locomotion; (animals) without fangs (are the food) of those with
fangs, those without hands of those who possess hands, and the timid
of the bold. The eater who daily even devours those destined to be his
food, commits no sin; for the creator himself created both the eaters
and those who are to be eaten” (V.28-30). This injunction removes all
restrictions on flesh eating and gives an unlimited freedom to all
desiring to eat animal flesh and since Manu does not mention beef
eating as taboo one can infer that he did not treat cow as sacrosanct.
Manu contradicts his own statements by extolling ahimsa (X.63), but
there is no doubt that he permitted meat eating at least on ritual
occasions (madhuparka, sraddha etc) when the killing of the cow and
other cattle, according to his commentator Medhatithi (9th century),
was in keeping with the Vedic and post- Vedic practice
(govyajamamsamaproksitambhaksyed… madhuparkovyakhyatah tatra
govadhovihitah).[23]
Yajnavalkya (AD 100-300), like Manu, discusses the rules regarding
lawful and forbidden food. Although his treatment of the subject is
less detailed, he does not differ radically from him. Yajnavalkya
mentions the specific animals (deer, sheep, goat, boar, rhinoceros
etc) and birds (e.g. partridge) whose flesh could satisfy the Manes (I.
258-61). According to him a student, teacher, king, close friend and
son-in-law should be offered arghya every year and a priest should be
offered madhuparka on all ritual occasions (I.110). He further enjoins
that a learned brahmin (srotriya) should be welcomed with a big ox or
goat (mahoksam va mahajam va srotriyayopakalpayet) delicious food and
sweet words. This indicates his endorsement of the earlier practice of
killing cattle at the reception of illustrious guests. Yajnavalkya,
like Manu, permits eating of meat when life is in danger, or when it
is offered in sacrifices and funerary rites (i.179). But unconsecrated
meat (vrthamamsam, anupakrtamamsani), according to him, is a taboo (I.
167, 171) and any one killing animals solely for his own food and not
in accordance with the Vedic practice is doomed to go to hell for as
many days as the number of hair on the body of the victim (I.180).
Similarly Brhaspati (AD 300-500), like Manu, recommends abstention
from liquor (madya), flesh (mamsa) and sexual intercourse only if they
are not lawfully ordained[24] which implies that whatever was lawful
was permitted. The lawgivers generally accept as lawful all those
sacrifices, which, according to them, have Vedic sanction. The
sacrificial slaughter of animals and domesticated bovines, as we have
seen, was a Vedic practice and therefore may have been fairly common
among the Brahmanical circles during the early Christian centuries and
even well into the later half of the first millennium AD. It would be,
however, unrealistic to assume that the dharmic precept of restricting
animal slaughter to ritual occasions was always taken seriously either
by brahmins for whom the legal injunctions were meant or by other
sections of society.[25] It is not surprising, therefore, that
Brhaspati, while discussing the importance of local customs, says that
in Madhyadesa the artisans eat cows (madhyadese karmakarah silpinasca
gavasinah).[26]
The evidence from the epics is quite eloquent. Most of the characters
in the Mahabharata are meat eaters and it makes a laudatory reference
to the king Rantideva in whose kitchen two thousand cows were
butchered everyday, their flesh, along with grains, being distributed
among the brahmins (III.208.8-9)[27]. Similarly the Ramayana of
Valmiki makes frequent reference to the killing of animals including
the cow for sacrifice as well as food. Rama was born after his father
Dasaratha performed a big sacrifice involving the slaughter of a large
number of animals declared edible by the Dharmasastras, which, as we
have seen, sanction ritual killing of the kine. Sita, while crossing
the Yamuna, assures her that she would worship her with thousand cows
and a hundred jars of wine when Rama accomplishes his vow. Her
fondness for deer meat drives her husband crazy enough to kill Marici,
a deer in disguise. Bharadvaja welcomes Rama by slaughtering a fatted
calf in his honour.[28]
The non-vegetarian dietary practices find an important place in the
early Indian medical treatises, whose chronology broadly coincides
with that of the law books of Manu and Yajnavalkya, and the two epics.
Caraka (1st-2nd century), Susruta (3rd –4th century) and Vagbhata (7th
century) provide an impressive list of the variety of fish and flesh
and all three of them speak of the therapeutic uses of beef[29]. The
continuity of the tradition of eating flesh including that of the
cattle is also echoed in early Indian secular literature till late
times. In the Gupta period, Kalidasa alludes to the story of Rantideva
who killed numerous cows every day in his kitchen.[30] More than two
centuries later, Bhavabhuti (AD 700) refers to two instances of guest
reception, which included the killing of a heifer[31]. In the 10th
century Rajasekhara mentions the practice of killing an ox or a goat
in honour of a guest[32]. In the 12th century Sriharsa mentions a
variety of non-vegetarian delicacies served at a dazzling marriage
feast and refers to two interesting instances of cow killing[33],
though, in the same century Somesvara shows clear preference for pig
flesh over other meat types and does not mention beef at all.
IV
While the above references, albeit limited in number, indicate that
the ancient practice of killing the kine for food continued till about
the 12th century, there is considerable evidence in the commentaries
on the kavya literature and the earlier Dharmasastra texts to show
that the Brahmanical writers retained its memory till very late times.
Among the commentators on the secular literature, Candupandita (late
13th century) from Gujarat, Narahari[34] (14th century) from Telengana
in Andhra Pradesh, and Mallinatha[35] (14th-15th century), who is
associated with the king Devaraya II of Vidyanagara (Vijayanagara),
clearly indicate that, in earlier times, the cow was done to death for
rituals and hence for food. As late as the 18th century Ghanasyama, a
minister of a Tanjore ruler, states that the killing of cow in honour
of a guest was the ancient rule.[36]
Similarly the authors of Dharmasastra commentaries and religious
digests from the 9th century onwards keep alive the memory of the
archaic practice of beef eating and some of them even go so far as to
permit eating beef in specific circumstances. For example, Medhatithi
(9th century), probably a Kashmirian brahmin, says that a bull or ox
was killed in honour of a ruler or any one deserving to be honoured
and unambiguously allows eating the flesh of cow (govyajamamsam) on
ritual occasions[37]. Several other writers of exegetical works seem
to lend support to this view, though some times indirectly.
Visvarupa[38] (9th century), a brahmin from Malwa and probably a pupil
of Sankara, Vijnanesvara[39] (11th century), who may have lived not
far from Kalyana in modern Karnataka, Haradatta[40] (12th century),
also a southerner (daksinatya), Laksmidhara[41] (12th century), a
minister of the Gahadwala king, Hemadri[42] (late 13th century), a
minister of the Yadavas of Devagiri, Narasimha/ Nrsimha[43] (14th
century), possibly from southern India, and Mitra Misra[44] (17th
century) from Gopacala (Gwalior) support the practice of killing a cow
on occasions like guest-reception and sraddha in ancient times. As
recently as the early 20th century, Madana Upadhyaya from Mithila
refers to the ritual slaughter of milch cattle in the days of yore.
[45] Thus even when the Dharmasastra commentators view cow killing
with disfavour, they generally admit that it was an ancient practice
and that it was to be avoided in the kali age.
V
While the above evidence is indicative of the continuity of the
practice of beef eating, the lawgivers had already begun to discourage
it around the middle of the first millennium when the Indian society
began to be gradually feudalized leading to major socio-cultural
transformation. This phase of transition, first described in the epic
and Puranic passages as kaliyuga, saw many changes and modification in
social norms and customs. The Brahmanical religious texts now begin to
speak of many earlier practices as forbidden in the kaliyuga –
practices which came to be known as kalivarjyas. While the number of
kalivarjyas swelled up over time, most of the relevant texts mention
cow killing as forbidden in the kali. According to some early medieval
lawgivers a cow killer was an untouchable and one incurred sin even by
talking to him. They increasingly associated cow slaughter and beef
eating with the proliferating number of untouchable castes. It is,
however, interesting that some of them consider these acts as no more
than minor behavioural aberrations like cleaning one’s teeth with
one’s fingers and eating only salt or soil.[46]
Equally interesting is the fact that almost all the prescriptive texts
enumerate cow killing as a minor sin (upapataka) and none of them
describe it as a major offence (mahapataka). Moreover the Smrti texts
provide easy escape routes by laying down expiatory procedures for
intentional as well as inadvertent killing of the cow. This may imply
that that cattle killing may not have been uncommon in society and the
atonements were prescribed merely to discourage eating of cattle
flesh. To what extent the Dharmasastric injunctions were effective,
however, remains a matter of speculation; for the possibility of at
least some members eating beef on the sly cannot be ruled out. As
recently as the late 19th century Swami Vivekananda was alleged to
have eaten beef during his stay in America, though he vehemently
defended his action.[47] Similarly in early twentieth century Mahatma
Gandhi spoke of the hypocrisy of the orthodox Hindus who “do not so
much as hesitate or inquire when during illness the doctor …
prescribes them beef tea.”[48] Even today 72 communities in Kerala--
not all of them untouchable perhaps--- prefer beef to the expensive
mutton and the Hindutva forces are persuading them to go easy on it.
[49]
VI
Although cow killing and beef eating gradually came to be viewed as a
sin and a source of pollution from the early medieval period, the cow
and its products (milk, curds, clarified butter, dung and urine) or
their mixture called pancagavya had been assuming a purificatory role
from much earlier times. The Vedic texts attest to the ritual use of
cow’s milk and milk products, but the term pancagavya occurs for the
first time in the Baudhayana Dharmasutra. The law books of Manu,
Visnu, Vasistha, Yajnavalkya and those of several later lawgivers like
Atri, Devala and Parasara mention the use of the mixture of the five
products of the cow for both purification and expiation. The
commentaries and religious digests, most of which belong to the
medieval period, abound in references to the purificatory role of the
pancagavya. The underlying assumption in all these cases is that the
pancagavya is pure. But several Dharmasastra texts forbid its use by
women and the lower castes. If a sudra drinks pancagavya, we are told,
he goes to hell.[50]
It is curious that the prescriptive texts, which repeatedly refer to
the purificatory role of the cow, also provide much evidence of the
notion of pollution and impurity associated with this animal.
According to Manu (V.125) the food smelt by the cow has to be
purified. Other early lawgivers like Visnu (XXIII.38) and Yajnavalkya
(I.189) also express similar views. The latter in fact says that while
the mouth of the goat and horse is pure that of the cow is not. Among
the later juridical texts, those of Angirasa, Parasara, Vyasa and so
on, support the idea of the cow’s mouth being impure. The lawgiver
Sankha categorically states that all limbs of the cow are pure except
her mouth. The commentaries on different Dharmasastra texts reinforce
the notion of impurity of the cow’s mouth. All this runs counter to
the ideas about the purificatory role of the cow.
Needless to say, then, that the image of the cow projected by Indian
textual traditions, especially the Brahmanical- Dharmasastric works,
over the centuries is polymorphic. Its story through the millennia is
full of inconsistencies and has not always been in conformity with
dietary practices prevalent in society. It was killed and yet the
killing was not killing. When it was not slain, mere remembering the
old practice of butchery satisfied the brahmins. Its five products
including faeces and urine have been pure but its mouth has not been
so. Yet through these incongruous attitudes and puzzling paradoxes the
Indian cow has struggled its way to sanctity. But its holiness is
elusive. For, there is no cow- goddess, nor any temple in her honour.
[51] Nevertheless the veneration of this animal has come to be viewed
as a characteristic trait of modern day non-existent monolithic
‘Hinduism’ bandied about by the Hindutva forces.
[1] L.L. Sundara Ram, Cow Protection in India, The South Indian
Humanitarian League, George Town, Madras, 1027, pp.122-123, 179-190.
[2] Siva Digvijaya quoted in Sundara Ram, op. cit. p.191.
[3] Sandria B. Freitag, “Contesting in Public: Colonial Legacies and
Contemporary Communalism”, in David Ludden, ed., Making India Hindu,
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996, p.217.
[4] Idem, Collective Action and Community: Public Arena and the
Emergence of Communalism in North India, Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1990, Chapter 6; Gyan Pandey, ‘Rallying round the Cow’, in
Subaltern Studies, Vol.. II, Ranajit Guha, (ed.), Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1983, pp. 60- 129.
[5] Frederick J. Simoons, “Questions in the Sacred-Cow Controversy”,
Current Anthropology, 20(3), September 1979, p.468.
[6] The Times of India, 28 May 1999, p.12.
[7] Frontline, 13 April 2001.
[8] Rajesh Ramachandran, “A Crisis of Identity”, The Hindustan Times,
7 May 2000.
[9] W. Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, 2
Vols, Delhi: 4th reprint, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978.
[10] W. Crooke, ‘The Veneration of the Cow in India’, Folklore, 13
(1912), pp.275-306.
[11] Sundara Ram, Cow Protection in India, Madras: The South Indian
Humanitarian League, 1927, p.8, passim.
[12] H.D. Sankalia, “ (The Cow) In History”, Seminar No. 93, May 1967.
[13] “Was the Cow Killed in Ancient India?” Quest, (75), March-
April 1972, pp. 83-87.
[16] J.C. Heesterman translates a passage of the Kathaka Samhita
(8.7:90.10) relating to the agnadheya as: ‘they kill a cow, they play
a dice for [shares in] her, they serve her up to those seated in the
assembly hall’: Broken World of Sacrifice, Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1993, p.283, note 33.
[17] Louis Renou, Vedic India, Varanasi, reprint, Indological Book
House, 1971 p.109.
[18] R.L. Mitra, Indo-Aryans: Contributions to the Elucidation of
Ancient and Medieval History, 2 Vols, Varanasi: reprint, Indological
Book House, 1969, p.363.
[19] A.B. Keith, Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanisads,
Delhi: Indian reprint, Motilal Banarsidass, 1970, p.324; P.V. Kane,
History of Dharmasastra, II, pt.2, Chapter
XXXII.
[20] J. C. Heesterman, op.cit., pp. 190-93, 200-02.
[21] For different views see Hanns-Peter Schmidt, ‘Ahimsa and
Rebirth’ in Inside The Texts Beyond The Texts: New Approaches to the
Study of the Vedas, M. Witzel (ed.), Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1997,
pp. 209-10; Cf. J.C. Heesterman, ‘Vratya and Sacrifice’, Indo-Iranian
Journal, 6 (1962), pp. 1-37.
[22] William Norman Brown, ‘The Sanctity of Cow in Hinduism’, Madras
University Journal, 27.2 (1957), pp. 29-49.
[23] Medhatithi on Manu, V.27, 41 see Manava-Dharma-Sastra, ed., V.N.
Mandalik, Bombay, 1886, pp.604, 613.
[24] Brhaspatismrti cited in Krtyakalpataru of Laksmidhara,
trtiyabhaga, ed., K.V. Rangaswami Aiyangar, Baroda Oriental Institute,
Baroda,1950, p.326
[25] Contra Francis Zimmermann (The Jungle and the Aroma of Meats,
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987, p.180ff) asserts that
only consecrated meat was eaten and Hanns Peter Schmidt seems to be in
agreement with him
(‘Ahimsa and Rebirth’, op.cit., p.209). But the evidence from the
Buddhist Jatakas, Kautilya’s Arthasastra, and Asokan inscriptions etc
does not support this view.
[26] Brhaspatismrti, 128b, Gaekwad Oriental Series, Baroda, 1941.
[27] For further references see S. Sorensen, An Index to the Names in
the Mahabharata, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1963, pp.593-94.
[28] R. L. Mitra, op.cit., vol.I, p. 396.
[29] Caraka Samhita: Sutrasthanam, II.31, XXVII.79: Susruta Samhita:
Sarirasthanam, III.25; Astanga Hrdayam: Sutrasthanam, VI.65.
[30] Meghaduta, with the commentary of Mallinatha, ed. and tr., M. R.
Kale (ed. & tr.), Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1979, I.48.
[31] Mahaviracarita, Rampratap Tripathi Shastri (ed. with Hindi tr.),
Allahabad: Lok Bharati Prakashan, 1973. III.2. Uttararamacarita, with
notes and the commentary of Ghanasyama, P.V. Kane and C. N. Joshi (ed.
and tr.), Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1962, Act IV.
[32] Balaramayana, of Rajasekhara, Ganagasagar Rai (ed.) Varanasi:
Chowkhamba, 1984. I.38a
[33] Naisadhamahakavyam, with the commentary of Mallinatha, Haragovind
Shastri (ed.) Varanasi, Chowkhamba, 1981 XVII.173, 197.
[34] Naisadhacarita of Sri Harsa, K.K. Handiqui (tr. with
commentaries), Poona, Deccan College, 1965, p.472.
[35] Naisadhamahakavyam, p. 1137.
[36] Meghaduta, Kale’s edn, p.83.
[37] Medhatithi on Manu, V.26-7,41. See Manava-Dharma-Sastra (with the
commentaries of Medhatithi, Sarvajnanarayana, Kulluka, Nandana and
Ramacandra), V. N. Mandalika (ed.), Bombay: Ganpat Krishnaji’s Press,
1886, pp.604, 613.
[38] Visvarupa on Yajnavalkya, I. 108. See Yajnavalkyasmrti (with
the commentary Balakrida of Visvarupacarya), Mahamahopadhyaya T.
Ganapati Sastri (ed.), Delhi: 2nd edn, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1982, p.
97.
[39] Mitaksara on Yajnavalkya, I. 108. See Yajnavalkyasmrti with
Vijnanesvara’s Mitaksara, Gangasagar Rai (ed.), Delhi; Chowkhamba
Sanskrit Pratisthan, 1998, p.54.
[40] Haradatta on Gautama, XVII.30.
[41] Krtyakalpataru, Niyatakalakandam, trtiyabhagam, K.V. Rangaswami
Aiyangar (ed.), Baroda: Oriental Research Institute, 1950, p.190
[42] P. V. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, III, Poona: Bhandarkar
Oriental Research Institute, 1973, p.929.
[43] R. L. Mitra, op.cit., p.384.
[44] Mitra Misra on Yajnavalkya, I. 108.
[45] Palapiyusalata Gourisayantralaya, Darbhanga, Samvat 1951.
[46] Atrismrti, verse 314 in Astadasasmrtyah (with Hindi tr by
Sundarlal Tripathi, Khemraj Shrikrishnadas, Venkateshwar Steam Press,
Bombay, Saka 1846.
[47] Romain Rolland, The Life of Vivekanada and the Universal Gospel,
Advaita Ashrama, Calcutta, Eleventh Impression, August 1988, p.44 fn.
3.
[48] M. K. Gandhi, An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments
with Truth, Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, 1927, reprint 2000, p.324.
Gandhi saw a five-footed “miraculous” cow at the Kumbha Mela at
Allahabad in 1915, the fifth foot being nothing but “a foot cut off
from a live calf and grafted upon the shoulder of the cow” which
attracted the lavish charity of the ignorant Hindu (ibid., p.325).
[49] India Today, 15 April 1993, p.72.
[50] Visnusmrti, LIV.7; Atrismriti, verse 297, etc.
[51] A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, Delhi, Rupa & Co., 27th
Impression, 1996, p.319.
http://www.indowindow.net/sad/article.php?child=17&article=11
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with
Bhadrakali. (Discuss)
For other uses, see Kali (disambiguation).
"Kalika" redirects here. For other uses, see Kalika (disambiguation).
"The black one" redirects here. For the 2005 drone metal album, see
Black One. For the male choral group, see The Black Ones.
Kali
Kali (Sanskrit: काली, Bengali: কালী, both Kālī), also known as Kalika
(Bengali: কালিকা, Kālikā), is the Hindu goddess associated with
eternal energy. The name Kali comes from Kāla which means black, time,
death, lord of death, shiva etc. kAli means "the black one". Since
Shiva is called Kāla - the eternal Time, Kālī, his consort, also means
"the Time" or "Death" (as in time has come). Hence, Kali is considered
the goddess of time and change. Although sometimes presented as dark
and violent, her earliest incarnation as a figure of annihilation
still has some influence. More complex Tantric beliefs sometimes
extend her role so far as to be the "ultimate reality" or Brahman. She
is also revered as Bhavatarini (literally "redeemer of the universe").
Comparatively recent devotional movements largely conceive Kali as a
benevolent mother goddess.
Kali is represented as the consort of god Shiva, on whose body she is
often seen standing. She is associated with many other Hindu goddesses
like Durga, Bhadrakali, Sati, Rudrani, Parvati and Chamunda. She is
the foremost among the Dasa-Mahavidyas, ten fierce Tantric goddesses.
[1]
Etymology
Kālī is the feminine of kāla "black, dark coloured" (per Pāṇini
4.1.42). In the Mundaka Upanishad Kali is mentioned as one of the
seven tongues of Agni, the Rigvedic God of Fire (Mundaka Upanishad
2:4), thus giving rise to Kali's tongue, seen in images. It appears as
the name of a form of Durga in the Mahabharata 4.195, and as the name
of an evil female spirit in Harivamsa 11552.
Kāla means black and also time, death, lord of death, shiva etc. kAli
means "the black one". Since Shiva is called Kāla - the eternal Time,
Kālī, his consort also means "the Time" or "Death" (as in time has
come). "कालः शिवः । तस्य पत्नीति - काली । kālaḥ śivaḥ । tasya patnīti
- kālī" - [from Shabdakalpadrum]. The association is seen in a passage
from the Mahābhārata, depicting a female figure who carries away the
spirits of slain warriors and animals. She is called kālarātri (which
Thomas Coburn, a historian of Sanskrit Goddess literature, translates
as "night of death") and also kālī (which, as Coburn notes, can be
read here either as a proper name or as a description "the black one").
[2]
Kali's association with blackness stands in contrast to her consort,
Shiva, whose body is covered by the white ashes of the cremation
ground (Sanskrit: śmaśāna) in which he meditates, and with which Kali
is also associated, as śmaśāna-kālī.
Origins
According to David Kinsley, Kali is first mentioned in Hinduism as a
distinct goddess, related to war, around 600 CE. Scriptures like Agni
Purana and Garuda Purana describe her terrible appearance and
associate her with corpses and war. The oldest mention of Kali dates
back to Rigvedic age. The 'Ratri Sookta' in Rigveda actually calls her
as Goddess 'Ratri' and regards Ratri as the Supreme force in the
universe. In the Tantras, she is regarded as the Shakti (Power) of The
Great Mahākāla (a form of Lord Shiva). Her portrayal on dead bodies in
crematorium symbolizes her presence in the hearts of devotees who have
killed their Earthly desires and want Supreme Consciousness in the lap
of the Ultimate Mother, Kali. In another form, she is regarded as the
destroyer, the Mahakali as Kali Tantra says-"kāli kālanāt" meaning
Kali is the one who finishes. Kalika Purana depicts her as the "Adi
Shakti" (Fundamental Power) and "Para Prakriti" or beyond nature.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agni_Purana
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Garuda_Purana
In Tantra
Kali Yantra
Goddesses play an important role in the study and practice of Tantra
Yoga, and are affirmed to be as central to discerning the nature of
reality as are the male deities. Although Parvati is often said to be
the recipient and student of Shiva's wisdom in the form of Tantras, it
is Kali who seems to dominate much of the Tantric iconography, texts,
and rituals.[3] In many sources Kali is praised as the highest reality
or greatest of all deities. The Nirvana-tantra says the gods Brahma,
Vishnu, and Shiva all arise from her like bubbles in the sea,
ceaselessly arising and passing away, leaving their original source
unchanged. The Niruttara-tantra and the Picchila-tantra declare all of
Kali's mantras to be the greatest and the Yogini-tantra, Kamakhya-
tantra and the Niruttara-tantra all proclaim Kali vidyas
(manifestations of Mahadevi, or "divinity itself"). They declare her
to be an essence of her own form (svarupa) of the Mahadevi.[4]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tantra
In the Mahanirvana-tantra, Kali is one of the epithets for the
primordial sakti, and in one passage Shiva praises her:
At the dissolution of things, it is Kala [Time] Who will devour all,
and by reason of this He is called Mahakala [an epithet of Lord
Shiva], and since Thou devourest Mahakala Himself, it is Thou who art
the Supreme Primordial Kalika. Because Thou devourest Kala, Thou art
Kali, the original form of all things, and because Thou art the Origin
of and devourest all things Thou art called the Adya [primordial
Kali]. Resuming after Dissolution Thine own form, dark and formless,
Thou alone remainest as One ineffable and inconceivable. Though having
a form, yet art Thou formless; though Thyself without beginning,
multiform by the power of Maya, Thou art the Beginning of all,
Creatrix, Protectress, and Destructress that Thou art.[3]
The figure of Kali conveys death, destruction, and the consuming
aspects of reality. As such, she is also a "forbidden thing", or even
death itself. In the Pancatattva ritual, the sadhaka boldly seeks to
confront Kali, and thereby assimilates and transforms her into a
vehicle of salvation.[5] This is clear in the work of the Karpuradi-
stotra[6], a short praise to Kali describing the Pancatattva ritual
unto her, performed on cremation grounds. (Samahana-sadhana)
He, O Mahakali who in the cremation-ground, naked, and with
dishevelled hair, intently meditates upon Thee and recites Thy mantra,
and with each recitation makes offering to Thee of a thousand Akanda
flowers with seed, becomes without any effort a Lord of the earth. 0
Kali, whoever on Tuesday at midnight, having uttered Thy mantra, makes
offering even but once with devotion to Thee of a hair of his Sakti
[his female companion] in the cremation-ground, becomes a great poet,
a Lord of the earth, and ever goes mounted upon an elephant.[5]
The Karpuradi-stotra clearly indicates that Kali is more than a
terrible, vicious, slayer of demons who serves Durga or Shiva. Here,
she is identified as the supreme mistress of the universe, associated
with the five elements. In union with Lord Shiva, who is said to be
her spouse, she creates and destroys worlds. Her appearance also takes
a different turn, befitting her role as ruler of the world and object
of meditation.[7] In contrast to her terrible aspects, she takes on
hints of a more benign dimension. She is described as young and
beautiful, has a gentle smile, and makes gestures with her two right
hands to dispel any fear and offer boons. The more positive features
exposed offer the distillation of divine wrath into a goddess of
salvation, who rids the sadhaka of fear. Here, Kali appears as a
symbol of triumph over death.[8]
[edit] In Bengali tradition
Kali Puja festivalKali is also a central figure in late medieval
Bengali devotional literature, with such devotees as Ramprasad Sen
(1718–75). With the exception of being associated with Parvati as
Shiva's consort, Kali is rarely pictured in Hindu mythology and
iconography as a motherly figure until Bengali devotions beginning in
the early eighteenth century. Even in Bengali tradition her appearance
and habits change little, if at all.[9]
The Tantric approach to Kali is to display courage by confronting her
on cremation grounds in the dead of night, despite her terrible
appearance. In contrast, the Bengali devotee appropriates Kali's
teachings, adopting the attitude of a child. In both cases, the goal
of the devotee is to become reconciled with death and to learn
acceptance of the way that things are. These themes are well addressed
in Ramprasad's work.[10]
Ramprasad comments in many of his other songs that Kali is indifferent
to his wellbeing, causes him to suffer, brings his worldly desires to
nothing and his worldly goods to ruin. He also states that she does
not behave like a mother should and that she ignores his pleas:
Can mercy be found in the heart of her who was born of the stone? [a
reference to Kali as the daughter of Himalaya]
Were she not merciless, would she kick the breast of her lord?
Men call you merciful, but there is no trace of mercy in you, Mother.
You have cut off the heads of the children of others, and these you
wear as a garland around your neck.
It matters not how much I call you "Mother, Mother." You hear me, but
you will not listen.[11]
To be a child of Kali, Ramprasad asserts, is to be denied of earthly
delights and pleasures. Kali is said to not give what is expected. To
the devotee, it is perhaps her very refusal to do so that enables her
devotees to reflect on dimensions of themselves and of reality that go
beyond the material world.[11][12]
A significant portion of Bengali devotional music features Kali as its
central theme and is known as Shyama Sangeet. Mostly sung by male
vocalists, today even women have taken to this form of music. One of
the finest singers of Shyama Sangeet is Pannalal Bhattacharya.
In Bengal, Kali is venerated in the festival Kali Puja - the new moon
day of Ashwin month which coincides with Diwali festival.
Mythology
Slayer of Raktabija
In Kali's most famous myth, Durga and her assistants, Matrikas, wound
the demon Raktabija, in various ways and with a variety of weapons, in
an attempt to destroy him. They soon find that they have worsened the
situation, as for every drop of blood that is spilt from Raktabija,
the demon reproduces a clone of himself. The battlefield becomes
increasingly filled with his duplicates.[13] Durga, in dire need of
help, summons Kali to combat the demons. It is also said that Goddess
Durga takes the form of Goddess Kali at this time.
The Devi Mahatmyam describes:
Out of the surface of her (Durga's) forehead, fierce with frown,
issued suddenly Kali of terrible countenance, armed with a sword and
noose. Bearing the strange khatvanga (skull-topped staff ), decorated
with a garland of skulls, clad in a tiger's skin, very appalling owing
to her emaciated flesh, with gaping mouth, fearful with her tongue
lolling out, having deep reddish eyes, filling the regions of the sky
with her roars, falling upon impetuously and slaughtering the great
asuras in that army, she devoured those hordes of the foes of the
devas.[14]
Kali destroys Raktabija by sucking the blood from his body and putting
the many Raktabija duplicates in her gaping mouth. Pleased with her
victory, Kali then dances on the field of battle, stepping on the
corpses of the slain. Her consort Shiva lies among the dead beneath
her feet, a representation of Kali commonly seen in her iconography as
Daksinakali.[15]
In the Devi Mahatmya version of this story, Kali is also described as
a Matrika and as a Shakti or power of Devi. She is given the epithet
Cāṃuṇḍā (Chamunda), i.e. the slayer of the demons Chanda and Munda.
[16] Chamunda is very often identified with Kali and is very much like
her in appearance and habit.[17]
Daksinakali
Bhadrakali (A gentle form of Kali), circa 1675.
Painting; made in India, Himachal Pradesh, Basohli,
now placed in LACMA.In her most famous pose as Daksinakali, it is said
that Kali, becoming drunk on the blood of her victims on the
battlefield, dances with destructive frenzy. In her fury she fails to
see the body of her husband, Shiva, who lies among the corpses on the
battlefield.[18] Ultimately the cries of Shiva attract Kali's
attention, calming her fury. As a sign of her shame at having
disrespected her husband in such a fashion, Kali sticks out her
tongue. However, some sources state that this interpretation is a
later version of the symbolism of the tongue: in tantric contexts, the
tongue is seen to denote the element (guna) of rajas (energy and
action) controlled by sattva, spiritual and godly creatures who served
as assassins.[19]
One South Indian tradition tells of a dance contest between Shiva and
Kali. After defeating the two demons Sumbha and Nisumbha, Kali takes
up residence in a forest. With fierce companions she terrorizes the
surrounding area. One of Shiva's devotees becomes distracted while
performing austerities, and asks Shiva to rid the forest of the
destructive goddess. When Shiva arrives, Kali threatens him, claiming
the territory as her own. Shiva challenges Kali to a dance contest,
and defeats her when she is unable to perform the energetic Tandava
dance. Although in this case Kali is defeated, and is forced to
control her disruptive habits, there are very few other images or
other myths depicting her in such a manner.[20]
Maternal Kali
Another myth depicts the infant Shiva calming Kali. In this similar
story, Kali again defeated her enemies on the battlefield and began to
dance out of control, drunk on the blood of the slain. To calm her
down and to protect the stability of the world, Shiva is sent to the
battlefield, as an infant, crying aloud. Seeing the child's distress,
Kali ceases dancing to take care of the helpless infant. She picks him
up, kisses his head, and proceeds to breast feed the infant Shiva.[21]
This myth depicts Kali in her benevolent, maternal aspect; something
that is revered in Hinduism, but not often recognized in the West.
Ekamukhi or "One-Faced" Murti of Mahakali displaying ten hands holding
the signifiers of various Devas
Mahakali
Main article: Mahakali
Mahakali (Sanskrit: Mahākālī, Devanagari: महाकाली), literally
translated as Great Kali, is sometimes considered as a greater form of
Kali, identified with the Ultimate reality of Brahman. It can also
simply be used as an honorific of the Goddess Kali,[22] signifying her
greatness by the prefix "Mahā-". Mahakali, in Sanskrit, is
etymologically the feminized variant of Mahakala or Great Time (which
is interpreted also as Death), an epithet of the God Shiva in
Hinduism. Mahakali is the presiding Goddess of the first episode of
the Devi Mahatmya. Here she is depicted as Devi in her universal form
as Shakti. Here Devi serves as the agent who allows the cosmic order
to be restored.
Iconography
Statue from Dakshineswar Kali Temple, West Bengal, India; along with
her Yantra.Kali is portrayed mostly in two forms: the popular four-
armed form and the ten-armed Mahakali form. In both of her forms, she
is described as being black in color but is most often depicted as
blue in popular Indian art. Her eyes are described as red with
intoxication, and in absolute rage, her hair is shown disheveled,
small fangs sometimes protrude out of her mouth, and her tongue is
lolling. She is often shown naked or just wearing a skirt made of
human arms and a garland of human heads. She is also accompanied by
serpents and a jackal while standing on a seemingly dead Shiva,
usually right foot forward to symbolize the more popular Dakshinamarga
or right-handed path, as opposed to the more infamous and
transgressive Vamamarga or left-handed path.[23]
In the ten-armed form of Mahakali she is depicted as shining like a
blue stone. She has ten faces and ten feet and three eyes. She has
ornaments decked on all her limbs. There is no association with Shiva.
[24]
The Kalika Purana describes Kali as possessing a soothing dark
complexion, as perfectly beautiful, riding a lion, four-armed, holding
a sword and blue lotuses, her hair unrestrained, body firm and
youthful.[25]
In spite of her seemingly terrible form, Kali Ma is often considered
the kindest and most loving of all the Hindu goddesses, as she is
regarded by her devotees as the Mother of the whole Universe. And,
because of her terrible form she is also often seen as a great
protector. When the Bengali saint Ramakrishna once asked a devotee why
one would prefer to worship Mother over him, this devotee rhetorically
replied, "Maharaj, when they are in trouble your devotees come running
to you. But, where do you run when you are in trouble?"[26]
According to Ramakrishna, darkness is the Ultimate Mother, or Kali:
My Mother is the principle of consciousness. She is Akhanda
Satchidananda; indivisible Reality, Awareness, and Bliss. The night
sky between the stars is perfectly black. The waters of the ocean
depths are the same; The infinite is always mysteriously dark. This
inebriating darkness is my beloved Kali.
-Sri Ramakrishna
Throughout her history artists the world over have portrayed Kali in
myriad poses and settings, some of which stray far from the popular
description, and are sometimes even graphically sexual in nature.
Given the popularity of this Goddess, artists everywhere will continue
to explore the magnificence of Kali's iconography. This is clear in
the work of such contemporary artists as Charles Wish, and Tyeb Mehta,
who sometimes take great liberties with the traditional, accepted
symbolism, but still demonstrate a true reverence for the Shakta sect.
Popular form
Classic depictions of Kali share several features, as follows:
Kali's most common four armed iconographic image shows each hand
carrying variously a sword, a trishul (trident), a severed head and a
bowl or skull-cup (kapala) catching the blood of the severed head.
Two of these hands (usually the left) are holding a sword and a
severed head. The Sword signifies Divine Knowledge and the Human Head
signifies human Ego which must be slain by Divine Knowledge in order
to attain Moksha. The other two hands (usually the right) are in the
abhaya (fearlessness) and varada (blessing) mudras, which means her
initiated devotees (or anyone worshiping her with a true heart) will
be saved as she will guide them here and in the hereafter.[27]
She has a garland consisting of human heads, variously enumerated at
108 (an auspicious number in Hinduism and the number of countable
beads on a Japa Mala or rosary for repetition of Mantras) or 51, which
represents Varnamala or the Garland of letters of the Sanskrit
alphabet, Devanagari. Hindus believe Sanskrit is a language of
dynamism, and each of these letters represents a form of energy, or a
form of Kali. Therefore she is generally seen as the mother of
language, and all mantras.[28]
She is often depicted naked which symbolizes her being beyond the
covering of Maya since she is pure (nirguna) being-consciousness-bliss
and far above prakriti. She is shown as very dark as she is brahman in
its supreme unmanifest state. She has no permanent qualities — she
will continue to exist even when the universe ends. It is therefore
believed that the concepts of color, light, good, bad do not apply to
her — she is the pure, un-manifested energy, the Adi-shakti.[29]
[edit] Mahakali form
The Dasamukhi MahakaliKali is depicted in the Mahakali form as having
ten heads, ten arms, and ten legs. Each of her ten hands is carrying a
various implement which vary in different accounts, but each of these
represent the power of one of the Devas or Hindu Gods and are often
the identifying weapon or ritual item of a given Deva. The implication
is that Mahakali subsumes and is responsible for the powers that these
deities possess and this is in line with the interpretation that
Mahakali is identical with Brahman. While not displaying ten heads, an
"ekamukhi" or one headed image may be displayed with ten arms,
signifying the same concept: the powers of the various Gods come only
through Her grace.
Shiva in Kali iconography
In both these images she is shown standing on the prone, inert or dead
body of Shiva. There is a mythological story for the reason behind her
standing on what appears to be Shiva's corpse, which translates as
follows:
Once Kali had destroyed all the demons in battle, she began a terrific
dance out of the sheer joy of victory. All the worlds or lokas began
to tremble and sway under the impact of her dance. So, at the request
of all the Gods, Shiva himself asked her to desist from this behavior.
However, she was too intoxicated to listen. Hence, Shiva lay like a
corpse among the slain demons in order to absorb the shock of the
dance into himself. When Kali eventually stepped upon her husband she
realized her mistake and bit her tongue in shame.[30]
The Tantric interpretation of Kali standing on top of her husband is
as follows:
The Shiv tattava (Divine Consciousness as Shiva) is inactive, while
the Shakti tattava (Divine Energy as Kali) is active. Shiva, or
Mahadeva represents Brahman, the Absolute pure consciousness which is
beyond all names, forms and activities. Kali, on the other hand,
represents the potential (and manifested) energy responsible for all
names, forms and activities. She is his Shakti, or creative power, and
is seen as the substance behind the entire content of all
consciousness. She can never exist apart from Shiva or act
independently of him, i.e., Shakti, all the matter/energy of the
universe, is not distinct from Shiva, or Brahman, but is rather the
dynamic power of Brahman.[31]
Kali in Traditional Form, standing on Shiva's chest.While this is an
advanced concept in monistic Shaktism, it also agrees with the Nondual
Trika philosophy of Kashmir, popularly known as Kashmir Shaivism and
associated most famously with Abhinavagupta. There is a colloquial
saying that "Shiva without Shakti is Shava" which means that without
the power of action (Shakti) that is Mahakali (represented as the
short "i" in Devanagari) Shiva (or consciousness itself) is inactive;
Shava means corpse in Sanskrit and the play on words is that all
Sanskrit consonants are assumed to be followed by a short letter "a"
unless otherwise noted. The short letter "i" represents the female
power or Shakti that activates Creation. This is often the explanation
for why She is standing on Shiva, who is either Her husband and
complement in Shaktism or the Supreme Godhead in Shaivism.
To properly understand this complex Tantric symbolism it is important
to remember that the meaning behind Shiva and Kali does not stray from
the non-dualistic parlance of Shankara or the Upanisads. According to
both the Mahanirvana and Kularnava Tantras, there are two distinct
ways of perceiving the same absolute reality. The first is a
transcendental plane which is often described as static, yet infinite.
It is here that there is no matter, there is no universe and only
consciousness exists. This form of reality is known as Shiva, the
absolute Sat-Chit-Ananda — existence, knowledge and bliss. The second
is an active plane, an immanent plane, the plane of matter, of Maya,
i.e., where the illusion of space-time and the appearance of an actual
universe does exist. This form of reality is known as Kali or Shakti,
and (in its entirety) is still specified as the same Absolute Sat-Chit-
Ananda. It is here in this second plane that the universe (as we
commonly know it) is experienced and is described by the Tantric seer
as the play of Shakti, or God as Mother Kali.[32]
Kali and Bhairava (the terrible form of Shiva) in Union, 18th century,
NepalFrom a Tantric perspective, when one meditates on reality at
rest, as absolute pure consciousness (without the activities of
creation, preservation or dissolution) one refers to this as Shiva or
Brahman. When one meditates on reality as dynamic and creative, as the
Absolute content of pure consciousness (with all the activities of
creation, preservation or dissolution) one refers to it as Kali or
Shakti. However, in either case the yogini or yogi is interested in
one and the same reality — the only difference being in name and
fluctuating aspects of appearance. It is this which is generally
accepted as the meaning of Kali standing on the chest of Shiva.[31]
Although there is often controversy surrounding the images of divine
copulation, the general consensus is benign and free from any carnal
impurities in its substance. In Tantra the human body is a symbol for
the microcosm of the universe; therefore sexual process is responsible
for the creation of the world. Although theoretically Shiva and Kali
(or Shakti) are inseparable, like fire and its power to burn, in the
case of creation they are often seen as having separate roles. With
Shiva as male and Kali as female it is only by their union that
creation may transpire. This reminds us of the prakrti and purusa
doctrine of Samkhya wherein prakāśa- vimarśa has no practical value,
just as without prakrti, purusa is quite inactive. This (once again)
stresses the interdependencies of Shiva and Shakti and the vitality of
their union.[33]
Gopi Krishna proposed that Kali standing on the dead Shiva or Shava
(Sanskrit for dead body) symbolised the helplessness of a person
undergoing the changing process (psychologically and physiologically)
in the body conducted by the Kundalini Shakti.[34]
Development
In the later traditions, Kali has become inextricably linked with
Shiva. The unleashed form of Kali often becomes wild and
uncontrollable, and only Shiva is able to tame her. This is both
because she is often a transformed version of one of his consorts and
because he is able to match her wildness. The ancient text of Kali
Kautuvam describes her competition with Shiva in dance, from which the
sacred 108 Karanas appeared. Shiva won the competition by acting the
urdva tandava, one of the Karanas, by raising his feet to his head.
Other texts describe Shiva appearing as a crying infant and appealing
to her maternal instincts. While Shiva is said to be able to tame her,
the iconography often presents her dancing on his fallen body, and
there are accounts of the two of them dancing together, and driving
each other to such wildness that the world comes close to unravelling.
Shiva's involvement with Tantra and Kali's dark nature have led to her
becoming an important Tantric figure. To the Tantric worshippers, it
was essential to face her Curse, the terror of death, as willingly as
they accepted Blessings from her beautiful, nurturing, maternal
aspect. For them, wisdom meant learning that no coin has only one
side: as death cannot exist without life, so life cannot exist without
death. Kali's role sometimes grew beyond that of a chaos — which could
be confronted — to that of one who could bring wisdom, and she is
given great metaphysical significance by some Tantric texts. The
Nirvāna-tantra clearly presents her uncontrolled nature as the
Ultimate Reality, claiming that the trimurti of Brahma, Visnu and
Rudra arise and disappear from her like bubbles from the sea. Although
this is an extreme case, the Yogini-tantra, Kamakhya-tantra and the
Niruttara-tantra declare her the svarupa (own-being) of the Mahadevi
(the great Goddess, who is in this case seen as the combination of all
devis).
The final stage of development is the worshipping of Kali as the Great
Mother, devoid of her usual violence. This practice is a break from
the more traditional depictions. The pioneers of this tradition are
the 18th century Shakta poets such as Ramprasad Sen, who show an
awareness of Kali's ambivalent nature. Ramakrishna, the 19th century
Bengali saint, was also a great devotee of Kali; the western
popularity of whom may have contributed to the more modern, equivocal
interpretations of this Goddess. Rachel McDermott's work, however,
suggests that for the common, modern worshipper, Kali is not seen as
fearful, and only those educated in old traditions see her as having a
wrathful component. Some credit to the development of Devi must also
be given to Samkhya. Commonly referred to as the Devi of delusion,
Mahamaya, acting in the confines of (but not being bound by) the
nature of the three gunas, takes three forms: Maha-Kali, Maha-Lakshmi
and Maha-Saraswati, being her tamas-ika, rajas-ika and sattva-ika
forms. In this sense, Kali is simply part of a larger whole.
1947 TIME Magazine cover by Boris Artzybasheff depicting a self-
hurting Kālī as a symbol of the partition of IndiaLike Sir John
Woodroffe and Georg Feuerstein, many Tantric scholars (as well as
sincere practitioners) agree that, no matter how propitious or
appalling you describe them, Shiva and Devi are simply recognizable
symbols for everyday, abstract (yet tangible) concepts such as
perception, knowledge, space-time, causation and the process of
liberating oneself from the confines of such things. Shiva,
symbolizing pure, absolute consciousness, and Devi, symbolizing the
entire content of that consciousness, are ultimately one and the same
— totality incarnate, a micro-macro-cosmic amalgamation of all
subjects, all objects and all phenomenal relations between the "two."
Like man and woman who both share many common, human traits yet at the
same time they are still different and, therefore, may also be seen as
complementary.[35]
Worshippers prescribe various benign and horrific qualities to Devi
simply out of practicality. They do this so they may have a variety of
symbols to choose from, symbols which they can identify and relate
with from the perspective of their own, ever-changing time, place and
personal level of unfolding. Just like modern chemists or physicists
use a variety of molecular and atomic models to describe what is
unperceivable through rudimentary, sensory input, the scientists of
ontology and epistemology must do the same. One of the underlying
distinctions of Tantra, in comparison to other religions, is that it
allows the devotee the liberty to choose from a vast array of
complementary symbols and rhetoric that which suits one's evolving
needs and tastes. From an aesthetic standpoint, nothing is interdict
and nothing is orthodox. In this sense, the projection of some of
Devi's more gentle qualities onto Kali is not sacrilege and the
development of Kali really lies in the practitioner, not the murthi.
A TIME magazine article of October 27, 1947, used Kālī as a symbol and
metaphor for the human suffering in British India during its partition
that year.[36]
In New Age and Neopaganism
An academic study of Western Kali enthusiasts noted that, "as shown in
the histories of all cross-cultural religious transplants, Kali
devotionalism in the West must take on its own indigenous forms if it
is to adapt to its new environment."[37] The adoption of Kali by the
West has raised accusations of cultural misappropriation:
"A variety of writers and thinkers [...] have found Kali an exciting
figure for reflection and exploration, notably feminists and
participants in New Age spirituality who are attracted to goddess
worship. [For them], Kali is a symbol of wholeness and healing,
associated especially with repressed female power and sexuality.
[However, such interpretations often exhibit] confusion and
misrepresentation, stemming from a lack of knowledge of Hindu history
among these authors, [who only rarely] draw upon materials written by
scholars of the Hindu religious tradition. The majority instead rely
chiefly on other popular feminist sources, almost none of which base
their interpretations on a close reading of Kali's Indian background.
[...] The most important issue arising from this discussion – even
more important than the question of 'correct' interpretation –
concerns the adoption of other people's religious symbols. [...] It is
hard to import the worship of a goddess from another culture:
religious associations and connotations have to be learned, imagined
or intuited when the deep symbolic meanings embedded in the native
culture are not available."[38]
Gerald Gardner was reportedly particularly interested in Kali whilst
he was in the far east, before returning to England to write his
seminal works on Wicca[citation needed].
References
^ Encyclopedia International, by Grolier Incorporated Copyright in
Canada 1974. AE5.E447 1974 031 73-11206 ISBN 0-7172-0705-6 page 95
^ Mahābhārata 10.8.64-69, cited in Coburn, Thomas; Devī-Māhātmya —
Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition; Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi,
1984; ISBN 81-208-0557-7 pages 111–112.
^ a b D. Kinsley p. 122.
^ D. Kinsley p. 122–123.
^ a b D. Kinsley p. 124.
^ Karpuradi Stotra, Tantrik Texts Vol IX, Arthur Avalon (Sir John
Woodroffe), Calcutta Agamanusandhana Samiti, 1922.
^ D. Kinsley p. 124–125.
^ D. Kinsley p. 125.
^ D. Kinsley p. 126.
^ D. Kinsley p.125–126.
^ a b D. Kinsley p. 128.
^ MantraOnNet.com:Text & Images of Kali
^ D. Kinsley p. 118.
^ Devi Mahatmyam, Swami Jagadiswarananda, Ramakrishna Math, 1953.
^ D. Kinsley p. 118–119.
^ Wangu p. 72.
^ Kinsley p. 241 Footnotes.
^ D. Kinsley pp. 119, 130.
^ McDermott 2003.
^ D. Kinsley p. 119.
^ D. Kinsley p. 131.
^ Offering Flowers, Feeding Skulls By June McDaniel p.257
^ The Art of Tantra, Philip Rawson, Thames & Hudson, 1973.
^ Sankaranarayanan. S. Devi Mahatmya. p 127.
^ David Gordon White (ed.), Tantra in Practice, ISBN 81-208-1778-8
p466.
^ Sri Ramakrishna (The Great Master), Swami Saradananda, Ramakrishna
Math, 1952, page 624, Sri Ramakrishna: The Spiritual Glow, Kamalpada
Hati, P.K. Pramanik, Orient Book Co., 1985, pages 17–18.
^ Tantra in Practice, David Gordon White, Princeton Press, 2000, page
477.
^ Tantra in Practice, David Gordon White, Princeton Press, 2000, page
475.
^ Tantra in Practice, David Gordon White, Princeton Press, 2000, page
463–488.
^ Hindu Gods & Goddesses, Swami Harshananda, Ramakrishna Math, 1981,
pages 116–117.
^ a b Tantra (The Path of Ecstasy), Georg Feuerstein, Shambhala, 1998,
pages 70–84, Shakti and Shâkta, Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe),
Oxford Press/Ganesha & Co., 1918.
^ Tantra in Practice, David Gordon White, Princeton Press, 2000, page
463–488, Shakti and Shâkta, Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe), Oxford
Press/Ganesha & Co., 1918.
^ Impact of Tantra on Religion & Art, T. N. Mishra, D.K. Print World,
1997, V.
^ Krishna, Gopi (1993)Living with Kundalini: (Shambhala, 1993 ISBN
0877739471).
^ Tantra (The Path of Ecstasy), Georg Feuerstein, Shambhala, 1998,
Shakti and Shâkta, Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe), Oxford Press/
Ganesha & Co., 1918.
^ The Trial of Kali, TIME Magazine, October 27, 1947.
^ McDermott, Rachel Fell, "The Western Kali", in Hawley, John Stratton
& Wulff, Donna M., Devi: The Goddess in India, p. 305.
^ McDermott, Rachel Fell, "The Western Kali", in Hawley, John Stratton
& Wulff, Donna M., Devi: The Goddess in India, pp. 281–305.
Shakti and Shâkta, Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe), Oxford Press/
Ganesha & Co., 1918
Sri Ramakrishna (The Great Master), Swami Saradananda, Ramakrishna
Math,1952
Devi Mahatmyam, Swami Jagadiswarananda, Ramakrishna Math, 1953
The Art of Tantra, Philip Rawson, Thames & Hudson, 1973
Hindu Gods & Goddesses, Swami Harshananda, Ramakrishna Math, 1981
Sri Ramakrishna: The Spiritual Glow, Kamalpada Hati, P.K. Pramanik,
Orient Book Co., 1985
Hindu Goddesses, David R. Kinsley, University of California Press,
1988
Kali (The Black Goddess of Dakshineswar) Elizabeth U. Harding, Nicolas
Hays, 1993
Impact of Tantra on Religion & Art, T. N. Mishra, D.K. Print World,
1997
Indian Art (revised), Roy C. Craven, Thames & Hudson, 1997
A Dictionary of Buddhist & Hindu Iconography (Illustrated), Frederick
W. Bunce, D.K. Print World, 1997
Tantra (The Path of Ecstasy), Georg Feuerstein, Shambhala, 1998
Oxford Concise Dictionary of World Religions, John Bowker, Oxford
Press, 2000
Tantra in Practice, David Gordon White, Princeton Press, 2000
Encountering Kali (In the margins, at the center, in the west), Rachel
Fell McDermott, Berkeley : University of California Press, 2003
[edit] Further reading
Shanmukha Anantha Natha and Shri Ma Kristina Baird, Divine Initiation
Shri Kali Publications (2001) ISBN 0-9582324-0-7 - Has a chapter on
Mahadevi with a commentary on the Devi Mahatmyam from the Markandeya
Purana.
Swami Jagadiswarananda, tr., Devi Mahatmyam Chennai, Ramakrishna Math.
ISBN 81-7120-139-3
Elizabeth Usha Harding, Kali: The Black Goddess of Dakshineswar ISBN
0-89254-025-7
Devadatta Kali, In Praise of The Goddess, The Devimahatmyam and Its
Meaning ISBN 0-89254-080-X
David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Vision of the Divine Feminine in the
Hindu Religious Traditions ISBN 81-208-0379-5
Rachel Fell McDermott, Encountering Kali: In the Margins, at the
Center, in the West (ISBN 0-520-23240-2)
Ajit Mookerjee, Kali: The Feminine Force ISBN 0-89281-212-5
Swami Satyananda Saraswati, Kali Puja ISBN 1-887472-64-9
Ramprasad Sen, Grace and Mercy in Her Wild Hair: Selected Poems to the
Mother Goddess ISBN 0-934252-94-7
Sir John Woodroffe (aka Arthur Avalon)Hymns to the Goddess and Hymn to
Kali ISBN 81-85988-16-1
Robert E. Svoboda, Aghora, at the left hand of God ISBN 0-914732-21-8
Dimitri Kitsikis, L'Orocc, dans l'âge de Kali ISBN 2-89040-359-9
Lex Hixon, Mother of the Universe: Visions of the Goddess and Tantric
Hymns of Enlightenment ISBN 0-8356-0702-X
Neela Bhattacharya Saxena, In the Beginning is Desire: Tracing Kali's
Footprints in Indian Literature ISBN 818798161X
The Goddess Kali of Kolkata (ISBN 81-7476-514-X) by Shoma A.
Chatterji
Encountering The Goddess: A Translation of the Devi-Mahatmya and a
Study of Its Interpretation (ISBN 0-7914-0446-3) by Thomas B. Coburn
Dictionary of Hindu Lore and Legend (ISBN 0-500-51088-1) by Anna
Dallapiccola
Kali: The Black Goddess of Dakshineswar (ISBN 0-89254-025-7) by
Elizabeth Usha Harding
In Praise of The Goddess: The Devimahatmyam and Its Meaning (ISBN
0-89254-080-X) by Devadatta Kali
Hindu Goddesses: Vision of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious
Traditions (ISBN 81-208-0379-5) by David Kinsley
Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine (ISBN 0-520-20499-9) by David
Kinsley
Offering Flowers, Feeding Skulls: Popular Goddess Worship in West
Bengal (ISBN 0-195-16791-0) by June McDaniel
Encountering Kali: In the Margins, at the Center, in the West (ISBN
0-520-23240-2) by Rachel Fell McDermott
Mother of My Heart, Daughter of My Dreams: Kali and Uma in the
Devotional Poetry of Bengal (ISBN 0-19-513435-4) by Rachel Fell
McDermott
Kali: The Feminine Force (ISBN 0-89281-212-5) by Ajit Mookerjee
Seeking Mahadevi: Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great
Goddess (ISBN 0-791-45008-2) Edited by Tracy Pintchman
The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition (ISBN 0-7914-2112-0) by
Tracy Pintchman
External links
Hinduism portal
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Kali at the Open Directory Project
http://www.dmoz.org/Society/Religion_and_Spirituality/Hinduism/Gods_and_Goddesses/Kali/
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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kali
Goddess as Kali - The Feminine Force in Indian Art
Article of the Month - August 2000 Printer Friendly Version
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Share this Page with a friend The worship of a mother goddess as the
source of life and fertility has prehistoric roots, but the
transformation of that deity into a Great goddess of cosmic powers was
achieved with the composition of the Devi Mahatmya (Glory of the
goddess), a text of the fifth to sixth century, when worship of the
female principle took on dramatic new dimensions. The goddess is not
only the mysterious source of life, she is the very soil, all-creating
and all consuming.
Kali makes her 'official' debut in the Devi-Mahatmya, where she is
said to have emanated from the brow of Goddess Durga (slayer of
demons) during one of the battles between the divine and anti-divine
forces. Etymologically Durga's name means "Beyond Reach". She is thus
an echo of the woman warrior's fierce virginal autonomy. In this
context Kali is considered the 'forceful' form of the great goddess
Durga.
Kali is represented as a Black woman with four arms; in one hand she
has a sword, in another the head of the demon she has slain, with the
other two she is encouraging her worshippers. For earrings she has two
dead bodies and wears a necklace of skulls ; her only clothing is a
girdle made of dead men's hands, and her tongue protrudes from her
mouth. Her eyes are red, and her face and breasts are besmeared with
blood. She stands with one foot on the thigh, and another on the
breast of her husband.
Kali's fierce appearances have been the subject of extensive
descriptions in several earlier and modern works. Though her fierce
form is filled with awe- inspiring symbols, their real meaning is not
what it first appears- they have equivocal significance:
Kali's blackness symbolizes her all-embracing, comprehensive nature,
because black is the color in which all other colors merge; black
absorbs and dissolves them. 'Just as all colors disappear in black, so
all names and forms disappear in her' (Mahanirvana Tantra). Or black
is said to represent the total absence of color, again signifying the
nature of Kali as ultimate reality. This in Sanskrit is named as
nirguna (beyond all quality and form). Either way, Kali's black color
symbolizes her transcendence of all form.
A devotee poet says:
"Is Kali, my Divine Mother, of a black complexion?
She appears black because She is viewed from a distance;
but when intimately known She is no longer so.
The sky appears blue at a distance, but look at it close by
and you will find that it has no colour.
The water of the ocean looks blue at a distance,
but when you go near and take it in your hand,
you find that it is colourless."
... Ramakrishna Paramhansa (1836-86)
Kali's nudity has a similar meaning. In many instances she is
described as garbed in space or sky clad. In her absolute, primordial
nakedness she is free from all covering of illusion. She is Nature
(Prakriti in Sanskrit), stripped of 'clothes'. It symbolizes that she
is completely beyond name and form, completely beyond the illusory
effects of maya (false consciousness). Her nudity is said to represent
totally illumined consciousness, unaffected by maya. Kali is the
bright fire of truth, which cannot be hidden by the clothes of
ignorance. Such truth simply burns them away.
She is full-breasted; her motherhood is a ceaseless creation. Her
disheveled hair forms a curtain of illusion, the fabric of space -
time which organizes matter out of the chaotic sea of quantum-foam.
Her garland of fifty human heads, each representing one of the fifty
letters of the Sanskrit alphabet, symbolizes the repository of
knowledge and wisdom. She wears a girdle of severed human hands- hands
that are the principal instruments of work and so signify the action
of karma. Thus the binding effects of this karma have been overcome,
severed, as it were, by devotion to Kali. She has blessed the devotee
by cutting him free from the cycle of karma. Her white teeth are
symbolic of purity (Sans. Sattva), and her lolling tongue which is red
dramatically depicts the fact that she consumes all things and denotes
the act of tasting or enjoying what society regards as forbidden, i.e.
her indiscriminate enjoyment of all the world's "flavors".
Kali's four arms represent the complete circle of creation and
destruction, which is contained within her. She represents the
inherent creative and destructive rhythms of the cosmos. Her right
hands, making the mudras of "fear not" and conferring boons, represent
the creative aspect of Kali, while the left hands, holding a bloodied
sword and a severed head represent her destructive aspect. The
bloodied sword and severed head symbolize the destruction of ignorance
and the dawning of knowledge. The sword is the sword of knowledge,
that cuts the knots of ignorance and destroys false consciousness (the
severed head). Kali opens the gates of freedom with this sword, having
cut the eight bonds that bind human beings. Finally her three eyes
represent the sun, moon, and fire, with which she is able to observe
the three modes of time: past, present and future. This attribute is
also the origin of the name Kali, which is the feminine form of
'Kala', the Sanskrit term for Time.
Another symbolic but controversial aspect of Kali is her proximity to
the cremation ground:
O Kali, Thou art fond of cremation grounds;
so I have turned my heart into one
That thou, a resident of cremation grounds,
may dance there unceasingly.
O Mother! I have no other fond desire in my heart;
fire of a funeral pyre is burning there;
O Mother! I have preserved the ashes of dead bodies all around
that Thou may come.
O Mother! Keeping Shiva, conqueror of Death, under Thy feet,
Come, dancing to the tune of music;
Prasada waits With his eyes closed
... Ramprasad (1718-75)
Kali's dwelling place, the cremation ground denotes a place where the
five elements (Sanskrit: pancha mahabhuta) are dissolved. Kali dwells
where dissolution takes place. In terms of devotion and worship, this
denotes the dissolving of attachments, anger, lust, and other binding
emotions, feelings, and ideas. The heart of the devotee is where this
burning takes place, and it is in the heart that Kali dwells. The
devotee makes her image in his heart and under her influence burns
away all limitations and ignorance in the cremation fires. This inner
cremation fire in the heart is the fire of knowledge, (Sanskrit:
gyanagni), which Kali bestows.
The image of a recumbent Shiva lying under the feet of Kali represents
Shiva as the passive potential of creation and Kali as his Shakti. The
generic term Shakti denotes the Universal feminine creative principle
and the energizing force behind all male divinity including Shiva.
Shakti is known by the general name Devi, from the root 'div', meaning
to shine. She is the Shining One, who is given different names in
different places and in different appearances, as the symbol of the
life-giving powers of the Universe. It is she that powers him. This
Shakti is expressed as the i in Shiva's name. Without this i, Shiva
becomes Shva, which in Sanskrit means a corpse. Thus suggesting that
without his Shakti, Shiva is powerless or inert.
Kali is a particularly appropriate image for conveying the idea of the
world as the play of the gods. The spontaneous, effortless, dizzying
creativity of the divine reflex is conveyed in her wild appearance.
Insofar as kali is identified with the phenomenal world, she presents
a picture of that world that underlies its ephemeral and unpredictable
nature. In her mad dancing, disheveled hair, and eerie howl there is
made present the hint of a world reeling, careening out of control.
The world is created and destroyed in Kali's wild dancing, and the
truth of redemption lies in man's awareness that he is invited to take
part in that dance, to yield to the frenzied beat of the Mother's
dance of life and death.
O Kali, my Mother full of Bliss! Enchantress of the almighty Shiva!
In Thy delirious joy Thou dancest, clapping Thy hands together!
Thou art the Mover of all that move, and we are but Thy helpless toys
...Ramakrishna Paramhans
Kali and her attendants dance to rhythms pounded out by Shiva (Lord of
destruction) and his animal-headed attendants who dwell in the
Himalayas. Associated with chaos and uncontrollable destruction,
Kali's own retinue brandishes swords and holds aloft skull cups from
which they drink the blood that intoxicates them. Kali, like Shiva,
has a third eye, but in all other respects the two are distinguished
from one another. In contrast to Shiva's sweet expression, plump body,
and ash white complexion, dark kali's emaciated limbs, angular
gestures, and fierce grimace convey a wild intensity. Her loose hair,
skull garland, and tiger wrap whip around her body as she stomps and
claps to the rhythm of the dance.
Many stories describe Kali's dance with Shiva as one that "threatens
to destroy the world" by its savage power. Art historian Stella
Kramrisch has noted that the image of kali dancing with Shiva follows
closely the myth of the demon Daruka. When Shiva asks his wife Parvati
to destroy this demon, she enters Shiva's body and transforms herself
from the poison that is stored in his throat. She emerges from Shiva
as Kali, ferocious in appearance, and with the help of her flesh
eating retinue attacks and defeats the demon. Kali however became so
intoxicated by the blood lust of battle that her aroused fury and wild
hunger threatened to destroy the whole world. She continued her
ferocious rampage until Shiva manifested himself as an infant and lay
crying in the midst of the corpse-strewn field. Kali, deceived by
Shiva's power of illusion, became calm as she suckled the baby. When
evening approached, Shiva performed the dance of creation (tandava) to
please the goddess. Delighted with the dance, Kali and her attendants
joined in.
This terrific and poignant imagery starkly reveals the nature of Kali
as the Divine Mother. Ramaprasad expresses his feelings thus:
Behold my Mother playing with Shiva,
lost in an ecstasy of joy!
Drunk with a draught of celestial wine,
She reels, and yet does not fall.
Erect She stands on Shiva's bosom,
and the earth Trembles under Her tread;
She and Her Lord are mad with frenzy,
casting Aside all fear and shame.
... Ramprasad (1718-75)
Kali's human and maternal qualities continue to define the goddess for
most of her devotees to this day. In human relationships, the love
between mother and child is usually considered the purest and
strongest. In the same way, the love between the Mother Goddess and
her human children is considered the closest and tenderest
relationship with divinity. Accordingly, Kali's devotees form a
particularly intimate and loving bond with her. But the devotee never
forgets Kali's demonic, frightening aspects. He does not distort
Kali's nature and the truths she reveals; he does not refuse to
meditate on her terrifying features. He mentions these repeatedly in
his songs but is never put off or repelled by them. Kali may be
frightening, the mad, forgetful mistress of a world spinning out of
control, but she is, after all, the Mother of all. As such, she must
be accepted by her children- accepted in wonder and awe, perhaps, but
accepted nevertheless. The poet in an intimate and lighter tone
addresses the Mother thus:
O Kali! Why dost Thou roam about nude?
Art Thou not ashamed, Mother!
Garb and ornaments Thou hast none;
yet Thou Pridest in being King's daughter.
O Mother! Is it a virtue of Thy family that Thou
Placest thy feet on Thy husband?
Thou art nude; Thy husband is nude; you both roam cremation grounds.
O Mother! We are all ashamed of you; do put on thy garb.
Thou hast cast away Thy necklace of jewels, Mother,
And worn a garland of human heads.
Prasada says, "Mother! Thy fierce beauty has frightened
Thy nude consort.
... Ramaprasad
The soul that worships becomes always a little child: the soul that
becomes a child finds God oftenest as mother. In a meditation before
the Blessed Sacrament, some pen has written the exquisite assurance:
"My child, you need not know much in order to please Me. Only Love Me
dearly. Speak to me, as you would talk to your mother, if she had
taken you in her arms."
Kali's boon is won when man confronts or accepts her and the realities
she dramatically conveys to him. The image of Kali, in a variety of
ways, teaches man that pain, sorrow, decay, death, and destruction are
not to be overcome or conquered by denying them or explaining them
away. Pain and sorrow are woven into the texture of man's life so
thoroughly that to deny them is ultimately futile. For man to realize
the fullness of his being, for man to exploit his potential as a human
being, he must finally accept this dimension of existence. Kali's boon
is freedom, the freedom of the child to revel in the moment, and it is
won only after confrontation or acceptance of death. To ignore death,
to pretend that one is physically immortal, to pretend that one's ego
is the center of things, is to provoke Kali's mocking laughter. To
confront or accept death, on the contrary, is to realize a mode of
being that can delight and revel in the play of the gods. To accept
one's mortality is to be able to let go, to be able to sing, dance,
and shout. Kali is Mother to her devotees not because she protects
them from the way things really are but because she reveals to them
their mortality and thus releases them to act fully and freely,
releases them from the incredible, binding web of "adult" pretense,
practicality, and rationality.
We hope you have enjoyed reading the article. Any comments or feedback
that you may have will be greatly appreciated. Please send your
feedback to feed...@exoticindia.com.
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chhotemianinshallah
Concept of Copyright in Ancient India
We received many inquiries about tradition of Copyrights in India (I
believe due to some of the recent controversies involving Indians and
People of Indian origin), and one of the researchers requested my
opinion on the concept of Copyright in ancient India.
The concept of proprietary right of an author over his work did not
exist in ancient India. All knowledge was meant for public utility and
not for any gain to the individual.
The reason is simple. Writing was believed to be the result of, Dhee
Sakti or intellectual power obtained only through God's grace. Naham
Karta, Harirkarta, I am not the doer, Hari or God is the Doer was the
humble belief of a scholar. Hence no commercial gain was attached to
the work of an author. Every book was the result of long standing
painful efforts which could not be counted in terms of money.
Nor did the great writers aspire for personal publicity or propaganda;
they cared for popularity of their subject. The book was a dedication
to God first and last. Hence most of the books in ancient times,
literary or non-literary, start with invocation to God or their
favorite deity and end with a colophon and benedictory prayer.
For centuries, palm-leaf books formed treasure of learning. They were
few and rare, before paper and printing made their appearance in
India. Access to books was rare. Hand-copying was in vogue. To get the
copies of books made and distributing them free was considered a
meritorious act. Even copyists thought their duty was a sacred one.
Merit of a book was established in the assembly of scholars in the
presence of a king or nobleman, who himself would be a well-versed
scholar. Once approved by the learned, the works were available to the
public.
Oral system of learning prevailed and books were read to a attentive
listeners. Repeating, memorising and reproducing were more important;
book reading and writing were considered secondary. Books were not on
sale. Hence the question of copyright did not bother our past
authors.
Well known writers and poets got all the encouragement from the
rulers. A distinguished writer was invariably a court poet. He was
publicly felicitated from time to time after his bona-fides were
established. He used to get good remuneration in terms of land and
money.
Works on poetics profusely quoted the original authors, with courtesy.
Popularity of his work was the greatest aspiration for a writer. The
reach and not the reward being their aim, the selfish idea of making
name or money by establishing authorship never struck the ancient
writers. Only books of universal appeal and eternal values have
survived in Sanskrit or regional languages. Proprietary rights have no
meaning to works of Vyasa, Valmiki, Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti and hundreds
of other writers.
If there were instances of plagiarism, there is no record of them.
Many court poets and writers lent their patron's name to their valued
works, willingly or through sheer obedience. It was left to critics of
later centuries, to establish the authentic authorship.
Amma's Column by Jyotsna Kamat
http://www.kamat.com/jyotsna/blog/blog.php?BlogID=977
Brahmanism Controlled Masses Through Language
Dr. K. Jamanadas,
National Language of India
A lecturer friend of mine, who was trying to convince me that learning
becomes easy in student's mother tongue, was taken aback to hear from
me that India does not have a mother tongue, it has mother tongues.
Does India have a national language? Presumably, it does, and it is
Hindi. How it came to become a national language is described by Dr.
Ambedkar who was present in the Congress Party meeting as Chairman of
the Drafting Committee when the Draft Constitution of India was being
considered, on the issue of adopting Hindi as the National language:
"...There was no article which proved more controversial than Article
115 which deals with the question. No article produced more
opposition. No article more heat. After a prolonged discussion when
the question was put, the vote was 78 against 78. The tie could not be
resolved. After a long time when the question was put to the party
meeting the result was 77 against 78 for Hindi. Hindi won its place as
a national language by one vote. I am stating these facts from my
personal knowledge. ..." [Ambedkar B. R., Thoughts on Linguistic
States, Writings & Speeches, Maharashtra Govt., 1989, vol. 1, p. 148]
It is not known, whether the member had gone out in the mean time and
was absent during voting the second time, but surely it does not speak
highly of a language to have been declared as "National" under such
circumstances. This is specially so, when in practice, whole of India
thinks in English, may be it is Law, Medicine, Sports, Commerce,
Accounting, Cinema, Literature, Poetry or any other field of life. In
the homes of elites, English is not only spoken by children and
servants but also their pets like cats and dogs.
Language Problem of India
The question of language is a tricky problem in India. India is a vast
country. True. It was much vaster in ancient times. Now it has been
divided into three countries. In India itself, there are numerous
languages. Some of them are official languages and some are struggling
to become official. The country is divided into provinces on the basis
of language. Gandhiji had promised to do that before independence. So
it was done. The strangest thing is that the people fight among
themselves on the basis of language, as if the linguistic provinces
are two different nations. Dr. Ambedkar had warned that there is a
very thin line between linguistic provinces and linguistic nations and
he had suggested some safeguards and remedies to prevent the calamity
of converting the linguistic provinces into linguistic nations.
Unfortunately no heed was paid to his wise advice. We have to consider
whether India was always having multiple languages, and why there are
so many languages in India and why does the speech differ every few
miles.
Origin of language
Itihasacharya V. K. Rajwade explained that Language originated from
sound, script originated from pictures, expression from natural body
movements and utensils from the figures seen. All this was invented by
the wisdom of man himself by hard work of trial and error, and not due
to any imaginary gods or asuras in imaginary heaven or hell. That
voice originated from damaru of Shankara, Gandhaba-kanya taught the
art of drawing pictures, acting was taught by some kinnara, and making
of utensils was taught by some imaginary vishwakarma are all myth,
fantasy and a pack of lies, nothing is divine, all these arts are
acquired by man by efforts and by learning from trial and error.
[Rajwade V. K., bharatiya vivah sansthe cha itihas, marathi, p. 106]
Language of masses was different
Mr. Nair explains quoting authorities, that language of the masses is
different from that of the "classes". This difference is calculated by
the elites for establishing and maintaining their supremacy. As Nair
quotes Lapier:
"A language is a system of cultural definition whereby meanings are
assigned to a great variety of specific sound combinations thereof and
among a literate people, graphic representations thereof. But the
members of the society seldom speak or even write in terms of the
culturally designated definitions. They speak and write in some
special vernacular which differs both quantitatively and qualitatively
from the official language i.e. from the language as embodied among a
literate people in dictionaries, manuals of grammar and the like".
[`Theory of social control' p. 261, quoted by Nair B. N., "The Dynamic
Brahmin", p.68]
Was Sanskrit a spoken language?
Contrary to the recent hindutwavadi propaganda, it is a well
established fact that Sanskrit was never a spoken language:
"Let us remember that Sanskrit as its meaning indicates was never a
spoken language and that it was only a purified version of the
language that was in popular usage such as Prakrit, and that its
refinement and the codification of grammar in an unalterable form was
the work of grammarians like Panini." [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic
Brahmin", p.67]
Even strong protagonists like Pandit Mishra aver that it was a spoken
language but the "spoken" means, it was spoken by "shishtas" i.e.
elite (meaning Brahmins) alone. Rest of the masses were speaking
Prakrit. [Mishra, p.376] Even in late Sanskrit drammas, as is well
known, the charectors of higher castes speak Sanskrit, and the others
speak Prakrit. So speech depended on the caste.
Views of Prof. Rhys Davids
His opinion is perhaps the consensus opinion and based upon deep study
of scriptures, sculptures and epigraphs both Brahmanical as well as
Buddhistic. He observes:
"... Priests have preserved for us, not so much the opinions the
people actually held, as the opinions the priests wished them to
hold. ... What had happened with respect to religious belief is on a
par with what had happened with respect to language. From Takkasila
all the way down to Champa no one spoke Sanskrit. The living language,
everywhere, was a sort of Pali. Many of the old Vedic words were
retained in more easily pronounceable forms. Many new words had been
formed, on analogy, from the existing stock of roots. Many other new
word had been adopted from non- Aryan form of speech. Many Aryan
words, which do not happen to occur in the Vedic texts, had
nevertheless survived in popular use. And mean while, in the schools
of the priests, and there only, a knowledge of the Vedic language
(which we often call Sanskrit) was kept up. But even this Sanskrit of
the schools had progressed, as some would say, or had degenerated, as
others would say, from the Vedic standard. And the Sanskrit in actual
use in the as it is from the so- called classical Sanskrit of the post
Buddhistic poems and plays." [Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 211 ff.,
emphasis ours]
He avers that, outside the schools of the priests, the curious and
interesting beliefs recorded in the Rig Veda had practically little
effect, and Vedic theosophy was never a popular faith. Vedic rituals
are not of simpler faith, and are advanced. The gods of the older
system - the dread Mother Earth, the dryads and the dragons, the dog-
star, even the moon the sun have been cast into the shade by the new
gods of the fire, the exciting drink, and the thunderstorm. The
mystery and the magic of the ritual of the sacrifice had complications
and expense. [Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 211 ff.]
Max Muller, who believed that thoughts in Rigveda were primitive, as
these thoughts are so bizarre and absurd that they cannot be
considered as advanced, and one is so accustomed to consider the
priesthood as the great obstacle to any way of reform in India, he
averred, that it is difficult to believe that the Brahmins could ever,
as a class have championed the newer views. Rhys Davids, disagreeing
with Max Muller, believed that the beliefs recorded in the Rig Veda
are not primitive or original, as proved by comparison with evolution
of religious beliefs elsewhere. These beliefs were in the view of the
men who formulated them, a kind of advance on the previous ideas. And
when the Rig Veda was finally closed there were many other beliefs,
commonly held among the Aryans in India, but not represented in that
Veda. [Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 211 ff.]
Social Control through language
The so called "purity" of Sanskrit makes it a dead language, may be
true, but that was the intention of the users, to safeguard their own
supremacy over the masses. Nair exclaims:
"... The maintenance of the purity of Sanskrit language since the days
of Panini until the present day is wonder of wonders that is largely
to be explained by the tenacity of the Brahmin to preserve it as such,
as the sacred language of status group even though their spoken
language was, by and large, the local languages or a mixture of the
two. This is not to admit that early Sanskrit before it reification
did not borrow words from Dravidian languages and made them its own.
As a matter of fact detailed research in the linguistic prehistory
India is bound to reveal many instances for such a fusion of Tamil
words into Sanskrit, especially that style of Sanskrit which came to
be used for limited secular purposes." [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic
Brahmin", p.68]
Sanskrit is static language
Ancient Tamil grammar Tolkapium, Nair says, was a "scientific treatise
on grammar" created to "safeguard the system of cultural definitions".
Brahmins maintained purity of their language because of the fear of
local language of masses. Why did the Brahmins try to keep their
language different than that of the masses? The reason is that they
wanted to maintain their supremacy through it. The process is
continuing even now. When elites speak of it a "pure" they actually
mean "static", and anything becomes static then it merits the title of
"dead". Mr. Nair explains the tendency:
"The purity of Sanskrit since the days it assumed its present
grammatical shape is to be explained by it static state, as the
restricted and sole vehicle of a sacerdotal class who jealously
preserved it from the corroding influence of non-Brahmin languages.
This they did out of fear as experience had already taught them that
in the mutual impact it was Sanskrit that stood the chance of loosing
its integrity and getting assimilated with the "Paisachi" language
which was widely prevalent in the subcontinent of India at the time of
their arrival. So then true to the spirit and apostolic motivation of
cultural conquerors they set about to conquer the speakers of the
language but also the latter's language itself. There is a hymn in the
Rig Veda which expresses this wish most solemnly and which may have
been recited by countless generations of Brahmins,"May we conquer the
ill-speaking man" [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.69]
Panini was ignorant about history: Rajwade
Itihasacharya Rajwade had done a lot of work not only in history but
also in linguistic field. He explained the code language of
Mahanubhavas as well as he explained origin of Sanskrit. He declared
that Panini had no knowledge of amalgamation and mixture of primitive
societies. He explained how the use of neuter gender in Sanskrit
originated from the mixture of two societies, one having a nasal twang
and other without it. While explaining grammar, Rajwade scientifically
uses the sociological concepts, and clarifies what Panini could not.
He declares boldly that Panini had no historical perspective and that
Panini's belief, that Sanskrit is the language of the devas and hence
anaadi, (having no beginning), as "eccentric". He avers that there is
not a single word or a phrase in whole of ashtadhyai of Panini, which
could suggest that Sanskrit originated from Vedic language. Panini
could not ever think that Sanskrit is the corrupt or hybrid form of
Vedic language. Because of this disregard of history, Panini thought
there was no world before Vedas, and no time before it. His thoughts
are thus opposed to progress and because of his ignorance, the society
became dejected about the future. There were many pre-vedic languages,
then Vedic, then Panini's Sanskrit, then Prakrit, and regional
languages like Marathi etc. is the progressive evolution, but because
of Panini's thoughts this was considered as degeneration. Panini's
ashtadhyai is the well known example of how the unhistorical attitude
causes the gross damage, he observes. [Rajwade V. K., bharatiya vivah
0sansthe cha itihas, marathi, introduction by S.A.Dange p. 21]
Ancient language of whole of India was Tamil
Rajwade acknowledges the Aryans have come from outside India and the
original indigenous residents were the Naagas. They were expert in
drawing pictures, they later married Vedic Aryans and it is customary
to include Naaga vamsha into the Aryan fold. He also acknowledges the
presence of non-Aryan languages like Asur bhasha, Dravida bhasha,
Chinese and Red Indian and African languages. [Rajwade V. K.,
bharatiya vivah sansthe cha itihas, marathi, p. 100]
Paishachi language was Tamil is the experts' view. Having made it
clear that Paishachi language was a very rich language, and very
widely spoken, let us see the experts' views on what was this
language. Before Aryans could influence things here, the language of
India was "Paishachi", which meant Tamil, and it was spoken from
Kashmir to Kanyakumari. Nair observes:
"According to Mr. Oldham there are ample evidences to show that the so-
call "Paisachi" language was spoken throughout India. He says "It is
evident that the old Sanskrit Grammarians considered the language of
the Dravidian countries to be connected with the vernaculars of
Northern India; and that in their opinion it was especially related to
the speech of those who as we have seen, were apparently descended
from the Asura tribes. Thus in the Shahasha Chandrika Lakshmidhara
says that the Paisachi language is spoken in the Paisachi countries of
Pandya, Kekaya Vahlika, Sahya, Nepala, Kuntala, Sudarsha, Bota,
Gandhara, Haiva and Kangana and there are Paisachi countries. Of all
the vernaculars the Paisachi is said to have contained the smallest
infusion of Sanskrit". [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.70]
Dr. K. M. Panikar has something equally interesting to say; "The
distribution of the indigenous races even today in the uplands of
South Bihar and in the eastern areas of Madhya Pradesh and the
persistence of the Bhils in the Aravalli and Vindhya ranges show that
as a population momentum the Aryan invasion ceased to have any
momentum after it reached the Gangetic valley. The gradual spread of
Hinduism all over India and with it the Aryan speech should not blind
us to the fact that even in North India outside the Punjab the Aryans
contributed only a racial strain. In Gujrat and in Maharashtra the neo-
Aryans were able to improve their language but in the Deccan and in
the South the Dravidian speech not only held its own but was able to
drive out the Austric and other linguistic elements. The spread of
Aryanism and Sanskrit, originally associated with Agastiyas' crossing
of the Vindhyas became, an accomplished fact only in the first
centuries of the Christian era as may be seen from the earlier
Paisachi tradition of the Satavahana Emperors of Pratishtan" [K. M.
Panikker, Geographical Factors in Indian History, 1955, quoted by Nair
B. N., "The Dynamic 0Brahmin", p.70]
Paisachi was Tamil
Nair confirms that Paishachi was Tamil.
"Now we may ask: what could have been this Paisachi language other
than the Tamil of pre-Tholkappian epoch? Indeed, the author of
Tholkappiyam (who is considered to be a Brahmin himself) felt as much
nervous about the vigour of Sanskrit or more possibly Prakrit as the
Brahmin Aryans felt consternation about the richness of this
"Paishachi" language. In spite of this, it is evident that the two
languages could not continue side by side in certain regions without
influencing one another for their mutual benefit. Hence it is that we
find that rules have been laid down in Tholkappiyam for the adoption
of Sanskrit words under certain conditions and subject to certain
rules while Prakrit itself normally absorbed certain Dravidian
0features." [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.70]
Ashokan India was speaking Prakrit and not Sanskrit Hindutwavadis like
to project that the main stream of Indian thought flows through
Sanskrit. This is totally false, as can be seen by historical
evidences of epigraphs. Original inscriptions were not Sanskrit. Apart
from Ashoka's edicts, the most ancient inscriptions of Arekmedu, which
talk of Buddha's teachings, were not in Sanskrit but in Prakrit.
Another European authority Dr. J. Filliozat is worth quoting in this
respect:
"Even much later, in the first half of the first century of Christian
era when appeared the first dated Tamil inscriptions, those of
Virapatnam - Arikamedu near Pondicherry, Sanskrit was not yet current
in Tamilanad as the inscriptions in an Indo-Aryan language found along
with the Tamil inscriptions are in Prakrit. These inscriptions are no
doubt very short and very few but we can at least be sure that they
are exactly comparable with those of Ceylon at the same epoch; here
also middle-Indian was employed and not Sanskrit. The characters of
these inscriptions around the beginning of the Christian era the same
and very similar in their shapes to the ancient Brahmi of Ashoka,
giving supplementary evidence of the importance of the contribution of
Ashoka's empire to the culture in the South. [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic
Brahmin", p.71]
As late as Pallava times, the earlier Pallava inscriptions were in
Prakrit and not Sanskrit.
Sangam literature
Not only the inscriptions, but even the classical Tamil literature of
second or third century was not Sanskrit, but Tamil. The same author
observes:
"If we now consider the ancient Tamil works, we find in almost all
some allusion to vedic or Brahmanic rites and the use of some Sanskrit
words though very few. When Indo Aryan words are adopted in Tamil in
Sangam literature they are more frequently borrowed form Prakrit forms
or with Prakritic features. Surely Sanskrit and Prakrit cultures were
known to some extent in Tamilanad but rather through Prakrit than
through Sanskrit. Massive influence of Sanskrit in Tamil literature
took place much later". [Dr. J. Filliozat on Tamil and Sanskrit in
South India, in Tamil Culture, vol. IV, No. 4, Oct. 1955 quoted by
Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.71]
Sanskrit gained ground because it was sonorous Nair explains why
Sanskrit could catch up:
"Now going back to the base of our theoretical structure viz. local
Hinduism we find that Sanskrit language spread through ritualistic
practices introduced by the Brahmins in the "Gramakshetra" or village
temple. Ritualistic Sanskrit was mostly poetry and it was poetry in
the form of Manthras and stotras that first caught the profane ears of
the non- Brahmin temple worshipper. These Manthras and Stotras were
resonant with sonorous words and phrases and so replete which imagery
that when recited aloud they seldom failed to evoke strong feelings of
devotion in the minds of the hearer who knew the mythology behind this
majestic poetry. Here lies the beginnings of the social control of the
Brahmin through a language which was reified and strengthened to suit
their purposes." [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.72]
Nair further explains:
"As was pointed out earlier the spread of Sanskrit began with the
recital of Sanskrit poetry rich in resonant poetic forms and phrases,
e.g. Vedic hymns, strotras such as that by Shankaracharya. These
verses with their suggestive and powerful words were so much in
contrast with the soft and liquid sounds of the non-Aryan speeches
that as compared to the former, the equivalents in the latter failed
to evoke any feeling in the crowd. [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin",
p.74]
Hindi was retaining Sanskrit Influence
At a time, when Brahmins decided to divide the country on the basis of
language at the time of fall of Buddhism, they were careful enough to
maintain superiority of Sanskrit influence. As Nair quotes:
"In fact historically also the growth of Hindi, despite its
variations, has taken place in the Gangetic valley in such a way as to
retain the purity of sense and meaning of Sanskrit words. This will be
further seen by a study of the semantic changes that have taken places
in Sanskrit words after their absorption in other regional languages.
Viewed in this way, it is also clear why many orthodox Hindus are not
willing to accept Hindustani as the national language because it
contains a large strata of words from Persian, Arabic and Turkish
which were spoken by former cultural conquerors. The adoption of
Hindustani as the official language in place of Hindi would not be in
keeping with the Brahmanical revival that is making itself prominently
felt in India during the post-Independence period." [Nair B. N., "The
Dynamic Brahmin", p.75]
Trick of trigger phrases
Nair explains how Sanskrit has been the effective vehicle for the
spread of trigger phrases in Indian thought. The average educated
Indian, especially a Hindu, cannot easily recognise these artificial
trigger phrases and words in his speech, as he is unconsciously
habituated for centuries to use these as a matter of second nature for
him. In fact without these trigger words and phrases, he cannot find
the correct word or a substitute word or phrase which is free from
Sanskritic influence." [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.76]
Spread of Sanskrit
Nair explains, in the initial period, how Sanskrit spread so rapidly
and influenced the thought processes of the masses while it started
only as the language of ritual.:
"...The answer is simple enough. With the growth in power of Brahmin
priests in their temples there was also the growth the growth in their
importance and influence in the courts of kings and chieftains. The
Dharma Shastras were incorporated in the puranas at a time (about the
middle of the 4th century A.D.) when the Brahmins acquired the
position of a status-group within the caste hierarchy. ... The gradual
stages by which Sanskrit became powerful in the South is best
described by Dr. Filliozat. [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.77]
Dr. Filliozat's views are summarized below. Sanskrit words were
borrowed but Tamil scholars continued the use their own grammar. Most
known Sanskrit texts were Ayurveda and Jotishya, apart from Gita.
Tamil saints, who were non-brahmins, used ordinary Tamil words without
technical meaning, though Sanskrit ideas are alluded to. Their
compositions were devotional and not philosophical. Tamil was used
more till Shankara wrote on upanishadas etc. in c. 800 A.D. Thus Tamil
received double dose of Sanskrit words from north and south. Tamil
works of religious import were reinterpreted as Vedantic, and awarded
status of Vedas. [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.78]
Non-brahmin dignitaries were coopted
Tamil saint poets attained great fame at a later stage, but though men
like Nammalwar were denied the status of Kulapati of Vaishnavas only
because he was a non-brahmin, these saints were made use of to further
the cause of chaturvana, by declaring them as their own. Nair explains
the tendency:
"However, every time a non-Brahmin attained remarkable stature in the
assimilation of Brahmanical culture and produced some work of
intrinsic merit in his own language for the use of his fellowmen, the
Brahmins lost no time in giving the work a Sanskritic interpretation
as to disallow it an independent existence of its own and continued
esteem in popular mind. It is clearly due to the insecurity in the
Brahmin mind that leads them to adopt this strategy as is evident from
many modern instances. In fact it is not quite a well-known fact that
the orthodox Brahmins had at one time offered to Mahatma Gandhi the
choice of the acceptance of Brahminhood which he characteristically
refused. The fact that he was finally assassinated by a fanatic
Chitpavan Brahmin of Poona is more than significant of the suppressed
hostility of those caste-conscious Brahmins all over India who could
not share the enlightened views of that great soul." [Nair B. N., "The
Dynamic Brahmin", p.78]
Brahmanism flourished due to British rule
Nair explains how the British helped spread of Brahmanism throughout
India, and exclaims that the Brahmin succeeded in utilising the
Britishers as an unconscious tool for the strengthening of his social
control over masses by four streams of activity by the British
administration which directly contributed to the strength of all-India
Hinduism under Brahmin leadership. Dr. M. N. Srinivas classified them
as follows.
(a)systematic reconstruction of Indian history
(b)development of mass communication media, films of mythological
themes and Brahmanical control over press. To this could now be added
electronic media and mythological serials.
(c)growth of movements against defects in Brahmanical religion like
untouchability, child marriage etc.
(d)study of Sanskrit literature and philosophy
Nair exclaims that, thus the Brahmin discovered his soul and saw with
clear eyes the beauty and ugliness of his own handiwork in India, and
the regrouping of social forces that took place under the British
regime. [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p. 80]
Christians not influenced by the sanskritisation
Concluding, Nair mentions another weakness of Sanskrit: "And this
concerns its failure to leave the psychological impress on the
Christian community in India. Christianity of the real proselytising
variety came to India and drew it strength only during the British
occupation so that it must be considered intrinsically as the religion
of a cultural and political conqueror. The conversions of Christianity
were mostly from people who were outside the pale of Brahmanical
Hinduism so that the cultural influences of Sanskrit were not felt by
these people to any extent before conversion or after it." [Nair B.
N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.81]
Sanskrit has no relevance with daily life
With rapid Sanskritisation, Nair feels, it lost relevance in daily
life of people, specially the non-Brahmins:
"... The 'weltanschauung' [i.e. outlook of world] of the South Indian
(non-Brahmin) was rendered highly unreal and abstract infusion of
Sanskrit words created a disjunction between the symbol and the
phenomenon. It was not merely the haphazard spread of Sanskrit or its
deliberate and principal use for sacerdotal purposes that brought
about this mental situation but also to a large extent the esotericism
that was imported in the use of the language, the word-meanings, etc.
And above all it was a leisure class (only) that used Sanskrit. As
Prof. Kosambi so aptly puts it "The language suffered from its long
monopolistic association with a class that had no direct interest in
technique, manual operations, trade agreements, contracts or surveys.
The class did have leisure enough to write their tenuous ideas in a
tortuous manner above the reach of the common herd and to unravel them
from such writings. Prose virtually disappeared from high literary
Sanskrit. Words that survived in literary usage took on so many
supplementary meanings that a good Sanskrit text cannot be interpreted
without a commentary. The glosses are often demonstrably wrong and
succeed in only confusing the text which has to be restored by
critical methods first developed in Europe. The older terms used in
administration (e.g. in Arathashastra and Copperplate charters) were
forgotten. In some cases, where obscurity was deliberately imposed
(i.e. the Tantric mysticism) cult and meaning of the text vanished
together. There were astounding mnenomic developments but they too
contributed to the same end by over-specialization and particular
jargons for every discipline". (An Introduction to the Study of Indian
History pp.225-266) [Nair B. N., "The Dynamic Brahmin", p.85]
Sanskrit has nothing to do with Computer
Some people, whose forefathers themselves were the sufferers of this
language, try to take pride and seek solace in believing that Sanskrit
is a good language for computer. The inventor of this myth seems to be
a person, not only with perverted sense of egotism about his heritage
and ignorance of his ancestral history, but also an urge to befool the
gullible masses of India. The minimum expectation from such scholars
would be to pause and think how a language which was not allowed to be
learned by a scholar like Dr. Ambedkar can ever be considered a good
language worth learning by masses. It is language of control by a few
over multitude. It is a language of oppression.
It has nothing to do with computer language, which is a binary
language, a language of 1s and 0s, a language of ON and OFF. After all
a computer is nothing but a collection of millions of fast acting
switches. It is by creating computer codes like EBCDIC and ASCII,
various alphabets can be assigned numbers, and these numbers
representing alphabets are converted into binary for computer
processing. Any language on the earth is equally good or equally bad
for the computer purpose. Those who claim that Sanskrit is a useful
language for computer have got a cruel and malevolent intention of
projecting the misdeeds of their forefathers. A scholar in them is
dead, only a caste superiority prejudice is seen in their such
statements.
Most unfortunate thing is that so called scholars from among the
sufferers of tyranny of this language, seem to have a liking of this
language through misconceived ideas about it. Their multiple degrees
are worth throwing away in a dust bin. Just by becoming learned in
Sanskrit does not qualify anybody to receive respect, you have to be
born. Read Dasbodh of Ramdas, if you have doubts. The language which
ruined this country, is respected by these so called scholars. It was
Ramdas himself, a Brahmanical social activist, who coined a phrase for
such people in Marathi- "padhat murkh", the nearest English rendering
of it should a learned fool.
What did the propagators of this language give to the people of this
country apart from disintegration and slavery of centuries. What kind
of society they have produced? A society full of discriminations where
more than half of people are unfit even for a touch, another one third
driven to forests and another group whose occupation is crime, a
society where prostitution is practiced in the name of God and
religion, a society where suicide is sacrosanct, a society where
uttering obscene abuses is a part of religion, a society where
daughters are murdered immediately after birth, a society where widows
are burnt on the funeral pyre of their husbands, a society where a
vast section of people are deprived from holding any property, holding
any arms, getting any education, a society where taking a marriage
procession on a public road brings atrocities, murder, rape and arson,
a society where nearly the whole country uses the public roads as a
toilet. And one expects these very people the sufferers of this
extreme exploitation to regard this language as holy and sacrosanct.
One only has to remember the words of Theludesus: It may be your
interest to be our masters, how can it be ours to be your slaves.
Still this is probably the only country in the world where the slaves
are enjoying their slavery and prisoners guard the prison gates and
display their fetters as ornaments.
There are people who try to propagate that the Sanskrit language is
the original language which was gifted by God (to Brahmins of India).
Despite all other languages in the world, to consider one particular
language as "god given" is the worst form of imprudence and arrogance,
to say the least; and is not only derogatory to the inventor of the
idea, but also marks the god with partiality to a caste.
Importance of Pali
After obtaining Buddhahood, the Buddha preached orally for the rest of
His life of 45 years, and these preachings were learned by heart by
the disciples. They were compiled into Tripitakas in various sangitis,
the first being 3 months after Mahaparinirvana, second 100 years
later, third in the reign of Ashoka, after which Bhikkus were sent to
various places. Mahinda and Sanghmitra went to Simhala. All these
years, all the preachings were preserved by oral tradition. It was
after this that they were reduced in writings, in Simhala during the
reign of Vattagamini (29 B.C.). This was fourth sangiti. The Buddha
did not insist for any particular language, and everybody learned them
in their own language. As a matter of fact, Tripitaka was preserved in
many languages. According to one famous Tibetan tradition, the
scriptures of Sarvasti-vadis' are in Sanskrit, those of Mahasanghikas
in Prakrit, those of Mahasammaitis in Apbhramsha and those of
Sthaviras in Paishachi. Today we know the word Pali as a name of
language. It contains whole of Tripitaka and Anupitaka of Thervada.
Originally, this word meant Original Teachings of the Buddha or
Tripitaka. Later it denoted the language of them. Thus the use of term
Pali as a name of language is rather new, and more in vogue since 19th
century. The language, we call today Pali is actually known
traditionally as Magadhi. It is well known that the Buddha had refused
permission to use Sanskrit as the vehicle of teachings, and declared
it as a minor crime. [Rahul Sankrutyayana, "pali sahitya ka itihas",
(hindi), 3rd ed., 1992, Uttar Pradesh Hindi Sansthan, Lukhnow, p.5]
Dr. Bhagchandra Jain also mentions that, Pali literature is rendered
in writing in Srilanka in First Century B.C., in the reign of
Vattagamini. Before that it was prevalent by oral recitation. This is
the reason why we find the compilation of many references could not be
made in chronological order in Pali literature. Some references are
twisted to suit them, some are omitted and some are added. Even then,
the available material is historically and culturally important. The
valuation from this angle is still not done. ["Chatushatakam"
Translator Editor : Dr. Bhagchandra Jain, Alok Parakashan Nagpur 1971
(Hindi), p.4] The study of Aryan languages in the middle age is
complete only after scientific study of Pali Language. Pali has
affected not only the modern Indian Languages but it has enough
contribution in the development of modern languages in countries like
Sinhala, Burma, Thailand, China, Japan, Tibet, Magnolia etc. and Pali
literature has proved to be a greatest help in fixing the dates of
ancient history. [Jain, p.6] L. M. Joshi also describes the influence
of Buddhist language and script as follows:
"... Indian paleography and epigraphy owe a great deal to the original
and pioneer inspiration of Buddhism and its lithic records. The
earliest historical inscriptions of India are the Buddhist
inscriptions. The dhammalipi of Ashoka became the mother of all
subsequent varieties of Brahmi and its derivative Indian scripts." [L.
M. Joshi, Aspects of Buddhism in Indian History, p.32]
Study of Sanskrit
Rigveda is said to be the most ancient book. Study of language started
in west after William Jones translated Shakuntalam into English. In
India, modern study of languages started after Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
opined through "Wilson philological lectures" that Sanskrit is the
original language and all the Indian as well as foreign languages
originated from it. [Mishra, p.351] Greek Helenic language also has
some similarities with Sanskrit. ["Vangmay Vimarsha" by Pundit
Vishwanath Prasad Mishra, Hindi Sahitya Kutir, Varanasi - 1, v.samvat
2023, p.358]
Some relate the Dravidian languages with Australian languages. After
Mohonjodaro excavation, now they are being related with Sumerian
languages. [Mishra, p.355] Word "mund" is used in Vayu Purana and in
Mahabharata it is used for a caste. The word "shabar" is still
ancient, which is found in Ateriya Brahman. Their language is called
Munda, Kol, or Shabar. There is a great influence of these languages
over several Indian languages, various examples are quoted by the
author of this influence on Bihari, Gujarathi and Madhyapradesh
language. [Mishra, p. 363]
Dravidian languages
Kumaril Bhatt made only two divisions Dravida and Andhra, But the
modern scholars have made following classification of Dravidian
languages:
1. Dravida- with (a) Tamil (b) Kannada (c) Tulu (d) Kodagu (e) Tod
2. Andhra- (a) Telugu
3. Central- with (a) Gondi (b) Kurukha (c) Kui (d) Kolami Tamil has
two forms. A poetic language called "shen", the other is called
"kodun", Malayalam is supposed to be elder daughter of Tamil.
Influence of Sanskrit is less on Tamil contrarily Malayalam has great
influence. [Mishra, p.365]
Languages of Indian Branch
There are two views. The scholars of ancient school believe that
original language is Sanskrit, form which all Aryan languages
originated, Prakrit from Sanskrit, Apbhransha from Prakrit and
regional languages from Apbhransha. New linguistic scholars believe
that Vedic Sanskrit itself originated from some original Aryan
language. On one side Vedic language, modified or Sanskrit was used
and on the other hand, unmodified or Prakrit was being used as a
language of common speech. Both these originated from some common
root. Sanskrit, the spoken language of elite (shistas - meaning
Brahmins), and Prakrit, the spoken language of the masses are sisters
of each other. That Prakrit is termed by them as "Aadim Prakrit"
meaning original Prakrit. From this evolved all other Prakrit
languages. Some people believe that, from original Prakrit the
classical Sanskrit, i.e Sanskrit of literature, evolved. But some
believe that classical Sanskrit evolved from Vedic Sanskrit through
stages of Brahmanas, Upanishadas, Kavyas, and Gathas. The divisions of
Indian languages made in "pratisakhyas" are considered by them as
regional forms of the original Prakrit - "Oudichya" (Northern),
"Pratichya" (western), "Dakshinatya" (southern) "Madhya
Deshiya" (bichali) and "Prachya" (eastern). Late Dr. Bhandarkar
believed in Evolution of Prakrit from Sanskrit. He thought Classical
and Vedic Sanskrit together as the original source of Prakrits. But
scholars have discarded this old view and they now believe Original
Prakrit as the source. [Pandit Vishanath Prasad Mishra, "Vangamay
Vimarsha", (hindi), published by Hindi Sahitya Kutir, Varanasi - 1,
5th edition, Vikram Samat 2023, p.371]
Prakrit
Prakrit can be divided into three stages if we consider Apbhransha as
a late Prakrit. There were three periods in its evolution. They are
ancient, middle are late Prakrit. [Mishra, p.376] Why it is called
Prakrit? 1. Prakriti means nature, so Prakrit a language of more
people. 2. Comparing Sanskrit and Prakrit, Sanskrit is refined and
Prakrit is unrefined. 3. Jains have defined Prakrit as the most
ancient language. They divide the word into 'Prak' and 'krit', and
they believe all other languages originated from Prakrit
(Ardhamagadhi).
Some people term all the languages placed under ancient Prakrit as
Pali, but we find there are many ancient Prakrits other than Pali.
Edicts of Ashoka, Hinayani Tripitakas, Mahavamsha, Jatakas etc.,
ancient Jain Sutras, and Prakrits of ancient dramas are grouped under
this language. [Mishra, p.377]
The language of Ashoka's edicts and Hinayana Scriptures has come to be
known as Pali. The language of scriptures is considered by Buddhists
as "Magadhi". [Mishra, p.377]
Ashoka Edicts
The language of Ashoka's Edicts differs in different areas. At least
two different types can be discerned. As the Buddha was from Magadha,
and he preached in people's language, it should be Magadhi, but after
due consideration, it seems that it was not Magadhi but general
Prakrit, because later Buddhist scriptures do not show the traits seen
in Magadhi Prakrit. [Mishra, p.377] Therefore, His preachings were in
"Pacchahi" language from which was originated Shouriseni Prakrit of
the middle lands and Maharashtri Prakrit of the whole country. Ashoka
also considered it the main language. The language of Jain sutras is
considered Ardha Magadhi, which should mean that it has got traits of
both Shourseni and Magadhi thus it is clear that the language of
middle country was the basis of evolution of Prakrit. [Mishra, p.378]
Middle Prakrit consists of Maharashtri Prakrit, Prakrit used in
dramas, Prakrit of later Jain scriptures and Paishyachi i.e language
of Brihat Katha.
Maharashtri had more respect among the Prakrits. The Maharashtri name
could be because of region like Shourseni or Magadhi but, it should be
considered as Maha as vast and Maharashtri means language of the
greater part of the country as becomes clear from a verse of Dandin.
[Mishra, p.379]
Apabhransha
Apbhramsha originated from Prakrit. Grammarians consider two forms of
it, "Nagar" and "Brachad". Sindhi evolved from Brached and Gujarathi,
Rajasthani, Braji etc. evolved from Nagar. There are two types
according to time. Early and late. Avahatha can be considered a late
type. The Apbhramsha more nearer to modern regional languages can be
placed in late type of Apbhramsha. [Mishra, p.382]
Modern Regional Languages of India
They originated after Apbhramsha. It can not be said definitely when
the poetry in regional languages started. But looking at the late
Apbhramsha, it is clear that the words of modern regional languages
are seen in them. Therefore, the time of the origin of regional
languages must be placed in Tenth or Eleventh centuries of Vikram Era.
[Mishra, p.383]
Hindi
Hindi was the first regional language to originate. Its ancient roots
are in Shourseni and also Magadhi or Ardha Magadhi. Name Hindi
originated from Hindu. Others do not agree with this. Hindu is a name
given by Muslims.
There are four types, Khadiboli, Rekhata, Nagari, and high Hindi.
[Mishra, p.389] Urdu evolved from language soldiers spoke in the
market, and thus it is basically hindi only. [Mishra, p.391] After
Britishers came Hindi got mixed with words from all languages and was
called "Hindusthani". [Mishra, p.393]
Classification of Hindi
1. Western (paschimi) (a) Khadi boli -
(i) Urdu - of three types of Northern (Uttari) - Rekhati; Dehalvi; and
Lakhanavi. And one Southern (Dakhani)
(ii) Mixed
(iii)High Hindi (uccha hindi)
(b)Bangaru (c) Central (Madyavarti) with
(i) Braji (ii) Kanauji and (iii) Bundeli
2. Eastern (Purvi) : - (a) Avadhi - with (i) Western (Pashimi) and
(ii) Eastern (Purvi) (b) Bagheli (c) Chattisgadhi
Scripts of India
Only two scripts were in vogue at the time of Ashoka, Brahmi and
Kharoshti. On the basis of available Brahmi inscriptions, the time of
Brahmi script is considered to be from 500 B.C. to 350 A.D. Two styles
were visible in Brahmi in 4th century A.D. which are called Northern
and Southern. The scripts evolved from Northern are, Gupta, Kutil,
Nagari, Sharda and Bangala, and from Southern are Western, Madhya
Pradeshi, Telugu Kannad, Grantha, Kalinga and Tamil. [Mishra, p.454]
Script of Gupta kings is termed as "Gupta", from which evolved in
sixth to nineth century, a script called "Kutil". From tenth century
onwards, we find traces of "Nagari" in North India. In South, it was
called "Nanda Nagari" and appeared around 8th century. From Nagari
evolved the Bangala, Kaithi, Gujarathi, Marathi languages. Sharda of
Kashmir evolved from Kutil. From Sharada evolved, Takkari and
Gurumukhi. From early Bangala script originated, present Bangala,
Maithili and Udiya. [Mishra, p.454] Out of Southern Styles, script
found in Kathiyavad, Gujarath, Nashik, Khandesh, Satara etc. is termed
Western. That found in Madhya Pradesh, North Hyderabad and Bundelkhand
is called Madhya Pradeshi, and Telgu-Kannad script was precursor of
present Telgu and Kannad scripts. A different script called "Grantha"
was being used to write Sanskrit works, from it evolved Malayalam and
Tulu. Kalinga script was in Kalinga. [Mishra, p.455]
About origin of word Nagari, there are different views. One view is it
was Urban (meaning Nagari) script. Some connect it with Nagar
Brahmins. There are others who consider that, previous to image
worship, devas were worshiped in the form of Yantras, the symbols of
which were called "Devnagar" giving the name to the script. [Mishra, p.
455]
How India got divided into numerous linguistic areas
The picture of diversity of languages and scripts in India - past and
present. How India, which, during Buddhist period, had only one main
language and one or two main scripts, got divided into various groups
with their intrinsic rivalries? This is the main problem, which nobody
bothers to refer to. After the fall of Buddhism, Brahmanism not only
divided the people into numerous castes with graded inequality and
numerous tiny dynasties with rivalries due to sense of high and low,
but also divided the whole country into small segments. It taught that
each kingdom, though small, is a different country. The result was
that the feeling of oneness was never present among the Hindus. There
never arose a feeling on one India among them. In scriptures, we find
definitions of 'foreign' lands at many places. They denote the
mischief caused. [Surendra Kumar Adnyat - "hindu dharm ne bachaya ya
pitavaya", Sarita Mukta Reprint vol. 7, p. 24]
Brahspati says that if there is a big river or a big mountain in
between, or if the language differs, then the countries on either side
should be treated as foreign lands of each other. Some say after 60
yojanas, new country starts, some say 40 and some say 30 yojanas. (One
yojana equals 8 miles). Brahaspati mentions another opinion using the
word 'videsh' in place of 'deshantara', that the videsh is that where
one can not get messages within one day. [Surendra Kumar Adnyat -
"hindu dharm ne bachaya ya pitavaya", Sarita Mukta Reprint vol. 7, p.
24]
Dharmasindhu defines 'deshantara' or 'videsh' on the basis of caste.
For a brahmin distance of 20 yojanas from his residence, is
'deshantara', for ksatriya it is 24 yojanas, for a vaishya it is 30
yojanas and for a sudra it is 60 yojanas. If a big mountain or river
comes in way or if there is difference of language, then it is a
different country, as said by some people. It only means, in such an
event, even though the distance is less than 20, 24, 30 or 60 yojanas,
even then it is 'deshantara' for brahmins, ksatriyas, vaishyas and
sudras respectively. [Surendra Kumar Adnyat - "hindu dharm ne bachaya
ya pitavaya", Sarita Mukta Reprint vol. 7, p. 24]
Thus as per scriptures, at the most 480 miles is the limit of your
country, every thing beyond is a foreign land. Even today, we use the
word 'pardeshi' meaning a foreigner for a resident of a town, some
distance away. When the sastras declare all areas except in immediate
vicinity are alien lands, how can one expect the rajas and subjects
consider other fellow Indians as their own in this vast land.
Kalivarjya was the method of control
That the kalivarj is the method of Brahmins to tackle with the
Buddhist influence over the masses and impose their supremacy. They
changed their laws without actually condemning them. All laws and
rules, were amended including Civil, Criminal, Revenue and personal
laws. It is not properly realized by the masses, that King was not the
Law maker; he had no legislative powers, contrary to the popular
belief. He was only the executive head and had a responsibility to
implement the laws made by the Brahmins. At the most he could only
legislate on revenue matters, that too, as per the rules already laid
down. He had some judicial powers, but that too, he could not pass
judgment against the law given by the Brahmins.
Who suffered in Kalivarjya
In Kalivarjya, main law was against sea voyage. That is how the sea
worthy races of Pallava and Chola countries suffered. All the trade
that was being conducted through the sea stopped. Who suffered? Not
the Brahmins, surely. It will be clear, if we take a look at the
products of export. Most of the products of export were based on the
agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry and forest economy. Even
the textile industry which had reached a high acclaim in foreign
lands, was based on cotton, silk and wool. All these occupations were
in the hands of working classes, who were all doomed to be shudras.
All these industries suffered. All these castes in the village economy
suffered. All these occupational groups, which were prosperous during
the Buddhist rule, were degraded into castes, due to rigid caste rules
imposed.
The mobility of the professions was stopped. Telis, who extracted oil
from oil seeds, Malis, who grew the vegetables, the Dhangars, who
reared the goats and lambs, Sutars, who made and repaired the farmers'
implements, Kumar, who suppled earthen pots to villagers and Mahars
and Mangs who protected the villages from strangers, all were
segregated. All these professions became hereditary and social
intercourse among them stopped. Not only this caused multiplicity of
castes, and regional variations in languages but also a different
language for various castes. This ultimately lead to present situation
of confusion, distrust and hostility among the people destroying
social fabric of country, for which we have only to thank the fall of
Buddhism and rise of Brahmanism.
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Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade
Born 1863
Died 1926
Influenced
Datto Vaman Potdar
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datto_Vaman_Potdar
Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade (Marathi: विश्वनाथ काशिनाथ राजवाडे) (24th
June,1863-31st December,1926), popularly known as Itihasacharya
Rajwade was an eminent historian, scholar, writer, commentator and
orator from Maharashtra. He is considered to be the first in real
sense to undertake an immense research of Maratha History by visiting
hundreds of villages and historical places allover India and gathering
thousands of genuine historical papers. He is also known to be the
notable commentator on the various aspects of world history. He was
the founder member of Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, Pune. His disciples
include historians like Datto Vaman Potdar and G.H.Khare.
Eminent Historian, R.S. Sharma writes of him as, "With his
unadulterated passion for research, V.K.Rajwade went from village to
village in Maharashtra in search of Sanskrit manuscripts and sources
of Maratha history; which were published in twenty-two volumes."[1]
Historian Rajwade should not be confused with 'Ahitagni' Shankar
Ramchandra Rajwade; Ahitaagni Rajwade was a vedic scholar.
The Indian History Congress has constituted Vishwanath Kashinath
Rajwade Award for life-long service and contribution to Indian
history.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Itihas_Sanshodhak_Mandal
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_History_Congress
Early life
Rajwade’s grandfather was the Killedar of fort Lohagad in the province
of Pune. He was Born in the village Varsai situated in Raigad district
of Maharashtra state. Since his father died in his childhood, he was
brought up by his uncle at Vadgaon near Pune. He did his matriculation
in January 1882 and graduation in 1890 from Deccan College, Pune.
During his graduation he came in close contact of the well known
scholar Dr. Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar who was then a professor in
Deccan College (Pune). Sooner or Later he was also impressed with the
works by Vishnushastri Krushnashastri Chiplunkar, Parshuram Tatya
Godbole and Kavyeitihas sangrahakar Sane.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pune
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raigad_district
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ramkrishna_Gopal_Bhandarkar
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deccan_College_(Pune)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishnushastri_Krushnashastri_Chiplunkar
Later Life & Contribution
After his graduation Rajwade got married but subsequently lost his
wife in early young age. Thereafter he chose to dedicate his life to
history and research. In 1895 he started a Marathi magazine called
‘Bhashantar’ (meaning ‘translation’) through which he brought works of
western historians and scholars like Plato, Aristotle, Edward Gibbon
and Indian scholars like Shankaracharya etc. in Marathi.
Simultaneously, by writing articles and delivering speeches he also
started educating Marathi people on several subjects like history of
Marathas, history of world, history of Marathi literature, grammar of
Marathi and Sanskrit languages. In 1910, he founded Bharat Itihas
Sanshodhak Mandal at Pune and kept all his works and historical papers
gathered by him in the custody of the Mandal. After his sudden death
in 1926, ‘Rajwade Sanshodhak Mandal’ was founded at Dhule and his
works and collection of his later life was kept there. Both the
institutions have been contributing in the field of history and
culture of India till the date.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plato
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aristotle
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Gibbon
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shankaracharya
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dhule
His works in Marathi as a Researcher / Historian / Editor
Marathyanchya Itihasachi Sadhane (History of Marathas) – 22 Volumes
Radha Madhav Vilas Champu (Biodgraphy of Shahaji)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shahaji
Aitihasik Prastavana (Historical Prefaces)
Rajwade Lekhsangraha (Collection of essays) - 3 Volumes
Bharatiya Vivah Sansthecha Itihas (History of Indian matrimony)
Dnyaneshwari (Editor)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dnyaneshwari
References
^ Sharma, R.S. (2009). Rethinking India's Past. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 978-0195697872.
‘Rajwade Lekhsangraha’ (Marathi) published by Sahitya Akademi
External links
Historian V K Rajawade's works to hit the stands at
www.indianexpress.com
Commentary on some of Rajwade's work
http://blogsearch.google.co.in/blogsearch?as_q=Rajwade&num=10&hl=en&ctz=&c2coff=1&btnG=Search+Blogs&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&bl_pt=&bl_bt=&bl_url=http%3A%2F%2Fsearchingforlaugh.blogspot.com&bl_auth=&as_drrb=q&as_qdr=a&as_mind=1&as_minm=1&as_miny=2000&as_maxd=11&as_maxm=1&as_maxy=2008&lr=&safe=active
Dr.Jyotsna Kamat on V.K. Rajwade
http://www.kamat.com/jyotsna/blog/blog.php?BlogID=1181
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishwanath_Kashinath_Rajwade
Historian V K Rajawade's works to hit the stands
Sumedha Raikar-Mhatre
MUMBAI, DEC 31: A multi-layered look at the social, cultural and
intellectual making of Maharashtra will be on the stands soon. A 13
volume compilation of the writings of Itihasacharya V K Rajwade
(1863-1926), parts of which have been published as individual books,
has been put together by the Dhule-based Rajwade Sanshodhan Mandal,
comprising intellectuals, scholars and followers of Rajwade.
This was recently announced at a function held at Y B Chavan
auditorium here. Although the Mandal started work on the compilation
almost six years ago. the project languished due to lack of funds.
However, the editorial board, led by Dr M B Shah, persevered and
managed the task minus a government grant.
Each year, the Mandal commemorates Rajwade's death anniversary on
December 31. Originally from Pune, Rajwade spent the last years of his
life in Dhule. He is reputed for his 27 volumes on source material of
Maratha history. Rajwade's book on the history of the institution of
marriage is also considered a milestone. Hedied before realising his
dream of penning the history of the Aryas.
Rajwade's writings encompassed several themes, including a study of
the Marathi language, saint literature of Maharashtra as well as
different types of dictionaries. The Mandal chose specialists from 13
disciplines like Y D Phadke, Ram Shevalkar, Bhaskar Bhole and Kalyan
Kale from all over the state to pen the prefaces.
Rajwade's study of the Marathi language is considered a classic. In
the process of studying the colonial past of the state, he prepared an
exhaustive list of village names, surnames and caste names. The
Sanskrit origin of each name throws light on the sociological pattern
of the time. For instance, the origin of Vaishyagram and Yesgaon can
be traced to the Vaishya caste. He also recorded that several village
names originated from the Sanskrit terms for animals: Jalgaon from
Jaluka and Khanapur from Khanak (rat). He also prepared a list of
1,500 names of villages which originated from names of medicinal
herbs, like Erandolfrom Erand.
Rajwade also showed that the evolution of names was a benchmark of
social status. Bhishma graduated to Bhikham, Bhikhamsheth and even
Vikramsheth. Similarly, Bhikshu became Bhikkhu, then Bhiku.
Rajwade's vast scholarship even extended to a dictionary of verbal
roots (dhatu), tracing the origin of words. He also prepared a list of
150 key intellectuals of Maharashtra living in the period between 1898
and 1913. He shortlisted 45 persons from this list and compared them
to their contemporaries in Britain. It is recorded that he felt that
Indian `achievers' compared poorly in comparison!
Copyright © 1999 Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.
http://www.indianexpress.com/res/web/pIe/ie/daily/19990101/0015060.html
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, Pune
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, popularly known as Itihas Sanshodhak
Mandal or just ‘Mandal’, is an Indian institute providing resources
and training for historical researchers. It is located at Pune in
Maharashtra state. The institute was founded in 1910 by the veteran
Indian historian V.K. Rajwade and Sardar K.C. Mehendale.
Objective
The main objective behind setting up the Mandal was to provide ready
resources to the historians and researchers, to save their time and to
motivate them. Rajwade conceived this idea long back but could not
fulfill it until Sardar Mehendale met him and on his own expressed his
readiness to support him for anything that he wished to do for the
betterment of history.
History
The Mandal was founded on 7th July 1910 by the veteran Indian
historian Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade and Sardar Khanderao Chintaman
Mehendale at Sardar Mehendale’s palace at Appa Balwant Chowk in Pune.
To commence the activity Rajwade read an essay in the presence of the
only listener Sardar Mehendale. Later on, the Mandal moved to it’s
present building located in Sadashiv Peth area in the heart of the
city. In March 1926 the short tempered Rajwade left Pune due to
differences with the then Administrators of the Mandal and shifted to
Dhule to form another institute which was named after him as ‘Rajwade
Sanshodhan Mandir’. The Mandal at Pune, however, continued following
on it’s mission to help researchers and contribute to the progress of
historical study. It has since then been highly supported by the
people and scholars by way of donations and bequests of books and
papers. Rajwade’s disciples Datto Vaman Potdar and Ganesh Hari Khare
are believed to have played major role in prospering the Mandal and
it’s activities.
Resources
Founder of the Mandal : V.K.RajwadePresently, the Mandal maintains
more than 1500000 historical papers and 30000 scripts mainly in
Marathi, Modi, Persian, Portuguese and English language. Moreover, it
has also preserved over 4000 coins, 1000 paintings and a few
sculptures and inscriptions in it’s well equipped museum. The Mandal’s
library keeps a more than 27000 books written mainly in Marathi and
English which can be available to the researchers for free reading or
for a nominal fee on ‘Take Home’ basis. These resources hold sizable
volumes on the history of Maratha Empire, Maratha culture and Marathi
literature. They also contain a large collection of the material on
British Rule as well as Mughal Rule over India. The Mandal issues a
Quarterly Journal called ‘Trai-Masik’ wherein essays and articles on
new discoveries are presented. It has also published books written and
edited by veteran historians and reports of annual conferences and
historians' meets. The Mandal periodically organizes lectures,
workshops, training, seminars and study tours for the young
researchers and historians.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marathi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modi_script
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persian_language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portuguese_language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_Rule
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mughal_Empire
[edit] Funding
It was reported in 2004 that the Mandal was insufficiently funded to
micro-film or digitise its collection.[1] In 2009, as it entered its
100th year, it plans to create a permanent fund of Ten Million Rupees
and use the interest from this fund to pay its expenses.[2]
Past Presidents
1910-1913 Ganesh Vyankatesh Joshi
1913-1926 Kashinath Narayan Sane
1926-1935 Chintaman Vinayak Vaidya
1935-1942 Narsinha Chintaman Kelkar
1942-1950 Malojirao Naik Nimbalkar
1950-1974 Datto Vaman Potdar
1974-1981 Ganesh Hari Khare
1981-1983 Hasmukh Dhirajlal Sankaliya
1984-1986 Ramchandra Shankar Walimbe
1988-1991 V.T.Shete
Select Publications
Annual Research Reports
Proceedings of the Annual Conferences
Sources of Maratha History by V.K.Rajwade
Persian Sources of Indian History by G.H.Khare
Miscellaneous Sources of Indian History
Miscellaneous Articles on Indian History
Proceedings on Researches on Pune
Records of the Shivaji’s Period
Sources of the Medieval History of the Deccan
Vijayanagar Commemoration Volume
Album of Paintings
Bibliography and Index of Mandal’s Publications
Quarterly Journals
References
Quarterly Journal, January 1991 published by Bharat Itihas Sabshodhak
Mandal, Pune.
‘Rajwade Lekhsangraha’ (Marathi) published by Sahitya Akademi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sahitya_Akademi
External Links
Times of India
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com//Cities/250-ayurveda-related-manuscripts-digitised/articleshow/4549108.cms?
Sakaal Times
^ Damle, Manjiri; Neil Pate (23 January 2004). "Libraries struggle to
preserve books". The Times of India (Bennett, Coleman & Co. Ltd).
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/pune/Libraries-struggle-to-preserve-books/articleshow/440420.cms.
Retrieved 2009-10-29.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/pune/Libraries-struggle-to-preserve-books/articleshow/440420.cms
^ Deshpande, Devidas (October 25, 2009). "History in the making
money". Pune Mirror (Bennett Coleman & Co. Ltd).
http://www.punemirror.in/index.aspx?page=article§id=2&contentid=2009102520091025234719934ab5176a§xslt=.
Retrieved 2009-10-29.
http://www.punemirror.in/index.aspx?page=article§id=2&contentid=2009102520091025234719934ab5176a§xslt=
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharat_Itihas_Sanshodhak_Mandal
Monday, February 04, 2008
Viswanath Kashinath Rajwade
Viswanath Kashinath Rajwade -(1863 –1921 CE)
Mr. V.K. Rajwade was a rare combination of a researcher, history
grammarian, social scientist and etymologist. Born in an orthodox
family, he lost his father at the age of three. His mother with two
children-both boys, came and stayed with her father at Warsai
Maharashtra. For schooling the brothers went to Pune. Viswanth passed
matriculation examination in 1882. He could not pursue college
studies, due to poverty. He became a trainer for second division
clerks in Public Service Department. After earning some money, he
joined Deccan College, and became a graduate in 1997. Though he was
greatly influenced by scholarly teachers like R.G. Bhandarkar, he came
to know the futility of higher education in India, which did not help
original thinking or research. He did not seek government employment,
which was indirect slavery according to him.
As was the practice, he was married at 15, and when his wife died
after giving birth two children, he did not remarry, though he was
only 30. He started translating world classics in Marathi and started
a Monthly called "Bhashantar". He brought out 15 translations
including Plato's "Republic".
He was unhappy with Maratha history books written by Grant Duff and
others, which try to establish conquerors' view of subjugated people,
and wanted to present unbiased point of view. A student’s letter
informing about discovery of a trunk full of old records at Wai
(Satara District. Maharashtra) made him rush to the spot. The dormant
researcher in him came out with full vigor.
There were 202 records pertaining to battle of Panipat in that trunk.
1st volume of these edited records came out in no time (1896). 22
books on ‘Sources of Maratha History’ followed.
He now started touring the whole of Maharashtra region. No item
pertaining to art, architecture, iconography, social life, language,
literature, customs, folk traditions escaped his inquisitive eye. As
soon as news about the possibility of getting fresh material reached,
he would dash off to the place by any available transport or on foot,
taking with him minimum clothing and cooking utensils. In those days
no eateries existed in remote areas for orthodox Brahmins. Self-
cooking was the only way, to survive.
He got the oldest commentary on Jnaneswari and brought out its
earliest grammatical form. He edited "Radha Madhav Vilas Champu" of
Jayaram Pindye of Shahaji’s (father of Shivaji) time, which has
special bearing on the history of contemporary Karnataka. Another book
of original source he edited was Mahikavatichi Bakhar. He explored one
more important source of history i.e etymology (study of origion of
words), led to several archaic rituals & practices of man-kind and he
proved it on the basis of ancient texts. His incomplete work on the
"History of Indian Marriage - Institution" shows his sound knowledge
of Sanskrit (including archaic and Vedic Sanskrit) as also vast
reading of world literature in English of the period. His unbiased
interpretation of hoary mantras, and Mahabharata and Puranic episodes
regarding man-woman relation & evolution of marriage custom led to
storm of protests. He was far ahead in rational approach towards study
of history.
A sage like scholar, known for austere habits and long hours of work
and incessant traveling, he died of high-blood pressure on 31st of
December 1921.
Amma's Column by Jyotsna Kamat
http://www.kamat.com/jyotsna/blog/blog.php?BlogID=1181
20th June, 2003
Ministry of Communications
COMMEMORATIVE POSTAGE STAMP ON V.K. RAJWADE
The Department of Posts (DoP) will be bringing out a commemorative
postage stamp on V.K. Rajwade on 23rd June, 2003. The stamp is in the
denomination of Rs.5/-
Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade (1863-1926), one among the pioneering
historians of India. He was a multifaceted personality who left his
imprint in many other disciplines like Linguistics, Literature,
Geography, Oleography and Sociology also. Meticulous in his research
and prodigious in output, he is remembered most for his path breaking
work in historiography. His writings inspired many research scholars
in Maharashtra and other parts of India to pursue the subject at a
time when works of European historians dominated the academic
discourses in Indian history. It is no exaggeration to say that his
work revolutionised the way the subject of history was perceived in
India and helped to advance an Indian view of history.
By founding the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal at Pune in 1910, he
institutionalised his research procedures. He had stressed five
aspects in his research methodology, viz., collection of original
historical records, preservation of records, examination and
classification of records, editing and publication of records and
interpretation of sources and writing of histories.
The First Day Cover alongwith the information sheet will be available
on sale at all Philatelic Bureaux/Counters and at selected Post
Offices.
http://pib.nic.in/archieve/lreleng/lyr2003/rjun2003/20062003/r2006200311.html
Horseplay in Harappa: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/f9b738e079fef9fb/29e89ff9c3ac525d
Troubled Tribal: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/e728acc31e0d52d7#
Indian Morality Meltdown: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/ec479835613abd41#
Hindus'Tantrum: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/8a1efe054a3bf157#
I Write, Therefore I am: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/4cb1ce65c9d8f4c5#
Indian Morality Meltdown: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/37334fb34fbe6d7c#
Sex and CD Scandal: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/3f5e2a3be4798e7d#
Not Required Indian, NRI: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/672c3ae8cc9b567c#
Why 'Marathi'?
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/4be9d2a2e20ab43f#
Telangana Tempest: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/b7da74ebd932a5fa#
Of States and Statesmanship: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/73c89074ecfe9966#
Sa for Sanskrit Pop: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/9f6d369c7793990f#
Black Money Monster: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/109aa8a66442ca6d#
Superpower Syndrome: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/85f8a222fd275c15#
Indian Power-Pow-Wow, Wow!: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/54cba427083f4e4f#
26/11 Saga Continues: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/20d42cd9546b852b#
Superpower Syndrome: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/008ed3e81dbcd9cc#
Of Justice and Injustice: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/dc3ba7935f641e60#
Sangh Parivar Pageant: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/a91a817395e54639#
Stop this terroristic activities of Shiv Sena
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/93908482518b9228#
BJP RIP: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/20def0d930fc511f#
Superpower Syndrome: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/b6aa5a8a1b675046#
Sangh Parivar Pageant: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/9c4ff65e38c4b924#
Sudharma, Sanskrit Newspaper: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/51f22c78acbc72b1#
Hindu Worldview: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/c8a515cc34f18a5a#
Shimla Shenanigans: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/64bddaf4fb04bac5#
fanabba
> here atwww.PetitionOnline.comas a public service. There is no
> endorsement of this petition, express or implied, by Artifice, Inc. or
> our sponsors. For technical support please use our simple Petition
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> http://www.petitiononline.com/dharma10/petition-sign.html
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> Ganesha Demolition – Symbolic Act of Hatred
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> ganeshademolition–symbolicactofhatred.html)
>
> 404: Not Found
> Sorry, but the content you requested could not be found
>
> Combating Defamation of Religion
> By Vinod Kumar, on 27-03-2009 12:12
>
> Published in : Vinod Kumar, Column - Vinod Kumar
>
> On November 24, 2008 - By a vote of 85 to 50, with 42 abstaining, the
>
> read more »
Muslims must be weaned from Islam for humanity to live in peace.
***************************************************************************************************************
The Truth About Islam
Islamic Jihad: A Legacy of Forced Conversion, Imperialism, and Slavery
(Paperback)
by M.A. Khan
http://www.amazon.com/Islamic-Jihad-Conversion-Imperialism-Slavery/dp/1440118469/ref=ed_oe_p
************************************************************************************************************************
Web sites of Former Muslims
http://islam-watch.org
http://www.faithfreedom.org
***********************************************************************************************************************************************************
Books on Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam:
"Understanding Muhammad" by Ali Sina
http://www.amazon.com/Understanding-Muhammad-Ali-Sina/dp/0980994802/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1267374873&sr=1-1
"Prophet of Doom" by Craig Winn
http://www.prophetofdoom.net
The Truth About Muhammad by Robert Spencer
http://www.amazon.com/Truth-About-Muhammad-Intolerant-Religion/dp/1596985283/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1267375165&sr=1-1-spell
bademiyansubhanallah
Archaeological theory in the light of contemporary computing
(sponsored by L-P Archaeology)
communitycomputing
multivocality
ontologies
representation
semantics
visualisation
www Gareth Beale (University of Southampton; gcb...@soton.ac.uk) and
Leif Isaksen (University of Southampton; lei...@googlemail.com)
Though once peripheral to standard archaeological practise, computers
have begun to reshape both our discipline and the way we think about
it. Not only is their deployment ubiquitous in academia and the
private sector, in less than a decade the internet has become the
dominant medium of communication and dissemination. This forces us to
reconsider the manner in which both archaeologists and the public
engage with information and to discuss the opportunities and dangers
which arise from digital archaeologies.
One of our chief goals will be to challenge the degree to which
digital archaeology is synonymous with quantitative methods and their
empiricist overtones. This is not intended as a criticism of either,
but rather as an opportunity to reappraise the relationship between
digital approaches and archaeological methodologies.
The session is intended to contribute toward an archaeological
response to a rapidly changing and increasingly complex digital world.
It will conclude with a panel discussion.
Semantics and the nature of data
Archaeological discourses are constrained by the semantics of our
world-views in a variety of ways. Developments in computer science
have increasingly enabled us to model the terms, categories and
relationships that form these ontologies but open questions still
remain. We would like to address such issues as
•The limits to (internal) representation and/or simulation of
archaeological entities
•The challenges of explicitly modelling ontologies
•Theoretical implications of combining information from different
discourses
Representation
Representations of archaeology tell us as much about our attitudes to
our discipline and the world around us as they do about our
interpretations of the past. Developments in computation have led to
an expansion in the scope and prevalence of virtual representations of
archaeology. In light of these changes we would like to address the
following issues:
•Visual conventions in the age of Moore’s law: embracing change
without sacrificing meaning
•Conceptualising an interface between a perceptual present and a
virtual past
•Ways in which we categorise virtual representations of archaeology
(e.g. GIS, Virtual Reality, charts and graphs, etc.)
Open & community access
Communication technology, and in particular the World Wide Web, has
had an enormous impact on social dynamics in the developed world and
its influence is increasingly felt in developing nations as well. We
wish to discuss themes such as:
•The Web as a reinforcing and disruptive mechanism in heritage power
structures
•Open Access rights to public and developer-funded research
•Multivocality and ‘trust’ in archaeological sources
http://www.tagconference.org/content/tag-20-archaeological-theory-light-contemporary-computing
Historical divide: archaeology and literature
Indology grew out of attempts to interpret Indian sources from
European perspective. Its legacy is archaeology without literature for
the Harappans and a literature without archaeology for the Vedic
Aryans. Any rewriting of history must begin by bridging this unnatural
gulf.
INDOLOGY, WHICH prominently includes history of the Vedic Age, is the
result of a historical accident. In 1784, Sir William Jones, an
English jurist in the employ of the British East India Company, began
a study of Sanskrit to better understand the legal and political
traditions of the Indian subjects. As a classical scholar, he was
struck by the extraordinary similarities between Sanskrit and European
languages, especially Latin and Greek. He went on to observe: "... the
Sanscrit language, whatever be its antiquity, is of wonderful
structure, more perfect than Greek, more copious than Latin, and more
exquisitely refined than either, yet bearing to both of them a
stronger affinity, both in the roots of the verbs and in the forms of
grammar, than could possibly have been produced by accident; so strong
indeed, that no philologer could examine them all three without
believing them to have sprung from the same source."
Though he was not the first European to recognise this connection —
that honour belongs probably to Filippo Sassetti, a Florentine
merchant living in Goa two centuries earlier — Jones was the first to
express it in scholarly terms. With this dramatic announcement Jones
launched two new fields — Indology and comparative linguistics,
notably Indo-European linguistics. To account for this similarity,
some scholars postulated that the ancestors of Indians and Europeans
must at one time have lived in the same region and spoken the same
language. They called this the Aryan language and their common
homeland the Aryan homeland. Following the Nazi misuse of the word
Aryan as a race, and the atrocities that accompanied it, the term has
fallen into disfavour. The preferred term today is Indo-European.
According to this theory, the ancestors of the Indians who used Vedic
Sanskrit to compose the Vedas and other related literature hailed from
a land outside India. Their original homeland has been placed in
locations from Germany to Chinese Turkestan, that is, everywhere
except India where the Vedic language and its literature have found
the fullest expression and endured the longest.
This is the background to the famous Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT) that
has dominated Indian history books for over a century. Based on
various arguments, but strongly influenced by biblical beliefs,
scholars like F. Max Mueller assigned a date of 1500 BC for the Aryan
invasion and 1200 BC for the composition of the Rigveda, the oldest
member of the Vedic corpus. The Bible is said to assign the date
October 23, 4004 BC for the Creation and 2448 BC for the Flood. This
was in the background when he gave 1500 BC as the date of the Aryan
invasion. Max Mueller himself in a letter to the Duke of Argyle, then
acting Secretary of State for India, asserted: "I regard the account
in the Genesis (of the Bible) to be simply historical." In his
defence, it must be recognised that he was by no means dogmatic about
his theories. Towards the end of his life, in response to some
critics, Max Mueller wrote: "Whether the Vedic hymns were written in
1000, 1500 or 2000 or 3000 BC, no power on earth will ever
determine."
Mismatch
What is remarkable in all this is the fact that the foundations of
ancient Indian history were being laid by scholars who were not
historians but linguists. In keeping with the political conditions of
the age — the heyday of European colonialism — it was inevitable that
colonial and Christian missionary interests should have intruded on
their work. Even Max Mueller, during the first half of his career, saw
it his duty to advance the interests of Christian missionaries,
though, towards the end of his life, he became a convert to Vedanta.
In addition, most of them had no scientific background — witness their
belief in the Biblical Creation Theory. There was also no archaeology
to guide them.
All these were soon to change. Beginning about 1921, Indian and
British archaeologists working under Sir John Marshall revealed the
existence of the ancient cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro in the
Punjab and Sindh. Further excavation showed that they were part of a
vast civilisation spread over most of North India and even beyond.
This is now famous as the Indus Valley or the Harappan civilisation.
They were flourishing in the period from c. 3100 BC to 1900 BC, or
more than a thousand years before the postulated Aryan invasion.
Scholars from a wide range of disciplines including literature,
archaeology, architecture and even mathematics, began to study the
archaeological remains for clues to the identity and nature of the
civilisation.
At first sight, the discovery of the Harappan civilisation, spread
over the same geographical region as described in the Vedic
literature, seemed to invalidate the Aryan Invasion Theory. The
natural conclusion seemed to be that Harappan archaeology represented
the material remains of the culture described in the Vedic literature.
But for reasons that are too complex to detail here, prominent
historians soon rejected the idea of the Vedic identity of the
Harappan civilisation. They insisted that the Harappans were a pre-
Vedic (and non-Vedic) people who were defeated by the invading Aryans
and forced to migrate en masse to South India, later to be known as
Dravidians, speaking languages that are supposedly unrelated to
Sanskrit. Through this device, historians sought to preserve the Aryan
Invasion Theory and reconcile it with the existence of a much older
civilisation in the Vedic heartland. In this exercise it should be
noted that a theory postulated by linguists in the previous century
prevailed over archaeological evidence.
No evidence of invasion
This soon ran into contradictions. Archaeologists found no evidence of
any invasion or warfare severe enough to account for the uprooting of
such a vast civilisation. On the other hand, the decline of the
Harappan civilisation could be attributed to natural causes — in
particular, ecological degradation due to the drying up of vital river
systems and also floods. It is now known that a major contributor was
a severe 300-year drought (2200 — 1900 BC) that struck in an immense
belt from the Aegean to China. Recent research has shown that the
rainfall in some areas diminished by as much as 20 per cent. The
Harappan was one of several ancient civilisations to feel the impact
of this ecological catastrophe; others similarly affected were Ancient
Egypt and Mesopotamia to the west and China to the east.
The theory of Harappans as Dravidians has also proved to be far from
satisfactory. The Harappans, who were supposed to be the original
Dravidian speakers, were a literate people. There are some four
thousand examples of their writing from sites like Harappa, Mohenjo-
Daro, Lothal, Kalibangan and others, as well as dozens in West Asia.
Yet, the earliest examples of South Indian (or Dravidian) writing use
a version of the Brahmi script, which originated in North India. This
leaves us in the extraordinary situation where the migrating Harappans
took their language but not the script that they had themselves
invented. And they waited more than a thousand years to begin their
writing, borrowing from a North Indian script for the purpose.
In the light of all this, the situation regarding the primary sources
of ancient India may be summarised as follows: no satisfactory
explanation has been found to account for the separate existence of
Harappan archaeology and the Vedic literature, both of which
flourished in the same geographical region. On the one hand, there is
Harappan archaeology, the most extensive anywhere in the world, but no
Harappan literature. On the other, there is the Vedic literature,
which exceeds in volume all other ancient literature in the world
combined several times over, but no Vedic archaeological remains. So
we have archaeology without literature for the Harappans and
literature without archaeology for the Vedic Aryans. This is all the
more puzzling considering that the Harappans were a literate people
while we are told that the Vedic Aryans knew no writing but used
memory for preserving their immense literature. This means only the
literature of the illiterates has survived.
In the light of this incongruity, one may say that as long as this
gulf between archaeology and literature remains unbridged, there can
be no such thing as history. Neither the Harappans nor the Vedic
Aryans have a historical context, but only archaeological and literary
sources hanging as loose ends. So the first step in any writing (or
rewriting) of ancient history should be a systematic programme to
rationally connect Harappan archaeology and the Vedic literature.
These are the primary sources; the theories that are now in textbooks
are secondary, based on the perceptions of scholars of the colonial
era. More seriously, they contradict the archaeological evidence.
Vedic-Harappan connection
Fortunately some progress is being made in accounting for both
Harappan archaeology and the Vedic literature, though, to a large
extent, it owes to the work of outsiders. Some Vedic scholars have
noted that Harappan remains are replete with sacred Vedic symbols like
the swastika sign, the `OM' sign and the sacred ashvattha leaf (Ficus
Religiosa). No less dramatic is the discovery of the American
mathematician and historian of science, A. Seidenberg, tracing the
origins of Egyptian and Old Babylonian mathematics to Vedic
mathematical texts known as the Sulbasutras. As Seidenberg observed:
" ... the elements of ancient geometry found in Egypt (before 2100 BC)
and Babylonia (c. 1900 — 1750 BC) stem from a ritual system of the
kind observed in the Sulbasutras." This means that the mathematics of
the Sulbasutras, which are Vedic texts, must have existed long before
2000 BC, i.e., during the Harappan period. This is clear also from a
technical examination of Harappan archaeology, which displays skill in
town planning and geometric design, showing that Harappans must have
had access to the Sulbasutras. This gives a scientific link between
Vedic literature (Sulbasutras) and Harappan archaeology. (The
Sulbasutras should not be confused with popular books on Vedic
mathematics. These are modern works that have little to do with the
Vedas).
All this shows that progress can be made in explaining Harappan
archaeology and the Vedic literature if one is prepared to follow a
multidisciplinary, scientifically rigorous approach. The present
incongruous situation — of mismatch between archaeology and literature
— is attributable to two factors. First, an attempt to preserve a
theory created on the basis of insufficient evidence before any
archaeological data became available. Next, the fact that even this
theory and the foundation that it rests on were created by linguists
and other scholars whose understanding of science and the scientific
method left much to be desired.
Correcting past errors
Several historians have rightly expressed concern that history may
soon be written by individuals who lack the necessary knowledge of the
historical method. But far more serious is the fact that what is found
in textbooks today is based on theories created by men and women who
had no qualifications to write about them. They are based not on the
primary sources, but explanations that seek to fit the data to a
particular Nineteenth century worldview — the Eurocolonial. The
immediate task before Indian historians is to get back to the
fundamentals, ignoring the authority of scholars from the past, no
matter how great their reputations. Sri Aurobindo suggested that the
problem lies in the failure of Indian scholars to develop independent
schools of thought. In his words: "That Indian scholars have not been
able to form themselves into a great and independent school of
learning is due to two causes: the miserable scantiness of the mastery
in Sanskrit provided by our universities, crippling to all but born
scholars, and our lack of sturdy independence which makes us over-
ready to defer to European (and Western) authority."
This is not to suggest that we should either deny or reject the
findings of Western scholarship. Only we should not accept them
uncritically as authority figures. They were products of their time
and environment and the resulting weaknesses should be recognised.
Their contributions remain substantial, but cannot be treated as
primary knowledge. No less a person than Swami Vivekananda once said:
"Study Sanskrit, but along with it study Western sciences as well.
Learn accuracy, ... study and labour so that the time will come when
you can put our history on a scientific basis... How can foreigners,
who understand very little of our manners and customs, or our religion
and philosophy, write faithful and unbiased histories of India? ...
Nevertheless they have shown us how to proceed making researches into
our ancient history. Now it is for us to strike out an independent
path of historical research for ourselves, ... It is for Indians to
write Indian history."
His advice holds as good today as it did a century ago when he gave it
to a group of students. The recovery of history must begin with a
thorough study of the primary sources. The first step is to close the
unnatural gap between archaeology and literature.
N.S. RAJARAM
(The writer is the author with David Frawley of the book Vedic Aryans
and the Origins of Civilisation)
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/op/2002/01/22/stories/2002012200020100.htm
Theoretical issues in Indian Archaeology
Colonial ArchaeologyIndiaIndian archaeologyIndologyNew Archaeologypost-
processual
Ajay Pratap (Banaras Hindu University; aprata...@yahoo.com)
The purpose of this session is to take stock of theoretical issues in
Indian archaeology. Indian archaeology has come a long-way, since the
18th century, when those such as William Jones, James Prinsep and
Charles Wilkins, initiated the Asiatic Society of Bengal. It was the
founding of this society that spurred greatly the discovery of the
past of a nascently colonized nation. Many studies now exist about
this period (Singh, 2004) apart from the literature actually emanating
from this Society's Journal - The Journal of The Asiatic Society of
Bengal. In addition, The Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Asiatic
Researches, The Journal of The Royal Society and The Calcutta Annual
Register are some of the Journals that contain the Oriental
Scholarship relevant to Ancient India and its archaeology. We would
invite contributions that critically examine the growth of archaeology
through this early period and the first formulations in India of the
surveys, findings, and methods of excavation closer to the decades
preceding independence. We also invite contributions that would look
critically at the growth of archaeological method and theory in India
in the post-Independence era. These would include theories of culture,
contact-diffusion models used widely to explain similarity and
differences in archaeological cultures, the establishment of the New
Archaeological method, as the most dominant method, in modern
archaeology, in India,for nearly half a century now. We also wish to
include a discussion of the impact of postprocessual archaeology on
Indian archaeology.
http://www.tagconference.org/content/theoretical-issues-indian-archaeology
Looking through the Lens of Archival Records: Archaeological Site
Formation in the Middle Ajay Basin, West Bengal, India
Archival RecordsIndiaMiddle Ajay BasinSite formationWest Bengal
Madhulika Samanta (University College London, UK)
Archaeological sites are regularly modified by different environmental
and cultural agencies and carry signatures of very recent activities.
Impacts of these activities are often over emphasized or completely
neglected in archaeological investigations. The present study area is
famous for its chalcolithic settlements and a part of the nuclear zone
of such settlements in Eastern India. Scholars of independent India
have carried out important excavations here and emphasized the
influence of recent floods on formation processes in the Ajay basin.
It has been argued that a significant number of these sites are in
secondary context which influenced the author to assess the nature of
archaeological sites situated in the Middle Ajay Basin. This area with
archaeological sites like Pandu Rajar Dhibi, experiences floods
regularly. Fortunately, the region boosts of a rich source of archival
records for the last two hundred years. These records contain general,
topographical and cadastral maps, reports of flood occurrences and
very recent data on highest annual gauge, maximum discharge of river
water, etc. The paper analyses sixteen maps of the region prepared in
the last two hundred years and twenty seven major flood events. These
maps are compared with each other to follow landscape changes after
floods with archaeological sites in the perspective. The settlements
deserted in the last two hundred years were also considered for
analyses. Recent changes in the landscape have been documented with
the help of maps published by the Survey of India and images produced
by Google Earth. Flood occurrences were documented from different
reports and analyses by meteorologists. The data on maximum discharge,
highest annual gauge of the recent years etc. - collected form the
Water Investigation and Development department of the province - aid
in understanding the nature of these events.
The paper suggests a majority of high energy floods in the last two
hundred years, were created by artificial embankments. Sites of the
pre embankment period were less affected by these floods than those of
the post embankment era. The river creates coarse grained deposits
(influenced by embankments) mainly along its banks and formed levees.
Therefore, it will be erroneous to consider sediment record of a site
as the only proxy for reconstructing paleofloods in this region. Later
floods are eroding these sediments rather than disturbing buried
archaeological deposits. Basically these are single event floods of
short duration, not powerful enough to leave lasting impression on the
sites. The phenomenon of river shifting, causing major impact on
archaeological site formation, is absent here. The deposits of these
sites are not in secondary context.
Promoting Cultural Heritage Awareness through Museums: Problems and
perspectives (West Bengal, India)
Sayan Bhattacharya (Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training,
Eastern India, India)
The preservation of our cultural heritage is one of the major social
responsibilities of our time. What our ancestors have created over a
long period depicts historical development, on which we build and draw
in order to frame our future.
This present paper deals with how we can manage the material cultural
heritage through museums (archaeological and historical) in West
Bengal with specific reference to Kolkata and case studies drawn from
the State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata. Kolkata (Calcutta), the city
of joy, was established in 1686 as a result of the expansion plans of
the British Raj, it is now the capital of West Bengal. The city has a
number of heritage buildings, monuments and museums (Indian Museum,
Victoria Memorial Hall, Asiatic Society, State Archaeological Museum,
Gurusaday Museum, etc). But unfortunately, like other metropolitan
cities in Indian, museums are still a ‘jadugarh’ (magical house) for
common people.
The State Archaeological Museum, West Bengal, houses an array of
antiquities. Presently this museum has five galleries (West Bengal
Sites and Sights, Paintings of Bengal, Sculptures of Bengal,
Excavation at Jagjivanpur and West Bengal Early Historic Period). This
museum also controls the district museums under the state government
of West Bengal and many local level museums representing their own
history and identity exist in the area. There is a lack of
communication and co-ordination between these museums and they are not
being run in accordance with the emerging trends in museum management.
As a result, these museums are lagging behind and are not so much
capable in attracting visitors regularly. The State Archaeological
Museum, as a nuclear museum, will be used to exemplify the various
issues of other museums in this state.
The main objectives of this paper is to explore how museums can assist
in ‘preserving the past, defining the present and educating for the
future’ as well as introduce fruitful interaction between participants
and researchers to assist in solving the various neglected aspects of
museum studies and cultural heritage management in West Bengal. The
discussion will explore the types of problems that are being faced at
the State Archaeological Museum and will ask: What kind of facilities
we are providing for the tourists? What are the probable solutions?
What kind of multidisciplinary approaches can we introduce for
maintaining a dynamic relationships between the tourists/students/
researchers and the Museums for promoting the cultural heritage of a
country like India?
The challenge of heritage
heritageinterpretationpost-processualpreservation
Nick James (University of Cambridge, UK)
The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) describes its mission as
research, protection and regulation. It also maintains museums and a
programme of presenting monuments and publication. Research,
management and presentation complement each other but the respective
implications of these functions diverge somewhat. Contemporary social
and cultural developments in India expose the divergence between
research and presentation more clearly than before.
The function of research is the one most familiar to archeologists.
Although, in India, most of the research concerns the past, it
directly entails the Survey's functions of protection and regulation:
for discoveries to be made about the past, it is necessary actively to
protect the remains. Presentation and publication, equally, are
concerned, in the first place, with the archeological assets as
contemporary features, valued for education, tourism or other purposes
that are distinguished today as 'heritage'.
Now development and encroachment threaten archeological assets ever
more in India. Tourism is expanding rapidly and the number of visitors
to the principal monuments is rising. The implications affect the work
of most archeologists. They can be illustrated by the case of
Bhubaneswar. Bhubaneswar is well known for its many Medieval Hindu
temples and, near by, the earlier monuments at Dhauli and Sisupulgarh
and Khandagiri & Udaigiri. From some 10,000 residents in 1947, the
town has grown now to 1,000,000. The number of visitors to the
principal monuments more than doubled from 1990 to 2006. The increase
reflects a boom in domestic leisure and tourism and expansion of the
affluent and literate middle class. In effect, the monuments of
Bhubaneswar are being treated more now as heritage than as assets for
either worship or research. This can be seen not only in visitors'
behaviour but also in recent work by the ASI, the State Archaeology
service, the Municipal Corporation, the Indian National Trust for Art
& Cultural Heritage and public and private tourism organizations.
Archeologists must recognize the shifting balance of priorities in
their cultural environment. The function of public dissemination or
outreach must be enhanced. There are two principal problems. Without
sympathetic public awareness of archeology, the assets will quickly be
wasted. On the other hand, the sociological and economic processes of
diversification and integration tend to expose diverse points of view.
There is, among Indian archeologists, widespread reluctance to
acknowledge unconventional interpretations. If, then, archeological
research is not to be conflated, in popular opinion, with heritage –
the past with the present - the ASI, State services and non-government
organizations alike must not only protect and describe archeological
assets but also make more of a priority of explaining the nature of
both the evidence as such and the reasons for and the methods of
archeological management and research. This solution - to focus, like
the concern with heritage! On contemporary activity, in the first
place, rather than on the scientific deduction of the past - may work
not only for India but also in Europe, where debate about
archeological resources has grown for reasons similar to those arising
in India.
http://www.tagconference.org/content/challenge-heritage
The emergence of Prehistory: Looking at early initiatives in late
nineteenth-early twentieth century Bengal
Bengalemergenceethnologyprehistory
Basak Bishnupriya (University of Calcutta, India)
In recent years there has been a renewed interest in looking at the
emergence of archaeology as a discipline and its role in the
construction of the sub-continent’s past in the nineteenth-early
twentieth century. Yet, one strand of ‘academic inquiry’ remains
largely outside the purview of these works and which this paper wishes
to address. Discoveries of ‘chipped/polished stone’ or ‘rude stone
monuments’ belonging to remote antiquity, which started appearing in
accounts left behind by geologists employed by the Geological Survey
of India, civil servants, military officials and individuals variously
engaged in different professions in the colony, gave shape to a
different inquiry in the past in the second half of the nineteenth-
early twentieth century, bringing forth questions of human evolution,
race and the progress of civilization The germs of prehistoric
archaeology in the sub-continent may be sought in these early
writings, where the boundaries between prehistory, ethnology and
ethnography were often fuzzy. There has been substantial research on
the history of Victorian anthropological thought. Of late there has
also grown a voluminous literature on ethnological surveys and
ethnographic documentations in the sub-continent. Discoveries of stone
tools or stone monuments need to be situated in the backdrop of these
developments. In trying to understand the beginnings of prehistoric
research I am restricting myself to eastern and north eastern India
where one comes across a profusion of such writings, many published as
notes in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. These writings
are many-layered, in which typological descriptions of the artifacts
are interspersed with rich anecdotes, myths and legends of existing
indigenous communities.
The ongoing debate between processual and post-processual methods in
archaeology, in the context of Jharkhand, India
Ajay Pratap Reader (Banaras Hindu University, India)
This paper intends to elucidate the ongoing debate between processual
and post-processual methods in archaeology, in the context of
Jharkhand, India. This it does, by taking a fresh look at both
processualism and post-processualism in 2008, both of which, have a
significant place in theory and practice of Indian archaeology as on
date. This paper also intends to add that there are existing
indigenously developed tropes of archaeology within Indian archaeology
such as iconography, numismatics, epigraphy and so on, by the simple
argument that Indian archaeology and has had its inception through
oriental studies, in the 18th century, when doyens such as William
Jones, James Prinsep and Charles Wilkins, of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, first started their researches (see Singh: 2004). Moreover,
the journals of Indian archaeology, such as Journal of Bihar and
Orissa Research Society, Journal of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute, Man in India, The Eastern Anthropologist, Purattatva,
Purakala, Man and Environment, to name just a few, along with numerous
text-books on the subject explicate the history, methods and theory,
in employ in Indian archaeology, sufficiently, for any reader of this
field, to acquaint themselves with developments in Indian archaeology.
In this context, therefore, in 2008, it is opportune, to discuss and
evaluate the relative merits and demerits of the impact of two alien
imports the “New Archaeology” and the “Post-processual archaeology”.
In this paper, we undertake such an analysis, using our own fieldarea,
The Rajmahal Hills, Dist. Santhal Parganas, Jharkhand, India, as a
case-study, through an ethnoarchaeological perspective, to evaluate
the relative merits and demerits of these two modern inputs into
Indian archaeology.
SEMINAR & WORKSHOP
We have been continuously holding weekly seminars in the Department
for the benefit of students, especially research scholars. In these
seminars, both the faculty members as well as research scholars
presented their research papers, which provided exposures & training
to young upcoming scholars. In addition to the weekly seminars, the
faculty members of the department have organised following Seminars:
The Middle Ganga Plains Through the Ages: Understanding Cultures
Through Archaeology, organised by Professor Vidula Jayaswal jointly
with Jnana Pravaha, Varanasi.
Recent Developments in Indian Archaeometallurgy organised by
Professor Vibha Tripathi jointly with Jnana Pravaha, Varanasi.
Recent Researches in AIHC & Archaeology organised by Professor
Vibha Tripathi, BHU, Varanasi.
NATIONAL SEMINAR ON THE GAGES CIVILIZATION : THE SHIFTING PARADIGM
Recently the Department has organised the above Seminar under the
Convener ship of Prof.Vibha Tripathi on 10-12, February, 2006. The
Seminar was sponsored by the UGC through its programmes SAP & ASIHSS
of the Department. The well attended seminar with nearly 150
participants from different parts of the country. The young
researchers were given equal opportunity to present their papers and
participate in the deliberations during the seminar. The academic
deliberations will be resulting in the publication of its Proceedings
very shortly.
RECENT SPECIAL LECTURES
In order to enrich the quality of research and also to expose our
senior students to the latest development in A.I.H.C. & Archaeology
with the collaboration of other academic institution, the Department
organised special Lectures by the eminent scholars of India and abroad
from time to time. Following special lectures and visits of scholars
were organised:
Prof. V.C. Srivastava, former Director, IIAS, Shimla delivered a
lecture on 'Recent Advances in the Field of AIHC & Archaeology' on 8th
January 2007.
Prof. Devendra Handa, Panjab University Chandigarh delivered a lecture
on 'Antiquity of Ancient Indian Coins on 21 March, 2007.
Dr. B.M.Pande, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi delivered a
lecture on 'Thanesar Excavations on 23 July, 2007.
A Chinese Delegation led by Prof Hua visited the Department on 20
November, 2007.
Dr. Cameron Petrei, University of Cambridge delivered a lecture on
'the Decline of Harappans and the Climat on 10 January, 2008.
RECENT SEMINAR
Contribution of Environment in shaping personality of individuals,
groups and nations is well established both by the studies of physical
and social scientists. There can hardly be a second opinion regarding
the significance of natural surroundings to the growth of social and
culture make up of ancient inhabitants of Indian sub-continent, on one
hand, and cultural environments influencing one and other regions,
from time to time, on the other. History of individual regions and
chronological levels, when viewed against the background of physical
and cultural environments would certainly be meaningful and holistic,
which is the theme of the proposed seminar. It may also bring forth
such ancient indigenous practices which revolved around preserving and
conserving natural surroundings, a major concern of the modern
society. Evaluation of concerns and destructions of physical and
cultural environments of ancient times is not only an exercise of the
restricted academic value, but may have wider implication stretching
up to the present times.
The long painstaking researches on ancient India, has fortunately,
brought to light various facets of past societies. But, often the
contribution of environment has escaped attention of the scholars. A
number of bio-diversities though are found in the historical
reconstructions, their full implications are not discussed. It is
proposed to give a platform to experts from various disciplines, the
Geology, Palaeo-botany, Archaeology, Indology, who can sit together
and evaluate the theme in a true scientific spirit, which will help
understanding makeup of cultures, and adaptation of biodiversities by
human groups of ancient India, from around 10, 000 BP to the early
medieval times.
It is proposed to divide the seminar into four main sections - Early
Holocene Climate & Cultural Adaptation, Palaeo-environment & Cultures
of 3rd to 1st Century BCE, Environment & Emergence of States & Cities
in the Ganga Plain and Environment as revealed from Art, Literature,
Numismatics & Epigraphy. Each of the sections will be addressed by one
or two scientists, who shall dwell upon the physical environments. The
other contributors of these sessions would assess archaeological and
literary evidence as to evaluate the culture adaptation to the various
palaeo-ecological niches. Besides presentations by the senior
scholars, the young researchers shall participate as discussants and
the post graduate students shall attend the deliberations as to get
exposure to the theme.
In addition to the Seminar, a Workshop on �Metals & Technology of
Early Indian Coins� is also being organized on this occasion for the
benefit of the students, research scholars and the faculty members
associated with teaching of the Numismatics. The workshop will deals
with the technology for minting coins and medals. The technology is
based on the utilization of metal blanks with similar diameters, one
being very thin, joined together by mechanical means during the
impartion of the surface details by the minting dies. The technology
requires the design and manufacture of a special geometry in the edge
of the thicker disk in order to make possible assembly of the metal
blanks. The proposed technology is based on a multi-stage
manufacturing process consisting of three cold metal forming
operations (preforming, rimming and coining) and one intermediate
annealing treatment. The annealing treatment is to be performed before
the coining operation. The goal is to restore the initial ductility of
the disk prior to the final coining stage. The workshop will also
focus on punching, die and casting techniques of ancient coins.
National Seminar on Environments of Ancient India Archaeological &
Leterary Critique
And Workshop on Metals & Technology of Early Indian Coins
(March 8-10, 2008)
(UGC Sponsored Programme under SAP & ASIHSS Schemes
SOUVENIR
VARANASI, A HERITAGE CITY & THE CULTURE CAPITAL OF INDIA Rana P.B.
Singh, Professor of Cultural Geography, BHU
DHANVANTARI, A GREAT SCION OF VARANASI
P.K. Agrawala, Dept. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ABSTRACTS
ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS AS REFLECTED IN THE VEDIC LITERATURE :
Pranabananda Jash, Department of AIHC & Archaeology, Visva Bharati :
Santiniketan
CONTRIBUTION OF ASOKA TO ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS: Sayamtara Jash,
Department of AIHC & Archaeology, Visva Bharati : Santiniketan
ENVIRONMENT OF THE EARLY HOLOCENE OF THE MIDDLE GANGA PLAIN AS
REVEALED FROM THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS : V.D. Misra and J.N.
Pal, University of Allahabad
QUATERNARY STRATIGRAPHY OF THE GANGA : R.P. Pandey, Department of AIHC
and Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.)
URBAN ENVIRONMENT, CULTURE AND FORMATION OF EARLY MEDIEVAL ORISSAN
STATE : L.N.Raut, Behrampur University, Behrampur
THE ANCIENT INDIAN CONCEPT & KNOWLEDGE OF THE ENVIRONMENT AND ITS
UNIQUE REALISTIC UTILIZATION FOR THE WELL-BEING OF INDIVIDUAL : Sunil
Kumar Dubey, Varanasi
ENVIRONMENT AND SETTLMENT PATTERN IN THE SARAYUPAR REGION : Mohd.
Naseem & Indrajeet Singh, Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ASHOKA AS A PROTAGONIST OF ENVIRONMENT : Arpita Chatterjee, Deptt. of
AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
NATURE, ENVIRONMENT AND COSMIC INTEGRITY IN ANCIENT INDIAN THOUGHT :
Rana P.B. Singh, Professor of Cultural Geography, Banaras Hindu
University
SACRED LANDSCAPES OF SIKKIM AND ITS ECOLOGICAL VALUE : G.K.LAMA,
Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ENVIRONMENT AND NBPW CULTURE IN THE MIDDLE GANGA PLAIN: AN
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CRITICS : Priyanka Chandra & Devendra Kumar Singh
Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
A BUDDHIST APPROACH TO ECOLOGY : Mukesh Kumar Singh and Sanjay Singh
Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND RISE OF CULTURES IN THE MIDDLE GANGA PLAIN :
Umesh Kumar Singh, Department of Ancient History, Archaeology &
Culture, Udai Pratap College, Varanasi
ENVIRONMENT AND CHOICE IN DWELLING HOUSES AND SETTLEMENT PATTERN IN
MIDDLE GANGA PLAIN : Santosh Kumar Singh, Department of AIHC and
Archaeology, Devendra P.G. College Belthara Road, Ballia
ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING OF EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE AND CULTURE : Archana
Sharma, Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS AS REFLECTED IN ARTHASHASTRA : A STUDY :
Dinesh Kumar Ojha & Alok Kumar Pandey, Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology,
BHU
ENVIRONMENT AND HUMAN ADAPTATION IN EARLY HOLOCENE PERIOD IN BELAN
VALLEY: AN EVIDENCE OF ROCK ART : A.K.Dubey, Member, UP Higher
Education, Allahabad
THE ROLE OF STATE IN CONSERVING ENVIRONMENT IN ANCIENT INDIA : Anshul
Bajpai, Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology BHU
A STUDY OF THE NATURAL SYMBOLS ON THE OLD INDIAN COINS: WITH SPECIAL
REFERENCE TO ENVIRONMENT : O.N. Singh, Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology,
BHU
BLACK COTTON SOIL : ENVIRONMENT & CULTURE : Pushp Lata Singh, Deptt.
of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ROLE OF CLIMATE AND THE ENVIRONMENT IN THE GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT OF THE
MIDDLE GANGA PLAIN:AN ARCHAEOLOGIACAL STUDY : Ashok Kumar Singh,
Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ENVIRONMENT IN ANCIENT INDIA: PEACE PERSPECTIVE : Pradeep Dhakal,
Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
HOW DID INDIANS MAINTAIN THEIR ENVIRONMENT : Harihar Singh , Deptt. of
AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
WATER IN VEDAS : Suman Jain , Deptt. of AIHC & Archaeology, BHU
ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS IN ANCIENT INDIA : Anuradha Singh , Deptt. of
History , BHU
HARAPPAN CIVILISATION AND PALAEOCOLOGY OF SOUTH ASIA : AN APPROACH :
Raj K. Sharma , Dept. of Mining Engineering BHU & D. P. Singh, Deptt.
of AIHC & Archaeology,BHU
http://www.bhu.ac.in/aihc/seminar.htm
DEPARTMENTAL PublicationS
Since long the Department has scheme of publishing researches of
eminent scholars from India and abroad. So far more than five dozens
volumes have been brought out. It has been regular in publishing its
journal Bharati and Monograph series. Bharati, Vol. 32 is now under
Publication.
BHARATI
(Bulletin of the Dept of A.I.H.C. & Archaeology)
No. 1, 1956-57, Eds. Sri D.C. Guha & Sri M.N. Singh.
No. 2, 1957-58, Eds. Prof. R.B. Pandey & Dr. V.S. Pathak.
No. 3, 1959-68, Eds. Prof. R.B. Pandey & Sri L.K. Tripathi.
No. 4, 1960-61, Eds. Prof. Surya Kanta & Sri L.K. Tripathi.
No. 5, 1961-62, Eds. Prof. Surya Kanta & Sri L.K. Tripathi.
No. 6, 1962-63, Eds. Prof. V.S. Agrawala & Sri L.K. Tripathi.
No. 7, 1963-64, Eds. Prof. A.K. Narain & Sri L.K. Tripathi.
No. 8, 1964-65, Eds. Prof. A.K. Narain & Sri L.K. Tripathi.
No. 9, 1965-66, Eds. Prof. A.K. Narain & Sri L.K. Tripathi.
No. 10-11 (combined), 1966-68, Central Asia Number Eds. Prof. A.K.
Narain.
No. 12-14, (combined),1969-71, Prof. V.S. Agrawala, Prof Vol. Eds.
A.K. Narain & Sri P.K. Agrawala.
No. 1, New Series, 1983-84, Ed. Prof. P. Singh
No. 2, New Series, 1984-85, Ed. Prof. P. Singh
No. 3, New Series, 1985-86, Ed. Prof. P. Singh
No. 15, 1971-85, Prof. R.B. Pandey Volume Eds. Prof. L.K. Tripathi.
No. 16, 1985-87, Prof. R.C. Majumdar Volume, Ed. Prof. L.K. Tripathi.
No. 17, 1987-88, Ed. Prof. L.K. Tripathi.
No. 18, 1988-89, Ed. Prof. L.K. Tripathi.
No. 19, 1989-90, Ed. Prof. P. Singh
No. 20, 1990-91, Ed. Prof. P. Singh
No. 21, 1991-92, Ed. Prof. V.C. Srivastava
No. 22, 1992-93, Ed. Prof. V.C. Srivastava
No. 23, 1994-96, Ed. Prof. Prof. V.C. Srivastava
No. 24, 1996-97, Ed. Prof. P. Singh
No. 25, 1998-99, Ed. Prof. P. Singh
No. 26, 2000-2002, Ed. Prof. V. Jayaswal
No. 27, 2002-2003, Ed. Prof. V. Tripathi
No. 28, 2003-2004, Ed. Prof. V. Tripathi
No. 29, 2004-2005, Ed. Prof. V. Tripathi
No. 30, 2005-2006, Ed. Prof. P. N. Singh
No. 31, 2006-2007, Ed. Prof. P. N. Singh
No. 32, 2007-2008, Ed. Prof. P. N. Singh (under publication)
MONOGRAPHS
1. From Alexandar to Kaniska by Prof. A.K. Narain.
2. Excavations at Sravasti-1959 by Dr. K.K. Sinha.
3. Skanda-Karttikeya : A Study in Origin and Evolution by Dr. P.K.
Agrawala.
4. Ramji Pandey, Kal Sahinta 2003.
5. The Excavations at Prahladpur by Prof. A.K. Narain & Dr. T.N. Roy.
6. Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their successors
(Supplement to Fleet's C.I.I., Vol. III),
1888,Part (Bibliography), by Shri R.S. Mishra.
7. Aspects of Early Jainism by Dr. Jai Prakash Singh.
8. The Disintegration of the Kushan Empire by Prof. B.N. Mukherjee.
9. History and Coinage of Skandagupta Kramaditya by Dr. J.P. Singh.
10. The Guru-Samhita : An Ancient Text on Weather Forecasting, by
Prof. Lallanji Gopal.
11. A Catalogue of the Greek and Indo-Greek Coins in the Department
by Dr. T.P. Verma.
12. Archaeology of Population, by Dr. Makkhan Lal.
13. The Aryans, the Veda and the Kaliyuga Era of 3102 B.C., by Shri
Kailash Chandra Varma.
14. Archaeology as Historical Science by Mr. Bruce Trigger.
15. An Approach to Indian Culture and Civilization by Prof. G.C.
Pande.
16. Models, Paradigms and the New Archaeology by Dr. Shivaji Singh.
17. Osteo-archaeological remains from Rajghat by Dr. Bhupendra Pal
Singh.
MEMOIRS
1. Seminar Papers on the Chronology of the Punch-Marked Coins, Eds.
Prof. A.K. Narain and Dr.
Lallanji Gopal.
2. Seminar Papers on the Local Coins of Northern India (c. 300 B.C. to
c. 300 A.D.) Eds. Prof.A.K. Narain,
Dr. J.P. Singh and Dr. Nisar Ahmad.
3. Seminar Papers on the Problem of Megaliths in India Eds. Prof. A.K.
Narain, Dr. Purushottam Singh.
4. Seminar Papers on the Tribal Coins of Ancient India (c. 200 B.C. to
400 A.D.) Eds. Prof. Lallanji Gopal.
Dr. J. P. Singh and Dr. N. Ahmad.
5. D.D. Kosambi Commemoration Volume Ed. Prof. Lallanji Gopal.
6. Position and Status of Women in Ancient India, Vol. I, Ed. Prof.
L.K. Tripathi.
7. Position and Status of Women in Ancient India, Vol. II, Ed. Prof.
L.K. Tripathi.
8. Buddhist Stupa in India and South-East Asia, Ed. Prof. L.K.
Tripathi.
9. Sati in Ancient India, Ed. Prof. L.K. Tripathi.
10. Untouchabilty in Ancient India, Ed. Prof. L.K. Tripathi.
EXCAVATION REPORTS
1. Excavations at Sravasti - 1959 by Dr. K.K. Sinha
2. The Excavations at Prahladpur by Prof. A.K. Narain & Dr.
T.N. Roy
3. Excavations at Rajghat, Ed. Prof. A.K. Narain
Part I : The Cuttings, Stratification and Structures by
Dr. T.N. Roy.
Part II : The Pottery, by Dr. T.N. Roy.
Part III : Small Finds, by Dr. P. Singh.
Part IV : Terracotta Human Figurines by Dr. P.K. Agrawala.
A : - Text
B : - Plates
4. Paisara-A Stone Age Settlement of Bihar, 1991 by Prof. P.C.
Pant & Dr. Vidula Jayaswal.
5. Excavations at Narhan by Prof. P. Singh (1994)
HINDI PUBLICATIONS
Prachin Bhartiya Abhilekh - Sangrah, Edited by - Dr. Avadh Kishor
Narayan and Mani Sankar Shukla, Part-1 and Part-2
Saraswati By Sushila Khare
Puran Vishyanukramni (Vidhi and Aachar) vol -1 edited by Prof. Lalan
ji Gopal
Puran Vishyanukramni (Vidhi and Aachar) vol -2 edited by Prof. Lalan
ji Gopal
Kaal Sanhita by Dr. Ramji Pandey
http://www.bhu.ac.in/aihc/publication.htm
The Battle For Ancient India (An Essay in the Sociopolitics of Indian
Archaeology)
IDK201
by Dilip K. Chakrabarti
Hardcover (Edition: 2008)
Aryan Books International
ISBN 9788173053412
Size: 9.0" X 5.8"
Pages: 183
Our Price: $30.00
Preface
This volume is rooted in my Colonial Indology: Sociopolitics of the
Ancient Indian Past (1997) and demonstrates in the context of Indian
archaeology how the grip of "colonial Indology" is still an
intellectual force cutting across the national boundaries. Among the
archaeologists at least this trend of thought has been more visible in
the post-1947 period than in period preceding it. This book also shows
how the various current debates regarding Indian archaeology and
ancient history end up by being an issue of "progress versus reaction"
or "secularism versus communalism" and how such assertions are only a
reflection of the political expediency of the concerned scholars.
In its quest to underline the various sociopolitical subtexts of
opinions in the field of modern Indian archaeology, the book clearly
focuses on how these opinions have taken birth and evolved and what
exactly is their academic basis. Unless we are aware of the socio-
political ramifications of our archaeological opinions, it is unlikely
that we shall be able to form our own conclusions about them.
This book was written in September-December of 2006, and I am deeply
thankful to Dr. Rakesh Tewari and Professor Nayanjot Lahiri for kindly
going through the manuscript and offering suggestions. The
responsibility of all shortcomings rests with me. I am especially
indebted to my colleague Dr. Cameron Petrie who kindly procured for me
a copy of S.K. Chatterji's Modern Review article. It is dedicated to
my wife and daughter, both of whom have always striven hard to make my
academic life smooth and even. My daughter also took upon herself the
duty of taking down my field dictations and doing photography in the
field.
From the Jacket
A number of issues regarding the study of ancient India have recently
emerged in the public domain. The most important of them are the
Sarasvati Project, Aryan invasion theory, the textbook controversy in
India and California and the language of the Indus civilization. The
intensity of debate on each of these issues is reminiscent of
religious clashes. Much of this debate is also not limited to
professional historians and archaeologists. The mass of data and
opinions, which are currently available on the internet and have
frequently been published in the media, can no longer be ignored by
anybody interested in ancient India. Some professional analysis of
this development has long been called for. This book is in response to
this need. It first states the author's position on each of these
issues, but more importantly, critically examines their rationale. By
studying the socio-political implications of some of the current
assumption of Indian archaeology and by noting their associations with
different scholars and scholarly groups, it demonstrates that even the
apparently remote conclusions about India's prehistoric, protohistoric
and early historic past have sub-texts of various kinds and that these
sub-texts have different socio-political implications and agendas.
Dilip K. Chakrabarti is Professor of South Asian Archaeology in the
Department of Archaeology of Cambridge University. He has been awarded
D.Litt. (Honoris Causa) by M.J.P. Rohilkhand University, Bareilly,
where he delivered the University's Convocation Address in 2006. The
Asiatic Society (Calcutta) awarded him its S.C. Chakrabarti Memorial
Medal in 2007.
Contents
Preface and Acknowledgements vii
1 Introduction 1
I. The Theme 1
II. The Author's Own Approach and Beliefs 3
III. The Idea of India as a Colonized Land throughout History 9
2 'Sunrise' in the West: Different Strands of Indian Prehistoric and
Proto-historic Studies 35
I. The General Background 35
II. The Theme of 'Sunrise in the West' 39
III. Comments on Certain General Trends of Publications in Indian
Prehistory and Protohistory 42
3. The Sociopolitics of the Indus Civilization Studies 51
I. The Framework of the Ancient Indian 51
Past before the Discovery
II. The Discovery and the Early Hypotheses of the Excavators0 54
III. The Period between the Discovery and Associated 57
Reports, and the Publication of Marshall's
Mohenjodaro Report in 1931: R.P. Chanda
IV. The Formulation of the Dravidian Hypothesis: Suniti Kumar
Chatterji 64
V. Observations on Chanda and Chatterji 67
VI. John Marshall's "Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization" (1931)
68
VII. The Basic History of the Idea of Harappa-Vedic Relationship:
B.N. Datta to P.V. Kane and Others 69
VIII. More on the Dravidian Premise or the Question 83
of the Dravidian Authorship of the Indus Civilization
IX. The Current Politics of the Indus Civilization Studies 90
4 The Sociopolitics of Some Debates in Early Historic Archaeology 103
I. The Literature on the NBP 103
II. The Beginning of Writing 106
III. The Role of Iron in the Second Urbanisation 112
5 Summary and Discussion 117
Appendix 153
Bibliography 159
Index 167
http://www.exoticindiaart.com/book/details/IDK201/
HARAPPAN HORSE: POLEMICS AND PROPAGANDA
Editorial Comment
As the Aryan invasion version of history has begun to crumble, there
are parties in Indian and Western academic circles that have a special
interest in preserving it. It is unnecessary to go into reasons behind
this beyond noting that considerations of politics and careers have
much to do with it. This is not unusual in any field: whenever there
is a paradigm shift, as is now the case with the Vedic-Harappan
convergence today, the old order suddenly finds the ground shifting
under its feet. A debate, at times acrimonious is natural and
inevitable in the circumstances. But what was unusual in this case was
the tactics adopted by a few of the participants, notably Michael
Witzel, the Prince of Wales Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard. He went
beyond criticizing the work of N. Jha and N.S. Rajaram, to charging
that they, in their book The Deciphered Indus Script had fabricated
the image of a horse in order to show that the Harappan civilization
was Vedic.
In all this, Witzel's central claim was that the horse was unknown in
ancient India prior to the coming of the Aryan invaders who brought it
with them. Thus, the Harappans had no horses. Further, the spoke-wheel
was also unknown to the Harappans. But Witzel went further: he
insisted that any data that suggested otherwise must perforce be a
fabrication. This was the charge he leveled against N. Jha and N.S.
Rajaram in the summer of 2000 when the book The Deciphered Indus
Script reached the United States. He chose to ignore however that
comments on the 'Harappan Horse' was limited to two partial footnotes
in their book, which was about the decipherment and in no way
dependent on the Harappan horse. Jha and Rajaram chose to ignore these
charges other than issuing a press release that refuted Witzel's
charge with the help of photographs. (Witzel was assisted in his work
by one Steve Farmer with no credentials in the field other than making
extravagant claims. He seems to have disappeared from the scene.)
The situation reached a climax when Rajaram, in an article that
appeared in the national daily The Hindu (February 19, 2002) produced
evidence from well-known sources showing that horse remains had been
identified at Harappan sites going back several decades; he also
highlighted other important evidence like the Vedic river Sarasvati
that connect the Vedic and Harappan civilizations. This seemed to put
Witzel in an awkward situation. First, it showed that his claim of "No
Harappan horse," had no basis in fact. More seriously, it cast a cloud
on his tactics, suggesting that he was indulging in suppression of
evidence while simultaneously launching a personal attack on those who
disagreed with him. In all this the assumption seemed to be that his
position as an academic at a well-known university combined with
aggressive propaganda carried out at a high decibel level was enough
to override facts and logic. This predicament that Witzel found
himself in--the collapse of his scholarly reputation together with the
exposure of his unsavory tactics--may explain the ferocious tone of
his article given in this section. This was noted by the distinguished
archaeologist R. Nagaswamy who went on to systematically refute
Witzel's claims and method--calling the latter an example of reductio
ad absurdum.
While the Aryan invasion is dead, and the Vedic-Harappan connection
all but a reality, the series of articles that appeared in The Hindu
gives an idea of the 'debate' that is likely to be the last ditch
effort to save the Aryan invasion. We begin with Rajaram's article
that set the cat among the pigeons, followed by Witzel's response,
culminating in Nagaswamy's refutation of Witzel's claims and methods.
THEORY AND EVIDENCE
A historical theory must account for all the evidence and not
selectively accept and ignore data. Further, a man-made theory cannot
substitute for primary data.
N.S. Rajaram
Albert Einstein once said: "A theory must not contradict empirical
facts." He was speaking in the context of science, especially how
historians of science often lacked proper understanding of the
scientific process. As he saw it the problem was: "Nearly all
historians of science are philologists [linguists] and do not
comprehend what physicists were aiming at, how they thought and
wrestled with these problems." When such is the situation in physics
where problems are clear-cut, it is not surprising to see issues in a
subject like history being much more contentious. This is particularly
the case when trying to understand the records of people far removed
from us in time like the creators of the Vedic and Harappan
civilizations. As a result of some recent historical developments like
European colonization and Western interest in Sanskrit language and
linguistics, several myths and conjectures, through the force of
repetition, have come to acquire the status of historical facts. It is
time to re-evaluate these in the light of new evidence and more
scientific approaches.
When we come to these myths, none is more persistent than the one
about "No horse at Harappa." This has now been supplemented by another
claim that the spoke-wheel was unknown to the Harappans. The point of
these claims is that without the horse and the spoke-wheel the
Harappans were militarily vulnerable to the invading Aryan hordes who
moved on speedy, horse-drawn chariots with spoke-wheels. This claim is
not supported by facts: an examination of the evidence shows that both
the spoke-wheel and the horse were widely used by the Harappans.
(The idea seems to be borrowed from the destruction of Native American
civilizations by the Spanish and Portuguese 'Conquistadors'. The
Conquistadors though never used chariots.)
As far as the spoke-wheel is concerned, B.B. Lal, former Director
General of the Archaeological Survey of India records finding
terracotta wheels at various Harappan sites. In his words: "The
painted lines [spokes] converge at the central hub, and thus leave no
doubt about their representing the spokes of the wheel. ...another
example is reproduced from Kalibangan, a well-known Harappan site in
Rajasthan, in which too the painted lines converge at the hub. ...two
examples from Banawali [another Harappan site], in which the spokes
are not painted but are shown in low relief." ( The Sarasvati Keeps
Flowing, Aryan Books, Delhi, pages 72-3). It is also worth noting that
the depiction of the spoke-wheel is quite common on Harappan seals.
Horse and Vedic symbolism
The horse and the cow are mentioned often in the Rigveda, though they
commonly carry symbolic rather than physical meaning. There is
widespread misconception that the absence of the horse at Harappan
sites shows that horses were unknown in India until the invading
Aryans brought them. Such 'argument by absence' is hazardous at best.
To take an example, the bull is quite common on the seals, but the cow
is never represented. We cannot from this conclude that the Harappans
raised bulls but were ignorant of the cow. In any event, depictions of
the horse are known at Harappan sites, though rare. It is possible
that there was some kind of religious taboo that prevented the
Harappans from using cows and horses in their art. More fundamentally,
it is incorrect to say that horses were unknown to the Harappans. The
recently released encyclopedia The Dawn of Indian Civilization, Volume
1, Part 1 observes (pages 344 - 5): "... the horse was widely
domesticated and used in India during the third millennium BCE over
most of the area covered by the Indus-Sarasvati [or Harappan]
Civilization. Archaeologically this is most significant since the
evidence is widespread and not isolated."
This is not the full story. Sir John Marshall, Director General of the
Archaeological Survey when Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro were being
excavated, recorded the presence of what he called the 'Mohenjo-daro
horse'. Giving salient measurements, comparing it to other known
specimens, he wrote: "It will be seen that there is a considerable
degree of similarity between these various examples, and it is
probable the Anau horse, the Mohenjo-daro horse, and the example of
Equus caballus of the Zoological Survey of India, are all of the type
of the 'Indian country bred', a small breed of horse, the Anau horse
being slightly smaller than the others." ( Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus
Civilization, volume II, page 654.) It is important to recognize that
this is much stronger evidence than mere artifacts, which are artists'
reproductions and not anatomical specimens that can be subjected to
scientific examination.
Actually, the Harappans not only knew the horse, the whole issue of
the 'Harappan horse' is irrelevant. In order to prove that the Vedas
are of foreign origin, (and the horse came from Central Asia) one must
produce positive evidence: it should be possible to show that the
horse described in the Rigveda was brought from Central Asia. This is
contradicted by the Rigveda itself. In verse I.162.18, the Rigveda
describes the horse as having 34 ribs (17 pairs), while the Central
Asian horse has 18 pairs (36) of ribs. We find a similar description
in the Yajurveda also.
This means that the horse described in the Vedas is the native Indian
breed (with 34 ribs) and not the Central Asian variety. Fossil remains
of Equus Sivalensis (the 'Siwalik horse') show that the 34-ribbed
horse has been known in India going back tens of thousands of years.
This makes the whole argument based on "No horse at Harappa"
irrelevant. The Vedic horse is a native Indian breed and not the
Central Asian horse. As a result, far from supporting any Aryan
invasion, the horse evidence furnishes one of its strongest
refutations.
Man-made theories
All this suggests that man-made theories (like "No Harappan horse")
and those in linguistics cannot be used to override primary evidence
like the Vedic Sarasvati (described below) and the dominant oceanic
symbolism found in the Vedas. To see this we may note that South
Indian languages like Kannada and Tamil have indigenous ( desi ) word
for the horse-- kudurai-- suggesting that the horse has long been
native to the region. The same is true of the tiger ( puli and huli )
and the elephant ( aaney ). Contrast this with the word for the lion--
simha and singam --that are borrowed from Sanskrit, indicating that
the lion was not native to the South. A man-made theory in
linguistics, because it is not bound by laws of nature, can be made to
cut both ways. It cannot take the place of evidence.
In any field it is important to take into account all the evidence,
especially evidence of a fundamental nature. This can be illustrated
with the help of what we now know about the Vedic river known as the
Sarasvati. The Rigveda describes the Sarasvati as the greatest and the
holiest of rivers-- as ambitame, naditame, devitame (best of mothers,
best of rivers, best goddess). Satellite photographs as well as field
explorations by archaeologists, notably the great expedition led by
the late V.S. Wakankar, have shown that a great river answering to the
description of the Sarasvati in the Rigveda (flowing 'from the
mountains to the sea') did indeed exist thousands of years ago. After
many vicissitudes due to tectonic and other changes, it dried up
completely by 1900 BCE. This raises a fundamental question: how could
the Aryans who are supposed to have arrived in India only in 1500 BCE,
and composed their Vedic hymns c. 1200 BCE, have described and
extolled a river that had disappeared five hundred years earlier? In
addition, numerous Harappan sites have been found along the course of
the now dry Sarasvati, which further strengthens the Vedic-Harappan
connection. As a result, the Indus (or Harappan) civilization is more
properly called the Indus-Sarasvati civilization.
The basic point of all this: we cannot construct a theory focusing on
a few relatively minor details like the spoke-wheel while ignoring
important, even monumental evidence like the Sarasvati River and the
oceanic symbolism that dominates the Rigveda. (This shows that the
Vedic people could not have come from a land-locked region like
Afghanistan or Central Asia.) A historical theory, no less than a
scientific theory, must take into account all available evidence. No
less important, a man-made theory cannot take the place of primary
evidence like the Sarasvati River or the oceanic descriptions in the
Rigveda. This brings us back to Einstein-- "A theory must not
contradict empirical facts." Nor can it ignore primary evidence.
[This article, which supplied evidence that demolished Witzel's claims
once and for all, drew the following response from Witzel. It is not
hard to see that Witzel was concerned mainly with negating all
evidence--from equine data to the Sarasvati River! He also failed to
note that the possible presence of the 'Siwalik horse' for millions of
years is further evidence against his thesis of the horse as a late
arrival in India. Further, contrary to his claim, the 34 ribs of
Indian, Southeast Asian and some Arab horses is a genetically
inherited trait that cannot be wished away. Also, it is not just the
Rigveda that mentions the 34-ribbed horse, but the Yajurveda as well.
Editor]
HARAPPAN HORSE MYTHS AND THE SCIENCES
The horses found in the early excavations at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa
do not come from secure levels and such `horse' bones, in most cases,
found their way into deposits through erosional cutting and refilling,
disturbing the archaeological layers.
Michael Witzel
In the Open Page of February 19, N.S. Rajaram posits a truism "A
theory must not contradict empirical facts," but he then does not
deliver on the `empirical facts.' As a scientist, he must suffer to be
corrected, bluntly this time, by a mere philologist and Indologist.
Philology, incidentally, is not the same as linguistics, as he says,
but the study of a civilisation based on its texts. In order to
understand such texts, one must acquire the necessary knowledge in all
relevant fields, from astronomy to zoology. It is precisely a proper
background in zoology, particularly in palaeontology, that is badly
lacking in Rajaram's, the scientist's, account. Instead, it is he, and
not his favorite straw man, the Indologist, who has created some new
"myths and conjectures ... through the force of repetition." Let us
deconstruct them one by one.
Harappan horses?
To begin with, he claims that "both the spoke-wheel and the horse were
widely used by the Harappans." He quotes S.P. Gupta, without naming
him, from a recent book ( The Dawn of Indian Civilisation , ed. by
G.C. Pande, 1999). According to Gupta the horse (Equus caballus) "was
widely domesticated and used in India during the third millennium BCE
over most of the area covered by the Indus-Sarasvati (or Harappan)
Civilisation. Archaeologically this is most significant since the
evidence is widespread and not isolated." Nothing in this assertion is
correct, even if -- or rather because -- it comes from an
archaeologist and inventive rewriter of history, S.P. Gupta. For
example, the horses found in the early excavations at Mohenjo-Daro and
Harappa do not come from secure levels and such `horse' bones, in most
cases, found their way into deposits through erosional cutting and
refilling, disturbing the archaeological layers.
Indeed, not one clear example of horse bones exists in the Indus
excavations and elsewhere in North India before c. 1800 BCE (R. Meadow
and A. Patel 1997, Meadow 1996: 405, 1998). Such `horse' skeletons
have not been properly reported from distinct and secure
archaeological layers, and worse, they have not been compared with
relevant collections of ancient skeletons and modern horses (Meadow
1996: 392). Instead, well recorded and stratified finds of horse
figures and later on, of horse bones (along with the imported camel
and donkey), first occur in the Kachi plain on the border of Sindh/E.
Baluchistan (c. 1800-1500 BCE), when the mature Indus Civilisation had
already disintegrated.
Even more importantly, the only true native equid of South Asia is the
untamable khur (Equus hemionus, onager/half-ass) that still tenuously
survives in the Rann of Kutch. Both share a common ancestor which is
now put at ca. 1.72 million years ago (while the first Equus specimen
is attested already 3.7 mya.). The differences between a half-ass
skeleton and that of a horse are so small that one needs a trained
specialist plus the lucky find of the lower forelegs of a horse/onager
to determine which is which, for "bones of a larger khur will overlap
in size with those of a small horse, and bones of a small khur will
overlap in size with those of a donkey." (Meadow 1996: 406).
To merely compare sizes, as Rajaram does following the dubious decades
old Harappan data of Marshall, and then to connect the long gone
"Equus Sivalensis" with the so-called "Anau horse", resulting in the
"Indian country" type, is just another blunder, but Rajaram, the
scientist, is not aware of it.
Proper judgment is not possible as long as none of the above
precautions are taken, and when -- as is often done -- just incomplete
skeletons or teeth are compared, all of which is done without the
benefit of a suitable collection of standard sets of onager, donkey
and horse skeletons. Rajaram and his fellow rewriters of history thus
are free to turn any local half-ass into a Harappan horse, just as he
has already done (see Frontline , Oct./Nov. 2000) with his half-bull.
Further, the archaeologists claiming to have found horses in Indus
sites are not trained zoologists or palaeontologists. When I need to
get my teeth fixed I do not go to a veterinarian or a beauty salon.
Typically, S.P. Gupta (1999) does not add any new evidence, and just
repeats palaeontologically unsubstantiated claims that are, to quote
Rajaram, "myths and conjectures... through the force of repetition."
The Siwalik equid
In addition, Rajaram conjures up another phantom, the Siwalik horse:
"fossil remains of Equus Sivalensis (the `Siwalik horse') show that
the 34-ribbed horse has been known in India going back tens of
thousands of years." Standard palaeontology handbooks (B.J. MacFadden,
Fossil Horses, 1992) would have told him that the Siwalik horse, first
found in the northern hills of Pakistan, is not just "going back tens
of thousands of years" but is in fact 2.6 million years old. However,
it has long died out during the last Ice Age, as part of the late
Pleistocene megafaunal extinction of about 10,000 years ago (i.e. at
the end of the Late Upper Pleistocene, 75-10,000 y.a.: it is
reportedly found in middle to late Pleistocene locations in the
Siwaliks and in Tamil Nadu, and recently, as a "Great Indian horse" in
Andhra, 75,000 y.a.). But there is, to my knowledge, no account of a
Siwalik horse that even remotely approaches the date of the Indus
Civilisation -- nor does Rajaram quote any authority to this effect.
Nevertheless, in order to bolster his claim for the antiquity of the
"Vedic horse (as) a native Indian breed", he connects this dead horse
with the Rigvedic one, which is described as having 34 ribs (Rigveda
1.162.18). But, while horses (Equus caballus) generally have 18 ribs
on each side, this can individually vary with 17 on just one or on
both sides. This is not a genetically inherited trait. Such is also
the case with the equally variable (5 instead of 6) lumbar vertebrae,
as found in some early domestic horses in Egypt (2nd. mill. BCE) and
in the closely related modern Central Asian Przewalski horse (which
shares the same ancestor, 620-320,000 years ago, with the domestic
horse/Equus ferus).
As for the number 34, numeral symbolism may play a role in this
Rigveda passage dealing with a horse sacrificed for the gods. The
number of gods in the Rigveda is 33 or 33+1, which obviously
corresponds to the 34 ribs of the horse, that in turn is speculatively
brought into connection with all the gods, many of whom are mentioned
by name (Rigveda 1.162-3). But this is mere philology, not worthy of
"scientific" study...
In sum, even S. Bokonyi, the palaeontologist who sought to identify a
horse skeleton at the Surkotada site of the Indus Civilisation, stated
that "horses reached the Indian subcontinent in an already
domesticated form coming from the Inner Asiatic horse domestication
centers" -- just as they were imported into the ancient Near East
about 2000 BCE. Any zoological handbook would have told the scientist
Rajaram the same (MacFadden 1992).
In addition, the identification the Surkotada equid as horse by S.
Bokonyi is disputed by R. Meadow and A. Patel (1997). Even if this
were indeed the only archaeologically and palaeontologically secure
Indus horse available so far, it would not turn the Indus Civilisation
into one teeming with horses (as the Rigveda indeed is, a few hundred
years later). A tiger skeleton in the Roman Colosseum does not make
this Asian predator a natural inhabitant of Italy. In short, to state
that the "Vedic horse is a native Indian breed and not the Central
Asian horse" is just another fantasy of the current rewriters of
Indian history.
Nevertheless, Rajaram even repeats some of his own "myths and
conjectures, (which) through the force of repetition, have come to
acquire the status of historical facts," namely the old canard that
"depictions of the horse are known at Harappan sites, though rare" --
a case of fraud and fantasy that has been exploded more than a year
ago in Frontline (Oct./Nov. 2000). Apparently, he thinks, along with
other politicians, that repeating an untruth long enough will turn it
into a fact.
Spoke-wheeled chariots
Rajaram, in dire need of `Rigvedic' horse-drawn chariots for the
Harappan period, then introduces spoked wheels into the Indus
Civilisation: "terracotta wheels at various Harappan sites. ... The
painted lines (spokes) converge at the central hub, and thus leave no
doubt about their representing the spokes of the wheel."
The handful existing specimens of such terracotta disks may indeed
look, even to a trained archaeologist, like a spoked wheel --
especially when he wants to find Aryan chariots, just like Aryan fire
altars, all over the Indus area. But, they may just as well have been
simple spindle whorls, used in spinning very real yarn, not wild Aryan
tales. Further, "spoked wheel patterns" occur in cultures that never
had the wheel, such as pre-Columbian North American civilisations. In
other words, all of this proves nothing as long as we do not find a
pair of these "spoked wheels" in situ, along with a Harappan toy cart.
Normally, the wheels of such toy carts are of the heavy, full wheel
type (that is made of three interlocked wood blocks).
Rajaram then asserts, for good measure, that the "depiction of the
spoke-wheel is quite common on Harappan seals." This refers to the
wheel-like signs in Harappan script. Unfortunately, these "wheels" can
easily be explained as unrelated artistic designs (like in the N.
American case). Worse, they mostly are oblong ovals, not circles. A
Harappan businessman using a cart with such wheels would have gotten
seasick pretty soon. They are unfit for travel -- and for the
discerning reader's consumption.
Instead, the rich Rigvedic materials dealing with the horse-drawn
chariot and chariot races do not fit at all with Indus dates
(2600-1900 BCE) and rather put this text and its chariots well after
c. 2000 BCE, the archaeologically accepted timeframe of the invention
of the spoke-wheeled chariot in the northern steppes and in the Near
East. Again, Rajaram's fantasised "Late Vedic" Indus people have
scored a "first": they invented the chariot long before archaeologists
can find it anywhere on the planet!
"Aryan" chariots
There is no need to go deeply into his building up the straw man of
Aryan invasions (i.e. immigration of speakers of Indo-Aryan),
involving a need to "prove that the Vedas are of foreign origin." No
one today maintains such a theory anyhow. Instead, the Rigveda is a
text of the Greater Punjab, indicating a lot of local acculturation
but using a language and poetics that go back to the earlier Indo-
Iranian period in Central Asia (c. 2000 BCE).
Equally misleading is his caricature: "without the horse and the spoke-
wheel the Harappans were militarily vulnerable to the invading Aryan
hordes who moved on speedy, horse-drawn chariots with spoke-wheels."
As has been mentioned here a few weeks ago, nobody today claims that
the Indo-Aryan speakers arrived on the scene when the mature Indus
Civilisation still was flourishing and destroyed it, it in whatever
fashion. Instead, there is a gap of some centuries between the two
cultures, as the descriptions of ruins and simple mud wall/palisade
forts (pur) in the Rigveda indicate. Vedic texts tell us that the
pastoralist Indo-Aryan nobility fought from chariots, and the
commoners on horseback and on foot, with the local people ( dasyu ) of
the small, post-Harappan settlements who, like the Kikata, are said
not even to understand "the use of cows." Next to warfare there also
was peaceful acculturation of the various peoples in the Greater
Punjab, as is shown by the Rigveda itself.
As for a chariot use, a brief study of ancient Near Eastern warfare
would have done the `historian' Rajaram some good. It is clear to even
a superficial reader that after c. 1600 BCE the Hyksos, Hittites,
etc., used such chariots, not just for show and sport but also in
battle, such as in the famous battle of Kadesh between the Hittites
and Egyptians in 1300 BCE. Chariots were in fact used as late as in
Alexander's battle with Poros (Paurava) in the Punjab, or by the
contemporary Magadha army with its 3,000 elephants and 2,000 chariots.
Why then all this diatribe about the "Aryan" use of chariots in
favorable, flat terrain? (Not, of course, while "thundering down the
Khyber Pass"!)
Foray into linguistics
Mercifully, Rajaram has spared us, this time, his usual assaults on
the "pseudo-science" of linguistics, and instead tries his own hand at
it, and teaches us some Dravidian: kudirai `horse,' which should prove
that the horse has been native to South India forever. However, his
foray into linguistics is incomplete and misleading.
First, Tamil kutirai, Kannada kudire, Telugu kudira, etc. have been
compared by linguists, decades ago, with ancient Near Eastern words:
Elamite kutira `bearer', kuti `to bear.' The Drav. words Brahui
(h)ullii `horse' and Tam. ivuLi are derived from `half-ass,
hemion' (T. Burrow in 1972). Both words, far from being `native South
Indian', thus were coming in from the northwest.
Second, other Indian language families have such `foreign' words as
seen in Munda (Koraput) kurtag, (Korku) gurgi, kurki, (Sabara/Sora)
kurtaa, (Gadaba) krutaa, which are all derived from Tibeto-Burmese,
for example Tsangla (Bhutan) kurtaa, Tib. rta. We know that Himalayan
ponies have always been brought southwards by salt traders and with
them, of course, their names. There also is the independent and
isolated Burushaski (in N. Pakistan) with ha-ghur, cf. Drav. gur- in
Telugu guRRamu, Gondi gurram, etc., and the Austro-Asiatic Khasi (in
Shillong) kulai, Amwi kurwa', etc., -- all of which again point to a
northern origin. (For details see: EJVS 5-1, Aug. 1999,
http://users.primushost.com/india/ejvs, or: International Journal of
Dravidian Linguistics , 2001).
Far from magically proving, with one Dravidian word, that the "native
Indian horse" has been found in the South since times immemorial, the
"man made theory" of linguistics --just as the hard facts of
palaeontological science -- rather indicate that the words for `horse'
were imported, along with the animal, from the (north)western
(Iranian) and northern (Tibetan) areas. Genetics now add another
facet. The domesticated horse seems to have several (steppe) maternal
DNA lines (Science 291, 2001, 474-477; Science 291, 2001, 412; cf.
Conservation Genetics 1, 2000, 341-355), which fits in very well with
the several northern Eurasian words for it mentioned above. The
Eastern Central Asian words must be added; they all probably derive
from Proto-Altaic *mori (as in Mongolian morin, Chinese ma, Japanese
uma, and as surprisingly also found in Irish marc, English mare).
The Harappan Sarasvati
The case of the Vedic Sarasvati river (the modern Sarsuti-Ghagghar-
Hakra) is complex and cannot be dealt with in detail (see, rather,
EJVS 7-3, section 25). It must be pointed out, however, that the
Rigvedic Sarasvati is a river on earth, a `river' in the sky (Milky
Way), and a goddess, and as such Sarasvati is described in superlative
terms, once as flowing `from the mountains to the sea' ( samudra ).
However, this word has several meanings that must be kept apart:
`confluence, lake, mythical ocean surrounding the earth'; the sky,
too, is called a `pond'! To commingle all of this as samudra `Indian
Ocean' is bad philology.
In addition, far from emptying into the Rann of Kutch then, the
Harappan Sarasvati (`having lakes'), disappears as Hakra in the dunes
around and beyond Ft. Derawar in Bahawalpur, after showing signs of a
delta (playa) and of terminal lakes, just like its Iranian namesake in
the Afghani desert, the Haraxvaiti (Helmand) with its Hamun lakes.
Further, simple satellite photographs also do not show when a river
dried up, as the Ghagghar-Hakra has indeed done several times in its
different sections in recent millennia. This was shown in detail for
the Indus and Vedic periods by the former director of Pakistani
archaeology, Rafique Mughal, in his book Ancient Cholistan (1997).
Rajaram again is simply wrong as a scientist in asserting that the
river conveniently "dried up completely by 1900 BCE." Reality is much
more complex.
Actually, much of this has been known since Oldham and Raverty (1886,
1892). (Thus, I myself have printed a Sarasvati map, based on a
lecture of 1983, before the overquoted satellite photos of Yash Pal et
al. were published in 1984). However, we need many more close
observations such as Mughal's, with archaeologically vouched dates for
the individual settlements along the various sections and several
courses of the river.
Finally, the "oceanic descriptions" of the Rigveda imagined by Rajaram
and many other rewriters of history (such as S.P. Gupta, Bh. Singh, D.
Frawley) are based, again, on bad philology: their "data" are taken
from Vedic mythology, floating in the night time sky, and the like! Or
was Bhujyu abducted on another first, a Vedic airship?
[Witzel's article drew the following response from Nagaswamy, former
Director of Archaeology in Tamil Nadu. It appeared in The Hindu, March
12, 2002. Particular attention is to be paid to the section 'Problems
are Complex' where Mr. Nagaswamy dissects Witzel's methodology of
trying to negate evidence, and shifting arguments. Editor]
HARAPPAN HORSE
There is an urgent need to jettison from our textbooks the unproved
statements on Indian civilisation and consign them to academic
polemics, and keep the power mongering self-seeking Taliban
politicians out of educational field.
R. Nagaswamy
THE READERS have been following closely the debate on Harappan
civilisation, published in The Hindu in its Open Page. The latest
article by Michael Witzel (March 5) seems to be taking a partisan
view. Archaeologists have found certain artefacts and scholars are
trying to infer the meaning of the findings and in the process express
divergent views. Such debates are welcome to advance our knowledge
academically, no matter where it comes from. Unfortunately, Witzel's
present article reads personal rather than an academic presentation.
For example, he ridicules the other writer N.S. Rajaram personally by
repeating his name time and again, with personal digs in every
mention. Witzel is not free from the same fault that he attributes to
Rajaram, as in the example of horse in Harappan sites. He states the
horse bones found in the early excavations at Mohenjodaro and Harappa
do not come from secure levels, and such horse bones "found their way
into deposits through erosion cutting and refilling, disturbing the
archaeological layers." Neither does he say how he arrived at this
conclusion nor has he cited any report in support of his view.
Whatever the case may be, it only shows that horse bones were actually
found in the excavations at Harappan sites. In order to justify his
stand he writes that Marshal's Harappan data are "dubious and decades
old." One cannot throw away the data presented by Marshal as it is the
earliest available archaeological report and it is not possible at
this point of time to say suddenly that Marshal has not reported that
layers that were eroded and disturbed in places where horse bones have
been found. One may ask Witzel to state on what basis he says that the
layers that yielded horse bones in more than one site as at
Mohenjodaro and Harappa were eroded and disturbed and the bones got
mixed up? Does he want us to believe that in both the sites, the same
layers yielding horse bones got mixed up in eroded layers? There are
three major excavations conducted at Mohenjodaro and Harappa namely by
Marshal, Mackey and Mortimer Wheeler.
Reports of excavations
George F Dales, who was the last in the series to investigate the
sites, published his findings "Some unpublished, forgotten or
misinterpreted features on Mohenjodaro" in the book Harappan
Civilisation , published by the American Institute of Indian Studies,
1982. He has stated that the reports of all the three great
excavations including that of Wheeler are "incomplete and suffer from
serious losses." Dales states that there is "no end to speculation
that these claims have aroused but it is impossible to reach objective
conclusions with the published details." It is not at all possible to
assess that the layers were disturbed unless other factual evidences
are shown to approve the disturbed conditions.
Michael Witzel also states that conclusions cannot be arrived at with
incomplete bones. Yes. However there cannot be two sets of standards
in dealing with the matter. For example, he questions the views of
Rajaram, but does not show whether R. Meadow, whose conclusions he
supports, based his views on "a full skeleton or full sets of onager,
donkey, or horse skeletons." Further it is known that there are very
rare examples where the full skeletons of animals have been found in
excavations. Are we not aware that most of the reconstructions of
dinosaurs are based not on full skeletons? Archaeologists reconstruct
several cultures with broken pottery. At one place he admits that
clear examples of horse bones are found in Harappan civilisation after
1800 BCE, which still falls in the late Harappan period. Witzel has a
dig at archaeologists that they are not zoologists or palaeontologists
to comment on animal bones. This would apply equally to Witzel who is
not a trained archaeologist to comment on this science. No
archaeologist is expert in all fields but certainly consults experts
before expressing his comments on which he has no expertise.
Problems are complex
To sum up Witzel's arguments proceed on the following lines: (1) No
horse bone has been found in Harappan sites. (2) When pointed out that
they are found in some instances, it is said they are only fragments
and not full skeletons. (3) When pointed out they were found in more
than one site it is said the layers in which they were found ought to
have been eroded ones or disturbed. (4) When pointed out that the
reports of horse bones were not by present day archaeologists but by
the early pioneers it is said that those are dubious and decades old.
(5) When pointed out they were reported by archaeological excavators
then comes the argument that archaeologists are not trained zoologists
and palaeontologists to comment on horse bones (though by the same
argument no credence can be placed on Witzel's opinion as he is
neither an archaeologist nor a palaeontologist). Such arguments are
brought under reductio ad absurdum by logicians. More examples of
willful rejections of points can be cited throughout the article but
suffice to say that for an unbiased reader, the whole article reads
purely a personal attack on an individual writer and exhibits certain
amount of impatience to listen to other view. This does not mean that
I agree with either of the views on the Aryan problem except stating
that we are yet not in a position to go with either of the views for
lack of evidence and would prefer to wait for further discoveries.
The debate has undoubtedly focused on one aspect of Harappan
civilisation: the problems are complex and the data available are
inadequate to come to any conclusion. The vital question that is not
in the debate by the general reader is that in the past 50 years of
India's independence, the unproved inferential views of these
scholars, some of which have been proved totally wrong as in the case
of "the total massacre of the Harappans by the invading barbaric
Aryans", are fully incorporated in our school textbooks, right from
the third or fourth standards. Wheeler dramatised this theory
vehemently that invading Aryans destroyed the Harappan civilisation
and within ten years he was proved totally wrong by new finds of
several Harappan sites spread in space and time. And yet millions of
children of India have been indoctrinated and brainwashed with these
views for the past five decades, and that has caused immense damage to
scientific knowledge. Is there any one party in India today which will
repent for this incalculable damage? Are we justified in continuing to
brainwash our generations of children? Is it not time that we remove
these from school books and confine such debates to post-graduate
community of the country and our children are told only the factual
history. A perusal of the books would show enormous imbalances in
representing regional and dynastic histories. It may be seen, for
example, that South Indian history receives inadequate representation.
The rule of the Pallavas, Cholas or Chalukyas that lasted for over
four hundred years each and had glorious achievements in all fields
gets summary representation, when compared with Mughal rule and the
Colonial rule that did not last even half that period. South India has
witnessed exemplary democratic institutions at the village level for
several centuries in the medieval period that is yet to be brought to
the notice of the children. Surely there is no proportionate
representation.
While the Western history gets exalted position in all fields, the
history of South East Asia like Indonesia, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos,
Vietnam and even China does not even get a cursory mention. There is
clearly an urgent need to jettison from the books the unproved
statements on Indian civilisation and consign them to academic
polemics, keep the power-mongering self-seeking Taliban politicians
out of educational field, and seek a proportionate place for Indian
civilisation in our textbooks. In fact Witzel has agreed to the need
to revise Indian history in his earlier article, which should be
entrusted to a body of unbiased and balanced academic body free from
racial, religious or political bias.
[ What Witzel has to do with this is unclear. His record so far does
not inspire confidence in his unbaisedness. His scholarly contribution
is also negligible-- he is known more for his personal attacks on
Indian scholars, especially Rajaram than any substantial contribution.
Also, are there not enough Indian scholars capable of writing Indian
history? Is it necessary to go to someone who struggling to save what
is left of his reputation, both as a scholar and as a human being?
Editor]
http://archaeologyonline.net/artifacts/harappan-horse.html
The Indus-Sarasvati Civilization and its Bearing on the Aryan
Question
Text of a lecture given on 29 September 1999 at Chennai’s Indian
Institute of Technology (IIT-Madras), at the invitation of the
students’ Vivekananda Study Circle. The talk was accompanied by a
slide-show illustrating various aspects of the life of the Indus
Valley civilization.
We in India often take pride in Indian civilization, in its
ancientness and great cultural traditions that go back to the dawn of
ages. This is a legitimate feeling, if you consider that Americans or
Australians, for instance, often take even greater pride in their
countries though they are about two centuries old ; of course, their
pride has to be mostly in their material achievements, since they have
had little to show by way of culture, especially nowadays. India, by
contrast, always laid stress on a deep culture before anything else,
and yet, contrary to a common misconception, she never neglected
material life either, except in recent centuries.
I would like to offer tonight some glimpses of the earliest
civilization on the Indian subcontinent, and to show that its high
practicality, and what we may call in our modern language its
“technological” accomplishments, deserve our admiration, as does the
cultural backdrop that made these accomplishments possible. I will
also take a brief look at its relationship with later Indian
civilization, and that will lead us to what is commonly known as the
“Aryan problem.” In doing so, we will be guided by an objective
scientific spirit, taking into account the most recent findings from
archaeology and other fields.
Advance of Archaeology
But first, let me note a strange fact. If you open any good book on
the great civilizations of the ancient world, aimed not at scholars
but at a wider readership, you will almost invariably find that
Mesopotamia and ancient Egypt are given pride of place ; then come, in
mixed order, ancient China, Greece, Central and South America, and the
Indus Valley civilization, also called the Harappan civilization.
Everyone agrees that this early civilization of the Indian
subcontinent was one of the largest in extent, that it made great
advances in crafts and technology, in trade and agriculture, and that
its social organization appears to have been one of the most
efficient, methodical and trouble-free ever ; still, in the end, it
will rarely be given more than a few pages where dozens will be
devoted to Mesopotamia or Egypt, and today, more than seventy years
after its discovery, its existence and accomplishments remain largely
unknown to the general public outside the subcontinent — and inside,
too.
In fact, almost everything about the Harappan civilization appears
mysterious at first sight : Who were its inhabitants ? What language
did they speak ? What beliefs and culture did they have ? What type of
government was able to hold it together ? What caused its decline ?
Why were its great cities abandoned ? Did great natural calamities
take place, or should we blame wars or invoke some invasions ? And
also : What connection is there between this ancient civilization and
those that followed on Indian soil, in the plains of the Ganga, for
example ? Is there a complete break between the two, as some Western
scholars assert, or can what we call Indian civilization be traced all
the way back to the Indus valley ?
Archaeologists, historians and experts from other fields have been
largely unable to agree on these fundamental questions. One reason for
this is the persisting lack of unanimity on the various decipherments
proposed for the Indus script, found on thousands of seals and pottery
pieces excavated from Harappan towns and cities. So their inhabitants
remain dumb to us, their thoughts and culture unfathomable — we are
left to admire their material skills, while scholars indulge in
“educated guesses” on the significance of the statues unearthed, the
figures engraved on the seals, the modes of burial, of government, and
virtually every aspect of Harappan life. Another reason is the very
small number of sites excavated, one to two per cent of all sites
identified as Harappan ; this means we have barely scratched the
surface, and many major findings are awaiting us a few metres
underground. To give just two examples, the site of Ganweriwala, in
the Cholistan region of Pakistan, is estimated to cover eighty
hectares, while that of Lakhmirwala, in India’s Punjab, is thought by
the Indian archaeologist J.P. Joshi to exceed 225 hectares — but
neither has been excavated. A third reason has been the nineteenth-
century hypothesis of an Aryan invasion into India, which insisted on
placing the origins of Indian civilization somewhere in Central Asia,
and therefore left the discovery in the 1920s of the Indus Valley
civilization wrapped in a cloud of confusion.
As a result, till a few years ago, the Harappan world was mostly
presented as anonymous and rather disembodied, with little to excite
our imagination in the way Egypt’s pyramids do. As one of those
general books I mentioned puts it, “The birth, life and death of the
Indus civilization remain three enigmas.”[1] Not very encouraging. But
the scene is fast changing : a lot of path-breaking excavations have
taken place in recent years, for example at Mehrgarh and Harappa, both
now in Pakistan, and in India at Dholavira and Rakhigarhri. Also, in
the last three years or so, a number of excellent new studies have
appeared on the Indus Valley civilization, written by Indian, American
and British archaeologists.[2]Scholars from other disciplines[3] have
joined them — sometimes also challenged them — some old misconceptions
are giving way, and a clearer picture is slowly emerging. In a few
years from now, we can expect this civilization to take its rightful
place as one of the greatest of the ancient world, with most of its
“enigmas” dispelled. Today, let us just try to take stock.
Some of the main sites of the Harappan civilization.
Note the concentration along the dry bed of the Sarasvati.
Physical Data
The most physical data about the Harappan civilization are clear
enough : As of last year, it was said to comprise more than 1,500
settlements, most of them small villages or towns, with only a few
large cities. Some of the “villages” covered more than twenty
hectares ; the cities, in comparison, often extended over some eighty
hectares — Mohenjo-daro up to 250 hectares, about the size of the
entire I.I.T. campus where we are gathered tonight. However, new sites
are added every week or month, and the U.S. archaeologist Gregory L.
Possehl, in a just published monumental study,[4] gives a detailed
list of 2,600 Harappan sites ! What the final figure will be is
anyone’s guess.
The total area encompassed was huge : over one million square
kilometres — more than ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia put together, or,
if you prefer, eight times the size of Tamil Nadu. The southern limit
was between the Tapti and the Godavari rivers, while the northern
limit was some 1,400 kilometres away in Kashmir (at Manda) — though
one site, Shortughai, is found still farther up, in Afghanistan ; as
of now, the easternmost settlement stands at Alamgirpur in Western
Uttar Pradesh, and the western limits were the Arabian sea and the
whole Makran coast, almost all the way to the present Pakistan-Iran
border.
If this civilization was named after the Indus, it is because the
first major settlements, Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, were found along
that river and its tributary, the Ravi. However, in recent decades,
exploration on both sides of the Indo-Pakistan border has brought to
light hundreds of sites along the dry bed of a huge river in the
Ghaggar-Hakra valley.[5] This lost river is now widely recognized to
have been the legendary Sarasvati praised in the Rig-Veda (which also
mentioned the Indus, or “Sindhu,” and all other major rivers of
Punjab). The course of the Sarasvati, south of and broadly parallel to
that of the Indus, has been studied and plotted in some detail not
only by geological exploration, but also by satellite photography and
recently by radioisotope dating of the water still found under the
river’s dry bed in the Rajasthan desert.[6] Since the sites found
along the Sarasvati far outnumber those in the Indus basin, some
scholars have made the point that the Harappan civilization would be
better named the “Indus-Sarasvati civilization.” For instance, the
giant sites of Ganweriwala and Lakhmirwala which I mentioned earlier
are located on the course of the Sarasvati, as are the better known
settlements of Kalibangan and Banawali. Of course, the name “Indus-
Sarasvati civilization” still leaves out a number of sites in Gujarat,
such as Lothal, but it stresses the importance of the Sarasvati river
as the major lifeline of this civilization, the Indus coming a close
second.
Whatever its name, when we speak of this civilization, we usually mean
its “mature phase” (also called “integration era”), during which the
great cities such as Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Ganweriwala, Rakhigahri,
Dholavira and others flourished. That phase is now usually dated
2600-1900 BC. But it was of course not born in a day : it was preceded
by a long phase called “early Harappan” or “regionalization era,”
during which villages kept developing and started interacting, and
also many technologies (pottery, metallurgy, farming etc.) were
perfected ; that early phase is now dated by Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, a
U.S. archaeologist who has worked on many Indus sites, 5000-2600 BC.
It was itself the result of a long evolution between 7000 and 5000 BC,
which saw the emergence of the first village farming communities and
pastoral camps (as in many other regions of the world) : Mehrgarh, at
the foot of the Bolan Pass in the Kachi plain of Baluchistan, is the
best known example ; according to its excavator, the French
archaeologist Jean-François Jarrige, “The site covers an area of about
500 acres [200 hectares] with only pre-Harappan remains” and shows
“evidence of continuous occupation for more than three millennia prior
to the Harappan civilization.”[7]
The end of the mature phase is usually dated 1900 BC, when most of the
cities were gradually abandoned ; their remarkable civic organization
broke down, forcing people to go back to the villages. The most
probable cause was a series of natural catastrophes — earthquakes,
drastic changes in river courses, consequent depletion of the
Sarasvati, floods, but also a long drought over the whole region
(including West Asia), all of which ravaged agriculture, and perhaps
also excessive deforestation to supply wood to kilns and furnaces.
Another likely factor is a sharp reduction in external trade,
especially with Mesopotamia. But, while earlier generations of
scholars spoke of a total break in Indian civilization as a result of
this decline, archaeologists now agree that another phase, called post-
Harappan, post-urban or also “localization era,” and dated about
1900-1300 BC, followed, and went on to provide a smooth transition to
the first historical states in the Ganga region.
The Cities
What impressed the first discoverers of Harappan cities most was their
sophistication, which displayed town-planning of a level that would be
found only 2000 years later in Europe. Geometrically designed, the
towns had fortifications (for protection against both intruders and
floods), several distinct quarters, assembly halls, and manufacturing
units of various types ; some bigger cities had furnaces for the
production of copper tools, weapons or ornaments ; public baths
(probably often part of temples), private baths for most inhabitants,
sewerage through underground drains built with precisely laid bricks,
and an efficient water management with numerous reservoirs and wells
show that the ordinary inhabitant was well taken care of. Mohenjo-
daro, for instance, is thought to have had over 700 wells, some of
them fifteen metres deep, built with special trapezoid bricks (to
prevent collapse by the pressure of the surrounding soil), and
maintained for several centuries. Quite a few of those wells were
found in private houses. Dholavira had separate drains to collect rain
water and six or seven dams built across nearby rivers. “The fact that
even smaller towns and villages had impressive drainage systems,”
remarks Kenoyer, “indicates that removing polluted water and sewage
was an important part of the daily concerns of the Indus people.”[8] I
am sure that many of our villages in today’s rural India would be
quite happy with such an infrastructure — maybe the candidates at
present roaming our dusty roads in search of votes should study
Harappan public amenities !
Drains from individual houses
empty into a covered collective drain in Mohenjo-daro.
The well-known Indian archaeologist, B. B. Lal, writes in a recent
comprehensive study of this civilization :
Well-regulated streets [were] oriented almost invariably along with
the cardinal directions, thus forming a grid-iron pattern. [At
Kalibangan] even the widths of these streets were in a set ratio, i.e.
if the narrowest lane was one unit in width, the other streets were
twice, thrice and so on. [...] Such a town-planning was unknown in
contemporary West Asia.[9]
The houses were almost always built with mud bricks (sometimes fired
in kilns), which followed a standard ratio of 4 :2 :1, though the
actual sizes varied : bricks for houses, for instance, might be 28 x
14 x 7 cm, while for fortification walls they could be 36 x 18 x 9 cm
or even bigger. Walls were on average seventy centimetres thick (which
I suppose would be nearly three times the thickness of your hostel
walls), and many houses were at least two storeys high. A few houses,
perhaps those of rulers or wealthy traders, were particularly large,
with up to seven rooms, but they might be found right next to a
craftsman’s modest house. A number of big buildings, such as that
around Mohenjo-daro’s “Great Bath,” seem to have served a community
purpose, sometimes perhaps that of temples. Dholavira, in Kutch, even
boasts a huge maidan. It also has massive fortification walls, some of
them as thick as eleven metres, built in the earliest stage of the
city ; apart from standardized bricks, stones were also used there on
a large scale, undressed as well as dressed (note that stones were
perfectly dressed with just copper tools : iron was not yet known).
Map of one area of Mohenjo-daro (“HR area”),
as an example of complex town-planning 4,500 years ago.
Arts and Crafts
The Harappans were expert craftsmen. They made beads of carnelian,
agate, amethyst, turquoise, lapis lazuli, etc. ; they manufactured
bangles out of shells, glazed faience and terracotta ; they carved
ivory and worked shells into ornaments, bowls and ladles ; they cast
copper (which they mined themselves in Baluchistan and Rajasthan) and
bronze for weapons, all types of tools, domestic objects and statues
(such as the famous “dancing girl”) ; they also worked silver and gold
with great skill, specially for ornaments. Of course, they baked
pottery in large quantity — to the delight of archaeologists, since
the different shapes, styles, and painted motifs are among the best
guides in the evolution of any civilization (let us remember that most
objects made of cloth, wood, reed, palm leaves etc., usually vanish
without a trace, especially in hot climates). We also know that the
Harappans excelled at stone-carving, complex weaving and carpet-
making, inlaid woodwork and decorative architecture. And, of course,
they engraved with remarkable artistry their famous seals, mostly in
steatite (or soapstone) ; those seals, over 3,000 of which have been
found, seem to have served various purposes : some commercial, to
identify consignments to be shipped, and some ritual or spiritual, to
invoke deities.
Dancing, painting, sculpture, and music (there is evidence of drums
and of stringed instruments) were all part of their culture. Possibly
drama and puppet shows too, judging from a number of masks. Statues
are not abundant, but refined, whether in stone, bronze or terracotta.
An ancestor of the game of chess has been unearthed at Lothal.
Children too were not forgotten, judging from the exquisite care with
which toys were fashioned.
A probable ancestor of the game of chess (in terracotta, from Lothal).
Trade, Shipping, Agriculture & Technology
In addition to a considerable internal trade in metals, stones and all
kinds of goods, the Harappans had a flourishing overseas trade with
Oman, Bahrain, and Sumer ; exchanges with the Sumerians went on for at
least seven centuries, and merchant colonies were established in
Bahrain and the Euphrates-Tigris valley. Of course, none of this would
have been possible without high skills in ship-making and sailing, and
several representations of ships have been found on seals, while many
massive stone anchors have come up at Lothal and other sites of
Saurashtra. For navigation, compasses carved out of conch shells
appear to have been used to measure angles between stars. A voyage
from Lothal to Mesopotamia to sell the prized Harappan carnelian
beads, which the kings and queens of Ur were so fond of, meant at
least 2,500 kilometres of seafaring ; of course there would have been
halts along the shore on the way, but still, 4,500 years ago this must
have ranked among the best sailing abilities.
The other, perhaps the chief mainstay of Harappan prosperity was
agriculture. It was practised on a wide scale, with hundreds of rural
settlements and extensive networks of canals for irrigation ; wheat,
barley, rice, a number of vegetables, and cotton were some of the
common crops. Mehrgarh, for instance, shows “a veritable agricultural
economy solidly established as early as 6000 BC.”[10] Kalibangan even
yielded a field ploughed with two perpendicular networks of furrows,
in which higher crops (such as mustard) were grown in the spaced-out
north-south furrows, thus casting shorter shadows, while shorter crops
(such as gram) filled the contiguous east-west furrows. As B. B. Lal
has shown, this is a technique still used today in the same region.
Any society capable of town-planning, shipping, refined arts and
crafts, writing, sustained trading, necessarily has to master a good
deal of technology. This was also the case here. Craftsmen often used
standardized tools and techniques, especially for the more complex
productions. A highly standardized system of stone weights, unique in
the ancient world, was found not only throughout the Harappan
settlements, but also two thousand years later in the first kingdoms
of the Ganga plains. (The weights were mostly cubes, but sometimes
also truncated spheres.) The first seven weights in the system
followed a geometrical progression, with ratios of 1 : 2 : 4 : 8 : 16
(by which time the weight had reached 13.7g) : 32 : 64, after which
the increments switched to a decimal system and went 160, 200, 320,
640, 1600, 3200, 6400, 8000 and 12,800. The largest weight found in
Mohenjo-daro is 10,865 grams. Now, if you divide its corresponding
ratio of 12,800 by the ratio 16, you get 800 ; multiply this figure by
the weight of 13.7 g found for the 16th ratio, and you get a
theoretical weight of 10,960g — a difference of only 95g with the
actual weight, or less than 0.9% ! I don’t think the weights used
today in our markets reach such precision, not to speak of those
traders who get their weights tailor-made !
In fact, the Harappans very much seem to be the inventors of the first
decimal system for measurement. Their town-planning, which makes much
use of geometry, partly relied on this decimal system. Let me quote
from S. R. Rao, an Indian archaeologist famous for his excavations at
Lothal and his undersea discoveries at Dwaraka and Poompuhar ; he
comments here on an ivory scale found at Lothal, engraved with nearly
thirty divisions regularly spaced every 1.704 mm :
It is the smallest division ever recorded on a scale of the Bronze
Age. The width of the wall of the Lothal dock is 1.78 m [i.e. 1,000
such divisions ... and] the length of the east-west wall of the dock
is twenty times its width. Obviously the Harappan engineers followed
the decimal division of measurement for all practical purposes...[11]
I should point out that apart from the continuance of the Indus weight
system or agricultural methods into the historic period,
archaeologists have often highlighted how traditional craftsmen today
in Sindh, Punjab, Rajasthan or Gujarat still use techniques — in bead-
making or shell-working, for instance — very similar to those evolved
in Harappan times more than 4,500 years ago. Even some buildings
techniques are still in use, as B. B. Lal has pointed out.
But however impressive those technological achievements may be (and
there are many others), we should remember that they were not separate
activities, but always blended with the cultural life of the Harappan
world. As Kenoyer remarks,
Symbols of Indus religion and culture were incorporated into pottery,
ornaments and everyday tools in a way that helped to unite people
within the urban centers and link them with distant rural communities.
[12]
Government and Social Evolution
What we have seen so far, and very briefly, is only the most visible
features of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization. The internal and
external mechanics of such a society are infinitely complex, and will
no doubt keep archaeologists racking their brains for some more time.
For example, while a few of them see the Harappan political
organization as an empire, with Mohenjo-daro as the seat of the
emperor and a number of “governors” in the regional capitals, others
are in favour of regional states, in view of the difficulty posed by a
single central authority over such vast distances without our modern
communications. Those regional states would have had identities of
their own (as evidenced from regional variations in arts and crafts),
but they would all have been united by a common culture, and also by a
common language (regardless of possible regional dialects). B. B. Lal,
for instance, brings a parallel between the Harappan society and the
Sixteen States or Mahajanapadas of later Buddhist times. This
hypothesis is strengthened by the lack of any glorification or even
representation of rulers on the seals ; even the few sculptures of
human figures found at Mohenjo-daro cannot be said to represent rulers
with any great certainty.
Whatever the truth may be, a few clear points stand out and meet with
general agreement :
First, a remarkable civic organization, which allowed streets in big
cities to be free from any encroachment for centuries together (can
our present Indian cities claim the same for just a few weeks ?). And
let us remember that Mohenjo-daro is thought to have sheltered at
least 50,000 inhabitants — almost a megalopolis for those times.
Secondly, a complete absence of any evidence of armies or warfare or
slaughter or man-made destruction in any settlement and at any point
of time, even as regards the early phase. Not a single seal depicts a
battle or a captive or a victor. True, there were fortifications and
weapons (the latter rather few), but those were probably to guard
against local tribes or marauders rather than against people from
other cities and villages. Fortifications were also often protections
against floods, and weapons must have been used mostly for hunting. So
far as the archaeological record shows, major disruptions in the
cities’ life were caused by natural calamities. In no other ancient
civilization is warfare so absent, and over such a long period of
time ; by contrast, other civilizations of the time consistently
recorded and glorified war feats. And our own modern “civilization,” I
need not remind you, is the bloodiest ever : a few days ago, a United
Nations report lamented the existence of more than 500 million small
arms in circulation — that means one gun or semi-automatic weapon for
every ten of us....
Thirdly, archaeologists now agree that the origins of the Indus-
Sarasvati civilization are to be found on the subcontinent itself. It
no doubt had extensive cultural and commercial contacts with other
civilizations, but its identity was distinct. In the words of Jim G.
Shaffer, a U.S. archaeologist who has worked on many Indus sites :
It is time to view the archaeological data for what it is, and not
what one thinks it is. Recent studies are just beginning to indicate
the real importance of Harappan studies, showing that in South Asia, a
unique experiment in the development of urban, literate culture, was
under way. Such a culture was highly attuned to local conditions and
not a mirror of Mesopotamia’s urban experiment....[13]
The Indus-Sarasvati civilization thus represented a long indigenous
evolution, spanning almost 6,000 years, and with no visible break or
disruption from outside. By any standard, this is a unique achievement
in human history.
But let us not forget that no society can survive long without a
culture to cement its members together and make their lives
meaningful. The very fact that the Indus-Valley civilization was able
to hold together for three millennia (if we include its early phase),
over an immense stretch of land, and with all the signs of social
harmony and stability, shows that it must have had a deep and strong
culture as its foundation. Let us now try to catch a glimpse of it.
The Aryan Problem
The relationship of the Indus-Saraswati civilization with the later
Indian civilization remains a subject of debate. Most of you probably
learned at school that the Harappan towns were destroyed by semi-
barbarian Aryans rushing down from Central Asia on their horse
chariots, and that the survivors among their inhabitants, assumed to
have been Dravidians, were driven to South India by the invaders.
Passages from the Rig-Veda were twisted and sometimes mistranslated to
show a record of such a physical and cultural clash. In many respects,
this is still the “official” theory, although, since the 1960s, when
the U.S. archaeologist G. F. Dales demolished all supposed evidence of
such attacks and slaughter, the theory has limited itself to saying
that the supposed Aryans, or Indo-Aryans or Indo-Europeans, to use the
present terminology, entered North India after the collapse of the
Harappan civilization.
But you may be surprised to learn that most archaeologists now reject
this invasion or migration theory, as they cannot find the slightest
trace of it on the ground, and it is unthinkable that the supposed
Aryans could have conquered most of India and imposed on it their
Vedic culture without leaving any physical evidence of any sort. Even
respected archaeologists of the old school of thought, such as Raymond
and Bridget Allchin, now admit that the arrival of Indo-Aryans in
Northwest India is “scarcely attested in the archaeological record,
presumably because their material culture and life-style were already
virtually indistinguishable from those of the existing
population.”[14] We are very far from the bloody invasion and cultural
war envisaged by Max Müller and other nineteenth-century scholars.
But even this tempered view is no longer acceptable to the “new
school,” whose foundation can be said to have been laid in 1984 by Jim
Shaffer. He wrote :
Current archaeological data do not support the existence of an Indo-
Aryan or European invasion into South Asia any time in the pre- or
protohistoric periods. Instead, it is possible to document
archaeologically a series of cultural changes reflecting indigenous
cultural developments from prehistoric to historic periods.[15]
Kenoyer, whom I quoted earlier, concludes in his recent beautiful
book :
Many scholars have tried to correct this absurd theory [of an Aryan
invasion], by pointing out misinterpreted basic facts, inappropriate
models and an uncritical reading of Vedic texts. However, until
recently, these scientific and well-reasoned arguments were
unsuccessful in rooting out the misinterpretations entrenched in the
popular literature.
[...] But there is no archaeological or biological evidence for
invasions or mass migrations into the Indus Valley between the end of
the Harappan Phase, about 1900 BC and the beginning of the Early
Historic period around 600 BC.[16]
I could quote similar opinions from many respected Indian
archaeologists such as B. B. Lal, S. R. Rao, S. P. Gupta, Dilip K.
Chakrabarty, K. M. Srivastava, M. K. Dhavalikar, R. S. Bisht and
others. The point is that the theory of an Aryan invasion or even
migration into India finds no evidence on the ground and has no
scientific basis whatsoever.
The biological evidence Kenoyer refers to relies on the detailed
examination of skeletons found in Harappan settlements. Kenneth A. R.
Kennedy, a U.S. expert who has extensively studied such skeletal
remains, observes :
Biological anthropologists remain unable to lend support to any of the
theories concerning an Aryan biological or demographic entity [...].
What the biological data demonstrate is that no exotic races are
apparent from laboratory studies of human remains excavated from any
archaeological sites [...]. All prehistoric human remains recovered
thus far from the Indian subcontinent are phenotypically identifiable
as ancient South Asians. [...] In short, there is no evidence of
demographic disruptions in the north-western sector of the
subcontinent during and immediately after the decline of the Harappan
culture.[17]
I hope you understand the implication : No invasion or migration
caused or followed the collapse of the urban phase of the Indus-
Sarasvati civilization around 1900 BC. What is still taught in our
textbooks about so-called Aryans is no more than imagination. The
Harappans were just Northwestern Indians of the time and continued to
live there even after the end of the urban phase (with some of them
migrating towards the Ganga plains in search of greener pastures). In
fact, archaeologists and anthropologists now reject the old notion of
race altogether. To quote from Possehl’s recent book which I mentioned
earlier :
Race as it was used in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
has been totally discredited as a useful concept in human biology.
[...] There is no reason to believe today that there ever was an Aryan
race that spoke Indo-European languages and was possessed with a
coherent and well-defined set of Aryan or Indo-European cultural
features.[18]
In simple terms, this means that, for science, there is no such thing
as an Aryan race, or a Dravidian race for that matter. Nor is there
for Indian tradition, in which the word “Arya” never meant a race, but
a quality of true nobility, culture and refinement. And so, if no
Aryan people invaded or entered into India, it stands to reason that
the Vedic culture was also native to the subcontinent, and not an
import. In fact, quite a few scholars and archaeologists today see a
number of clear Vedic traits in the Harappan culture. To cite a few :
the presence of fire-altars, an essential element of Vedic rituals ;
the symbol of a bull engraved on hundreds of seals, a Vedic symbol par
excellence ; the cult of a mother-goddess, of a Shiva-like deity, the
depiction of yogic postures, and of yogis or sages (judging from his
deeply contemplative appearance, the so-called “priest-king” was more
likely a yogi or a rishi than a priest). The famous Unicorn and the
three-headed creature, both depicted on many Indus seals, are
mentioned in the Mahabharata as aspects of Krishna, as N. Jha, an
Indian epigraphist, has shown. Indeed, quite a few symbols used in
later Indian culture, such as the trishul or the swastika, the pipal
tree or the endless-knot design, are found in the Indus-Saraswati
cities. Even its town-planning with three main distinct areas is
consistent with Rig-Vedic descriptions, as the Indian archaeologist R.
S. Bisht has argued.[19] So are trade and shipping, also extensively
mentioned in the Rig-Veda.
(Clockwise from top left :) A terracotta figurine from Harappa, in a
yoga posture;
seals depicting a Shiva-like deity, a unicorn, and a bull.
Moreover, let us remember the hundreds of settlements along the
Sarasvati, a river praised in the Rig-Veda, which confirms again the
identification between Harappans and Vedic people.
The decipherment of the Indus script would of course be the ultimate
test. I will just mention here that while attempts to read some proto-
Dravidian language into it have failed and are now abandoned, there
has been progress among those who see the language thus written to be
related to Sanskrit. N. Jha’s decipherment, proposed recently, appears
to be the most promising, simple and consistent, and once a major
study of it is published shortly,[20] we can expect a lively debate
among scholars to decide its value.
I am not touching here on a number of related issues, such as the
linguistic problem posed by a deep similarity between Sanskrit and
most European languages, since the verdict of archaeological evidence
is, to my mind, quite sufficient. Let me recommend to those interested
a brilliant study by a young Belgian scholar and expert on India,
Koenraad Elst, just published in India under the title Update on the
Aryan Invasion Debate. In it, he discusses most of those issues
threadbare and shows in particular that this linguistic affinity can
very well be explained without any sort of Aryan invasion.
One more remark before I conclude : Archaeological evidence in no way
contradicts Indian tradition, rather it broadly agrees with it (except
for its chronology). Whether from North or South India, tradition
never mentioned anything remotely resembling an Aryan invasion into
India. Sanskrit scriptures make it clear that they regard the Vedic
homeland to be the Saptasindhu, which is precisely the core of the
Harappan territory. As for the Sangam tradition, it is equally silent
about any northern origin of the Tamil people ; its only reference is
to a now submerged island to the south of India, Kumari Kandam, and
initial findings at Poompuhar show that, without our having to accept
this legend literally, we may indeed find a few submerged cities along
Tamil Nadu’s coast ; only more systematic explorations, especially at
Poompuhar and Kanyakumari, where fishermen have long reported
submerged structures, can throw more light on this tradition.
Not only Indian tradition, but a number of Indians with a far better
understanding of Vedic texts than that of Western scholars, for
example Swami Vivekananda, Swami Dayananda Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo,
B. R. Ambedkar and many others, have vigorously dismissed the Aryan
invasion as a groundless conjecture intended to divide Indians for
colonial motives. They have correctly argued that the Indian people
have no memory or record of any such outside origin, and archaeology
is now increasingly confirming their insights.
Conclusion
I will end where I began. Would it be “chauvinistic” (to use a word
our modern Indian intellectuals are so fond of) to attribute the
greatness of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization to the Indian genius ? I
do not think so. Apart from its striking cultural continuity with
subsequent developments of Indian civilization, which makes up a total
thread of 9,000 years, it exhibits traits typical of the Indian
temperament : a bold enterprising spirit, a remarkable adaptability to
changing conditions, a cultural and spiritual content in the smallest
everyday activities, and, most importantly, a capacity for a broader
view, without which this huge area could not have had such a cultural
homogeneity free from major conflicts. Even its remarkable civic
sense, so lacking in today’s India, is yet part of the Indian
character ; I have observed that Indians are quite capable of it, but
contrary to well-disciplined Western peoples (the British or the
Germans, for instance), Indians will accept collective discipline only
once their hearts have been conquered ; mere authority and rules
cannot get it out of them.
All said and done, the people of the Indian subcontinent can
justifiably claim this ancient civilization as a central and inspiring
part of their heritage. But they should not forget to learn from it
the great lesson of the cycles of birth, life, decay, and rebirth of
Indian civilization, a lesson we need to keep in our minds especially
at the present moment.
Bibliography & Suggested Further Reading
(This list includes only books published this decade and accessible to
a general public with an interest in the Harappan civilization and the
Aryan question ; more technical or scholarly studies have not been
listed here.)
Allchin, Raymond & Bridget, Origins of a Civilization — The Prehistory
and Early Archaeology of South Asia (New Delhi : Viking, 1997)
Danino, Michel & Nahar, Sujata, The Invasion That Never Was (New
Delhi : The Mother’s Institute of Research & Mysore : Mira Aditi, 2nd
ed., 2000)
Deo, S.B., & Kamath, Suryanath, The Aryan Problem (Pune : Bharatiya
Itihasa Sankalana Samiti, 1993)
Elst, Koenraad, Update on the Aryan Invasion Debate (New Delhi :
Aditya Prakashan, 1999)
Feuerstein, Georg, Kak, Subhash & Frawley, David, In Search of the
Cradle of Civilization (Wheaton, U.S.A. : Quest Books, 1995 & Delhi :
Motilal Banarsidass, 1999)
Frawley, David, Gods, Sages and Kings — Vedic Secrets of Ancient
Civilization (Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass, 1993)
——, The Myth of the Aryan Invasion of India (New Delhi : Voice of
India, 1994)
Gupta, S. P., The Indus-Sarasvati Civilization — Origins, Problems and
Issues (Delhi : Pratibha Prakashan, 1996)
Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark, Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley
Civilization (Karachi & Islamabad : Oxford University Press & American
Institute of Pakistan Studies, 1998)
Jha, N., Vedic Glossary on Indus Seals (Vanarasi : Ganga Kaveri
Publishing House, 1996)
Jha, N. & Rajaram, N. S., The Deciphered Indus Script — Methodology,
Readings, Interpretations (New Delhi : Aditya Prakashan, 2000)
Lal, B. B., The Earliest Civilization of South Asia (New Delhi : Aryan
Books International, 1997)
——, India 1947-1997 : New Light on the Indus Civilization (New Delhi :
Aryan Books International, 1998)
Mughal, Mohammad Rafique, Ancient Cholistan — Archaeology and
Architecture (Lahore : Ferozsons, 1997)
Possehl, Gregory L., The Indus Age : The Writing System (New Delhi :
Oxford & IBH, 1996)
——, The Indus Age : The Beginnings (New Delhi : Oxford & IBH, 1999)
Radhakrishnan, B. P., & Merh, S. S., eds., Vedic Sarasvati —
Evolutionary History of a Lost River of Northwestern India
(Bangalore : Geological Society of India, 1999)
Rajaram, N. S., Politics of History — Aryan Invasion Theory and the
Subversion of Scholarship (New Delhi : Voice of India, 1995)
Rajaram, N. S. & Frawley, David, Vedic Aryans and the Origins of
Civilization — A Literary and Scientific Perspective (New Delhi :
Voice of India, 1997)
Rao, S. R., Dawn and Devolution of the Indus Civilization (New Delhi :
Aditya Prakashan, 1991)
Singh, Bhagwan, The Vedic Harappans (New Delhi : Aditya Prakashan,
1995)
Talageri, Shrikant G., The Rigveda : A historical Analysis (New
Delhi : Aditya Prakashan, 2000)
References
[1]Ruth Whitehouse & John Wilkins, L’Aube des Civilisations (“Dawn of
Civilization”, Paris : Bordas, 1987), p. 69.
[2] See in the Bibliography titles under Allchin, Gupta, Kenoyer, Lal,
Mughal, Possehl, Radhakrishnan and Rao.
[3] See in the Bibliography titles under Elst, Feuerstein, Frawley,
Jha and Rajaram.
[4] See Bibliography under Possehl, 1999.
[5] See Bibliography under Mughal.
[6] See detailed study in S. M. Rao and K. M. Kulkarni, “Isotope
hydrology studies on water resources in Western Rajasthan,” Current
Science, 10 January 1997.
[7] Jean-François Jarrige, “Excavations at Mehrgarh” in Harappan
Civilization, ed. Gregory L. Possehl (New Delhi : Oxford & IBH, 1993),
p. 79 ff.
[8] Kenoyer, 1998, p. 61.
[9] Lal, 1997, p. 95.
[10] Jean-François Jarrige, “De l’Euphrate à l’Indus,” Dossiers
Histoire et Archéologie (Dijon : December 1987), p. 84.
[11] Rao, 1991, p. 17.
[12] Kenoyer, 1998, p. 162.
[13] Jim G. Shaffer, “Harappan Culture : A Reconsideration,” in
Harappan Civilization, ed. Gregory L. Possehl (New Delhi : Oxford &
IBH, 1993), p. 49.
[14] Allchin, 1997, p. 222.
[15] Jim G. Shaffer, “The Indo-Aryan Invasions : Cultural Myth and
Archaeological Reality,” in J. R. Lukak’s People of South Asia (New
York : Plenum, 1984), p. 88 (emphasis mine).
[16] Kenoyer, 1998, p. 174 (emphasis mine).
[[17] Kenneth A. R. Kennedy, “Have Aryans been identified in the
prehistoric skeletal record from South Asia ?” in The Indo-Aryans of
Ancient South Asia, ed. George Erdosy (Berlin & New York : Walter de
Gruyter, 1995), p. 60 & 54 (emphasis mine).
[18] Possehl, 1999, p. 42.
[19 R. S. Bisht : “Dholavira Excavations : 1990-94” in Facets of
Indian Civilization — Essays in Honour of Prof. B. B. Lal, ed. J. P.
Joshi (New Delhi : Aryan Books International, 1997), vol. I, p.
111-112.
[20] Their book has since been published. See Bibliography under Jha &
Rajaram.
extracts
The Harappans were expert craftsmen. They made beads of carnelian,
agate, amethyst, turquoise, lapis lazuli, etc. ; they manufactured
bangles out of shells, glazed faience and terracotta ; they carved
ivory and worked shells into ornaments, bowls and ladles ; they cast
copper (which they mined themselves in Baluchistan and Rajasthan) and
bronze for weapons, all types of tools, domestic objects and statues
(such as the famous “dancing girl”) ; they also worked silver and gold
with great skill, specially for ornaments.
Michel Danino - A profile
Born in 1956 at Honfleur (France) into a Jewish family recently
emigrated from Morocco, from the age of fifteen Michel Danino was
drawn to India, some of her great yogis, and soon to Sri Aurobindo and
Mother and their view of evolution which gives a new meaning to our
existence on this earth. In 1977, dissatisfied after four years of
higher scientific studies, he left France for India, where he has
since been living.
Michel Danino participated in the English translation and publication
of Mother’s Agenda (13 volumes, Mother’s record of her yoga in the
depths of the body consciousness) and several books by Satprem
(Mother’s confidant and recipient of Mother’s Agenda). Michel Danino
also edited, among other titles, India’s Rebirth (a selection from Sri
Aurobindo’s works about India, available online ; first published in
1993, now in its 3rd edition, translated into nine Indian languages)
and India the Mother (a selection from Mother’s words, 1998).
Studying India’s culture and ancient history in the light of both Sri
Aurobindo’s pioneering work and archaeological research, in 1996
Michel Danino authored The Invasion That Never Was, a brief study of
the Aryan invasion theory. Intended primarily for the educated non-
specialist Indian public, the book has also been well received in
scholarly circles. A second, extensively revised and enlarged edition
was brought out in 2000; a third is scheduled for late 2003.
Over the last few years, Michel Danino has given lectures at various
official, academic and cultural forums on issues confronting Indian
culture and civilization in today’s world ; some of them have been
published under the titles Sri Aurobindo and Indian Civilization
(1999), The Indian Mind Then and Now (2000), Is Indian Culture
Obsolete ? (2000), and Kali Yuga or the Age of Confusion (2001).
Delving into the roots of Indian civilization, Michel Danino has
argued that its essential values remain indispensable in today’s India
— and in fact for all humanity in this critical phase of global
deculturization and dehumanization. Many of those lectures and a few
new ones are available on this homepage.
Michel Danino’s other fields of activity include Nature conservation;
his action for the preservation of an important pocket of native
tropical rainforest in the Nilgiris led to the creation of Tamil
Nadu’s first “watchdog” committee in which concerned citizens actively
collaborated with both the Forest Department and local villagers in
conservation work, also involving local teachers and hundreds of
students.
In 2001, Michel Danino convened the International Forum for India's
Heritage (IFIH) with over 160 eminent founder members, whose mission
is to promote the essential values of India's heritage in every field
of life.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/index.html
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/indus.html
http://archaeologyonline.net/artifacts/aryan-invasions.html
The Deciphered Indus Script :
Methodology, Readings, Interpretations
By N. Jha & N. S. Rajaram(Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 2000 269 pp.,
bibl., index, Rs. 950/-)
This book review by Michel Danino was published in The Organiser of 12
November 2000
One of the most unyielding riddles of Indian prehistory has been the
one presented by the Indus script—the mysterious symbols delicately
engraved on thousands of small steatite seals found in ancient cities
of the Indus or Harappan civilization. Those cities—the best-known of
them Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Lothal, Dholavira—date back nearly 4500
years, which makes the Indus script one of the oldest in the world,
contemporary with Mesopotamian cuneiform scripts or Egyptian
hieroglyphics, for instance. Most of those other ancient scripts, also
the Maya, the Linear B of ancient Crete, have been unravelled by
decades of scholarly labour, debate, even controversy, often also by
strokes of genius. Yet the Indus script has proved a hard nut to crack
and has resisted generations of savants of all kinds since it came to
light in the 1920s. So much so that whoever finally succeeds is
assured of going down to posterity ! So far, more than a hundred
solutions have been proposed by Western and Indian archaeologists,
epigraphists and other experts : some (such as Father Heras or Asko
Parpola) have read a Dravidian language, others (such as the well-
known archaeologist Dr. S. R. Rao) have found a type of Sanskrit, yet
others numeric codes or various symbol systems. But the fact remains
that no interpretation has met with general or even widespread
acceptance, and some scholars have even despaired of the script being
ever understood. As a result, any new claim of a solution—and they
keep coming up regularly—is met with scepticism, if not weariness,
rather than excitement.
There are good reasons for this pessimism. First, the lack of
agreement on the type of language underlying the script, as the
cultural background of the Harappan civilization remains itself a
matter of debate. Second, none of the inscribed seals, pieces of
pottery etc. found so far bears a bilingual text : were a text,
however short, to be found written in another script alongside the
Indus (as was the case with the famous Rosetta stone which gave
Champollion the clue to the hieroglyphics), we would get some definite
clues. Third, most of the inscriptions found so far are strikingly
short, usually under ten or fifteen characters, leaving much room to
conjecture and not enough to independent verification. Fourth,
scholars from different schools of thought have tended to work in
isolation rather than in collaboration, and that of course has done
nothing to hasten towards a solution.
One decipherment that has received some publicity in recent years is
that of N. Jha, an epigraphist and Vedic scholar, first proposed in
his brief book, Vedic Glossary on Indus Seals published in 1996. Soon
afterwards, N. S. Rajaram, a multifaceted scholar with several books
on ancient India to his credit, endorsed Jha’s work, and joined him in
further research on the script. Together they have published the book
under review, which offers a more thorough exposition of Jha’s
methodology and findings. The very fact that the book includes
readings for nearly 600 Indus inscriptions—something very few other
proposed decipherments have provided—should be enough to arrest the
attention of any objective student of the Indus civilization.
The book’s first chapters offers a background to the Indus Valley
civilization and the whole problem of a supposed Aryan invasion of
India at or just after the end of that civilization. Although the
“Aryan Invasion theory,” the child of nineteenth-century European
Indologists, continues to figure in Indian history textbooks, most
archaeologists—whether Indian or Western—have now rejected it, for the
simple reason that there is not a shred of evidence for it on the
ground, and it is inconceivable that such a massive disruption in the
history of the subcontinent would have left no physical trace of any
sort. On the contrary, the one fact that emerges from recent
archaeological investigations is the striking continuity of the Indian
civilization from pre- to post-Harappan times, and in the absence of
any sign of warfare or man-made destruction in the Indus cities, large-
scale natural calamities remain the best explanation for the slow
disintegration of the Harappan urban structure. Rajaram, the author of
most of the book’s writing, is forthright in his conviction that with
the Aryan invasion now out of the way, we need look no farther than
the Indus cities to find the Vedic Aryans : “The vast body of primary
literature from the Vedic period has been completely divorced from
Harappan archaeology. This has meant that this great literature and
its creators have no archaeological existence. In our view, the
correct approach to breaking this deadlock is by a combination of likes
—a study of primary data from archaeology alongside the primary
literature from ancient periods.”
There lies in fact the originality of Jha’s approach to the Indus
script. Struck by a verse in the Mahabharata (Shanti Parva, 342.73)
which records Yaska’s effort to compile ancient Vedic glossaries “lost
buried in the depths”, Jha wondered if there could be a connection
between Yaska’s Nighantu and the seals. That insight led him to
develop his method, and many of the words he reads on the seals are
indeed listed in the Nighantu. That in itself would prove nothing,
since many before Jha have read on the seals just what they were
expecting to find, but the elaborate consonantal system described in
the core of the book certainly presents at first sight a consistent
picture. According to Jha, the Indus script contained almost no
vowels, a feature too of several other scripts, such as ancient
Hebrew. Most of the signs are therefore consonants or composite
consonants. One notable exception is the famous U-shaped letter which
has caused so much ink to flow in the scholarly world : Jha sees in it
a “generic vowel” used to denote words beginning with any vowel. As
regards the large number of distinct signs used in the Indus script
(well over 400), many are accounted for as composite signs, some of
them showing an embryonic vowel stroke system, and the rest as
variants, not an unreasonable hypothesis as the Indus script covered a
very wide geographical area and at least a millennium. A number of
tables expound the values for the signs, and even a layman can note
that Jha and Rajaram do not depart from the attributed values.
In addition, Jha links the mysterious unicorn and the three-headed
creature often depicted on the seals to passages in the Mahabharata
describing just such symbols. This is a novel observation which,
script apart, deserves the attention of archaeologists.
So then, what do the seals tell us according to the authors ? They
yield Sanskrit words written in the pithy Sutra style. Some
inscriptions do contain names of gods, as was to be expected, for
example “Indra” next to the representation of a bull, a symbol often
associated with this god in the Rig-Veda. Agni, Rudra, Rama and Sita
and other deities also find mention.
The inscription on the famous Pasupati seal, reads isadyatta mara,
which is listed in the Nighantu (2.22) and means “evil forces subdued
by Isha,” Isha being another name of Shiva. But apart from such divine
invocations, more mundane messages are engraved, from “a kitchen” or
“mosquito” to “people are working by fire at night to stop the flow of
flooding waters.” If the readings are accepted, they provide a
surprisingly vivid picture of Harappan society.
Well-produced, wide in scope, written in a lucid and racy style, the
book is however not free of defects. The text tends to be repetitive,
especially in the first chapters, at times going round in circles. The
reproductions of the seals are generally poor, especially the one
supposed to represent a horse, which looks more like a line-drawing ;
in view of its importance (conventional archaeology asserts that the
true horse is never represented on the seals), the reader is left
wishing for a good photograph. Also, the pictorial motifs found on the
seals are sometimes questionably described (for instance those on the
seal called “Seven goddesses”). In fact, the interpretation of such
motifs often seems rather forced. Finally, the parallels with the
geometrical formulas found in the Sulba-Sutras are not sufficiently
worked out to be convincing.
All those limitations, however, are incidental, for the central
question is whether the script has finally been cracked or not. One
legitimate objection would be that the almost total absence of vowel
signs allows too much freedom of interpretation ; only a fuller
publication covering all known 3,500 seals, or else the discovery of a
longer text, could remove such a doubt. Expectedly, Jha’s decipherment
has been fiercely attacked by a few conventional scholars, who will
not bear to hear anything in the shape of a Harappan-Vedic equation—an
equation which yet makes a lot of sense from archaeological and
cultural standpoints. Expectedly too, none of those detractors has so
far bothered to offer a reasoned and detailed critique of Jha’s
methodology and its technical aspects—perhaps even to study them at
all. What is needed is an objective scrutiny by experts in an open-
minded scientific spirit, something rarer in the scholarly world than
one would expect. We may have to wait for a few years for the dust to
settle and a sober verdict to emerge.
If Jha’s and Rajaram’s work fails to stand the test of time, it will
only go to swell the long list of ingenious but discarded hypotheses
on the most ancient script of the subcontinent. If, on the other hand,
it has finally solved the riddle—or even taken a few real steps
towards doing so—then we shall hear about it again, and the
consequences for our understanding of the roots of Indian civilization
will be momentous.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/jha_rajaram.html
A review of ANTAIOS
(June 1996 issue)
This article, published in The Observer of Business and Politics of 5
April 1997, is a review of the Belgian magazine of Paganism, Antaios.
In our age of pervasive frivolity on the one hand and pseudo-
intellectuality on the other, it is a pleasant surprise to see an
outstanding magazine such as Antaios. Named after the giant wrestler
of Greek mythology who was invincible as long as he was in contact
with the earth, his mother Gaia, this biannual magazine comes to us
from Belgium and is published in French by a “European circle of
reflection on Paganism.” The word “Pagan” is a heavily loaded one in
the West, where it tends to call up anything from the crudest savage
to pictures of drunken satyrs dancing around a fire under the moon.
But here is something both more sober and deeper: people dissatisfied
with the Christian civilization and its one-track thought, its
primitive idea of conquering the world for a “one and only God, a one
and only Party or a one and only Market.” For a few decades now, such
movements have been multiplying in the West, in search of pre-
Christian roots and a richer ancient heritage whose surface has as yet
barely been scratched.
Not unnaturally, some of these movements have discovered a profound
kinship with Hinduism, the only living tradition with unbroken
continuity to the remotest past, and a culture which never tried to
lock up God and man within a rigid set of dogmas revealed for all time
to come. That kinship is central to the present 216-page issue of
Antaios, which focuses on the theme of Hindutva. The editorial sets
the tone with this apt quotation from Alain Daniélou, who did much to
open the West and more particularly France to the Indian world-view:
“I have tried to give a glimpse of the profound values of this
prestigious civilization, the only one to have survived among the
great civilizations of the ancient world, and whose contribution, if
it were better known, could bring about deep changes in the thought of
the modern world, and prompt a new Renaissance.” The editorial adds:
“India calls on us to rediscover the vision of archaic man so as to
better confront the challenges of the next millennium, which will at
once be post-Christian and post-rationalist. Everybody knows, without
having really read it, Malraux's often truncated sentence: ‘In the
face of the most terrible threat mankind has known, the task of the
next century will be to reintegrate the gods in man.’ As a matter of
fact, India has never broken her contract with her gods, this pax
deorum which is the foundation of any traditional society.... Hindutva
is a way of freeing ourselves from the deadly grip of Western
ideology.... With our Hindu brothers, our duty is to resist all
cultural genocides which our dying modernity is still ridden with.”
There follow several enriching interviews with thinkers in different
fields: historians, archaeologists, ethnologists, philosophers,
sociologists, who all share their vision of a world wider than the
Judeo-Christian mould would have it. Two interviews stand out in this
issue devoted to India: those of Ram Swarup and Sita Ram Goel; they
are the two pillars of Voice of India, the publishing house which has
given us deep studies on the history and foundations of Christianity
and Islam and their impact on Indian society. Ram Swarup contrasts
these two Semitic religions with Hinduism, concluding: “The Hindu
tradition differs completely [from these conceptions]. In this
tradition, God resides in man's heart, and He is accessible to all who
seek Him in sincerity, truth and faith.... God reveals Himself
directly to the seeker and needs no specially authorized saviour, no
go-betweens.” When asked whether India can play a role in the present
“Pagan renaissance,” Ram Swarup replies: “I believe that Hinduism has
a very important role to play in the religious self-discovery of
humanity, particularly of Europe. The reason is simple. Hinduism
represents the most ancient tradition which is also still alive. It
has preserved in its bosom a whole spiritual past of humanity.” Sita
Ram Goel vigorously exposes the fatal narrowness of the so-called
monotheistic religions, and gives the hackneyed critics of the caste
system a very interesting rejoinder evidently based on his wide
scholarship: “The Western intelligentsia criticizes a caste system
that never existed in India, which the fruit of the imagination of
Indianists.... In India's literary and epigraphic sources, which are
more than abundant, we never meet Aryan invaders or this caste system
[they are supposed to have created], or also those shrewd Brahmins.
What we see is thousands of communities spread over the whole
territory and fulfilling all sorts of functions, economical, social,
cultural, administrative, political, spiritual and philosophical. The
genius of Hinduism consisted in allowing every one of these
communities to enjoy a maximum of autonomy within a wide cultural
consensus.... This concrete reality of India, of which indisputable
traces exist, has been totally ignored by Western research.” Sita Ram
Goel then traces the genesis of Voice of India, pointing out how
despite the seriousness of its publications, it has had to bear
official harassment and a complete blackout on the part of the
national press in India. “But no member of this tribe has ever
answered our criticisms of Christianity and Islam,” he adds.
The magazine's editor, Christopher Gérard, comments: “For Europeans
Pagans, these two writers are models. The link with our Paganism is
moreover clearly claimed, since they exhort us to rediscover our pre-
Christian heritage. Reading them, one seems at times to hear the voice
of Pagan Resistance fighters sprung from the past who recall us to our
sacred duty of memory.”
The following pages in this issue are dedicated to Alain Daniélou, who
spent many years in India; they include some little-known articles of
his, dealing in particular with the questions of caste, Hindu society,
the Hindu woman... Daniélou certainly penetrated deep into the Hindu
psyche, and sought to erase ingrained Western prejudices: “With rare
exceptions,” he writes in Castes, Egalitarianism and Cultural
Genocides, “we are witnessing under the steamroller of a so-called
Western egalitarianism the progressive disappearance of fine arts,
dance, music, traditional sciences and even languages of Africa and
other continents. Until the middle of the twentieth century, the
superiority of the white race, its civilization and religion, was
regarded in Europe as an indisputable fact. It took the excesses of
Nazism to call it somewhat into question. It is this conviction of the
superiority of Europeans and Christianity that served as an excuse for
colonial expansion. Christianity is theoretically antiracist, provided
everyone becomes a Christian and obeys the Church's arbitrary dogmas.
Islam too is antiracist if you become Muslim. Marxism is antiracist if
you accept its principles, its morality and class racism. One shudders
with horror when one sees the highest prelate of the Catholic Church
celebrate in 1984 the arrival in America of the Spanish, carrying the
‘Christian message,’ and when one thinks of the genocide this message
concealed and of the present state of Indians in so-called ‘Latin’
America. Those are the three ideologies that have endeavoured to
create in India religious and social conflicts....” Despite these and
many other remarkable insights, one may voice a word of caution
regarding certain notions (such as the Aryan invasion of India, the
phallic nature of the lingam, etc.) which Daniélou uses or develops,
perhaps little realizing that they are entirely the creation of a
nineteenth-century European scholarship imbued with precisely the
Christian prejudices he sets out to denounce.
This issue of Antaios will certainly generate genuine interest about
India in the French-speaking world, and we must wish this deserving
magazine and movement a rich and long pagan life.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/antaios.html
English: Lectures and Articles
Note : All articles / lectures below are copyrighted, but may be
reproduced in magazines / periodicals anywhere without further
authorization, provided : (1) the text is not edited in any way and is
reproduced integrally (it may however be split into several parts over
successive issues); (2) the article’s / lecture’s title and brief
introductory note are left unchange ; (3) the copyright shall remain
with the author; (4) upon publication, a complete copy of the issue of
the magazine / periodical containing the article / lecture is mailed
to Michel Danino (please contact over email for a postal address).
INDIAN CULTURE
Sri Aurobindo’s View of Indian Culture
Sri Aurobindo’s vision for his country has remained largely unknown in
India. A brief presentation.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/indianculture.html
Sri Aurobindo and the Gita
Sri Aurobindo’s view of some essential questions raised by the Gita :
peace vs. war, ahimsa vs. force and violence.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/gitalecture.html
The Gita and Integral Yoga
The relationship between Sri Aurobindo’s yoga and the yoga of the
Gita.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/integralyoga.html
The Gita in Today’s World
The Gita and the problem of action : Is the Scripture guilty of
warmongering?
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/gitain_todaysworld.html
ISSUES CONFRONTING INDIA
Effects of Colonization on Indian Thought
Why the Indian mind remains colonized, unable to view India’s heritage
from an Indian perspective.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/colonization.html
Is Indian Culture Obsolete?
Is India’s degraded condition due to her culture, or to a failure to
rejuvenate it?
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/cultureobsolete.html
Nature and Indian Tradition
Contrasts attitudes toward Nature in Western and Indian traditions.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/natureandindtradition.html
Kali Yuga or the Age of Confusion
How ill-defined concepts such as “God,” “religion,” “secularism” or
“tolerance” cause serious confusion in the Indian context.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/kaliyuga.html
INSIGHTS INTO ANCIENT INDIA
The Riddle of India’s Past
An overview of the Aryan problem.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/riddle.html
The Indus Valley Civilization and its Bearing on the Aryan Question
A glance at the material and cultural backdrop of the earliest
civilization of the Indian subcontinent.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/indus.html
Vedic Roots of Early Tamil Culture
Highlights underemphasized cultural roots of the earliest urban
developments in Tamil Nadu.
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/tamilculture.html
Reply to Frontline’s Cover Story of 13 October 2000
A reply to Frontline’s cover story by
http://micheldanino.voiceofdharma.com/frontline.html
...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
@ the Complete Review
A Literary Salon & Site Review
Volume V, Issue 1 -- February, 2004
James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
Background - Chronology - Reactions
Volume V, Issue 1 -- February, 2004
James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
Background - Chronology - Reactions
For more information, please also see in this issue of the crQ:
James Laine’s Controversial Book by Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and
Amodini Bagwe
Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI
- the Editors, the complete review
Introduction
On 5 January 2004 a group calling itself the Sambhaji Brigade
attacked the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) in Pune, in
the state of Maharashtra, India. There was considerable damage done to
the holdings of this significant cultural repository, including to
irreplaceable and unique objects of historical and literary
importance. While not on the same scale, it was a catastrophe
comparable to the recent destruction and looting of libraries in
Sarajevo and Iraq, or the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in
Afghanistan, a devastating blow to contemporary civilization and to
the preservation of what remains of previous ones.
The attack was the preliminary culmination in a series of
increasingly disturbing and destructive events that were triggered by
the publication of James W. Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic
India (Oxford University Press, 2003). Laine's book sparked
controversy in India, leading Oxford University Press India to
withdraw it from the local market in November 2003. This did not
sufficiently appease those upset by the book. American professor Laine
had done some of the research for his book at BORI, and he thanked the
institute and some scholars affiliated with it in his
acknowledgements; the institute and its members were then targeted by
those angered by the book. In December 2003 one of those thanked by
Laine, historian Shrikant Bahulkar, was assaulted, his face blackened
by Shiv Sena activists. Then, in January, came the attack on the
institute itself.
While the attack was widely condemned, and over 70 of the
participants were arrested, Laine and his undertaking continue to be
denounced. Shivaji has now been banned, and Laine has been charged by
the authorities and appears to be subject to arrest if he returns to
India. Laine and his book -- and BORI -- continue to be used in what
appears to be an increasingly politicised debate.
These events are particularly disturbing because, unlike most
other recent incidents of large-scale cultural vandalism, they
occurred in a country at peace, and in a democracy -- a system that
depends on a tolerance for a plurality of opinions and on free
expression to properly function. Also striking -- and worrisome -- is
that the conflict has been framed as one centred around questions of
historical (in)accuracy and and (ir)responsibile scholarship, but
there has been little interest from many of those challenging Laine's
book to debate these questions, as they have answered them with mob-
rule and violence instead of counter-argument.
There has been much discussion about these events in India,
but, despite the supranational issues at stake, as well as the roles
played by an American professor and the world's largest -- and one of
the most respected -- university presses, international press coverage
has been very limited. The conflict is a complex one, and it is both
politically and religiously highly charged, centred around an
historical figure -- Shivaji -- who is not well known outside India.
In this introductory overview we try to present the necessary
background information to allow some understanding of the events that
have taken place. Other pieces in this edition of the complete review
Quarterly devoted to the subject are Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and
Amodini Bagwe 's essay on James Laine’s Controversial Book and our
commentary, Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji
and BORI
A guide to what's at issue
Shivaji
Chhattrapati Shivaji Maharaj (also known simply as Shivaji or
Sivaji) lived 1627/1630 to 1680. A Maratha leader, he was fiercely
opposed to the Mughals that at that time controlled much of what is
now India, and was instrumental in establishing Marathi independence.
Crowned the first Maratha king in 1674, he is a founding-father figure
who is still highly revered in India, especially in the state of
Maharashtra (major cities: Mumbai (Bombay) and Pune); see, for example
the official Maharashtra state site, where a page is devoted to
Shivaji: the Maker of the Maratha Nation
Shivaji is also perceived as a specifically Hindu hero, having
established a Hindu empire in opposition to the Mughals (who were
Muslim, and foreign). While widely revered in India, Hindu-nationalist
groups have been particularly vociferous in allowing no criticism of
the man, his accomplishments, and the legends around him.
His name, of great symbolic value, is often invoked, especially
in recent years as a Hindu-focussed nationalism (and political
polarization) in India has been resurgent. So, for example, Mumbai
(formerly Bombay) airport has apparently been re-named: Chhatrapati
Shivaji International Airport.
For additional information, see:
Chhatrapati Shivaji - The Legend
http://www.chhatrapati-shivaji.com/
Shivaji at Wikipedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shivaji
Shivaji at Freeindia.org
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatlkings/shivaji/
The Complexities of Shivaji by Vijay Prashad, at Proxsa (also at
HVK.org, where -- scroll down -- there is a response from
Bhalchandrarao C. Patwardhan)
http://www.foil.org/history/shivaji.html
James W. Laine
James W. Laine is the Arnold H. Lowe Professor and Chair of
Religious Studies at Macalester College; see his faculty page. He got
his B.A. from Texas Tech, and his M.T.S. and Th.D. from Harvard. See
also his Curriculum vitae.
James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India was
published by Oxford University Press. It apparently appeared in the US
and the UK in early 2003, and was then published in India in the
summer of 2003.
In describing the book Oxford University Press writes:
The legends of his life have become an epic story that everyone in
western India knows, and an important part of the Hindu nationalists'
ideology. To read Shivaji's legend today is to find expression of
deeply held convictions about what Hinduism means and how it is
opposed to Islam.
They also suggest:
Different sub-groups, representing a range of religious persuasions,
found it in their advantage to accentuate or diminish the importance
of Hindu and Muslim identity and the ideologies that supported the
construction of such identities. By studying the evolution of the
Shivaji legend, Laine demonstrates, we can trace the development of
such constructions in both pre-British and post-colonial periods.
It appears that Laine's focus on a shifting legend -- rather a
fixed-in-stone image of the man some groups insist upon -- and the
notion that the legend has been adapted for other purposes is among
the aspects of the book that has proved most controversial.
(Ironically, reactions by some groups that tolerate only their current
notion of the legend would appear to support at least Laine's
underlying thesis.)
The statement in the book that appears to have provoked the
greatest outrage is the mention that it has been suggested that
Shivaji's father was not Shahaji, Laine writing: "Maharashtrians tell
jokes naughtily that Shivaji’s biological father was Dadoji Kondeo
Kulkarni" (quoted, for example, in The Telegraph, 18 January). This
statement -- indeed, even the mere suggestion -- is apparently
considered an outrageous insult and defamation of Shivaji, Shahaji,
and Shivaji's mother, Jijabai (all highly revered). The claim is also
widely considered unfounded and gratuitous; apparently this particular
'naughty joke' is not familiar to most Maharashtrians (or at least
none appear to have come forward acknowledging that they've heard this
sort of banter).
In his acknowledgements Laine thanked numerous people, writing
also:
In India, my scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute in Pune, and there I profited from the advice and assistance
of the senior librarian, V. L. Manjul. I read texts and learned
informally a great deal about Marathi literature and Maharashtrian
culture from S. S. Bahulkar, Sucheta Paranjpe, Y. B. Damle, Rekha
Damle, Bhaskar Chandavarkar, and Meena Chandavarkar. Thanks to the
American Institute of Indian Studies and Madhav Bhandare, I was able
to spend three productive periods of research in Pune.
Laine's thanks were apparently interpreted as a declaration of
scholarly complicity, and those named were among those targeted by the
groups opposed to Laine's work -- despite the fact that several
scholars attached to BORI distanced themselves from the book and were
among those demanding that OUP India withdraw the book.
Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India has not been
widely reviewed (in part likely because it is a scholarly work of the
sort generally mainly reviewed in academic journals, many of which
take longer to review titles than the mass media does). Among the few
reviews is V.N. Datta's in The Sunday Tribune (7 December), An image
that might be disturbing
For additional information see:
The OUP-USA publicity page ((Updated - 29 March): The book is no
longer listed in the OUP-USA catalogue)
http://www.us.oup.com/us/catalog/general/subject/ReligionTheology/Hinduism/?view=usa&ci=0195141261
The OUP publicity page ((Updated - 29 March): The book is barely
listed in the OUP catalogue)
To purchase Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
from Amazon.com
from Amazon.co.uk
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute is located in Pune. It was
founded in 1917 and is a leading repository of Indological manuscripts
and a renowned centre for scholarship.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1040119/asp/frontpage/story_2802420.asp
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20031207/spectrum/book4.htm
For additional information see:
http://dannyreviews.com/h/Shivaji.html
BORI at virtualpune.com
A learning house with a world-wide appeal, at the Times of India
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/407198.cms
Sambhaji Brigade
A small, previously little known group affiliated with the
Hindu-nationalist organisation, Maratha Seva Sangh
Chronology
(Based on Ketaki Ghoge's chronology in his article, Rape of
culture leaves city in shock (Indian Express, 5 January), and other
mentioned sources. See also Anupama Katakam's article, Politics of
vandalism in Frontline (issue of 17-30 January) for a good overview
(and pictures).)
June, 2003: James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
published in India by Oxford University Press India.
November, 2003: Scholars affiliated with the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute (BORI), historians (including Jaysinhrao Pawar,
Babasaheb Purandare, Ninad Bedekar, and Gajanan Mehendale), and others
(including city MP Pradeep Rawat) called for the withdrawal of the
book. (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji, Manjiri Damle, Times
of India, 27 December)
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2102/stories/20040130003802800.htm
21 November 2003: Oxford University Press India apologised and
withdrew the book from the Indian market. (The book continued to be
listed in the OUP India catalogue until mid-January, but has since
been removed. The book remains in print and available outside India.)
22 December 2003: Shiv Sena activists confronted and attacked scholars
attached to BORI over their role in assisting Laine with his book.
Sanskrit scholar Shrikant Bahulkar was physically assaulted and his
face blackened (an act meant to shame him). (See Scholar destroys own
work on Shivaji)
25 December 2003: Gajanan Mehendale, who had previously called for the
withdrawal of Laine's book, went to the Shiv Sena offices to demand an
apology for the assault on Bahulkar. When none was forthcoming he
destroyed several hundred manuscript pages of his own unpublished
biographical study of Shivaji. (See Scholar destroys own work on
Shivaji)
28 December 2003: Shiv Sena leader Raj Thackeray personally apologised
to Bahulkar. The Times of India reported (29 December) that:
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/388216.cms
Raj assured Bahulkar that such incidents would not be repeated and
that Sena activists would have to get a "clearance" from the toprung
leaders before embarking on such "aggressive campaigns" in the
future.
late December, 2003: James Laine faxed a statement apologising to some
Pune scholars. The Times of India reported Laine says sorry for
hurting sentiments (30 December), quoting:
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/394299.cms
"It was never my intention to defame the great Maharashtrian hero. I
had no desire to upset those for whom he is an emblem of regional and
national pride, and I apologise for inadvertently doing so," he said
in a faxed message to some city scholars. "I foolishly misread the
situation in India and figured the book would receive scholarly
criticism, not censorship and condemnation. Again I apologise," the
American author said.
5 January, 2004: Over 150 activists from the Sambhaji Brigade attacked
BORI, ransacking the building, defacing books and artworks, and
destroying property. The extent of the damage is not clear at this
time -- especially regarding the irreplaceable manuscripts and
historical artefacts -- but appears to be considerable . Seventy-two
of the hooligans were arrested. (See also: 'Maratha' activists
vandalise Bhandarkar (Times of India), Helping Laine: Books, powada,
poem (Express News Service), and Mob ransacks Pune's Bhandarkar
Institute (Rupa Chapalgaonkar, Mid-Day))
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/407226.cms
http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=72609
http://www.indianexpress.com/storyOld.php?storyId=38796
6 January: Mid-Day published Pune institute's desecration shocks
author, in which Laine comments on events and explains, inter alia:
My goal was not to establish my version of the true history of
Shivaji, but to examine the forces that shaped the commonly held
views. In so doing, I suggest that there might be other ways of
reading the historical evidence, but in making such a suggestion, I
have elicited a storm of criticism. I am astonished.
7 January: In the Indian Express Shailesh Gaikwad reports MSS chief’s
clout keeps govt away. Illustrating the government's disturbing
priorities (and a continued interest in appeasing populist elements)
State Home Minister R.R. Patil is quoted as saying:
We condemn the attack and also distorting of the history of
Chhatrapati Shivaji. The government is seeking legal opinion to
ascertain if any action can be taken against the author and also
whether the book can be banned.
9 January: At a press conference Sambhaji Brigade spokesman Shrimant
Kokate is reported (in the Times of India) to have expressed
pleasantries such as:
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/416173.cms
"In fact, scholars should be happy that Bori is still intact," he
remarked. Kokate said that the brigade was "most unhappy" that
scholars who had helped Laine were "still alive" and demanded that
they face an inquiry or be handed over to the Brigade. Kokate
expressed his displeasure about the fact that the media had labelled
them as goons. "We will deal with the media later," he threatened.
In another report (Express News Service) he is quoted as saying:
http://www.indianexpress.com/storyOld.php?storyId=38950
Those who fed him [Laine] with the offensive information should be
hanged by the government. If the government is unable to do so they
should be handed over to us.
Kokate was apparently not arrested for these inflammatory remarks.
Instead:
9 January: Charges were filed against James Laine and OUP India by the
Deccan Gymkhana police. The charges are registered under Sections 153
and 153(A) of the Indian Penal Code. (As A.G. Noorani notes in
Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January), Section 153A has
frequently -- but selectively -- been invoked over the past decade and
more, writing: "Section 153A is not invoked to suppress the VHP or the
Shiv Sena’s hate campaign but to suppress scholarly books unacceptable
to them.".) These sections read:
153. Wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot (...)
153A. Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of
religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing
acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony
(See also Case against Laine, OUP (Express News Service)
http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=72977
and Pune police book American writer Laine (Times of India))
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/417192.cms
12 January: James Laine published a commentary piece, In India, 'the
Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's Peril in The Los Angeles Times; it
is, unfortunately, not freely accessible on the Internet. In it he
describes his interest in Shivaji, his book, early reactions to it,
and then the events that unfolded. He relates how, initially, the book
"even ranked up with Hillary Rodham Clinton's in the local list of
English-language bestsellers in Pune", and mentions:
Back in Pune this summer, I saw a couple of bland but positive reviews
in the Indian papers. I thought, "As long as they don't get to the
last chapter."
He concludes the piece:
The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune.
And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has
called for it to be distributed again. Few will read it for
themselves. Instead, many will live with the knowledge that India is a
country where many thoughts are unthinkable or, if thought, best kept
quiet.
13 January: Mid-Day reports -- in an article with a very understated
headline -- OUP asked to shut Pune office. As the article explains:
Maratha organsisations supporting Sambhaji Brigade have now forced the
Oxford University Press showroom in Pune to down shutters. (...) They
told the employees there that (...) they should down their shutters or
else face consequences.
No arrests were reported.
http://www.mid-day.com/404.htm
14 January: Despite the fact that OUP had already withdrawn Laine's
book from the Indian market two months earlier, the Maharashtra
government moved -- eventually successfully -- to have Laine's book
banned, again citing Sections 153 and 153A of the Indian Penal Code.
(See reports from the Times of India (14 January) and Reuters (16
January).)
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/421394.cms
http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=27624
16 January: Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee admirably spoke
out against the book-ban. The Times of India reported PM shoots from
the hip, upsets Shiv Sena, NCP, and quotes the Prime Minister as
sensibly stating:
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/428426.cms
He said the "right way" to express disagreement was through
discussion. "Countering the views in a particular book by another good
book is understandable," Mr Vajpayee said, adding that he did not
approve of the ban on Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India by American
writer James Laine.
The Express New Service report, PM flags off Mumbai campaign, opposes
ban on Shivaji book, had it a bit differently, quoting the PM as
saying:
http://www.indianexpress.com/storyOld.php?storyId=39370
"If you do not like anything in a particular book, then sit and
discuss it. Banning a book is not a solution, we have to tackle it
ideologically ... If differences of opinion remain after a issue is
discussed, the best way would be to come out with another good book on
the subject"
As the Times of India report also notes: "Ironically, the PM made this
observation at a function to unveil a majestic statue of Chhatrapati
Shivaji in the Sahar airport precincts."
Vajpayee's comments were immediately denounced, including by groups
allied with the PM's party. Indifferent to principles, at least one
person shifted the focus to what is really at issue:
"He should have kept mum, especially since elections are round the
corner," a senior Sena leader present at the function told TNN.
(See also PM not happy with ban on book on Shivaji in Mid-Day)
(Updated - 29 March): Unfortunately, once election time rolled
around, Vajpayee began singing a different tune; see entry of 20
March.
January 18: Politicians continued to seek to outdo one another in
their defence of Shivaji. Express News Service reports Antulay calls
for legal action against Laine (17 January), as senior Congress leader
A.R.Antulay attacked Laine, "urging the government to take all
necessary legal steps to punish him." He is also quoted as saying:
http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=73576
"How can a dialogue be held if somebody is abusing your father and
mother ?" Antulay asked. (...) He said Shivaji was the pride of India
and Indians should not tolerate any humiliation of their heroes.
Meanwhile, The Hindu reported (18 January) that Chief Minister
Sushilkumar Shinde: "said it was 'not fair' to write such 'bad things'
about Shivaji."
http://www1.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/434030.cms
19 January: The Times of India reported (20 January) that MSS
threatens more attacks on BORI: apparently the Maratha Sewa Sangh
warned that: "the ‘Sambhaji Brigade’, would resort to more attacks if
students were made to collect money for rebuilding Bori." Despite such
threats, no arrests were reported.
21 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha group flays
Sambhaji brigade, describing a newly-formed group, Maratha Yuvak
Parishad (MYP), opposed to the use of Shivaji by activists "to further
their own political ends".
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/437087.cms
22 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha outfit files
petititon against BORI. Maratha Vikas Sangh has apparently set its
sights even higher, having:
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/439070.cms
filed a petition in the Bombay high court demanding that all documents
at BORI be seized by the union government. Refusing the let the James
Laine controversy die down, MVS has also demanded censorship on all
books that would be written on historical figures.
(This demand for a quasi-Soviet approach to ensure that the historical
record is kept ... straight apparently has not been widely embraced;
nevertheless, despite suggesting such a thing, the MVS is, amazingly,
still taken seriously.)
28 January: The Times of India reports 'Silent’ majority lodges
protest at BORI:
On Republic Day, inspired by a chain e-mail circulated over the last
two weeks, citizens made a beeline for the institute to register a
silent protest against the vandalism. This, despite a police warning
against gathering at the institute on R-Day. Every protestor dropped a
rupee coin in specially placed urns, as a token contribution towards
the restoration of the institute.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/448086.cms
March: Oxford University Press apparently withdraws all references to
Laine's book from all its online catalogues (previously information
had been available both at OUP-USA and the main OUP site). It is
unclear whether this is a move to remove the book from the market
entirely (including the US and the UK), or merely a defensive legal
maneuver (to preclude any liability claims).
16 March: Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani bravely maintained: "that
he was against banning any controversial publication". (See Advani
against banning controversial books (The Hindu, 16 March) and Advani
against ban on Laine's book on Shivaji (at NDTV).) This, of course,
led to:
http://www.ndtv.com/news/error.php
17 March: The Times of India reported of the Uproar in house as DF
defends ‘Shivaji’ ban:
Proceedings in both houses of the state legislature were stalled for
over two hours on Wednesday after the opposition Shiv Sena-BJP members
objected to the ruling coalition members’ suggestion that Prime
Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister K Advani
should apologise for disapproving of the state’s ban on the
controversial book Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, penned by
American scholar James Laine.
20 March: The pressure -- and election politics -- finally got to
Prime Minister Vajpayee as he kicked off the BJP election campaign in
Maharahstra, as he suddenly decided the government ban on Laine's book
was a pretty darn good idea after all. Not only that: he also felt it
necessary to assure his listeners: "We are prepared to take action
against the foreign author", and that this was "a warning to all
foreign authors that they do not play with our national pride".
See reports in Mid-Day (Shivaji is my ideal, says Vajpayee) and
Newindpress.com (Vajpayee kickstarts campaign with warning to foreign
authors).
late March: Seeing how well the fervent pro-Shivaji attitude played to
the crowds, and seeking to outdo all those who were satisfied with
merely bashing James Laine, state BJP president Gopinath Munde decided
he could profit by going after bigger fish closer to home and:
demanded a ban on Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s classic Discovery of India
on the ground that a 1986 edition of the book contains remarks highly
derogatory of the Maratha king.
(See Ban Nehru's Discovery of India: State BJP, The Times of India, 19
March).
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/568894.cms
Unfortunately, the overeager Munde apparently never looked at the book
in question: as The Times of India reported (21 March), Nehru's book:
"contains no such derogatory remark."
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/572510.cms
A few days later even Munde had to admit as much -- excusing his zeal
on the grounds that: "I am a politician and not a scholar". But, just
so nobody would think he was going soft, he added: "there is no change
in my party’s stand -- it will not tolerate any insult to national
heroes like Shivaji". (See: Munde wriggles out of Nehru gaffe, The
Times of India, 25 March).
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/580909.cms
late March: Another crowd-pleasing, debate-stifling stunt: Pune police
commissioner D.N.Jadhav:
told reporters today that he was writing to Laine to summon him to
India for questioning. If Laine refuses the "request," the police
chief plans to move court. And if Laine ignores the summons, the
police will seek the help of CBI and Interpol, Jadhav said.
(See Day after showing off liberal face, Cong hounds US professor, The
Indian Express, 23 March.)
This at least got some international attention -- see the BBC's
report, India seeks to arrest US scholar -- and again seems to have
played very well in India, where everybody seemed to get really
excited about possibly involving Interpol (despite the fact that
Laine's whereabouts are well-known); see, for example, State to seek
extradition of Shivaji author (The Times of India, 23 March)
Unfortunately, as Vijay Singh noted at Rediff (27 March): Bringing
Laine back: Easier said than done. (In fact, it is clear that Laine
has not been charged with any extraditable offense.)
As usual, there was far more bluster than action: by 25 March the
headline was: No letter to Laine as yet (Indian Express, 25 March), as
(sensibly):
Police Commissioner D N Jadhav today said the police will not be
sending a letter to James Laine, the author of Shivaji: Hindu King in
Islamic India asking him to come to India till April 5 since a
petition has been filed in the Bombay High Court.
See also: Criminal action stayed against Laine (Mid-Day, 27 March).
http://www.indianexpress.com/storyOld.php?storyId=43617
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3561499.stm
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/576118.cms
http://us.rediff.com/news/2004/mar/27laine.htm
http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=79907
Reactions
Almost no attention has been paid to the controversy
surrounding Laine's book or the attack on BORI outside of India.
Laine's opinion piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's
Peril, in the 12 January issue of The Los Angeles Times, and an
article by Martha Ann Overland ("Vandals Attack Research Center in
India in Retaliation for Help It Gave to American Scholar") in the
Chronicle of Higher Education (issue of 23 January), neither of which
is freely available on the Internet, and a Star Tribune article by
Mary Jane Smetanka, Macalester professor's book incites a riot a world
away ((Updated - 29 March): now only available at WCCO), were among
the very few mentions in the American press.
((Updated - 29 March): With the calls for Laine's arrest at the
end of March there has again been some international coverage, most
notably Scott Baldauf's article, How a US historian sparked calls for
his arrest - in India, in the Christian Science Monitor (29 March).
See also Sara Rajan's A Study in Conflict (Time (Asia), 5 April).)
What reactions there have been in the academic community do not
appear to have made any impact or found any resonance outside those
limited circles. There also appear to have been no calls to withdraw
Laine's book, or ban it, anywhere outside India.
http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0329/p01s04-wosc.html
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,501040405-605550,00.html
In India , the attack on BORI has been widely (though far from
universally) condemned. The destruction of property, especially that
which is unique and of historical significance, and the threats
against scholars have been denounced in the press and in public. Prime
Minister Vajpee's approach, as reported in the Times of India, seems
to be the preferred one: "He said the "right way" to express
disagreement was through discussion" -- though even some of his
political allies denounced him for these statements and his opposition
to the book-ban.
Disturbingly, a significant minority has been willing to excuse
even the attacks on BORI as justifiable under the circumstances, and
while 72 of those responsible were arrested and charged, there have
been continued threats (both legal and physical) against BORI,
scholars associated with it, and against author James Laine.
As Laine noted in his 12 January piece in The Los Angeles
Times:
The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune.
And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has
called for it to be distributed again.
Indeed, most of these events took place after Laine's book had
officially been withdrawn from the Indian market, i.e. essentially no
longer existed. The banning of the book and the attacks on BORI and
various scholars were thus clearly aimed not only at this specific
case, but at the whole enterprise of scholarship, and of freedom of
expression. Concerns about this have been raised in the media, but
Laine's book has received little support: there still appear to have
been almost no calls for it to be made available in India again.
Surprisingly, there has also been almost no criticism of Oxford
University Press' self-censorship and withdrawal of the book from the
Indian market. A rare mention can found is in the "Weekly Organ of the
Communist Party of India (Marxist)", People's Democracy, who properly
note (25 January):
The media have criticised the Shiv Sainiks’ pranks but not the
hastiness of the Oxford University Press in withdrawing the book even
before the matter became public or the government for banning the book
even before the matter was discussed in public fora.
There have been numerous opinion pieces regarding these
incidents. Among the disturbing trends they make note of is the uneven
use of Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code to limit expression, and
the politicising of what should be academic debates.
Among the opinion pieces are:
Dileep Padgaonkar on Myth against history (Times of India, 25
January), who finds these events: "drive home the point yet again that
in this country it is myth, not history, that ignites popular
imagination."
A.G. Noorani's Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January),
where he writes of what happened: "It was not an aberration. It is
part of a practice, connived at and condoned, during the past decade
and more."
Ananya Vajpeyi's Everything Foul and Unfair (The Telegraph, 19
January), where he suggests the most critical question is: "(A)re we
prepared to defend acts of violence perpetrated in the name of our
identity, our beliefs and finally, our sentiments ?"
An editorial in The Indian Express (7 January), in which the authors
argue: "We cannot have the mob write our history for us. Every time we
compromise on this principle, every time a publishing house allows
itself to recall a book, every time the authorities fail to punish the
vandals, every time politicians seize such issues for narrow political
gains, every time the barbarian at the gate is accommodated, we fail
not just our academics but our historical legacy of open
scholarship."
Rajeev Dhavan's Burn, Burn, Destroy (available at the Outlook India
site, 23 January), where he notes: "In the last decade or so, new
emerging patterns of social censorship seem to have eclipsed the
framework of legal censorship that has been bequeathed to India by the
British."
Nalini Taneja on Politics of Rightwing Sectarianism (People's
Democracy, 25 January), arguing: "In what has been happening today by
way of policing and censorship of culture, and to history teaching and
research, by way of verbal and physical attacks on democratic
expression, our state and media have a very definite role to play."
Sandhya Jain on Demeaning Shivaji, denigrating dharma (The Pioneer, 27
January, published here at HVK.org), who finds: "Having purchased and
read James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India only after it
was officially withdrawn by the publishers, I cannot view the events
at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) as totally
unjustified."
Swapan Dasgupta on Reclaiming the Hindu Gods (The Telegraph, 30
January), who reports that: "Beginning sometime last year, American
Hindus have mounted a spirited attack on the bastions of Indology in
the North American universities" and believes: "The battle to reassess
Indian heritage in keeping with the achievements of Indians involves a
long haul. It will not be won by bans on offensive texts or McCarthy-
ite purges of the infuriatingly perverse. It has to be fought with
civility, argument, rigour and a sense of strategy."
Manu Dash, wondering: Feel-shame factor, anyone ? (The Statesman),
noting: "Our country has time and again failed to stay true to its
credential of tolerance."
Vaishnavi K. Sekhar finding: Historians rue attack on freedom of
expression (The Times of India, 24 March), noting that: "The casualty
of cultural censorship may be scholarship".
(Note that in considering reactions in India we are limited to
English-language material that is freely accessible via the Internet.
It should be clear that this material may well not be representative
of broader opinion, or even of media opinion. The Hindu and Marathi
language press may well have responded entirely differently.)
Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe's piece, James
Laine’s Controversial Book, published in this issue of the complete
review Quarterly, offers a somewhat different perspective, focussing
on what exactly it is about Laine's book that many find so upsetting.
There has also been some coverage of these events on weblogs,
most notably at Kitabkhana and Ryan's Lair (as well as at the Literary
Saloon).
http://www.complete-review.com/quarterly/vol5/issue1/laine0.htm
Volume V, Issue 1 -- February, 2004
Attacking Myths and Institutions
James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI
commentary at the complete review
On 5 January 2004 a leading research institute in India, the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI), was attacked (see here
for details). The mob that ransacked it ostensibly acted in reaction
to a book allegedly insulting one of India's great historical figures,
a 17th century leader named Shivaji (despite the fact that the book --
James W. Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India -- had been
withdrawn from the market by its publisher almost two months earlier).
In researching his book, Laine had worked at BORI years earlier, and
he thanked the institute and a number of scholars associated with it
in his acknowledgements -- reason enough for the Sambhaji brigadeers
to physically threaten and attack these men, and to destroy important
bits of Indian history.
What has happened with Laine's book and BORI is a terrifying
glimpse of intolerance and mob rule. It is particularly worrying
because it has happened not in a theocracy like the Taliban's
Afghanistan or a revisionist dictatorship such as Turkmenistan or
North Korea, but in a culturally diverse democracy.
It is some comfort that these events are being freely and
openly debated in India, and that the attack on BORI has been widely
(though, unfortunately, far from universally) condemned. Nevertheless,
events both before and after 5 January suggest that open debate and
tolerance for alternative viewpoints and opinions are far from welcome
by all.
It does all come back to Laine's book. It's title alone -- the
suggestion that there was ever an "Islamic India" -- has outraged many
(see Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe's James Laine’s
Controversial Book for this and other objections to the book). The
subject matter is one of India's revered historical figures, a 17th-
century king who managed to assert independence from the Mughals. In a
contemporary India that is again increasingly polarised by religion he
has become a particularly potent symbolic figure among some Hindus
groups. (India is subject to many possible divisions, including along
caste and linguistic lines, but the most prominent remains religion;
while a large majority of Indians are Hindu, it must be remembered
that the Muslim population in India exceeds that in any Arab or Middle
Eastern nation.)
In a commentary piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed
at One's Peril, published in The Los Angeles Times (12 January), Laine
describes his book as one about the: "narrative process, an account of
three centuries of storytelling that produced a tale that lived in the
minds of people celebrating Shivaji's legacy today". In the last
chapter he also: "entertained what I called 'unthinkable thoughts' --
questioning 'cracks' in the Shivaji narrative". It is these
unthinkable thoughts -- these different possible readings of Shivaji,
or rather the Shivaji-legend -- that were found so objectionable.
Blind, fanatical devotion to a set narrative is not unheard of,
though it is generally reserved for stories about religious figures.
In some circles, to hypothesise about Mohammed or Jesus, -- even when
one relies on sound historical evidence -- is still impossible (and
has led to similar book bans and physical assaults). Laine's alleged
blasphemy is more complex, because Shivaji is simply an historical
figure. While such figures are often also revered to an extent that
blinds some to their faults (there are those who are outraged by
discussion of the womanising ways of, say, Thomas Jefferson and Martin
Luther King junior), it is generally accepted that speculation about
such figures is permissible or even laudable. Indeed, if set
narratives weren't constantly questioned, if they were considered
inviolable, history -- written by those in power -- would be both
useless and, generally, grossly inaccurate.
Of course, Shivaji isn't 'simply' an historical figure, his
story having also been appropriated by Hindu-nationalist elements
using it for their own purposes. To question the legend as they would
see it is to question their entire cause. And, like flag-wavers
elsewhere, politicians have found that the Shivaji-name can
effectively be used in rallying the masses who pay attention only to
the glorious name and don't consider all the implications behind the
words. So deeply does the cry of 'Shivaji' resonate with a large
segment of the population (specifically in the state of Maharashtra,
but also elsewhere in India) that almost everything except the most
uncritical stance has been attacked.
Laine describes the initial reception of his book in India, in
the summer of 2003, as unremarkable. The book "ranked up with Hillary
Rodham Clinton's in the local list of English-language bestsellers in
Pune" and there were "a couple of bland but positive reviews in the
Indian papers". Eventually, controversy erupted -- but Laine's sins
had clearly not been self-evident: it took someone to point out the
implications of what he had written (i.e. to offer a particular
reading of his reading) to upset people. (As is often the case in such
situations, it also appears that most of those who were upset did not
actually read the entire text.)
What happened then is also disturbing: numerous people,
including scholars attached to BORI (and some who were thanked in the
acknowledgements) not only distanced themselves from the text but
called for it to be withdrawn from the market. Amazingly, Oxford
University Press India obliged, withdrawing the book in November.
Too little has been made of this self-censorship. While
publishers often practice some sort of self-censorship in not
publishing certain books in certain markets, it is usually in response
to clear, legal prohibitions: art books depicting nudes are
inappropriate for the Saudi market, Nazi propaganda for the German
one, etc. But in most such cases there are clear guidelines and
outright legal bans, meaning that any attempted publication would be
met with legal action by government authorities. Nothing about Laine's
book suggested it contravened any local laws, or public standards of
decency or morality. The fact that for several months it sold
reasonably well locally and received some review attention without
causing much uproar or even complaint reinforces this notion.
Laine's Shivaji was, ultimately (months after the book had been
withdrawn from the market), banned, the author and the publisher
charged under Sections 153 ("Wantonly giving provocation with intent
to cause riot") and 153A ("Promoting enmity between different groups
on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language,
etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony ") of the
Indian Penal Code. Yet the charges can only be made because groups
have chosen to use the book to promote enmity. This case -- and, as
commentators have shown, it is not a unique case of the application of
153 and 153A -- is, among many other things, one of political
correctness run amok. By engaging in criminal violence, but claiming
to have been provoked by someone else's pronouncements -- regardless
of how these were meant -- it seems any statement can become a
criminal one, with the determination whether it is or isn't resting
solely with the allegedly aggrieved.
Such an interpretation of the law does not foster dialogue or
harmony, but rather is an actual incentive for violence and discord.
Dislike what someone says ? Just go out and riot and then blame it on
the other's words. This is patently what happened in the case of
Laine's book.
The attacks on scholars and then on BORI, and then the banning
of the book, would have been disturbing under any circumstances, but
they are particularly so given that the book had been withdrawn from
the market and was no longer readily accessible. Oxford University
Press India backed down in the face of some pressure and withdrew the
book in November, 2003, not because it had been ordered to do so or
was legally required to do so, but because public sentiment (or at
least vociferous elements) seemed to oppose allowing the book to
remain available.
This gesture of appeasement (or rather wholesale abandonment of
Laine's book) did not have the (presumably) intended effect. Surrender
to irrational forces rarely does (odd that that's a lesson that people
just don't seem to learn). OUP India might have merely wanted to keep
the peace, and sincerely believed that withdrawing the book from the
market was the best way of doing so. Indeed, events might have
escalated had they not done so. Still, it is troubling that a leading
academic publisher was willing to be intimidated by a mob (prominent
and respected though some of those among it were) and not stand up for
freedom of expression. (Interestingly, there appears to have been no
effort to make any legal determination as to the permissibility of
this publication -- i.e. no one suggested at the time that, for
example, the book promoted legally actionable enmity, etc. Funny how
that only became a viable option after groups decided to riot.) In any
case, far from resolving the issue, OUP India's withdrawal of the book
appears to have pleased absolutely no one, dismissed on the one hand
as a token gesture that came far too late, on the other as an obscene
abridgement of academic freedom.
Physical attacks followed: first scholar Shrikant Bahulkar was
assaulted, then, two weeks later, came the attack on BORI. What
appears to have upset the factions involved in these acts is not
merely the dissemination of the ideas found in Laine's book (which had
been practically stopped with the withdrawal of the book) but the very
existence of such thoughts. The targets include some who had actually
distanced themselves from the book and argued for its withdrawal; in
the case of those who had been thanked in Laine's acknowledgements
even such repentance wasn't enough to protect them from being
attacked.
The attack on BORI was an assault on the whole scholarly
enterprise, suggesting that inquiry and speculation are inappropriate
or even unacceptable, and that instead only a single account and
interpretation of history (one, apparently, decided on by today's mob)
is permissible. From those academics that called for the withdrawal of
Laine's book, to OUP India doing just that, to the attack on BORI and
the continuing actions against Laine and his book, everything has been
done to stifle and suppress dialogue, when it is just the opposite
that is needed. Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee admirably said that the
proper way to counter objectionable ideas in a book was with other
books and open debate. The local government -- and the local thugs --
have instead closed off debate wherever possible.
The United States is an exception when it comes to freedom of
expression, and most countries have far stricter limits. It might seem
entirely reasonable that, much as Nazi literature is banned in
Germany, writing which might incite readers to violence (directly or
in response thereto) is suppressed or banned. At the very least,
however, the general approach (and the specific application of the
law) in India regarding freedom of expression over the past decade or
more is of concern.
It is clear that expression that actually exhorts to violence
is far more objectionable than expression which causes offence which
causes violence. In other words, Nazi tracts calling for the killing
of Jews are far worse than Jewish tracts which upset Nazis (by, say,
claiming that their ideas are foolish and based on unfounded premises)
and lead them to attack Jews. Laine's book proved upsetting (arguably
even: justifiably so) to a significant segment of the population, and
action was taken against it (first voluntarily, then physically, and
finally legally). Those responsible for the physical attacks were, at
least, charged with crimes, but the newspapers continue to be filled
with quotes from often prominent politicans and public figures with
what are clearly threats (against persons and property) -- expression
that is blatantly far more dangerous than anything Laine wrote and yet
that has gone largely unchallenged. This double standard is completely
unacceptable -- and very dangerous.
To outsiders the case for why Laine's book should be read,
discussed, and debated likely seems self-evident. Arguments that India
or its citizens are somehow too immature to consider Laine's
statements, or that the issue itself is simply too inflammatory, are
unconvincing. People do no need to to be protected from challenging,
foreign, or even unsupportable ideas; they do need protection from
those who answer any statements they find unpleasant or objectionable
with violence.
Events as they have unfolded teach all the wrong lessons:
rather than showing how difficult texts and ideas might be approached
and dealt with (admittedly not always an easy task), they suggest that
complete denial and obliteration (and the use of force to achieve
these) are acceptable. The result can only be intellectual and social
stagnation and decline. Threats and brute force, encouraged by self-
serving politicians (looking only towards the next election) and
political groups, can easily win the day -- they have here--, but the
long-term costs could be devastating to India.
http://www.complete-review.com/quarterly/vol5/issue1/laine2.htm
Volume V, Issue 1 -- February, 2004
James Laine’s Controversial Book
Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
(New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2nd ed., 2003)
by
Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan & Amodini Bagwe
Please note that the views expressed herein are those of the
authors and not of the complete review.
While condemning the attacks on the BORI Archives in Pune and
on Prof. Bahulkar in the strongest possible terms, we wish to share
our views about Laine's casual scholarship on Shivaji as presented in
his latest book.
Some of his remarks suggest willful, calculated sensationalism
than honest scholarship. Despite his apology issued last month after
the OUP quietly withdrew the book from the Indian market (LINK), which
he has practically withdrawn as of now (LINK), there are many issues
that need both examination and comment. As Laine himself admits in the
book, he has cavalierly presented gossip and innuendo without an iota
of documentary substantiation, and then on that basis, proceeded to
construct his flawed argument. Naturally, we must question his motives
in undertaking such an exercise. This is important since next to
nothing has appeared in the media by way of comment on the actual
contents of the book.
It must be asserted that at no time in history has India been
Islamic. Indeed, how could it have been so, when it has always had a
majority of non-Muslims in its population ? True, following the waves
of Islamic invasions that began in right earnest around the 12th
century CE, certain parts of the country did have Muslim rulers who
imposed Islamic law on the entire populace they governed, but that
does not make India Islamic, since a non-Muslim majority continued to
follow their own religious tenets, come what may.
As for Hindu regimes, unlike Christian or Islamic ones, the
king could have no religion according to time-honoured mores. As an
individual, like any one of his subjects, he was free to profess and
practise his version of any one of myriad indigenous doctrines that
together constitute Hinduism; but as king, he necessarily had to be
secular, regarding all forms of religious expression with due
impartiality. Even a cursory study of Indian history clearly shows how
indigenous States encouraged even antipodal doctrines to flourish.
Therefore, with no king (including Shivaji) who was Hindu, and an
India that was never Islamic, the astonishing title -- ‘Hindu King in
Islamic India’ -- leaves one wondering about the extent of Laine’s
understanding of the subject he addresses with such authority !
Moreover, Laine himself must be aware that various Muslim
dynasties in India, whether Mughal, Bahamani, Adilshahi, Nizamshahi,
or many of the fragmented Sultanates, were then ruled by alien
invaders from Central and Middle Eastern Asia, analogous to Islamic
invasions of Europe. A major portion of the invading armies
constituted mercenaries with extra-territorial loyalties, including
Mongols, Turks, Arabs, Persians, Afghans, and Siddis from Ethiopia.
Viewing the book title from this perspective, the effort seems to be
more of a hasty hatchet job with questionable historical validity,
seeking to cash in on the post-9/11 global upsurge of interest in
Islam.
Coming to the most incendiary part of the book, leading to the
recent turmoil in Maharashtra, Laine reports outright hearsay on p.93:
"Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily suggesting that his guardian
Dadaji Konddev was his biological father" ! The reader may well wonder
whether such seemingly casual inclusion of injurious gossip related to
one's chief protagonist is a convention in serious cross-cultural
scholarship ! As a matter of fact, love and adoration of Shivaji is
the bottomline truth in the state, and we have never come across such
a motivated rumour until Laine’s book was published ! Outsiders fail
to understand that while Shivaji’s rugged forts stand testimony to his
great heroism in an all-too-brief tenure of forty years as a warrior
and strategist of epic proportions, it is upon the very hearts and
minds of the common populace that these nearly four centuries old
magical legends are etched to eternity: a testimony to the greatness
of a culture that has survived untold depredations and chicanery. In
fact, this is what makes the "Shivaji story" immune to fabrication to
suit contemporary designs of a handful of elite scholars and their
political instigators.
From the scholarly perspective, the wholly unsubstantiated
insinuation that Shahaji was not Shivaji’s "biological father" is
implausible, incredible and outrageous ! Unlike lax norms of familial
or marital propriety that characterize ‘civilized’ Western societies,
loose speculation about someone’s ancestry is a very serious matter
indeed even in contemporary Indian ethos, not to speak of conditions
almost four centuries ago. At that time, societal sanctions were
immensely more rigid and the consequences of their transgression, all
too tragic. A scandalous event like that implied by Laine would
scarcely escape immediate detection, judgment and censure. Anybody
indulging in such conduct would have courted severe social stigma,
especially someone like Jijabai who both hailed from and was married
into aristocracy. The progeny of an allegedly adulterous relationship
would never be accepted as king by a tradition-bound people who looked
up to the monarch as an incarnation of Divinity !
It must be asserted that Shahaji, who is superciliously alluded
to by Laine as an "absentee father", was forced to lodge his expecting
wife and yet-to-be-born child in the safe haven of the Shivneri fort
because of untold political uncertainty prevailing around the time
Shivaji was born -- and not, it must be mentioned, on account of any
estrangement between husband and wife. (Laine is in grave error when
he attempts to rewrite one of the most significant chapters in Indian
history, essaying an inappropriate imposition of a contemporary
Western paradigm upon the medieval Indian scenario).
Shahaji, who was practically ruling the Nizamshahi as Regent on
behalf of the minor Murtaza Nizamshah, was actively engaged in fending
off threats from both Shah Jehan and Adilshah, being constantly on the
run as a direct result. He was accompanied by his first son, Sambhaji,
who was killed at a young age in the Battle of Kanakgiri. After the
dissolution of the Nizamshahi in 1636, Shahaji’s subsequent service in
the Adilshahi took him to Bangalore, but he continued holding and
administering his old land titles in the Pune region through his
trusted Brahmin aide, Dadoji Konddev. Obviously, Shahaji was unable to
cover all the distance to Pune on a regular basis in those uncertain
times and the additional responsibility of bringing up the young
Shivaji devolved upon Dadoji. Shahaji took another wife in Bangalore,
as was customary in those days. From this second marriage, he sired
Vyankoji, the founder of the Thanjavur Bhosale dynasty, distinguished
by its patronage of both Tamil and Marathi culture and arts.
Shahajiraje thus bequeathed to India two distinct dynasties of
visionary rulers. All these facts are well documented and should
suffice to prevent irresponsible speculation on account of his absence
from the Pune region.
On page 91, Laine asks with an unnecessary soupçon of
dramatization,
Can one imagine a narrative of Shivaji’s life in which, for example:
Shivaji had an unhappy family life ? Shivaji had a harem ? Shivaji was
uninterested in the religion of bhakti saints ? Shivaji’s personal
ambition was to build a kingdom, not liberate a nation ? Shivaji lived
in a cosmopolitan Islamicate world and did little to change that
fact ?
Had Laine really read and gleaned anything from the references
listed at the end of the book, such perturbing questions would not
have arisen. For instance, it was practically de rigeur for men of
status in Shivaji’s time to have more than one wife. To go even
further back in history, let us recall that Lord Rama’s father too had
several queens. The custom had nothing whatsoever to do with practices
prevailing in a "cosmopolitan Islamicate world". However, isn’t having
several legally wedded wives very different from keeping a harem,
which latter may even include several official and unofficial
concubines ? Surely, Laine appreciates the essential difference !
Also, as revealed by numerous treasured documents of the era,
including correspondence between Ramdas and Shivaji, the latter was
spiritually surrendered to the former, of which fact Laine feigns such
complete ignorance ! With adequate answers to each one of Laine's
questions easily obtainable in his references, is his pretence
indicative of a deeper, sinister motive to compromise, restrain and
perhaps even destroy the extraordinary reverence in which Shivaji is
held ?
For a presumably accomplished scholar (LINK), who has spent
several decades in close contact with Maharashtra, it is amazing --
even distressing -- that Laine has understood almost nothing about the
veneration Shivaji commands in ‘native’ consciousness. In that sense,
his scholarship may well have been wasted ! For him to say now that he
had "foolishly misread the situation in India and figured the book
would receive scholarly criticism, not censorship and condemnation" is
appalling, at the very least. You can hardly foolishly misread a
situation that has existed for nearly four centuries, the study of
which is the declared intention of your scholarship, not to mention
the "love of the Shivaji story" you avowedly evince !
A similar exercise, as confessed by Laine in the case of a
Jesus Christ or a Thomas Jefferson (LINK), is entirely incapable of
provoking as vehement a reaction because these exalted personages do
not command the kind of supreme reverence in their specific locales
that Shivaji does in his.
No doubt Laine is aware how Christ’s popularity in the West has
been steadily on the decline, what with Church attendances falling
alarmingly, and the paucity of preachers needing imports from ‘third
world’ countries to supplant the dwindling numbers of octogenarian
White clergymen ! This observation is further supported by demographic
statistics indicating the exponential growth of the followers of
alternative philosophies, which cannot be attributed to new immigrants
alone.
As for Jefferson, in an exercise very reminiscent of the
present one, his greatness as a rationalist, especially his radically
piercing views on Christianity and its Church, (for example: "The
Christian God is a being of terrific character -- cruel, vindictive,
capricious, and unjust."), was sought by disadvantaged parties to be
compromised by the exposition of some tenuous incident in the
statesman’s life. But it is necessary to ascertain whether such
detractors, who authored the "widely varying accounts" about Jefferson
and Christ that Laine claims to have "seen", could be considered
persons of established scholarly reputation. Since serious scholars
would hardly ever countenance rumour or gossip as evidence, it was
more than likely that such criticism was penned by critics who had no
compunctions about relying on tittle-tattle to score a point.
Because Laine has indirectly questioned Shivaji’s paternity
without a shred of documentary evidence, he sadly gets categorized in
the latter class and his claim to a "love for the Shivaji story" falls
to pieces ! Incidentally, there are certain to be "other ways of
reading the historical evidence", but only if historical evidence, and
not malicious fabrication, is offered in the first place.
Laine ought to have grasped the reality that there just can be
no comparison between Shivaji and the likes of Christ and Jefferson
from the Indian, especially Maharashtrian, point of view ! The learned
author, in spite of his protracted contact with the region since 1977,
failed to realise that the "Shivaji story", as narrated in every
Maharashtrian home, has far more significance and enjoys immensely
greater credibility than all history taught in academia. And, by his
own admission, was it not the development of this "Shivaji story" that
he had set out to study ? Moreover, the growth in recent years of a
strong and eminently justifiable public perception that a vast
majority of academics have been indulging in wanton politicization of
scholarship at the expense of truth bolsters this awareness.
Furthermore, Shivaji is not merely a "Maharashtrian" hero, as
Laine not so subtly avers in his facetious apology. Shivaji was the
first Indian leader in relatively recent history to contemplate
political self-determination and successfully put it into practice at
a time when all others were blissfully unaware of both the existence
and possibility of such a thing ! This visionary quality elevates
Shivaji to a pioneering ‘national’ stature, head and shoulders above
all his peers and contemporaries. His exploits had obviously become
the stuff of legends in the course of his lifetime. Bhooshan, hailing
from the environs of the Mughal capital wrote epic poetry about him,
while Chhatrasal who traveled from Bundelkhand to seek employment with
him was bade to return to his territories and there establish his own
independence. The slant in Laine’s apology to localize and thus limit
Shivaji’s influence is not as innocuous as it appears, and is not
likely to be overlooked by discerning readers !
Indeed, since it takes the ‘authority’ of a White man to
convince us of the greatness of things indigenous, it would be
pertinent to quote historian Bamber Gascoigne:
"He (Shivaji) taught the modern Hindus to rise to the full stature of
their growth. So, when viewed with hindsight through twentieth century
glasses, Aurangzeb on the one side and Shivaji on the other come to be
seen as key figures in the development of India. What Shivaji began
Gandhi could complete …… and what Aurangzeb stood for would lead to
the establishment of the separate state of Pakistan." (The Great
Moghuls, London: Constable), (emphasis ours).
It is sad to see how all the years Laine spent in India were so
utterly in vain, if he has failed to note and appreciate this, the
most distinguishing and vital aspect of the "Shivaji story" !
There seems to be more to the book than mere scholarship. One
is reminded of what Thomas Paine wrote, in a slightly different
context perhaps, in the opening lines of his The Rights of Man about
Edmund Burke’s unwarranted interest in French affairs. It amply
illustrates a tendency to dabble that Laine evidently shares with
Burke:
"Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and
irritate each other, Mr. Burke’s pamphlet on the French Revolution is
an extraordinary instance. Neither the people of France, nor the
National Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of
England, or the English Parliament; and why Mr. Burke should commence
an unprovoked attack upon them, both in Parliament and in public, is a
conduct that cannot be pardoned on the score of manners, nor justified
on that of policy." (London: J.M.Dent, 1993, p. 7).
With suitable substitutions, the sentiments expressed by Paine
could apply rather well to Laine’s avoidable blundering foray into
Indian culture and history. If, "as an American and a Christian",
Laine had, for instance, devoted more time to finding out why
enthusiasm for Christ is petering out so rapidly in his home country,
he might have been spared the pain of living through "the saddest day"
in his career ! But, prudent apprehension of censorship by the Moral
Majority and cessation of grants by funding bodies might perhaps have
served as an important deterrent in the case of similar misadventures
closer home !
It is the "Shivaji story" that transcends every conceivable
faction of Maharashtrian society and has always served as an
efficacious uniting factor, the demolition of which can be perceived
to serve powerful interests in present times. India in general and its
Maharashtrian Hindu population in particular have traditionally been
ultra-soft targets for a sundry assortment of deluded Indophiles
anyway, and the once-correct belief that one can get away with almost
murder has motivated several similar ‘research’ exercises in the
past.
Constituents of the more impulsive but perhaps less
sophisticated majority in Maharashtra are more likely than not to
smell in Laine’s dissertation the same intellectual chicanery
attempted through the purchase by British colonial masters (for a
princely sum of £ 3000, paid in easy installments, may it be noted !)
of Friedrich Max Muller’s erudition a century ago with the studied
intention of demoralizing a whole nation by denigration of its
antiquity, pre-eminence, culture, religion and history. It might be
perceived by the populace that one of its greatest cultural heroes is
being put under an iniquitous microscope with precisely that same
objective. Such heinous strategies may have worked beautifully under
colonial rule, but are less than likely to work now -- a reality Laine
appears to have dangerously overlooked. A significantly large
proportion of the Indian polity has begun ‘thinking independently’,
albeit to the detriment of brokers of international geopolitical
stakes. In this sense, the book might well qualify as yet another
attempt at fragmentation of the steadily developing strength of a
society that is waking up to a realization of the many historical
frauds perpetrated on itself for centuries.
If, unfortunately, promoting social discord was indeed a
purpose of the book, the attempt may have partially succeeded with
what happened at the Bhandarkar Institute; the first salvo has been
fired by pitting Maratha (whom Laine gratuitously refers to as being
from Shivaji’s own community) against Brahmin. Unless we desire lumpen
elements to take undue advantage of the fallout of the regrettable
BORI incident, concerted and well informed public opinion needs to be
nurtured to arrest and neutralize machinations of a wildly
proliferating class of pliable political paid pipers and their cohorts
in an amenable media ! Because Laine has blatantly used, in the matter
of Shivaji’s parentage at least, sources that cannot pass the test of
reliability even by a long shot, it is necessary for scholars to
scrutinize the entire work for its truthfulness, especially the
development of communalised identities upon which he dwells at great
length. All frivolous ‘scholarship’ needs to be unequivocally
discredited and disowned by intellectuals in the interests of veracity
and probity in academia.
While undeniably condemning the attack on the Bhandarkar
Institute archives with the plea that the guilty should not go
unpunished, should we not also examine the role of the so-called
'thinkers' who might perhaps unwittingly have assisted if not actually
set up Laine's mischief in the first place ? Laine mentions in his
Acknowledgments (p. viii) that his "scholarly home has been the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune" where he "profited
from advice and assistance". Once the BORI administration realised the
explosive nature of the book's contents, and how they were sitting on
a time bomb for all these months, it might have been appropriate for
them to issue a strong public denial and condemnation of the author,
in no uncertain terms, for his highly objectionable effort to convert
innuendo and gossip into a matter of documentary record.
It is up to Laine to inform his readers as to how and where he
dug up this disgusting rumour casting aspersions upon the character of
Shivaji’s mother, herself a figure of great veneration to all. She was
a single mother of great character and substance, the very
fountainhead of inspiration for Shivaji’s life’s work.
Needless to state, all this only applies if the real intention
behind the book was more than what Laine declares. But from even its
very title, the book comes through more like an exercise in
skullduggery, which is unfortunate !
If scholarly research funded through institutional grants is
undertaken with the altruistic aim of benefiting humanity, one wonders
how the present book can achieve that end! Scholars ought not to
forget that all institutions supporting them are rooted in their
particular indigenous ethos to which they must be accountable,
especially when the results are sought to be commercially exploited
through book sales.
The body fabric of a resurgent India, and particularly that of
a progressive state like Maharashtra, can well do without such vicious
‘scholarship’. We hope saner counsel will prevail in the currently
disturbed scenario, as a fitting tribute to its chief architect,
Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.
- Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan & Amodini Bagwe
Note: an earlier version of this text was also posted at Hindu Vivek
Kendra.
About the authors:
Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan is a metallurgist and chartered
engineer; he can be reached at: kuru...@eth.net.
Amodini Bagwe is a research scholar and student of Yoga.
http://www.complete-review.com/quarterly/vol5/issue1/laine1.htm
The Complexities of Shivaji
Our modern consciousness harbors within itself rather peculiar ideas.
We pride ourselves on our tremendous advances from a pre-modern In
1668, Shivaji's repeated petitions to Aurangzeb won him the title
'Raja' and Chakan fort. After the Mughal treasury refused to reimburse
him for a trip he took to Agra, he took up arms again. With Aurangzeb
the battle was over power and resources, rather than on religious
grounds.
past which we almost universally see as depraved (at the very least in
economic and political terms). On the other hand, we turn to the past
for our heroes: and these heroes are absorbed without criticism (in
fact, criticism is tantamount to heresy in some circles). Thus,
America lauds its Founding Fathers (Jefferon, Madison, Hamilton,
Washington) even though these gentlemen practiced a form of slavery
which does not square with their genteel image. The Indian Republic
has immortalized Gandhi, which is one of the tragedies of our
contemporary world: Gandhi, the mischievous radical, is reduced to
being a statue rather than a living presence in our corrupt and
battered body politic. The Pakistani state has hallowed Jinnah, whose
virulent criticisms of theocracy are now not allowed to inform the
citizens of a state wracked by avarice and hypocrisy. The Rashtriya
Sevak Sangh and its American kin, the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS),
have taken Shivaji as their icon (India West, 21 June 1996): that
adoption needs to be criticised for what it does to the historical
record.
At their 16 June Hindu Sangathan Diwas, the HSS hosted Shripati
Shastry (RSS) who recounted the life of Shivaji who (as India West
reports) "fought Mughal emperor Aurangzeb." "Hindu civilization,"
Shastry said, "had been battered by the constant brutal assaults of
foreigners. Shivaji challenged that attack." HSS also presented a play
by Bal Bihar students entitled 'Shivaji and Afzal Khan.' Reading this
story, I was startled by the ease with which our media allows such
presentations to pass by without comment. At the very least, the
historical record should be scoured to check if Shivaji indeed did
fight Aurangzeb to constitute 'Hindu civilization' and if he made it
his purpose to cleanse the subcontinent of 'foreigners.'
(1) Shivaji and Aurangzeb.
Shivaji Bhonsla (1627-1680) came from a family of Maratha aristocrats
and military bureaucrats. The first half of his career (until 1660) as
a fief-holder was consumed by his battle with the rather powerless
Sultanate of Bijapur. He was able to extend his power by making
alliances with Maratha hill chiefs and by ensuring that the Mughal
overlord was given a wide berth: Shivaji was not interested in taking
Delhi, only in forming a fiefdom in Aurangabad and Bijapur. In
November 1656, Aurangzeb and his amir, Mir Jumla, went ahead with an
old plan to take Bijapur at the death of the Sultan, Muhammad Adil
Shah. Shivaji was not a factor in the equation (for he was only one of
many factious nobles and zamindars). Shivaji was able to rout the
Bijapur army and Afzal Khan, commander of a Mughal force. of 10, 000.
In Shivaji's second phase (1660-1674), he extended his holding,
notably by destroying Baharji Borah who was reputed to be the world's
richest merchant. At Purander in 1665, Shivaji capitulated to Jai
Singh and Aurangzeb. In 1668, Shivaji's repeated petitions to
Aurangzeb won him the title 'Raja' and Chakan fort. After the Mughal
treasury refused to reimburse him for a trip he took to Agra, he took
up arms again. With Aurangzeb the battle was over power and resources,
rather than on religious grounds. Shivaji very comfortably petitioned
Aurangzeb to recognize him as a 'Raja,' a feat which would not sit
well with the HSS rendition of the man as a fighter for Hinduism.
(2) Shivaji and 'Hindu civilization'
In June 1674, Shivaji was crowned as a Hindu monarch. Since he came
from Shudra stock, the chief sent for Gagga Bhatta (the notable
Brahmin from Benares) to declare that Shivaji's ancestor's were truly
Kshatriyas who descended from the solar line of the Ranas of Mewar. He
was invested with the janeau, with the Vedas and was bathed in an
abisheka. A Shudra became a Rajput, but the bulk of the other dalits
remained in their misbegotten position at the bottom of society.
Shivaji's investiture was a political move which allowed him to exert
his power over hill chiefs who were not under his military control.
One would imagine that Shivaji would now eschew alliances with
Muslims, however, the first major alliance made by the monarch was
with Abul Hasan, the Qutb Shah Sultan. They began a campaign against
the Bijapur Karanatak, including the monarch's own half-brother,
Vyankoji Bhonsla. The Mughal r‰gime was left untouched by this 'Hindu'
king. The later Shivaji did not consolidate 'Hindus' to fight
'Muslims,' but he continued his trajectory of securing power in the
Konkan region. One might add that Shambhaji, Shivaji's son, raped a
Brahmin woman in December 1678: such facts often get lost in the blind
valorization of historical figures.
I have offered all these details for the simple reason that one must
not allow our contemporary politicians (and the HSS/RSS are
politicians) to define our historical record. There is a tendency to
simplify, which is tantamount to distortion. Shivaji claimed to be a
'Hindu' king when it suited him, but he acted (most of the time) as a
rebellious zamindar and hill-chief. History must remain more than
propaganda. The tragedy of the communalization of history is that
those who write these false histories are less interested in the past
and more interested in organizing people into bigoted groups.
Vijay Prashad
Vijay Prashad
Assistant Professor, International Studies
214 McCook Academic Building
Trinity College, Hartford, CT. 06106.
Ph: 860-297-2518.
http://www.foil.org/history/shivaji.html
Bonfire of cupboard of history
- Pune institute continues to count the losses from attack by Sambhaji
Brigade
ANAND SOONDAS
Satish Sangle among the ruins
Pune, Jan. 18: A bonfire crackles to life as the winter night descends
on the cheerless group of policemen guarding the ravaged library at
the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Drawn by the sudden
flicker, a firefly rushes in.
“That was sad,” says the institute’s Man Friday, Ganesh Bagade, who
calls himself assistant pressman, watching the insect perish.
“They tried to snuff out the institute’s life, too,” Bagade says,
recalling the Sambhaji Brigade’s attack on January 5.
Marauders belonging to the group, which champions the Maratha cause
like the Shiv Sena but was started to counter Bal Thackeray’s outfit,
ransacked the library in protest against American historian James
Laine’s book, Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India.
They believed Laine had indirectly questioned Shivaji’s parenthood in
a passage. The institute was targeted because the author had
acknowledged the assistance of some historians working there.
The damage to books and furniture has been estimated at Rs 1.5 to 2
crore, but scholars at the institute say each day’s search yields
realisation of further loss.
“It will take us about two years just to catalogue and piece together
the old books,” says Satish Sangle, the librarian.
“Each of us here cried that day. We felt so violated and abused,” says
Bagade as a policeman replenishes the fire with parts of a library
cupboard, breaking it with kicks at the joints.
Sanskrit and Pali texts — some of them 500 years old — were stored in
that cupboard.
On a visit to Mumbai on Friday, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
condemned the attack and the ban on the book announced by the Congress-
led coalition of Maharashtra.
Pune cried as one after the attack. Schoolchildren marched and writers
called it the darkest day for a city known for its scholarship and
liberalism. A group of ragpickers, mostly children, collected Rs 165
and gave it to the institute.
Their 15-year-old leader said: “We were not privileged to get an
education but we know the worth of books.”
The Sambhaji Brigade has shown no remorse. “It is a Brahmin conspiracy
to malign Marathas and Shivaji,” says Pravin Gaikwad, the Pune unit
president of the Akhil Bharatiya Maratha Mahasangh, the brigade’s
parent organisation.
Gaikwad and his organisation are not done yet. Yesterday, he handed
over a four-point charter of demands to chief minister Sushil Kumar
Shinde.
It’s a “Brahmin conspiracy” because the so-called offending passage
says: “Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily that Shivaji’s biological
father was Dadoji Kondeo Kulkarni.”
Kulkarni, Shivaji’s limbless servant, was a Brahmin. The publishers
withdrew the book in November, the author sent an apology, but these
were not enough to stop the pillaging.
“We will not tolerate it when an American says that Shivaji’s
parentage is questionable and that because he was intelligent he
couldn’t have been a Maratha and was a Brahmin,” Gaikwad fumes.
Monetary estimates of loss leave the librarian distraught. “How do you
calculate the worth of a rare 6th century BC idol of the headless
Ganesha. Or the miniature silver photo album gifted by the Nizam of
Hyderabad. Or, for that matter, a 1648 AD treatise on the Bhagwad
Gita?” Sangle asks.
The institute specialises in ancient history, ancient Indian thought
and philosophy. It produced a Bharat Ratna in P.V. Kane who wrote
seven volumes of the Dharmashastra. After 50 years of labour, the
institute completed the first critical edition of the Mahabharata,
with its scholars poring over more than 1,000 manuscripts in different
languages.
“We never wrote anything on Shivaji or medieval history,” says M.G.
Dhadphade, a former honorary secretary at the institute.
The explanation cuts no ice with the brigade. “We want those who
helped Laine to be hanged and a CBI inquiry into the role of
organisations and individuals who passed blasphemous information on
Shivaji,” Gaikwad says.
The organisation now plans to take out a Shivaji rath yatra across
Maharashtra in February, threatening the institute with more
“punishment” if its demands are not met.
Apart from the “hanging” and the inquiry, it is demanding the freedom
of the 72 activists of the brigade rounded up after the incident.
“The fault is with us,” says Dhadphade. “We have lost our culture’s
most precious jewel — pluralism. Unknown to us, the Taliban had been
festering in our midst.”
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1040119/asp/frontpage/story_2802420.asp
Sunday, December 7, 2003
Off The Shelf
An image that might be disturbing
V.N. Datta
Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
by James W. Laine. Oxford University Press, New Delhi. Rs 295. Pages
127.
THE reputation of leaders rises and falls like share prices. Heroes of
yesterday become the villains of today and vice-versa and so it is
with Shivaji, who is being subjected now to fierce controversies by
politicians and academicians in this country. To his admirers, Shivaji
was a nation-builder, a constructive genius and a brilliant military
general, who had crumbled the Mughal Empire in the most trying
circumstances weighted against him.
He is also credited with inspiring his countrymen with a fiery spirit
of patriotism and religious tolerance, but to his enemies, Shivaji
remains a "mountain rat", a guerrilla of the hills and a narrow-minded
fanatic Hindu rebel who, animated by vaulting ambitions and animus,
had indulged recklessly in plunder for the gratification of his
vanity.
The net result of his nefarious activities, his critics argue, was
anarchy and disintegration of the country, and paving the way for the
British colonial rule. James W. Laine addresses himself to answering
these two opposing views. Lane has two objects-to understand the 17th
century Shivaji, the kind of hero he was in the context of the
Maharashtrian culture, and to examine critically the growth of his
legend as it relates to narratives of the Maharashtrian, Hindu and
Indian cultures.
The author focuses himself primarily on the second object of
reconstructing the Shivaji legend on the basis of various types of
evidence such as ballads, poems, fiction, and some historical works.
In other words, this work is of historigraphical nature, which
examines the legend of Shivaji that has grown during the last 300
years.
The book is divided into five chapters with an appendix and notes.
Laine begins his story by showing how Shivaji after his defeat against
the Mughal army led by Mirza Raja Jai Singh became a Mughal vassal and
went to the Agra fort to enroll his son, Sambhaji, in the Imperial
service. Due to his own tactical skills, he escaped from the Agra
fort. Three years after the death of Jai Singh, he took the fort of
Simhagarh.
The author questions the general view that Shivaji's Maratha Hindu
nationalism was at war with the Muslims in the 17th century India.
According to Laine, Shivaji had employed pan-Indian symbols, not the
regional ones; and further, identities were fluid then and not
crystallised as separate. Sufis and Hindu saints walked a common
ground, and there was not a distance between the Hindus and the
Muslims.
Only some Muslim rulers did create ethnic trouble. The author asserts
that pre-modern Marathas did not understand identities and allegiances
in terms of Hinduism and Islam. Hence, Laine concludes, that to regard
Shivaji as an Indian is absolutely wrong and that myths woven round
him give a distorted picture of the reality.
The 17th century Maratha ballad writers based the heroic legend of
Shivaji as a heroic Chhatrapati of an independent Hindu kingdom on his
escape from the Agra fort, his killing of Afzal Khan, his encounter
with Shaista Khan, his conquest of Simhagarh, his coronation in 1674
and his dedication to his patron Goddess, Bhivani. Laine argues that
the ballad writers had deliberately skipped Shivaji's military service
under Adil Shah, his defeat against the Mughals, his loss of Poona,
his surrender to Aurangzeb, his readiness to become a Mughal vassal
with the aspiration of being designated Viceroy of the Deccan and
enlisting his son in the Mughal army. These omissions give a false
image of Shivaji, the author maintains.
Shivaji's image of an epic hero is further buttressed by another
Ballad writer, Permanand, who by tracing some genealogical evidence,
projects him a kshatriya of the Sisodia clan of the Rajputs. Laine
shows how the chronicles, the Bhakars, relate Shivaji's commitment to
Vaishnavism to Hinduism and his close association with the 17th
century saints, Tukaram and Ramdas. On the contrary, the author thinks
that the role of Maharashtra saints was more significant in the 18th
rather than the 17th century and that Ramdas was never Shivaji's
spiritual guide.
Despite Jotirao Phule's emphasis on Shivaji's low-caste heritage, the
ballads composed between 1869-2001 put Shivaji in a different
category. Except Grant Duff, who in his History of the Mahratta,
described Shivaji a plunderer and a freebooter, most Indian historians
and writers, including justice M.I. Ranade and B.G. Tikak, laud him as
the father of Indian nationalism and a liberationist. Ranade portrays
Shivaji as the architect of Maratha independence, who promoted
religious tolerance and the egalitarian status of women.
In justification of Shivaji's actions, Tilak cites Arjuna's example
from The Mahabharata. Tilak comments that great men are exempted from
following the strict standard of conventional morality. Indian leaders
such as Lala Lajpat Rai, Tilak, Annie Besant, Aurobindo Ghosh and poet
Tagore have paid eloquent tributes to Shivaji as a great national
leader and the builder of the country. The author treats such views as
flippant.
In the last chapter, the author acknowledges that there are different
ways of reading and writing the biography of Shivaji. History writing
is not a one-point programme; it is an interim report. Nor is it wise
to be a debunker. Laine maintains that there is no standard biography
of Shivaji. Rightly, the author asserts that the primordial view that
the Hindus and the Muslims were pitted against each other and ever
fighting is false.
It is regretted that despite inner inconsistencies, the narratives of
Shivaji' s life represent him in the BJP regime as a grand nationalist
Hindu symbol and ideology. Regrettably, the line between fact and
fiction is blurred. The fact is that Shivaji had lived in a
cosmopolitan Islamic world where identity formations were in the
making but not crystallised. This intellectually stimulating and
neatly textured book is disturbing. It questions the commonly held
views and opens a new ground for fresh thinking and research.
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20031207/spectrum/book4.htm
learning house with a world-wide appeal
TNN, Jan 6, 2004, 03.36am IST
PUNE: The renowned Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (Bori) is a
veritable treasure trove for scholars, researchers and students of
Indology and Orientology, which attracts scholars not only from India
but also from France, Germany, Korea and Japan.
The institute has over 1.5 lakh books in its library, 80,000 rare
manuscripts and the personal book collection of Ramkrishna Gopal
Bhandarkar, in whose memory the institute was founded. The institute
building is also a grade I heritage structure, listed for protection.
Although the state government gives an annual grant to the institute,
it has to depend on donations and earning from its publications to
make both ends meet.
At present, the state government owes Rs 28 lakh to the institute, the
annual expenditure of which is Rs 40 lakh and income, Rs 35 lakh.
At a meeting of people interested in Orientology on July 6, 1915, it
was decided to build an institute in commemoration of Bhandarkar's
outstanding work in the field.
He can be justifiably regarded as the foremost pioneer of scientific
Orientology in the country. The institute was finally founded on July
6, 1917. The event was intended to synchronise with his eightieth
birth anniversary.
The institute is a public organisation registered under Act XXI of
1860 and is administered by a regulating council.
It is partially supported by annual earmarked grants from the state
government, which nominates five representatives on the regulating
council and two on the executive board.
The institute has also received grants from the Centre and the
University Grants Commission for specific research projects.
The institute normally works through its four main departments —
Mahabharata and research unit, manuscripts, publication and
postgraduate teaching and research.
In 1919, the institute undertook a project to prepare and publish a
critical edition of the Mahabharata.
This enormous literary project (19 volumes containing 13,000 demi
quarto pages) was completed in 1966, and this historic event was
formally announced by the then president, S. Radhakrishnan, at a
special function held at the Mahabharata Institute on September 22,
1966.
Subsequently, the institute also prepared and published a critical
edition of the Harivamsa (two volumes containing 1,711 pages).
This was followed by the Pratika-Index (six volumes containing 4,805
pages) and the critically constituted text of the Great Epic, and the
Harivamsa (five volumes containing 3,150 pages).
The institute is now occupied with the last item in the great project
of the Critical Edition, namely, the Epilogue. The institute is also
preparing an exhaustive cultural index of the Mahabharata.
When the institute was founded in 1917, the then government of Bombay
handed over its entire collection of manuscripts (nearly 20,000) to
the institute.
The institute has, all these years, been looking after the
preservation, lending out and cataloguing of these manuscripts, and,
as government reports would testify, the work of the institute in this
connection has been most exemplary.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/407198.cms
Volume 21 - Issue 02, January 17 - 30, 2004
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
THE STATES
Politics of vandalism
ANUPAMA KATAKAM
in Pune
Invaluable books and artefacts have been destroyed in an attack on the
Bhandarkar Institute in Pune by members of the `Sambhaji Brigade'.
PHOTOGRAPHS: ANUPAMA KATAKAM
The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.
ON January 5, the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) in
Pune became the target of a horrific act of vandalism. A 150-strong
mob protesting against the institute's alleged involvement in
maligning the name of the Maratha king Shivaji barged into its
premises, ransacked the library, destroyed thousands of rare books,
ancient manuscripts, old photographs and priceless artefacts, and took
away some invaluable historical texts. The institute, one of the
country's premier research centres for Orientology, has become a
victim of what is now known as cultural terrorism and also the
politics of a caste feud in Maharashtra.
The attackers were reacting to a derogatory remark on Shivaji's
parentage, made by the American author James Laine in his book
Shivaji: A Hindu King in an Islamic Kingdom. In a biographical account
on the Maratha warrior, Laine writes that "the repressed awareness
that Shivaji had an absentee father is also revealed by the fact that
Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily suggesting that his guardian
Dadoji Konddev was his biological father... ."
Apparently, unable to tolerate such a statement, the attackers - owing
allegiance to the "Sambhaji Brigade", a splinter group of the Maratha
Seva Sangh, an organisation active in "promoting the cause of the
Marathas" - targeted the BORI because one of the institute's research
scholars, Shreekant Bahulkar, is acknowledged in Laine's book. They
held him responsible for Laine's comment.
The controversy over Laine's book began in November 2003, when a group
of historians led by Dadasaheb Purandare, well known for his biography
of Shivaji, asked the publishers, Oxford University Press (OUP), to
withdraw the book. Their letter to OUP states: "Though we do believe
in freedom of expression, we cannot subscribe to the practice of
maligning the life and character of any person, especially of one who
commands the love, respect and admiration of crores of people and is a
source of inspiration to them, by casting baseless aspersions."
According to another historian of the group, "Laine's remark on
Shivaji' parentage is factually incorrect and there is not a shred of
evidence to support it." He told Frontline that if Laine were a
responsible historian, he would have realised that such a statement
without substantive evidence backing it would have serious
ramifications.
Furniture destroyed by the mob.
The OUP withdrew the book immediately and issued an apology. The
matter seemingly ended there. However, the historians reportedly held
a meeting to condemn the book and celebrate their victory in having
the book taken off the shelves. Shiv Sena activists, quick to react to
any disparaging remark on Shivaji, stormed into the BORI building and
blackened the face of Bahulkar.
Later Shiv Sena leader Raj Thackeray apologised to Bahulkar and the
Sainiks have since been trying their best to disassociate themselves
from the controversy. Laine too faxed an apology to the Sainiks and
the media, stating that neither Bahulkar nor the BORI was responsible
for the text in his book. On his part, Bahulkar explained that while
Laine was at the BORI 15 years ago, he had helped him translate some
Sanskrit and Marathi texts but had nothing to do with Laine's
conclusions.
"The Sambhaji Brigade came out of nowhere," says Bahulkar. "Obviously
there are some anti-social elements who wanted to create trouble and
they used the controversy as a tool to further their cause." The
attack appeared to have been planned meticulously. The attackers
barged into the premises, cut the telephone lines, broke up into small
groups of 10 and 15 and finished their task in half an hour. "This was
not a spontaneous reaction to a derogatory remark," he told Frontline.
But why did they react so late? It is hardly likely that any of these
people would have read the book. Who backed them or who organised
them?
THE Maratha Seva Sangh, which has claimed responsibility for the
attack, is an organisation that is extremely anti-Brahmin, says Ajit
Abhyankar, a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Its
members wait for any opportunity to strike at the Brahmin community.
Many of them believe that the scholars of the State belong to this
community.
The battle between Brahmins and Marathas is very much part of
Maharashtra's history, and it now dominates its politics. Pune has
traditionally been a hotbed of such caste politics. It is alleged that
using the anti-Brahmin slogan, the Sangh instigates unemployed youth
to undertake anti-social acts such as the attack on the BORI.
In spite of the acceptance of blame, the police are yet to pick up any
key member of the Maratha Seva Sangh. Informed sources in Pune say the
Sangh's leader Purushottam Khedekar, a Public Works Department
engineer, is close to several Ministers in the ruling Democratic Front
government and, therefore, is unlikely to be touched. Khedekar
allegedly wields so much clout that his career in the government
remains on course though he has been arrested on corruption charges.
His wife Rekha Khedekar is a Bharatiya Janata Party Member of the
Legislative Assembly from Buldana district.
For the past six or seven years, says the source, Khedekar has been
working on the "Maratha cause". He and his band of followers went to
the various forts of Shivaji in the Sahyadris and placed Maratha Seva
Sangh signboards and flags - probably indicating some sort of
proprietorship over the area, says the source. Until the attack on the
BORI, Khedekar remained relatively unknown. Although there has been a
backlash, with several groups, political and non-political, condemning
the attack, Khedekar has managed to make some gains from the
publicity. The incident has given the Sangh an identity.
Volunteers help clean up the institute.
IRONICALLY, the Sambhaji Brigade destroyed a huge collection of books
on Shivaji and damaged a portrait of him, which the BORI had received
from the British Museum. "Is this any way to revere a king?" asks a
visibly shaken Saroja Bhate, honorary secretary of the BORI. Also
irreparably lost are: a 15th century, 10-inch idol of mundkata
Ganapati and Syrian clay tablet dated to 600 B.C. found in
Maharashtra. A version of the Mahabharata from Kashmir dated to A.D.
1000, is damaged partly.
The outpouring of help to the institute has been overwhelming.
Donations have poured in and students from all over have volunteered
to reorganise the library and clean up the mess. The much-needed funds
will be spent on buying furniture and computers, which were also not
spared by the attackers. "We are going to rise from the ashes," says
Bhate.
In 1917, R.G. Bhandarkar, a historian, founded the BORI as a
charitable institution with the aim of collecting rare and ancient
historical books and preserving manuscripts to help in research. The
then Government of Bombay handed over 20,000 manuscripts to the
institution, which it preserved and catalogued. Many of these were
destroyed in the attack. In 1919, the institute undertook an exercise
to publish a critical edition of the Mahabharata. The final outcome of
the project was a 19-volume, 13,000 demi quarto page publication,
which was completed in 1966. President S. Radhakrishnan formally
launched the publication that year.
The BORI attracts scholars from across the world seeking to research
topics in Indology and Orientology. It is unfortunate that such an
institution is caught in a controversy over what is apparently a non-
issue.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2102/stories/20040130003802800.htm
Shivaji
Hindu King in Islamic India
James W. Laine
ISBN13: 9780195141269
ISBN10: 0195141261
Hardback, 144 pages
Jan 2003,
In Stock Price:$65.00 (06)
Shivaji is a well-known hero in western India. He defied Mughal power
in the seventeenth century, established an independent kingdom, and
had himself crowned in an orthodox Hindu ceremony. The legends of his
life have become an epic story that everyone in western India knows,
and an important part of the Hindu nationalists' ideology. To read
Shivaji's legend today is to find expression of deeply held
convictions about what Hinduism means and how it is opposed to Islam.
James Laine traces the origin and development if the Shivaji legend
from the earliest sources to the contemporary accounts of the tale.
His primary concern is to discover the meaning of Shivaji's life for
those who have composed-and those who have read-the legendary accounts
of his military victories, his daring escapes, his relationships with
saints. In the process, he paints a new and more complex picture of
Hindu-Muslim relations from the seventeenth century to the present. He
argues that this relationship involved a variety of compromises and
strategies, from conflict to accommodation to nuanced collaboration.
Neither Muslims nor Hindus formed clearly defined communities, says
Laine, and they did not relate to each other as opposed monolithic
groups. Different sub-groups, representing a range of religious
persuasions, found it in their advantage to accentuate or diminish the
importance of Hindu and Muslim identity and the ideologies that
supported the construction of such identities. By studying the
evolution of the Shivaji legend, Laine demonstrates, we can trace the
development of such constructions in both pre-British and post-
colonial periods.
Reviews
"A succinct, cogent study that is admirably well organized and
consistently insightful. Though brief, it makes a significant
contribution to the study of Indian history and religious studies."--
Journal of the American Academy of Relgion
"Shivaji is a succinct, cogent study that is admirably well organized
and consistently insightful. Though brief, it makes a significant
contribution to the study of Indian history and religious studies. In
one of the first studies to trace the longitudinal developments in the
biography of a major precolonial figure of India, Laine employs an
innovative approach that could well be adapted to other figures. In
addition, Laine makes valuable observations about the precolonial
history of 'Hinduism'"-- Journal of the American Academy of Religion
Product Details
144 pages; 5-1/2 x 8-1/4; ISBN13: 978-0-19-514126-9
ISBN10: 0-19-514126-1
About the Author(s)
James W. Laine is a Professor of Religious Studies at Macalester
College.
http://www.us.oup.com/us/catalog/general/subject/ReligionTheology/Hinduism/?view=usa&ci=0195141261
Danny Yee's Book Reviews
Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
James W. Laine
Oxford University Press 2003
A book review by Danny Yee © 2004 http://dannyreviews.com/
In the second half of the 17th century, Shivaji rose from a minor
chieftain to an independent king, founding the Maratha kingdom. In
this study Laine looks not at Shivaji directly, but at the stories
that have been told about him and their development over the last
three and a half centuries. These have become entwined with the
construction of Maharahstrian, Hindu, and Indian identities, and Laine
begins with these, and with the risks of attributing anachronistic
self-identifications to Shivaji.
The earliest stories of Shivaji's life, from the 17th century, present
him as an epic hero. Along with stories of his birth and boyhood, key
episodes include the killing of Afzal Khan, the encounter with Shaista
Khan, the escape from Agra, and his coronation.
"when [Shivaji] could, he attempted to rule as an independent Hindu
monarch, to be a patron of his religious traditions, and to challenge
the hegemony of the Islamicate world around him. His predecessors and
successors were more accommodationist, less heroic, and less well
remembered. Moreover, the stories of their bravery were nowhere near
as good."
In the 18th century Shivaji became linked with the saints Ramdas and
Tukaram, though "stories of the saints' role in Shivaji's life have
more to do with eighteenth-century concerns than with actual events
from a century before". The complex intertwining of the religious and
political in the present encouraged the construction of a simpler
past, as "part of a general tendency to oppose a single universalistic
Hinduism to a single monolithic Islam".
In the last hundred and fifty years, biographies of Shivaji have
expressed "a host of different political and cultural interests".
Jatirao Phule used Shivaji's story as "a way of advancing an
antibrahmin reading of Maratha history", emphasising his low-caste
status, but "virtually every Maharashtrian writer after Phule saw
Shivaji as the father of a nation, a liberationist". K.A. Keluskar
downplayed his connection with the saints and emphasized his appeal to
followers of every caste, Lokmanya Tilak used him to support
opposition to British rule, and M.G. Ranade wedded his story to bhakti
("devotion"). Laine also looks at the presentation of Shivaji in
school texts, in the fictional works of Babasaheb Purandare, and on
web sites.
Looking at "cracks in the narrative", Laine explores the things left
out of traditional stories — and what these absences show about the
concerns of those who produced them. Shivaji came from a "broken
family", with separated parents, he probably had a harem, he showed no
interest in the bhakti saints, his ambition was to build a kingdom,
not liberate a nation, and he did little to change the "cosmopolitan
Islamicate world" he lived in.
The Shivaji stories have played a key role in the construction of
"Islam" and "Hinduism" in Maharashtra.
"The narrative of Shivaji's life, already reshaped by bhakti writers
by 1800, was thoroughly overtaken by the nationalist narrative in 1900
and has been sustained as a grand narrative of Hindu nationalist
identity, despite all the inner inconsistencies, anachronisms, and
communalism that imaginative enterprise has entailed."
It is hard to approach Shivaji without being influenced by the
political furor the book has inspired. It has been withdrawn from the
Indian market and banned in Maharashtra, while a scholar was assaulted
and the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune ransacked just
because of mentions in Laine's acknowledgements. This thuggery is a
depressing illustration of the extent of communalism in Indian
politics, but also demonstrates the continuing significance of the
Shivaji stories — and the need to understand their evolution and
history.
Laine's openness may explain some of the animosity: his introduction,
for example, explicitly states his hope to "rescue [Shivaji's]
biography from the grasp of those who see India as a Hindu nation at
war with its Muslim neighbors". Shivaji is undeniably a scholarly
work, however, and few of Laine's critics have engaged with its actual
content. Though too slender to be entirely self-contained, it includes
enough background to be accessible to anyone with a basic knowledge of
modern Indian history.
March 2004
External links:
- buy from Amazon.com or Amazon.co.uk
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0195141261/ref=nosim/dannyyeesbook-20
Related reviews:
- books about India + Indian history
http://dannyreviews.com/s/India.html
- more historiography
http://dannyreviews.com/s/historiography.html
- more history
http://dannyreviews.com/s/history.html
- books published by Oxford University Press
http://dannyreviews.com/p/Oxford_University_Press.html
Books at Amazon.com (more, Amazon.co.uk)
- Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India - James W. Laine
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0195141261/ref=nosim/dannyyeesbook5-20
- The Life of Shivaji Maharaj, Founder of the Maratha Empire -
Nilkanth Sadashiv Takakhav
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1151535478/ref=nosim/dannyyeesbook5-20
- The Life of Shivaji Maharaj: Founder of the Maratha Empire -
Nilakantha Sadasiva Takakhav
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/B0030A0CI2/ref=nosim/dannyyeesbook5-20
- Shivaji and Facets of Maratha Culture - Saryu., ed. Doshi
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/B0022TPFMK/ref=nosim/dannyyeesbook5-20
http://dannyreviews.com/h/Shivaji.html
bademiyansubhanallah
Watch Video
http://vodpod.com/watch/3274755-beautiful-people-with-nitin-gadkari-part-1-20310
Beautiful People with Nitin Gadkari Part 2 - 20/3/10
Watch Video
http://vodpod.com/watch/3274756-beautiful-people-with-nitin-gadkari-part-2-20310
MS - Believe in IK OANKAAR Member since:May 12, 2006
Total points:12001 (Level 6)
Resolved Question
How is team Nitin Gadkari?
So far I did not pay attention on his team but after reading comments
from Shotgun, I started reading and critically analyzing this national
counsel.
Karuna Shukla : niece of Mr. Atal Bihari Vajapayee
Varun Gandhi, Of course benefited because of his family background and
his provocative and controversial speeches.
Vasundhara Raje Scindia, daughter of late smt Rajmata Vijayaraje
Scindia, who else can trouble party leadership more than her.
Thavarchand Ghahlod, Vijay Goel both lost parliamentary elections and
Dharmendra Pradhan lost assembly elections, and all three general
secretory, but Yashwant Sinha missing from the list and Bihar
elections are approaching.
No general secretory from UP, only one member from Karnataka in team
Gadkari where BJP is in power.
Of course, Mr. Advani and RSS are never ignored in BJP.
From parliament to team Gadkari every where one can see, Mr. Advani's
team more than Mr. Gadkari's team, may it be leader of opposition, or
leader of NDA, or leader of BJP in Rajyasabha, or in team Gadkari
Anant Kumar, and Vasundhara Raje though Arun Shourie and Yashavant
Sinha did not find place.
And for RSS, Narendra Singh Tomar, Ram Lal, Varun Gandhi, Vinay
Katiyar, Thavar Chand Gahlot.
Mr. Gadkari had to leave out the deserving candidate like Shahnavaz
Husein from being General Secretory and accommodated as spokes person,
though he is three times MP and more deserving than many others.
And by the way there are 3 general secretaries from Lok Sabha and 6
from Rajya Sabha, and I am emphasizing more on general secretaries
because that position is considered as most important in BJP.
Now according to media news the Yuva morcha president will be Anurag
Thaukur, HP CM Prem Kumar Dhumal's son.
Yes lot of Young faces and more than 33% females in the team. A
positive sign, but I don't see lot of people with grassroots and mass
support.
What is your opinion on Team Gadkari? Would this team take BJP to Mr.
Gadkari's target to increase vote base to +10%? Did he keep his
promise that "People who work will be rewarded in BJP?"
2 weeks ago
Additional Details
Mr. Bull, I don't my question was how is team Gadkari as compared to
team Congress because that is already proven. But to answer your
question.
For your kind information, these just few examples, more you want, I
can produce a long list but I don't think that is the question here:
Late Madhavrao Scindia joined politics with Bharatiya Jan Sangh and he
was son of Late Rajmata Scindia. So it goes like this:
Late Rajmata Vijayaraje Scindia
=======================
Daughter: Yashodhara Raje Scindia
Son: Madhavrao Scindia
Daughter: Vasundhara Raje
Grandson: Dushyant Singh
I already mentioned about Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee's family, now see
few more:
Rajnath Singh:
===========
Son: Pankaj Singh
Jaswant Singh
===========
Son: Manvendra Singh
B. S. Yeddyurappa
===============
Son: B. Y. Raghavendra
Madan Lal Khurana
===============
Son: Vimal Khurana
Daughter In law: Vandana Khurana
2 weeks ago
by Vijay D Member since:February 15, 2007Total points:9900 (Level 5)
Best answer 11%2613 answers
Member Since: February 15, 2007
Total Points: 9900 (Level 5)
Points earned this week: 54
Best Answer - Chosen by Asker
This is team RSS with head quarters based in Nagpur. Full BJP has been
taken over by Marathi culture. The reason for fall of BJP in north
India is only because of the prevalent Marathi culture.
2 weeks ago
Asker's Rating:Asker's Comment:10/10
http://answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20100318173007AAvUPsH
A thought to ponder
Tuesday, 23 March 2010
“No true Muslim can kill a Hindu, no true Hindu can kill a Muslim.
Yet the pseudo-secularists insist on indentifying terrorists with
religion.
The state should be secular, the government should be secular but an
individual cannot be secular.”
sd/Nitin Gadkari
Life Sketch
A Visionary Performer
A visionary with great ideas and an innovative approach, an able
administrator who believes in attaining results , an iconic leader for
the party workers, a Leader of Opposition who keeps the government on
its toes when in opposition; a performer par excellence as a Minister
are the words that best bring about the profile of Nitin Gadkari. In
other words, here is a leader who has the ability to make democracy,
deliver!
For him politics was never confined to gaining power. He always looked
at it as an instrument for bringing about all round development of the
people. He believes that “Seva and Vikas”, (service and development)
lead the way for better public service, which in turn expands and
strengthens the base of the party, at the grass root level.
A Swayamsevak of the RSS to the core, for Mr Gadkari, social justice,
harmony and equality are matters of commitment. His skills in social
engineering , withstood the litmus test of electoral politics in the
recent Maharashtra assembly elections especially in the Nagpur
district.
His clear vision and perfect understanding of the needs of the masses,
has helped him to bring effective changes that have benefitted the
common man. In political as well as the social spheres Mr. Gadkari,
has always adopted an all encompassing approach. Antyodaya, (to reach
out to the last person on the social ladder) has always been the focus
of his development agenda. His willingness to accept suggestions and
implement the viable ones helped Mr. Gadkari to change the face and
functioning of the Public Works Department (PWD) of Maharashtra
Government during his very illustrious tenure as its Minister..
A Sincere Party Soldier
Mr. Gadkari began as a grass root level worker and has successfully
led from the front, several agitations and other programmes of the
BJP . He has worked in different capacities and has held varied
positions within the party, before taking up the post of Maharashtra
BJP President in 2004. As a true party soldier, he has all along
accepted whatever responsibility the party wanted him to shoulder and
has carried it out to the best of his abilities.
After taking over as Maharashtra BJP President in November 2004, Mr.
Gadkari visited almost every tehsil and knows countless party workers
by name. Due to his dynamism, development-oriented approach and
openness, the BJP has been able to bring various new sections of
society in its fold.
Early Days of Activism
Nitin Gadkari learned his initial lessons in nationalism and
patriotism at a very young age. He entered the political arena as a
student activist. He joined the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad
(ABVP) in 1976 and took active part in university elections. In 1979
he became the Secretary of Vidharbha region. Under his stewardship
ABVP won the elections for all positions in the Nagpur University
Students' Council. During his tenure he successfully organized the
28th National Convention of ABVP.
At the age of 24, he was elected as the Nagpur City President of
Bhartiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM). In 1985 he became secretary of BJP
Nagpur City and he worked relentlessly to strengthen the party
organization in urban and rural areas of the district.
At the age of 32, Nitin Gadkari successfully contested elections for
Maharashtra Legislative Council from Nagpur division Graduates
Constituency, spread over five districts, and became an M.L.C. He
repeated his successful performance four consecutive times in 1990,
1996, 2002 and 2008. Notably, he was elected unopposed in 2002.
Mr. Gadkari's success in the legislative politics runs parallel with
his organizational achievements in BJP. At the age of 35, he became
the General Secretary of BJP in Maharashtra. Under his leadership the
party organization spread its tentacles all over the state. The
party's spectacular victory in the Nagpur Municipal Corporation in
1992 elections, established his organization prowess beyond doubt. At
the age of 38, Mr. Gadkari was inducted in the Maharashtra Cabinet as
the Minister for Public Works. High level of result orientation and
performance marked his ministerial inning. He was Leader of Opposition
in Maharashtra Legislative Council at the age of 42. As a responsible
leader of opposition, he took up various important issues such as
farmer’s suicides and made the government listen to. He also came out
with out-of-box suggestions and viable solutions to address these
issues.
In 2004, Mr. Gadkari at the age of 47, became the President of BJP
Maharashtra State.
Mark on Governance:
Gadkari’s stint as Public Works Minister of Maharashtra (1995-99) made
him world-famous thanks to his resoluteness in swiftly completing mega
projects like the Mumbai-Pune Expressway or the network of 55 flyover
bridges in Mumbai at the costs way below the estimated expenditure.
During these four and a half years he left an indelible mark of his
style of governance on his department. He played a key role in shaping
the Prime Minister’s Gram Sadak Yojana. During the NDA rule, the
Central PWD was revamped as per his suggestions. Mr. Gadkari
transformed Nagpur, making it one of the most beautiful cities of
India. His lasting contribution is his work for uplifting the poor and
the deprived.
His thrust area always has remained the economic and social upliftment
of the have-nots. A case in point is his work for the educated
unemployed. When he was Minister, he launched a scheme for qualified
unemployed civil engineers. They were allowed to register with the PWD
and undertake its assignments, estimated to cost up to Rs.15 lakh. Mr.
Gadkari provided work to around 30000 engineers through this bold
initiative. At the same time, Gadkari started a campaign to reward the
employees doing good work and penalise those shirking their
responsibilities. Every year since, the State Governor distributes
awards to outstanding PWD engineers on the birth anniversary of Sir M.
Visvesvaraya. Such pioneering efforts instilled a confidence among the
PWD personnel. Under Mr. Gadkari, they completed several prestigious
assignments in record time.
Mr. Gadkari’s two achievements stand out in particular. He pioneered
the concept of Public-Private partnership (PPP) in infrastructure
development. The BOT (Build-Operate-Transfer) model has the basis of
this concept. It is now implemented widely in India, thanks to this
initiative large budgetary funds were made available for rural road
development. The other is the up-gradation of norms for the
construction industry. Completion of mega projects in a time bound
frame, too, is his initiative. Establishment of a Maharashtra State
Road Development Corporation (MSRDC) was one of his innovative
initiatives through which funds were raised from open market for
infrastructure projects for the first time in India
One of the first tasks Mr. Gadkari planned was to provide all-weather
road connectivity to the 13736 villages in Maharashtra. He noted that
they had remained unconnected even after 50 years of independence. He
remarked that it would take 350 years to complete the work through
annual budgets. As finances could not become available from government
coffers, he persuaded NABARD officials and obtained a soft loan of Rs.
700 crore for rural connectivity. Mr. Gadkari approached Naxalite-
infested areas where no road work was allowed by Naxalites. He secured
the assistance of the Border Road Organisation (BRO) to construct
roads and bridges, thus providing the tribals with easy and permanent
road access.
As Guardian Minister for Nagpur District, Mr. Gadkari changed the
complexion of Nagpur and the district. Low cost housing schemes for
economically weaker sections, Markets for hawkers. Development and
beautification of prominent places like Deekshabhoomi, where Dr.
B.R.Ambedkar embraced Buddhism, were some of his noteworthy
achievements.
Social Outlook, Professional Approach
A successful entrepreneur, Mr. Gadkari tops the list of progressive
leaders who have profound concerns for socio-economic development and
environmental protection. His personality is a perfect mix of
entrepreneurship and social leadership. This has helped him in
creating organisations with social outlook and professional approach.
He has successfully utilized urban resources for creating employment
opportunities in rural areas. His sincere and deep interest in tapping
the conventional and non-conventional energy sources, to their
optimum, is visible through the various projects he has launched,
through his Purti Group of companies, in the region.
A co-operative supermarket competing with private malls and mega
markets; successful implementation of first private sector composite
2500TPD sugar factory in an area where even stalwarts rejected the
idea of starting a sugar factory; Ethanol plant of 1,20,000 ltrs; 26
MWT of Power Generation unit and Bio-fertiliser with the country's
first biodiesel pump are all examples of his commitment to implement
social schemes in a professional manner. His business group is also
running a solvent extraction Soyabean plant and a cogeneration power
plant of 8 mw capacity. Being an agriculturist, Mr Gadkari is the
first facilitator of solar fencing. He firmly believes in improving
the financial status of the farmers by increasing their purchasing
power, to bring about their all round development.
Mr. Gadkari has a taste for everything that is modern. He initiated a
process of setting up Software Technology Park in Central India. The
project of reusing the sewage water for Power Generation and
industrial use thereby saving clean water, speaks of his practical and
modern approach.
An Empathic Communicator
A powerful orator from his college days winning several awards has
evolved into communicator where he presents issues in a very point
wise logical fashion. He is perhaps the only politician who enthralls
lakhs of youth telling them importance of entrepreneurship and
development. Gadkari has established a record by attracting lakhs of
young people to watch his presentations on the theme of development.
Stadiums were overflowing with thousands of teenagers and youngsters
when he made public presentations on the potential of MIHAN
(Multimodal international cargo hub and airport at Nagpur) complex at
various places. There was not a word of politics in any of the
speeches or any appeal to instigate passions. On the other hand when
he is handling all important issues like fair prices for farm produce
he is very fierce and takes laks of farmers with him. The ability to
address diverse issues concerning to urban youth to the farmers to the
forest dwellers with same empathy and passion makes him very effective
in bonding with people at large..
A firm believer in Antyodaya :
Gadkari firmly believes in the concepts of Antyodaya, Integral
Humanism and trusteeship. More importantly, he has established that he
can walk the talk and make his commitment to the cause of people's
welfare reflect through his governance. It was under his leadership
that Maharashtra BJP contributed in the Annadata Sukhi Bhava Yojana of
a Voluntary Organisation and reached out to the widows of those
farmers who have committed suicides. Mr. Gadkari gave top priority to
constructing roads to tackle the problem of tribal malnutrition in
Melghat - Dharni belt of Amaravati district and provided all- weather
connectivity to the 91 remote villages of the belt. This connectivity
has changed the socio-economic profile of this belt with the incidence
of malnutrition coming down dramatically. It is his conviction that
each position and authority must have only one objective: welfare of
the public.
His Social Activities include
Adoption of 500 orphans of farmers who committed suicides due to
agrarian crises in the region.
Support for over 2000 BPL families for heart operations
Providing low cost housing for workers and the poor
A Globe Trotter
As someone who believes in learning things first hand, Mr. Gadkari has
traversed the globe in his quest to gain latest knowledge in varied
fields in which he is active. From water utilization in Israel to
water management in France, to sugar production in Brazil, to
infrastructure development in China, he has visited different
countries to understand the developmental processes going on in
different parts of the world. He has so far visited Israel, Italy,
France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Japan, China, Hong
Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, United States, Canada, Brazil and Sri
Lanka.
Personal
A sports enthusiast, Mr. Gadkari has particular interest in Cricket.
Married to Kanchan, the couple has three children – Nikhil, Sarang and
Ketaki.
Born - 27 May 1957 Nagpur, India.
Educational Qualification: - M. Com., L.L.B., D.B.M.
Positions Held in Public Sphere In Organisation :
1976-77 :Active member of ABVP and active participation in ABVP's anti-
Emergency work
1977 :Coordinator for Purogami Lokashahi Aghdadi's Vidarbha region
after Emergency was lifted.
1979 :Elected as Vidarbha region secretary of ABVP
1980 :Re-elected as Vidarbha region secretary of ABVP
1981 :Nagpur city unit President of Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha
1985-86 :Nagpur city unit Secretary of Bharatiya Janata Party
1988-89 :General Secretary of Bharatiya Janata Party's Nagpur city
unit
1989 :Elected to the Maharashtra Legislative Council from Nagpur
graduate constituency.
1992-94 :General Secretary of the state unit of BJP
2004 :President of the BJP Maharashtra State unit
1995-99 :Government Cabinet Minister for Public Works Department of
Maharashtra State.
1999-2004 :Leader of Opposition in Maharashtra Legislature Council.
1995-99 :Member of the High Power Committee for Privatization,
Government of Maharashtra.
1995-99 :Founder Chairman, Maharashtra State Road Development
Corporation Ltd.
1995-99 :Guardian Minister for Nagpur District, Govt. of Maharashtra.
1995-99 :Chairman, Mining Policy Implementation Committee, Govt. of
Maharashtra.
1995-99 :Chairman National Rural Road Development Committee, Govt. of
India. Chairman, Review Committee of CPWD, Govt. of India.
1995-99 : Chairman, Metropolis Beautification Committee, Govt. of
Maharashtra.
http://nitingadkari.org/lifeskectch.html
Youth leader
Nitin Gadkari was inspired to join the students’ movement by late
Dattaji Didolkar and Yashwantrao Kelkar, the two stalwarts who shaped
the avante garde students’ organization called Akhil Bharatiya
Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). As a fiery and sensitive youth leader, he
showed a typical aversion to injustice –be it in the form of fee hikes
or increasing political interference in education. His distaste for
lowering of standards of education and inertia of the youth became
visible during the various movements and agitations that he led, In
the very early stages of his political career, Gadkari exhibited his
capabilities to shoulder the higher responsibilities, which he would
be entrusted with in the future.
The young firebrand student leader made his foray into active politics
in the post Emergency era. He became the President of BJP Yuva Morcha
at the age of 26, which marked his entry into active politics. He
became the member of Maharashtra State Legislative Council at age of
32. And from here on, there has been no looking back. From the first
stint as a member of the Council in 1989 till date, Gadkari has left
an indelible mark on the politics of Maharashtra, his home state.
http://nitingadkari.org/youthleader.html
Minister
Driven since childhood by the philosophy of nationalism, Antyodaya and
concern for the underprivileged, Nitin Gadkari led various agitations
as a student leader in ABVP. He entered active politics after the
Emergency, which was imposed in 1975. In 1983 he was made president of
BJP Yuva Morcha. His attempt to enter the Maharashtra state Assembly
in 1985 was unsuccessful. He became the Member of Legislative Council
in 1989 and since then there has been no looking back.
Since 1989 till today, Mr. Gadkari has continued to be member of
Maharashtra Legislative Council, getting elected 5 times in a row from
the Graduate Constituency, comprising of over 2 lac voters, spread
across 5 revenue districts. He has worked his way up the ladder of
progress as State Secretary, PWD Minister, leader of Opposition, and
the State BJP President.
As PWD Minister for Maharashtra, from 1995-99, Gadkari left an
indelible mark on the development map of India. He was instrumental in
introducing and effectively implementing PPP (Public Private
Partnership) popularly known as BOT, by completing many development
projects. This unique concept, popular in western countries, but
frowned upon by Indian politicians, not only made the major artery
roads connecting cities better and well maintained, but also helped to
release huge amount of budget funds earmarked for such roads, to be
utilised for rural road development. The concept grew into what we see
today as “Golden Quadrilateral” and many more projects by NHAI on one
side and “Pantpradhan Gram Sadak Yojana” on the other.
In a lighter vein a politician is described as a person who promises
to build bridges in his pre-election speech and is able to convince
the people after 5 years why they could not be built. Far from all
this the most remarkable and outstanding feature of the tenure of
Nitin Gadkari as Minister for Public Works Department, in the
Government of Maharashtra, was that he delivered even those things
which he had never promised or rather he delivered much more than what
he had promised. He completed development works worth Rs 6000 crores
and provided employment to 10 lakh educated jobless youths of the
State.
Today lots of flyovers and bridges in Maharashtra stand testimony to
what Nitin Gadkari delivered through his vision and confidence by
completing all the projects within the deadline, with utmost adherence
to quality and standards., And he could achieve all this in the most
cost efficient manner. In a span of four years nearly 98% of the total
population in Maharashtra got road connectivity and many districts
completed the target of 100% road connectivity. He raised loans for
rural connectivity also. This aimed to connect 13736 remote villages
of the state, which had remained unconnected by road since
independence.
He took up the target of completing the “Sagari Marg” which was a long
awaited dream of the people of Konkan region. During the four years of
his regime, this dream became true and Konkan got the link of “Sagari
Marg” barring two large bridges in the sea creek.
He wanted fast track projects to be completed in a time bound manner.
He established Maharashtra State Road Development Corporation, (MSRDC)
a fully Govt. owned company. MSRDC went to the capital market and
raised Rs. 1180 crores. This was the first and the largest offering in
the capital market by any govt. owned corporation in those times. Thus
MSRDC could undertake large projects like constructing 55 flyovers in
Mumbai at a cost of Rs. 1500 crores, Mumbai Pune Expressway at a cost
of Rs.1500 crores and many other bridges, roads and bypass projects in
various parts of Maharashtra. The prestigious Worli-Bandra Sea Link
project, was initiated during his tenure as a minsiter,
Always open to and aggressive in adopting new technology, he undertook
complete computerisation programme for his department. P.W.D. was the
first governmental department to do so. Mr. Gadkari implemented a
scheme of self employment for the civil engineers. These unemployed
engineers were registered as contractors and PWD gave them work upto
Rs.15 lakh through tender along with an advance of Rs. 40,000/- .
Through this scheme 18000 civil engineers got the opportunity to work
independently. He promoted the concept of new technology in
construction field thereby, encouraging contractors to bring in state
of the art construction equipment, which improved the quality of work
as well as the economics.
http://nitingadkari.org/minister.html
Leader of Opposition
As a leader of Opposition in the Council, Nitin Gadkari was never
observed as lagging behind in raising the issues of public interest.
As a true democrat and fiery orator he made it a point to remain
present in the House and take part in the proceedings during the
business sessions. He was always proactive in exposing the lapses of
the government on various issues of public interest. He was corrective
and suggestive in his criticism and all his criticism was embedded in
profound concern for the welfare of the people. He raised as many as
over 5000 queries through starred and un-starred questions and call
attention motions in the House. He developed a style of taking all the
members of Opposition with him irrespective of party or ideological
affiliations in the House.
Nitin Gadkari has a magnetic personality. Even his adversaries on the
treasury benches appreciate his sincerity and commitment in a most
friendly manner. His book “Sabhapati Mahodaya” which depicts his
select speeches in the house reflects his concerns for issues cutting
across the wide spectrum of society.
A very alert and aggressive about injustice Mr. Gadkari keeps the
Government on his toes. He exposes number of irregularities and flows
in Government functioning and suggested practical solutions to rectify
it. Mr. Gadkari continues his zeal for infrastructure development
during his tenure of opposition leader. His tireless efforts for
getting development funds for needy and desirer areas are well
appreciated not only in Maharashtra but nearby states.
http://nitingadkari.org/oppositionleader.html
Party President - Maharashtra
Mr. Gadkari was elected as President of Maharashtra Pradesh Bharatiya
Janata Party in 2004 and was reelected in 2006, December. The faith,
which the party has reposed in him was due to his hard work and his
ability to keep the party workers spirited, active and united. He has
always guided the elected members effectively, so that they can act as
agents of change in their respective constituencies, by undertaking
SEWA (Service project) and VIKAS (development works).
He travels extensively to establish first hand contacts with the party
workers in the state. His personal touch to the relations, which he
has developed, has earned him the faith and goodwill of the party
workers all over Maharashtra.
In a span of thirteen days, Mr. Gadkari addressed 114 election
meetings in the nook and corner of the state, during the recently held
elections. This shows how much he was in demand to campaign for the
party candidates.. He is direct and straight forward in his approach
and never hesitates to launch a scathing attack on his opponents, but
his high level of maturity prevents him from launching personal
attacks. He is ruthless in exposing the divisive forces working within
the country. His oratory skills and clarity of purpose attract
students and youth.. His thorough understanding of public issues,
knowledge of facts and figures, and the skill of juxtaposing things in
an appealing manner, with humour and sarcasm laced in his election
speeches, make him a very popular leader of the masses.
During the Lok Sabha elections Nitin Gadkari addressed a total of 146
election meetings in Maharashtra and neighbouring states of Madhya
Pradesh and Chhatisgarh.
Nitin Gadkari was on Saturday, December 19th 2009, appointed the BJP
National president at a meeting of the Parliamentary Board of the
party.
http://nitingadkari.org/president.html
Links
Title Links
Bharatiya Janata Party - The Party with a Difference www.bjp.org
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Bharatiya Janata Party - BJP 25 Years RAJAT JAYANTI www.bjp25.org
© Copyright 2009 - 2010 Nitin Gadkari | All Rights Reserved.
BJP HISTORY : Its Birth and Early Growth
Bharatiya Janata Party is today the most prominent member of the
family of organisations known as the "Sangh Parivar". And RSS has
always been dubbed "communal", "reactionary" and what not by its
detractors. Sanghs of swayamsevaks have of course always shaken off
that criticism like so much water off a duck's back. They have never
had any doubt that the organisation is wedded to national unity,
national integrity, national identity and national strength through
individual character and national character. And today this
organisation is poised for a great leap forward. Even its long- time
detractors think and say that now BJP is "unstoppable".What is the
story of this national epic?
Bharatiya Janata Party is today the most prominent member of the
family of organisations known as the "Sangh Parivar". And RSS has
always been dubbed "communal", "reactionary" and what not by its
detractors. Sanghs of swayamsevaks have of course always shaken off
that criticism like so much water off a duck's back. They have never
had any doubt that the organisation is wedded to national unity,
national integrity, national identity and national strength through
individual character and national character. And today this
organisation is poised for a great leap forward. Even its long- time
detractors think and say that now BJP is "unstoppable".What is the
story of this national epic?
History is the philosophy of nations. And the Sangh Parivar has a very
clear and candid conception of Indian history. Here was a great
civilization whose glory spread from Sri Lanka to Java and Japan and
from Tibet and Mangolia to China and Siberia. While it weathered the
storms of Huns and Shakas and Greeks it wilted before the Islamic
storms of the Turks. However, a 1000-year resistance saw this country
bloodied but unbowed. Its civilization survived through the heroic
efforts of the Vijayanagar Empire and of Shivaji, Rana Pratap and Guru
Govind Singh and countless heroes and martyrs
In more recent times this torch was picked up by Swami Dayanand and
Swami Vivekanada. And in the present century the good work has been
carried on by Sri Aurobindo, Lokmanya Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi and
others. The RSS, founded by Dr Hedgewar in 1925 and consolidated by
Shri Guruji after 1940, is the heir to this heroic, historic heritage.
It has nothing against Muslim Indians - as distinguished from Muslim
invaders. Its position on this issue has all along been: "Justice for
all and appeasement of none". But it has no doubt that we were and are
a Hindu nation; that change of faith cannot mean change of
nationality.
http://nitingadkari.org/bjpHistory.html
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
The RSS entirely agrees with Gandhiji's formulations that "There is in
Hinduism room enough for Jesus, as there is for Mohammed, Zoroster and
Moses" and that "majority of the Muslims of India are converts to that
faith from Hinduism through force of circumstances. They are still
Hindu in many essential ways and, in a free, prosperous, progressive
India, they would find it the most natural thing in the world to
revert to their ancient faith and ways of life."
Due to the British policy of "Divide and Rule" and the politicians'
proclivity to compromise and temporise the country suffered the trauma
of the partition. But the Sangh Parivar has no doubt that before very
long the unities, the varieties and the strengths of our ancient
civilization will prevail. RSS has been continuing the task of nation
building since its inception. It did it through the tumultuous period
of 1930s and 40s. But it was rudely shaken by Gandhiji's killing and
the Government's political exploitation of that national tragedy.
The RSS, along with millions of people, did not approve of Gandhiji's
Muslim appeasement policy - starting with support of the Khilafat
movement - but it had the greatest respect for the Mahatma. Indeed,
Gandhiji had visited the RSS winter camp in Wardha in December 1934 -
and addressed the Delhi RSS workers in Bhangi colony, in Spetember
1947. He had deeply appreciated the "noble sentiments" and
"astonishing discipline" of the RSS. He had never spoken even one word
of criticism of the RSS. But after his killing, 17000 RSS workers -
including Shri Guruji - were accused of "conspiracy of murder" the
Mahatma Gandhi and the RSS workers offered Satyagraha. But during all
this time not one MLA or MP raised the issue in any legislature. For
the RSS, it was the moment of truth. And this truth, as enunciated by
Gokhale, was that "What cuts deep in politics cuts deep all round" and
that unless the RSS grew political teeth and wings, it would always be
at the mercy of unscrupulous politicians. This was the context in
which Shri Guruji blessed the birth of Bhartiya Jana Sangh under the
leadership of Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee in 1951. And in the very
first General Elections the BJS emerged as one of the four nationally
recognised parties. The Party has never looked back since then.
http://nitingadkari.org/bjpHistory.html
The First Decade
The first decade was a period of steady growth organisationally and
policy evolution and elaboration ideologically. It took up the issues
of territorial integrity like Kashmir, Kutch and Berubari - and in the
process suffered the martyrdom of its founder-President Dr Mookerjee
in a Kashmir jail. It demanded cow protection as per Article 48 of the
Constitution and Gandhiji's declaration that "Cow protection is more
important than even Swarajya". It came out against Zamindari and
Jagirdari. It criticised permit- licence-quota Raj. And it came out
for the nuclear option to reinforce national defence. The 1962 China
war and 1965 Pakistan war put Sangh Parivar on the center-stage as the
conscience of the country. When the RSS Parivar was entrusted with
police duties in 1965, and it performed the same to the satisfaction
of all-even Muslims began to join Jana Sangh. Shri Guruji was
specially invited to the National Integration Council. General Kulwant
Singh said at the time: "Punjab is the sword arm of India and RSS is
the sword arm of Punjab."
In all countries, parties associated with the freedom movement enjoy
long years of power. So did the Congress - for 20 years. But the 1967
elections ended the Congress monopoly of power. From Punjab to Bengal
there were non-Congress coalitions everywhere. As a political wit put
it: "You could travel from Amritsar to Calcutta without setting foot
in Congress territory."
In most of the States Jana Sangh and the Communists worked together.
They seemed to be guided by the dictum: "We are all children of Bharat
mata and we are all products of the 20th century."
However, this was more than the monopolistic Congress could stand. It
used its vast money power and its capacity for intrigue to topple
government after state government.
But even so Jana Sangh did not lose heart. Under the leadership of Pt.
Deendayal Upadhyaya it held a tremendous session in Calicut. Here it
clarified its language policy of "All encouragement to all Indian
languages" to the delight of all linguistic groups. The Mathrubhumi,
leading Malayali daily, described the BJS session "the Ganga flowing
South."
However, within days of this historic session Deendayalji was found
murdered near Mugalsarai railway station. In good faith the BJS asked
for a CBI enquiry. But the way CBI drew blank made it clear that
Central Agency has been politicised and that it would never unravel
political crime.
Although the murder of Deendayalji was a stunning shock the BJS was
too big and too strong to be stopped in its tracks. Under the
leadership of Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee, it enthussiastically joined
the movement for the libera- tion of Bangladesh. Its agitation for a
higher procurement price for cereals gave the country food sufficiency
and food security. Its election manifesto for 1971 was titled "War on
Poverty". The Congress stole that slogan and hindi-ised it into
"Garibi hatao" and swept the 1971 and 1972 polls. But once again Jana
Sangh was too good and strong to be overwhelmed by the ebb and tide of
politics.
http://nitingadkari.org/bjpHistory.html
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Press Statement issued by BJP President Shri Nitin Gadkari at his
first press conference as National President of the BJP in New Delhi
February 17 at 9:32pm
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Pranav Gupta Congress sympathy towards Terrorists comes clear when
they supported J&K Chief Minster stand to WELCOME BACK the terrorists
from Pakistan or Pakistan Occupied Kashmir . Home Minister of India
Mr. Chidambram in a Press conference in Jammu extends full party
support towards the issue ignoring the facts that these elements are
responsible for the ...
killing of thousands of people in state & other parts of India.
I will ask Mr. Chidambram, that he must go and visit the home of
people died in bomb attacks, open firing by these elements. Also go to
the houses of our GREAT COPS & ARMY MEN who sacrificed their lives to
safe guard the country from such anti national elements. WHY CONGRESS
IS PLAYING WITH THE SECURITY OF COUNTRY.
March 5 at 4:03pm
RECENT ACTIVITY
Nitin Gadkari changed his Location.
Nitin Gadkari edited his Country, Currently Running For and Website.
Contact Info
Email:resp...@nitingadkari.org
Phone:(0712) 2727127Cell:9821080522
Location:Gadkari Wada Upadhye Road Mahal
Nagpur, India, 440002
Nitin Gadkari indirectly targets Shatrughan Sinha
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) president Nitin Gadkari Friday asked
party leaders to raise any complaints about his choice of a new team
with him and not with the media.
"Those who have complaints about the new team should speak to me, not
the media," Gadkari told the NDTV news channel, a day after actor-
turned-party MP Shatrughan Sinha's remarks on the composition of the
new team of office-bearers announced Tuesday.
Sinha Thursday recited the lyrics of an old Hindi film song in answer
to a question about the new team. "Uff na karenge, lab see lenge,
aansu pee lenge (I will not sigh, will seal my lips and swallow my
tears)," he said, expressing disappointment that leaders like Yashwant
Sinha had been left out and the team had not been able to give a
message of dynamism.
"It's wrong to say that Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie were excluded
because they are Advani detractors... It's not possible to include
everyone on the team," Gadkari said.
The BJP president also justified the appointment of Nehru-Gandhi
family member Varun Gandhi as party secretary, saying: "Varun Gandhi
should be given a chance, why hold the past against him?"
The party had sought to distance itself from Varun Gandhi after he
allegedly made inflammatory remarks during the Lok Sabha election
campaign last year.
Date : 19/03/2010. News by Newsofap.com
Volume 25 - Issue 10 :: May. 10-23, 2008
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU • Contents
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE STATES
Brief revolt
LYLA BAVADAM
The truce worked out in the Maharashtra BJP following Gopinath Munde’s
resignation drama may be temporary.
MANVENDER VASHIST/PTI
BJP president Rajnath Singh (second from left) with Nitin Gadkari,
Venkaiah Naidu and Gopinath Munde in a show of unity after a meeting
at his residence in New Delhi on April 22.
GOPINATH MUNDE took back his resignation as party general secretary.
The Mumbai unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has a new chief.
The Shiv Sena-BJP partnership remains intact. And so, all seems well
with the Maharashtra BJP after four days of turmoil. But the truth is
that this is only a lull. Political observers predict trouble in the
run-up to the forthcoming elections.
The hostility, now much publicised, between Munde and Nitin Gadkari,
the BJP’s Maharashtra State unit chief, began four years ago when the
latter one-upped Munde to get to his present post. Since both were
leaders of some standing, the party never quite favoured one over the
other and the two men were left to sort out the rivalry on their own.
Over time, it grew worse and neither was prepared to give up. If Munde
could draw crowds in Marathwada, Gadkari could hold his own in
Vidarbha. If Munde could appeal to Other Backward Class (OBC) voters,
Gadkari could play on the regional pride of Vidarbha voters. It was
inevitable in this clash that factions would form, and faction-
fighting led to Munde’s resignation.
The nomination of a chief for the party’s Mumbai unit was pending for
a year. The outgoing chief, Prakash Mehta, should have stepped down
last year, but Munde was against the appointment of Madhu Chavan, who
was a nominee of Gadkari. Munde stood his ground despite the decision
of a committee comprising senior leaders Ram Naik, Ved Prakash Goyal
and Bal Apte favouring Chavan.
On April 19, the party’s prime ministerial candidate and Leader of the
Opposition in the Lok Sabha, L.K. Advani, was in Mumbai and Gadkari
informed him about the stalemate. Advani gave the go-ahead for
Chavan’s appointment. An enraged Munde submitted his resignation the
next day, saying he objected to the undemocratic manner in which the
appointment was carried out.
The post of the BJP’s Mumbai unit chief is a prestigious one. With the
upcoming elections, it is also a crucial post for the party. A party
source said, “The Mumbai party chief has to be a man with the ability
to motivate and mobilise workers. He can only do this if he has gained
their respect and if he is known to them.”
Munde’s recommendations were Kirit Somaiya, a former Member of
Parliament, and Raj Purohit and Prakash Mehta, both Members of the
Legislative Assembly, on account of their proven track record. Mehta
was also the outgoing chief.
The BJP has strong support among traders and the business community,
and Munde believed that these candidates would be able to connect well
with this section. Gadkari, it seems, backed Chavan because he is a
Maharashtrian, a factor that he thought would help cement relations
not only with the Shiv Sena but also with party workers. A party
source said, “When Chavan was named chief, Munde resigned since he saw
this as a win for his rival Gadkari.”
The first round in what surely is going to be an ongoing war has
definitely gone to Munde. Stunned by his resignation and the reaction
it provoked – 4,000 BJP workers reportedly quit their posts – the
party headquarters in Delhi moved immediately to repair the damage.
To win back a reportedly intractable Munde, the party offered him a
carte blanche with regard to nominations for key posts. The post of
the party’s Mumbai chief went to Gopal Shetty, another Gadkari
nominee, but Munde seemed placated enough to take back his
resignation.
Why did the BJP capitulate to Munde? Much weighed in his favour.
Practically the entire legislative wing backed him. The party’s major
city units in Mumbai, Pune, Nasik and Aurangabad stood by him.
Functionaries in the Latur, Beed and Sangli units also registered
their support for him. Munde, bolstered by the support he got, went
for the jugular.
It was a smart move on his part to go and meet Sena supremo Bal
Thackeray to “seek his blessings”. The message for the BJP was that
Munde was ready to raise his own flag and take the coalition partner
with him.
Thackeray had his own reasons to entertain Munde. His son Uddhav lacks
his charisma and political acumen, and nephew Raj’s breakaway party,
the Navnirman Sena, is eating into Sena territory by claiming the
Sena’s agenda as its own.
A visibly weakened Sena was certainly going to give its “blessings” to
Munde. In any case Thackeray had reason to be wary of Gadkari who had
been calling for a severing of ties between the Sena and the BJP.
Gadkari felt that the Sena and its errant ways were holding the party
back in Maharashtra.
However, the single most important factor that made the BJP buckle was
probably Munde’s status as an OBC leader. He has a wide mass base and
the party relies on him to mobilise the Bahujan votes.
One of the things that did not draw much comment during the fiasco was
Munde’s assertion that it was the lack of “democracy” in the party
that had made him resign. He seemed to have conveniently forgotten
that his own rise from a district politician to being a State-level
player was partially fuelled by his late brother-in-law, Pramod
Mahajan.
A knowledgeable source said that Munde “always had a chip on his
shoulder because he was overshadowed by Mahajan. It is true that
Pramodji was responsible in large part for pushing Munde forward but
it is not as if Munde was a baby in politics. Don’t forget he has had
his education in the [Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh] shakha. He knows
how to play the game and he would certainly have risen on his own. But
let us just say, he rose faster with Pramodji’s help.”
While Munde’s abilities cannot be denied, there is no doubt about the
role Mahajan played in his grooming. When Mahajan died, Munde’s career
was expected to “deflate”, an expression used by a BJP functionary at
the time. Two years later, Munde has shown that he can get along on
his own.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2510/stories/20080523251011100.htm
olume 21 - Issue 20, Sept. 25 - Oct. 08, 2004
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
Election-eve patriotism
LYLA BAVADAM
in Vidarbha
The Uma Bharati-led Tiranga Yatra's six-day-long journey through
Maharashtra raising emotive issues fails to strike a chord among the
people despite the flaunting of the tricolour.
K. BHAGYA PRAKASH
Uma Bharati garlanding the statue of freedom fighter Kittoor Rani
Chennamma before she started the Tiranga Yatra.
DESPITE affirmations to the contrary, the Uma Bharati-led Hubli to
Jallianwalla Bagh Tiranga Yatra evidently formed the vanguard of the
Bharatiya Janata Party's campaign for the Assembly elections in
Maharashtra. During her six-day tour of the State, Uma Bharati
repeatedly said that the yatra was meant only to express her personal
beliefs that one should have pride in one's country and its flag and
that "all other outcomes of the yatra are God's gift". Importantly,
the Idgah controversy itself was not about disrespect to the national
flag, but about Uma Bharati and others disobeying prohibitory orders
issued by the Hubili police. That was the legal reason for her arrest.
At no point was the right to raise the flag questioned. `Disrespect to
the flag' is a convenient pre-election political ploy.
However, the yatra itself - the way it was organised and the issues it
raised - left no room for doubt regarding the BJP's intentions. The
bus used for the yatra was decorated with portraits of an array of
important figures, past and present: Atal Bihari Vajpayee, M. Venkaiah
Naidu, Bhagat Singh, V.D. Savarkar, Chandrashekar Azad, L.K. Advani,
Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Patel, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
Ashfaqullah Khan, Shivaji, the Rani of Jhansi and Kittur Rani
Chennamma, a freedom fighter. Interestingly, the BJP preferred to
refer to the Idgah Maidan in Hubli as the Chennamma Maidan. This has
sparked a controversy with allegations that the BJP's insistence on
calling it Chennamma Maidan was meant to provoke another conflict.
If, as Uma Bharati said on numerous public occasions, the yatra was
meant to "satisfy personal beliefs and feelings about the tricolour"
why was it an official yatra of the BJP? If it were a yatra to defend
her right to raise the tricolour then why did her public speeches
invariably turn to issues such as water scarcity, power shortages and
unemployment, all election campaign points that the Democratic Front
government in Maharashtra might find difficult to counter. There were
exhortations at every public meeting to "cast your vote to topple the
Congress and bring back the BJP". Equally noteworthy was the fact that
the Tiranga Yatra in the State was organised by State BJP president
Gopinath Munde, Legislative Council leader Nitin Gadkari and party
leader Eknath Kadse, who together formed the core of the campaign
committee for the Lok Sabha elections.
At a public meeting in Akola, Uma Bharati reaffirmed her commitment to
build the Ram mandir at Ayodhya. Significantly, Akola has a history of
communal strife and a minor communal riot had occurred a few days
before Uma Bharati's arrival. The Muslim voter was directly addressed,
first by a warning not to be fooled by the "vote bank politics" of the
Congress and then to be reminded about the old points of dissent
between the community and Hindu fundamentalist parties - Family
planning, education levels and the singing of Vande Mataram. Also
raised were issues relating to Sonia Gandhi's "foreign origins". Uma
Bharati said: "Why do we have this foreigner craze? Marxism may have
been a new idea for Europe but our philosophers have been speaking of
the same ideals from as far back as the 12th century. Why not follow
them instead of Marx? This foreigner craze has resulted in us being
ruled by the Italian Mafia mind. And the minds that thought of making
Sonia the head of the party are also minds that are leftovers of
foreign thinking." Karnataka BJP president H.N. Ananth Kumar, who was
travelling with the yatra, defended its aims: "Any campaign is the
bouquet of many issues. This is not an election campaign. It is a
national yatra to show how the Congress is degrading the flag. It is a
yatra for national detoxification of secularism."
The Tiranga Yatra was a manoeuvre to position Uma Bharati, the BJP,
the saffron flag and the tricolour on the same platform. Projected as
a simple emotional device meant to touch people's hearts it was
actually a political platform to harp on the party's pet issues. But,
apparently, the intended message of the yatra did not quite get across
to the masses. While Uma Bharati alleged that the Congress had an
"unethical advantage" since its party flag bore a striking resemblance
to the tricolour, there is no doubt that one of the expected outcomes
of the yatra was to blur the distinction between the tricolour and the
saffron flag. Numerous attempts were made to link the tricolour to the
Hindu fundamentalist parties. At a public meeting in Risod in
Vidarbha, a local BJP leader said: Hindutva ka josh rashtra ka
tiranga, Dono ko saath leke bhagwa vapas aayega (the tricolour
expresses the strength of Hindutva. If the two march together it will
ensure the return of the saffron flag). In the Varvat Bakaal village
in Buldhana district, Uma Bharati advised the people to keep the
saffron flag, strength of spirit and the tricolour as their
priorities. Her message was not lost on a small section. At a roadside
reception in Washim, a small crowd presented Uma Bharati with a five-
foot high brass trishul on which a saffron ribbon bound together two
crossed tricolours.
However, indications are that the response of most of the people who
attended her public meetings ranged from mild confusion to anger at
being told that the national flag had to be respected. At a public
meeting in Risod, a policeman on duty said he and his colleagues had
been discussing the yatra and concluded that the BJP was trying to
appropriate the flag. He asked: "What else can we think? We cannot
figure out what Umaji is trying to prove with this yatra. Is she
saying we don't respect the flag? Every school going child salutes the
flag."
In any event, Maharashtra formed a focal point of Uma Bharati's yatra.
On her way to Hubli to surrender before a court that issued a non-
bailable warrant against her in the Idgah maidan case, she travelled
through the State by train addressing people on station platforms at
strategic places such as Pune, Sangli, Miraj and Daund in western
Maharashtra, a Nationalist Congress Party stronghold. On her return,
she undertook the Tiranga Yatra. Thus, she effectively covered the
crucial areas of western Maharashtra, Marathwada and Vidarbha.
"Unprecedented response" was how Ananth Kumar described the reaction
of the people. However, the attendance was paltry when compared, for
example, to her earlier visit to Akola 15 years ago. In that sense,
the public's response was unprecedented, to the disappointment of the
BJP.
One reason for the poor turn out is the failure of a faction-ridden
State BJP to rally unitedly behind the yatra. At her point of entry
into Maharashtra Uma Bharati was met only by Gopinath Munde who
remained with her while she travelled in Marathwada. Then she was
accompanied by Nitin Gadkari, who has a strong support base in
Vidarbha, and later by Eknath Khadse. At no point was former Union
Minister and senior BJP leader Pramod Mahajan publicly involved with
the yatra. This is curious, considering his well-acknowledged
organisational abilities and his place in the party power structure.
The State BJP attributed the absence of many senior functionaries in
Uma Bharati's entourage to their preoccupation with the Assembly
elections. The explanation was unconvincing. The real reason,
according to some, was that it was too early to start the election
campaign and the party leaders were wary of overstepping the Election
Commission by bringing the national flag into the campaign.
Then why undertake the yatra when there is no consensus in the party
on the matter, especially in Maharashtra? The answer seems to lie
partially in the fact that Uma Bharati wishes to redeem herself with
the party's top leadership and regain her position in Madhya Pradesh.
When queried about this, she declined to reply saying: "I will not
answer anything pertaining to me, mine, myself. I am not important."
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2120/stories/20041008006200900.htm
Volume 26 - Issue 23 :: Nov. 07-20, 2009
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
COVER STORY
Win by default
LYLA BAVADAM
in Mumbai
In Maharashtra, the Congress-NCP combine returns to power, thanks to a
weak and divided Opposition.
PTI
Chief Minister Ashok Chavan with Union Minister and former Chief
Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh (left) in Mumbai, on October 22.
AS Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan begins a new term in
office, one cannot help but contradict his claim that his government
returned to power on account of its achievements in the past year.
That the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) combine managed a
victory by default is something even staunch party supporters will
find difficult to dispute. The fact is that the victory was thanks to
a weak and divided Opposition.
The Congress-NCP coalition managed a hat-trick despite a strong anti-
incumbency sentiment brought on by a poor economy, staggering rise in
food prices, and absence of emphasis on strengthening security, a
drought-like situation, and various problems in the agricultural
sector including suicide by farmers.
Its main rival, the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), was left
far behind; the latter conceded defeat even before the counting of
votes ended. The final results showed the Congress had come first with
82 seats, followed by the NCP with 62 seats. The BJP and the Shiv Sena
could manage only 46 and 44 seats respectively.
Noticeable features of the elections were the low-key campaign
compared with the robust electioneering that preceded earlier
elections, and the sidelining of major issues. It was as if the public
and the politicians were separate elements and the former was just
expected to be onlookers. Unmindful of the people they were to
represent, politicians haggled over seats and fitted the ‘right’
candidate into the ‘right’ constituency.
This time around too, dynastic politics, cronyism and dissidence were
on open display. Some secure seats were lost to parties as a result of
the free-for-all that followed ticket allocation. One significant
example is that of four-time BJP legislator Dr Vinay Natu, who had to
forgo his Guhagar seat in the Konkan region. The BJP had agreed to
part with the seat in order to get two more seats allocated to it as
part of its seat-sharing deal (169-119) with the Shiv Sena. Natu was
forced to give it to Sena man and Leader of the Opposition Ramdas
Kadam, whose Khed seat was amalgamated into Guhagar during
delimitation.
The decision caused an uproar in the region, especially from Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) supporters. Before Natu, his father Shridhar
Natu of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh had held the seat since 1972. The BJP,
however, extracted the Ghatkopar West seat in north Mumbai from the
Sena for the late BJP leader Pramod Mahajan’s daughter Poonam. Natu
and his supporters refused to support Kadam, and the Guhagar seat
slipped away from the saffron combine to the NCP. In Ghatkopar, Poonam
Mahajan, a political novice, lost to Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra
Navnirman Sena (MNS).
The issue also exposed the old feud between the BJP’s State chief
Nitin Gadkari and national secretary Gopinath Munde. Gadkari wanted
Natu to retain the seat, whereas Munde wanted to make the sacrifice in
exchange for the party ticket for Poonam, his niece. The latter also
ensured that his daughter, Pankaja Palve, won the ticket for Parli in
his home district of Beed. Another relative of his was given a seat in
a neighbouring district.
The most interesting case study, however, in the State elections is
that of Union Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh. He has once again emerged
unscathed and is riding a wave. When he was unceremoniously removed
from chief ministership last year after terrorists attacked Mumbai,
some observers said it was the end of his career. Others, who had seen
him bounce back from sticky situations earlier, predicted he would do
so again. Vilasrao is now ensconced in Delhi as a Rajya Sabha member.
He worked aggressively to destabilise the NCP and quell the influence
of his arch enemy and NCP chief Sharad Pawar. His own ‘nest’ is safe.
His son, Amit, who had managed his campaigns earlier, contested from
Latur City and won.
Dynastic politics
SANTOSH HIRLEKAR/PTI
Congress workers celebrate the party's victory in the Assembly
elections, in Mumbai.
Amit Deshmukh is a symbol of Maharashtra’s new shift towards dynastic
politics. The others are Rajendrasingh Shekhawat, son of President
Pratibha Patil, who won on the Congress ticket from Amravati; Union
Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde’s daughter Praniti, who won from Solapur
City Central; Pankaja Palve, Munde’s daughter; and the Sena’s Om Raje
Nimbalkar, son of murdered Congress leader Pawan Raje Nimbalkar.
The Maharashtra Assembly will have two father-son duos representing
the NCP – Chhagan Bhujbal and Pankaj Bhujbal, and Ganesh Naik and
Sandeep Naik. Pankaj, who won from Nandgaon, and Sandeep, who won from
Airoli, are both first-time MLAs, and they fought from constituencies
adjacent to their parents’. Interestingly, Chhagan Bhujbal and Ganesh
Naik started their political careers in the Shiv Sena.
All offspring were not so lucky. Ashish Deshmukh, son of former
Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee chief Ranjeet Deshmukh; Shekhar
Shende, son of outgoing Deputy Speaker Pramod Shende; and Rahul
Pugalia, son of Naresh Pugalia, the former MP from Chandrapur, all
lost the elections.
PTI
NCP chief Sharad Pawar at an election rally in Thane.
Among the prominent losers were 12 State Ministers. Former Textile
Minister Satish Chaturvedi, Textile Minister in the outgoing
government Anees Ahmad, Food and Civil Supplies Minister Ramesh Bang,
and former Minister of State Dharamrao Baba Atram were among the big
losers from Vidarbha. Other Ministers and former Ministers who were
among the losers are Vijaysinh Mohite-Patil, Digvijay Khanvilkar, Dr
Sunil Deshmukh, Surupsinh Naik, Siddharam Mhetre, Ranajagjitsinh
Patil, Shobha Bacchav and Dr Nitin Raut. In Ulhasnagar, sitting MLA
Pappu Kalani, a former detenu under the Terrorist and Disruptive
Activities (Prevention) Act, was defeated by the BJP’s Uttamchand
Ailani. The gangster Arun Gawli, who contested from prison, also
lost.
The worst-affected party was Bal Thackeray’s Shiv Sena. Its seats
dropped from 62 in 2004 to 44 this time. The main reason for this was
the rise of the MNS. Headed by Bal Thackeray’s nephew Raj Thackeray,
the MNS won 13 seats in its maiden attempt to the Assembly. Sena’s
current chief and Bal Thackeray’s son Uddhav Thackeray’s lack of touch
with the grass roots also reportedly affected his party’s performance.
A shakha (unit) leader in South Mumbai remarked, “If Uddhavji had
concentrated on grassroots work, we would have retained our lead. It
is good he is trying corporate-style management techniques in the
party, but the fact is that the cadre want their leader to have more
josh [being street-savvy] and mingle with them.”
While Uddhav’s leadership may not be openly questioned, he has
definitely lost ground to his more experienced cousin. The MNS won six
of Mumbai’s 36 seats, and the party helped the Congress-NCP bag 20
seats in the city. The three-year-old MNS now has the largest number
of seats in Mumbai after the Congress and the NCP.
The Election Commission statistics showed that 23 per cent of Mumbai’s
votes went to the MNS. The party spoilt the chances of the Sena in
more than a dozen seats – the most notable being Mahim, a Sena
stronghold, where MNS candidate Nitin Sardesai beat Sena candidate
Adesh Bandekar as well as Sena rebel-turned-Congress candidate Sada
Sarvankar. The Sena’s mistake was in taking this seat away from
Sarvankar, who had held it. Bandekar, a novice in politics, was chosen
because he is a television personality.
The MNS seems to have expanded its support base in the six months
after the Lok Sabha elections. The difference was most visible in Pune
where the party got 1.5 lakh votes more than it polled in the Lok
Sabha elections. This is an indicator that the MNS may no longer be
just a spoiler; it has found its political niche. In Kasba Peth
constituency in Pune, a BJP stronghold, BJP candidate Girish Bapat
faced a stiff fight from the MNS candidate. Bapat, who had held the
seat for three terms, finally won by a margin of just 8,162 votes.
VIVEK BENDRE
Chhagan Bhujbal of the NCP, who became Deputy Chief Minister.
The results are bound to affect the Sena’s partnership with the BJP.
After one term in power, from 1995 to 2000, the alliance has not had a
fruitful political relationship. And now the Sena, with a lower seat
tally than the BJP, has had to relinquish the Leader of the Opposition
post.
The BJP, too, does not seem to have recovered from the loss of Pramod
Mahajan. Neither Munde nor Gadkari seems capable of providing
inspirational leadership. They are known for squabbling over party
policies. The turmoil in the party at the Centre has also left its
mark on the State unit.
The latest election has exposed a new phase in Maharashtra politics,
one in which strategic – but fluid – partnerships, coalition
governments and creation of dynasties are more important than issues.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2623/stories/20091120262301100.htm
Volume 17 - Issue 08, Apr. 15 - 28, 2000
India's National Magazine
from the publishers of THE HINDU
Maharashtra manoeuvres
Politics in the State has been on the boil for some weeks now, and the
Democratic Front Government is very much on the defensive.
LYLA BAVADAM
PRAVEEN SWAMI
in Mumbai
LATE last month, Bal Thackeray proclaimed that the Shiv Sena would be
back in power on Gudi Padwa day, the Maharashtrian New Year. At least
one of Deputy Chief Minister Chaggan Bhujbal's staff did not seem too
concerned. As a group of journalists discuss ed the Shiv Sena-
Bharatiya Janata Party strategy to come back into office, the
secretary listened quietly. Then he walked away from his chair,
humming a popular Hindi film tune which made clear just what he
thought of the Sena-BJP's chances. 'Sapne me in milti hai' (you'll
only get it in your dreams) - the line resonated through the office
long enough for even the most film-illiterate to get the point.
Indeed, on Gudi Padwa day, Shiv Sena leader and former Chief Minister
Narayan Rane quietly withdrew a cut motion his party had introduced in
the Assembly on the State Government's budgetary demands for the Food
and Civil Supplies Department. The decision to withdraw the motion
marked the end of the fourth Sena-BJP attempt to bring down the
Democratic Front Government. After a week of hectic lobbying, it had
become clear to Sena-BJP strategists that they simply did not have the
numbers. But the month-lon g political theatre that preceded Gudi
Padwa made clear that the Democratic Front alliance will soon have to
make hard political choices if it wants to keep its six-month long
government going.
MUCH of the recent political skirmishing had been on the Sena-BJP's
chosen terrain. Both parties have been attacking the Nationalist
Congress Party-Congress(I) on communal grounds, arguing that the
government has been compromised by Islamic fundamentalis ts. One major
component of the campaign has been allegations that Mumbai's Samajwadi
Party (S.P.) chief Abu Asim Azmi had made an anti-national speech at
Mastan Talao on February 24. A tape handed over to the State
government by the Sena-BJP records Azmi as proclaiming that if Islam
were to be attacked, he would not be bothered if India broke into
pieces. The Sena has long charged Azmi with having connections with
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), although he was
acquitted by the Supreme Cou rt of his alleged role in the Mumbai
serial bombings of 1993.
When the Assembly session began on March 13, however, Sena-BJP MLAs
brought proceedings to a halt with demands for Azmi's arrest. As their
party colleagues shouted slogans, Shiv Sena members led by former
Ministers Home Prabhakar More and Bala Nandgaonka r occupied the
podium with banners condemning the S.P. leader. They were joined by
Dinaz Patrawala, recently elected on the Shiv Sena ticket after the
Congress(I) denied her the ticket after the death of her husband
Marzaban Patrawala. Two days later, Se na-BJP MLAs blockaded the
Vidhan Bhavan. Violence began when Democratic Front MLAs pushed their
way inside. Eyewitness accounts of the fighting suggest that, for
once, the Sena got as good as it gave.
Matters snowballed outside the Assembly as well. Women Shiv Sena
members of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation assaulted S.P.
corporator Waqarunissa Ansari on March 16, some stripping her and
others trying to strangle her. Ansari, whose crime was a s peech she
made against Thackeray, only escaped serious hurt because of the
intervention of her party colleagues. In this violently anti-Muslim
political climate, Azmi responded with some maturity, insisting that
he had been quoted out of context and that the thrust of his speech
had been misrepresented. Even as a jittery Democratic Front government
initiated criminal proceedings against the S.P. leader at the J.J.
Marg police station, he issued a statement apologising if he "had
inadvertently hurt the f eelings of my countrymen".
It was left to Bhujbal, however, to point out the obvious. The
Democratic Front, he said, had no intention of shielding Azmi, and the
tape made available by the Sena had been sent for tests to establish
its authenticity. But peddling hate, Bhujbal pointe d out, was not an
S.P. monopoly. "Cases against Bal Thackeray for inciting communal
hatred," he says, "were not registered for five years, even though he
was found guilty of having made inflammatory speeches and punished by
the Election Commission." Thac keray was last year stripped of his
right to vote by the Election Commission for speeches he made asking
for votes on religious grounds. "I have called for the files, and will
take action," the Deputy Chief Minister told Frontline.
POSSIBLE legal action against Thackeray forms a second element of the
Sena-BJP campaign. The State government is internally divided over the
consequences of pushing ahead with implementing the recommendations of
the Justice B.N. Srikrishna Commission of Inquiry into the Mumbai
riots of 1992-1993. Although both the Congress (I) and the NCP are
committed to implementing its findings, which could mean Thackeray's
arrest for his well-documented role in the riots, elements in both
parties believe that this c ould lead to violence. It is clear,
however, that should ongoing proceedings in the Supreme Court result
in directions to the Maharashtra Government to act on Justice
Srikrishna's findings, this would provide adequate cover to begin
criminal proceedings against the top leadership of the Sena.
PUNIT PARANJPE
Former Chief Minister Narayan Rane along with Shiv Sena-BJP members
blockading the Vidhan Bhavan during the Assembly session on March 23.
Anticipating this eventuality, the Sena has been charging the
Democratic Front in general, and Bhujbal in particular, with weakening
security for Thackeray and his family. Surplus police personnel posted
with Thackeray were withdrawn on the basis of reco mmendations made by
a review panel led by Chief Secretary Arun Bongirwar. Protected
persons in the 'Z+' category are to be guarded by 43 personnel. The
Shiv Sena-BJP Government in the State had assigned Thackeray 206
personnel, 11 vehicles, a closed circ uit television system at his
residence, and a further 103 guards for his extended family.
Bongirwar's recommendations lowered Thackeray's security cover to 115
personnel and seven vehicles, far in excess of the 43 personnel and
three vehicles prescribed in the security manual.
It is unlikely, given the facts, that Thackeray's security was what
concerned the Sena. The issue in fact presented a political
opportunity. Sena leaders began to charge Bhujbal with ISI and mafia
links, a smear campaign of obvious utility in the event o f
Thackeray's arrest. In early February, as the Srikrishna Commission
issue had begun to re-emerge in political discourse in Maharashtra,
Leader of the Opposition Nitin Gadkari had charged Bhujbal with
meeting at his residence two of those accused of a r ole in the 1993
serial bombings. The meeting, Gadkari said, had been arranged by Azmi.
Gadkari is himself involved in ongoing criminal proceedings relating
to murder.
Perhaps to Gadkari's surprise, Bhujbal promptly accepted that the
meeting had indeed taken place. Eminent lawyer and Azmi's deputy in
the city unit of S.P., Majeed Memon, then delivered the coup de grace.
Former Deputy Chief Minister Gopinath Mund e, Memon said, had led a
delegation along with him and the blast accused to meet Prime Minister
Atal Behari Vajpayee and Minister Pramod Mahajan. The Prime Minister
had indeed met the accused, who complained about a series of attacks
by the Rajendra Nikh alje group which had left dead people who were
under trial for their role in the bombings. The two accused had
demanded official security, and also complained about prolonged delays
in their trial. Vajpayee, Memon said, had promised action. "Why didn't
t he Opposition protest when I took these men to meet the Prime
Minister," Memon asks.
If the Sena-BJP leadership had an answer, it was not made public. An
unembarrassed Rane simply pretended that his party's case had not
crumbled. On March 10, he asserted that the Thackeray family had been
made an easy target for the underworld. "The Chho ta Shakeel and
Dawood Ibrahim gangs," he said, "had directed their guns at several
Sena leaders to take revenge for the numerous encounters that took
place when we were in office." The government's decision to scale down
Thackeray's security, he said, "l ends credence to allegations that it
had deliberately made the move."
A fortnight later he insisted that the Mumbai Police had evidence to
link Azmi to Dawood Ibrahim, a claim which left open the question of
why he as Chief Minister had not taken action against the S.P.
leader.
A FURIOUS Bhujbal did what he could, initiating defamation proceedings
against Rane. The State Police too was asked to compel the former
Chief Minister to make available what evidence he had. Rane refused to
do so, perhaps because he had none. These lega l proceedings are
certain to punctuate Maharashtra politics in the months, perhaps even
years, to come. But the Sena has achieved one useful objective through
its campaign of agitation. The Democratic Front has been pushed into a
defensive posture, and h as been able to do little to address
Maharashtra's crippling financial problems, which have been provoking
widespread discontent, particularly in the rural areas.
PUNIT PARANJPE
Shiv Sena leader Bal Nandgaonkar bars the entry of Democratic Front
MLAs into the Vidhan Bhavan.
The government owes dues to cotton and onion farmers, among the
State's most important crops. Procurements in several areas are made
directly by the state, and the Democratic Front faced a major
embarrassment in February when news broke that cheques issu ed to
cotton farmers had been bouncing. Bhujbal now says that the nearly-
bankrupt government, reeling from massive borrowing by the previous
government, has taken loans to clear its dues to farmers. Payments of
some Rs.3,700 crores have already been made , he says, and all cotton
growers covered by the State's procurement scheme will be paid by
early April. Onion farmers' dues will be met by the third week of
April.
This in itself may not be enough to contain discontent in the
countryside, and farmers are not the only ones who are angry. Workers
in Mumbai are protesting against the plans of the Brihanmumbai
Municipal Corporation to sell mill land. Massive illegal tr ansfers of
land have taken place over the years, and funds raised from sales to
private developers have seldom been pumped back to revive factories.
Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh has announced that the sale of land
would be allowed in order to set up software businesses, a move that
will do little to meet the needs of workers who have not been paid for
years. Twenty-three mills were closed down during Shiv Sena rule, even
while rules designed to revive them were flouted with official
connivance. The Democratic Front seems hardly interested in protecting
the interests of tens of thousands of workers.
Meanwhile, the Democratic Front's plans to make job cuts to reduce the
fiscal deficit could provoke further unrest. In his recent Budget
speech, Finance Minister Jayant Patil described how the revenue
deficit had risen over the last four years from Rs.1, 591 crores to Rs.
9,484 crores. Patil said he planned to make the revenue balance
positive over a five-year period by reducing the revenue deficit by 20
per cent each year for the next five years. Curbs have been placed on
salary expenditure, and plans ar e on in several government
departments to review staff strengths. Five per cent of the posts in
the Finance and Planning Departments have been abolished. But
sustained cuts in expenditure will mean less money for development and
jobs, which in turn could provoke a backlash.
In the months to come, the Democratic Front will have to define a
clear economic agenda to undo the damage caused through five years of
Shiv Sena-BJP rule. Formulating an alternative agenda that does not
alienate farmers and workers may prove a difficult task. More
important, the alliance will have to find ways to engage with the Sena-
BJP's renewed communal onslaught. With the NCP busy expanding its
cadre strength in Maharashtra, and the Congress(I) becoming a victim
of the conflicts in its central lead ership, neither grouping appears
to have any clear understanding of how to bring about mass
mobilisation to challenge the Opposition. Bhujbal is perhaps the sole
important figure in the State government arguing for a clear offensive
strategy. The failure to create one could mean serious trouble for the
alliance.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl1708/17080410.htm
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
Was Indian nationalism inclusive?
K.N. Panikkar
One of the weaknesses of the national movement was that it did not
have an effective programme to ensure the inclusion of the depressed
and socially excluded classes into the nation.
Inclusiveness is the catchword in the current political and economic
discourse, following the 11th Plan prescription to incorporate those
who have remained outside the margins into the mainstream of
development. This is a confession of the failure of democratic
governance, on the one hand, and of caste-class partisanship in the
process of nation building, on the other. It also testifies that a
substantial section has not yet come under the ‘benevolent' umbrella
of the nation. In a highly differentiated society, inclusiveness is
indeed a process which takes place in three ways: politically through
common struggles, socially by overcoming internal social barriers and
culturally by identifying a common past by invoking indigenous
cultural consciousness.
The attempt at inclusiveness is riven with internal contradictions,
which account for the complexity, weaknesses and limitations of the
inclusive process and tensions within nationalism. The concept of
nationalism, in the Indian colonial context, becomes meaningful only
when looked at beyond the overarching relationship between colonialism
and the people, and the mutual relationship among different segments
of society is taken into account. Overcoming these differences was
integral to nationalism.
Inclusiveness, therefore, is a necessary strategy of nationalism, even
with contradictory interests finding a place in it. The attempts to
resolve the secondary contradiction within the umbrella of nationalism
do not overlook the primary contradiction with colonialism. In this
sense, the aim of nationalism was not limited to the attainment of
freedom but, as Gandhiji envisaged, had to lead to the creation of a
qualitatively different society, devoid of caste and religious
antagonism. To a deputation of students in 1934, Gandhiji said: “The
two things — the social reordering and the fight for political swaraj
— must go hand in hand. There can be no question of precedence or
division into watertight compartments here.” Nationalism was thus
conceived as a combination of political freedom and social
emancipation.
What nationalism sought to achieve was togetherness. The very first
session of the Indian National Congress recognised it by identifying
its purpose as providing a platform for people to come together. What
brought people together were political struggles and public
agitations. The various streams within the movement with different
strategies and modes of struggles were efforts to ensure their
rightful inclusion in the nation. People, however, consisted of
diverse groups, castes, classes and religions with widely differing
interests. What was conceived as nationalism, therefore, was bringing
the people together, regardless of the differentiations. Although the
anti-colonial sentiment ironed out some of these differences and
interests, they were so diverse and sharp that the national movement,
functioning within a liberal framework, was not able to find an
effective solution. Therefore, India emerged not only impoverished due
to colonial exploitation but also socially divided.
That India was economically backward was not surprising, but the fact
that nationalism did not succeed in ushering in social and cultural
solidarity left a deep scar. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, architect of the
Constitution, underlined this failure in 1949: “We must make our
political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy
cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy… What
does social democracy mean? It means a way of life which recognises
liberty, equality and fraternity as the principle of life … On the
26th of January 1950 we are going to enter into a life of
contradiction. In politics we will have equality and in social and
economic life, we will have inequality.” While pointing out the
political success of the movement by which ‘people' became members of
a nation-state with democratic rights, Dr. Ambedkar was conscious that
nationalism did not succeed in creating inclusiveness in the social,
cultural and economic domains.
The roots of this failure can be traced to the early phase of national
awakening, which suffered from a disjunction between political and
socio-cultural struggles. To begin with, the renaissance which
prepared the ground for the emergence of nationalism dissociated
itself from political problems and, therefore, was unable to provide a
critique of colonialism which warped the nature of Indian modernity.
Most of the early renaissance leaders idealised development in the
West. Hence, their ability to envision an alternative was limited.
Later on, the national movement attributed primacy to political
struggles, despite Gandhiji's constructive programme and
untouchability campaign. Although both he and Tagore advocated the
importance of cultural politics, the national movement concentrated
its energies on political mobilisation.
Despite these early limitations, the importance of incorporating the
marginalised sections and thus creating an inclusive society was on
the agenda of nationalism. The different political formations which
participated in anti-colonial struggles with different programmes and
different social base were engaged in incorporating different sections
into the mainstream of national life through participation in the anti-
colonial struggles. Even when contradictions existed among them, they
were struggling for inclusiveness in the nation. The social and
cultural inclusiveness was sought through socio-cultural emancipation,
economic inclusiveness through class struggles and political
inclusiveness through political mobilisation. These three engagements
of the national movement cover the history of the liberation struggle
which was not limited to a direct confrontation with colonialism, but
also aimed at the modernisation and democratisation of society
although with limited success.
A major concern of the national movement was social inclusiveness. The
divisive and oppressive character of the Indian caste system was
antithetical to the spirit of nationalism and it was quite natural
that only social awakening could address this question. Gandhiji gave
equal, if not greater, importance to social issues and cultural
struggles. In Gandhian programme, therefore, abolition of
untouchability occupied a central concern. The ashrams Gandhiji set up
and lived in became a symbol of social equality and also meant a
subversion of the traditional, unequal social system.
The national movement was quite conscious of the importance of
inclusion of the traditionally deprived groups for the actual
realisation of the nation and initiated steps in social, economic and
cultural fields to create conditions conducive for them to identify
their interest with the nation. In pursuance of that, a series of
struggles was conducted covering social, cultural and economic lives.
Each one of them had the effect of creating a community, eventually
forming a part of the nation. Although these struggles increased their
social consciousness, none of them was sufficiently effective to
transform the life conditions of the marginalised, possibly because
these efforts were bridled by the interests of the ‘upper' castes and
classes. The marginalised sections, could not, therefore, identify
themselves with the nation. They were sceptical and distrustful.
The consequence of this marginality was the emergence of movements
among the traditionally subordinated groups fighting to gain their
rightful place in society. That happened in all parts of the country
and among all depressed communities. Satyasodak Samaj in Maharashtra
in the 19th century, the Dravida Kazhakam in Tamil Nadu, the Sadhu
Jana Paripalana Sabha in Kerala and, indeed, the movement led by Dr.
Ambedkar are some examples. Emerging out of the oppressed sections,
they did not subscribe to the ‘upper' caste urge for reform, of either
caste or religion, but stood for abolishing caste and superstitions
based on religious sanction. In the vision of Dr. Ambedkar, the
annihilation of caste was a necessary pre-requisite for social
inclusiveness.
One of the weaknesses of the national movement was that it did not
have an effective programme to ensure the inclusion of the depressed
and socially excluded classes into the nation. Whatever was attempted
in this field was very superficial inasmuch as it did not frontally
contest the power of the ‘upper' castes and classes, the legacy of
which continues even today. That anti-colonial Indian nationalism was
not sufficiently inclusive is possibly one of the reasons why a
substantial section of the population is still not a part of the
nation.
The making of the Indian nation, as Surendranath Banerji envisioned,
can be complete only when nationalism becomes inclusive on a
democratic, secular and socialist foundation. In post-independent
India, this has remained an unrealised dream. Given the capitalist
hegemony over society and middle-class control over administration,
the present urge for inclusion may yet end up as another popular
slogan.
(Based on the Foundation Day lecture delivered at Assam Central
University, Silchar. Author can be reached at knpan...@gmail.com)
Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Tuesday, Feb 23, 2010
http://www.hindu.com/2010/02/23/stories/2010022355540800.htm
THe Lord’s Army: The Shiv Sena
Posted March 30th 2010 at 5:36 pm by Harry
"A burning bus? Perhaps over there."
There exists in Mumbai a nearsighted and rather unpleasant bunch of
radicals who revile my very existence within their beautiful city.
They are the Shiv Sena – Lord Shiva’s Army – a political group by
name, violently quarrelsome by nature.
It behooves a writer to remain apprised of the legal ramifications of
writing anything at all in India, because sedition laws are
arbitrarily enforced and rather ambiguously defined as anything that
“excites or attempts to excite hatred contempt or dissaffection“( -
Wikipedia)
If anyone reading this gets excited or feels a smidge of contempt,
then I’m going to jail for life – so please don’t. Sedition, in my
opinion, is the most dangerous law in India – for exposure of real
wrongs often leads detention or expulsion, as was the case with my
friend who wrote of the Dalit murders in Gujarat and was summarily
deported.
Let’s be mindful of that and carry on…
Bal Thackeray started the Shiv Sena and ran for a while a respectable
right-wing, religious political party concerned with supporting the
local Marathi people in whose state Mumbai stands. He was about
ensuring jobs, health systems, pensions and education exclusively to
Marathis, his ‘Sons of the Soil’.
They have a hard-line Hindu and regional agenda, and dislike all
things non-Marathi – including shop signs spelled in English.
The Shiv Sena love whacking day
Bal’s son Uddhav Thackeray took over the Shiv Sena which used to riot
against migrant workers from other states, bash North Indian rickshaw
drivers and the like, pelt stones at police headquarters, voice
support for accused Hindu terrorists, they’ve smashed shops and torn
down billboards and generally caused a ruckus in order to get in the
media, at which point they invariably react against the channel for
the negative coverage. It’s a wonderful self-perpetuating cycle.
The Shiv Sena started going mainstream to gain support from a larger
nationwide Hindu party, the BJP – which meant they had to stop bashing
migrants (but not necessarily Muslisms). As a result, Bal’s nephew Raj
Thackeray started a splinter organisation seeking more radical reforms
– they are called the ‘Marathi Manoos’ – the MNS.
So now there are two crews both seeking votes from the same people,
they attract attention to themselves by engaging in more and more
brazen public displays of brute power – often leading to in-fighting
between the two groups.
The BJP: Perhaps education should be higher on their agenda
Then the BJP lost a national election, probably because they were
corrupt and their policies were near-sighted and focused more on
oppressing Muslims than running the country…
So the BJP and the Shiv Sena rioted against Australians for being such
prejudiced and bigoted violent morons. They were helped along by the
Indian media, which much prefers to be spoon-fed its sensationalist
propaganda rather than doing real reporting.
Funny thing that only a few months before, the same group were beating
North Indians for migrating to Mumbai, and now they’re upset because
North Indians are being beaten in Australia. The group that revile
outsiders and assault newcomers are also angry when degenerate,
disorganised, drunk youths in Australia do exactly the same thing. Are
they scared their jobs have been outsourced?
Now they’re back to being racist: The Manoos want all us foreign
actors out of Bollywood – get this: Because we’re stealing Indian
jobs. I have not yet met an Indian that can do my job, because my job
is to be not Indian. I’m not a particularly exceptional actor, I’m not
wildly attractive, I’m not even that skilled, I don’t dance or sing.
I’m a single-threat: I’m just white. Who’s job do I steal?
Make up your minds, which do you despise: Racism or foreigners?
Their current claim is against Hazel Crowney because they claim she’s
dancing in a provocative way that Indian girls wouldn’t, and tugging
at the threads of Indian moral fibre. It’s clear that they know this
already, but you might not: Indian movies don’t show sexy white girls
flouncing about because Indian girls won’t do it, they show foreigners
because that’s what Indians like to watch. The women watch it and
think: “Ugh, sluts” and the men pitch pants tents – behaviour neither
gender like to associate with good Indian girls.
Indian girls will do a multitude of things to get their beautiful,
sensual bodies onto the big screen – and dancing provocatively
definitely comes under that broad and intentionally ambiguous banner.
Rakhi Sawant started the protest, but clearly her interests aren’t
value-based:
Hazel Crowney: They're calling for her head
Rakhi Sawant: Principled instigator
Tell me again – which Indian values were they protecting?
The Shiv Sena recently charged onto the set of a shoot for the film
‘Crooked’, and demanded to see employment visas from the 136
foreigners on the shoot. I know every Bollywood Gora that has a visa –
and there ain’t 136 of us. Bollywood runs on making its scenes exotic
and foreign with cheap tourist labour extras. It can’t run without
them.
These riots will serve to send more films overseas to shoot to avoid
them, taking money right out of the pockets of all Mumbaikars who
drive and light and serve chai and food to those who paint sets and
clothe Bollywood. Their campaign would be short-sighted and flawed, if
it were legitimately aimed at improving the lives of Marathis – but it
isn’t, it’s aimed at getting publicity – and it’s working.
I love this country – but sometimes it gives me the shits (pun
intended).
Perhaps it is me.
Perhaps my desire to become a part of the Indian fabric is mislaid. I
had always seen India’s best values were the welcoming and inclusive
nature of the people, how peaceful they are. I’d always felt that the
laid-back, near-enough’s good enough, slow life seemed more ecological
than ours – far more interested in things like a good laugh, an
engaging (and intrusive) conversation or even silent company. They’ll
stare, they’ll care, they’ll help even if they can’t.
This country holds the greatest potential of all on this earth. With
some tweaks to turn the knowledge based education system to teach
skills, a good corruption enema and a bit of cultural progression (in
terms of womens rights and that stuff) – it will be the next
superpower. Indians almost always speak more languages than you do,
speak English better than you do, they wrap their agile brains around
new languages, new concepts and new ideas with envy-inspiring speed,
they have open hearts and kind minds, and there are a billion of them.
That was what I thought India was about, generosity, hospitality and
intelligence – but apparently these guys are the last word on what’s
Indian and according to them it’s all about the violence, stupidity
and racism.
Perhaps it’s time for me to move on.
http://www.harrykey.com/blogs/the-lords-army-shiv-sena/
Congress and BJP in tussle over Big B as CWG brand ambassador
Congress too has started playing cheap political games. Amitabh
Bachchan is their target and all for the sin of getting some unasked
for BJP attention. Now Kalmadi has even dropped Amitabh as an option
for CWG brand ambassador.
CJ: Shubhra Prakash Tue, Mar 30, 2010 21:21:29 IST
Views: 13 Comments: 1Rate: 0.0 / 0 votes
KEEPING INTACT its posture of cold shouldering the Bachchans, the
Congress once again entered in a row with Amitabh Bachchan becoming a
brand ambassador of the up coming Common Wealth Games. Suresh Kalmadi,
Congress MP and the Chairman of Commonwealth Games Organizing
Committee said that they would need a young Brand Ambassador to
promote the game.
The decision came as a backlash when BJP leader and also the vice-
president of Indian Olympic Association suggested Bachchan's name as
an ambassador for the event in a letter to Kalmadi.
The 'Bachchan parivar' is under fire from Congress party leaders ever
since he came to inaugurate a lane on the Mumbai Sea Link. The matter
stretched up to a limit that on the Earth Hour Day in Delhi the video
carrying a message from Abhishek Bachchan was blacked out as also the
posters of the actor from the venue.
At both the events Congress party leaders like Ashok Chavan and Sheila
Dikshit were present maintaining a hush over the happenings. The state
of events has popped up in the backdrop of Amitabh Bachchan agreeing
to promote tourism for the BJP ruled Gujarat.
While the war of words is on between the Bachchan's led by BJP and
Congress. Manish Tiwari, a Congress MP has suggested that it is high
time that Amitabh Bachchan clears his stand on Modi and the Gujarat
government.
Posted comments (1) Mr. Kalmadi is absolutely right. Actually
government (Delhi/Center) needs to re-think about this, how an old man
could like Mr. Kalmadi/non-sports, declared as Commonwealth Games
Organizing Committee chairman. Not only in Commonwealth, but also we
don't need any oldies like Delhi's CM Mrs. Dixit, BCCI Chief Mr.
Power, and so on….
Will Dawood’s facing law be a favour? Congress asks BJP
By IANS
March 30th, 2010
NEW DELHI - The Congress Tuesday hit out at the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) for lauding Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi’s appearance
before the Special Investigation Team (SIT) probing the 2002 Gujarat
riots, and asked if underworld fugitive Dawood Ibrahim will be doing a
favour by facing the law.
“The BJP is projecting it (Modi’s appearance before SIT) as if it is a
favour to the judicial system. If Dawood Ibrahim is brought before the
law, will he be doing a favour?” Congress spokesman Manish Tewari said
reporters here.
He said the BJP was talking in “an immature manner”.
Tewari said that Modi had to face the SIT because he had not followed
“rajdharam (his duty as a ruler)”.
On the BJP’s criticism over party president Sonia Gandhi having been
again made National Advisory Council chairperson, Tewari said that she
could have become prime minister in 2004 and 2009 but chose not to
take the high office.
“Her entire public life is characterised by one principle, that of
sacrifice,” he said.
Tewari noted that NAC had worked for some path-breaking legislations
during its previous term, among these the Right to Information Act,
the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the Gram Nyayalaya
Act.
The BJP said Tuesday that Gandhi’s appointment as chairperson of the
NAC had created a “psuedo-constitutional power centre” which would
lead to “redundancy” of the post of the prime minister
Sonia to again head National Advisory Council (Second Lead)
By IANS
March 29th, 2010
NEW DELHI - Congress president Sonia Gandhi was Monday again named
chairperson of the National Advisory Council (NAC), four years after
she quit on being accused of holding an office of profit.
“She will hold the rank and status of union cabinet minister with
immediate effect. The salary, allowances and other terms and
conditions of the chairperson and members shall be such as the
government may specify from time to time,” an official statement
said.
Her term will begin from the date she assumes charge, it said.
“It will be co-terminus with the term of the NAC or until further
orders whichever is earlier. The chairperson shall be entitled to the
same salary, pay, allowances and other facilities to which a member of
the union council of ministers is entitled.”
According to the statement, the term of NAC members will be for one
year but this could be extended. They will draw salary and allowances
determined by the central government.
Gandhi had resigned from the NAC in March 2006 after the opposition
alleged that she had violated the office of profit principle requiring
MPs not to hold offices that carry wages, salaries or allowances
during their tenures. She had also resigned her Lok Sabha seat of Rae
Bareli but won it back in a re-election.
The United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government subsequently came up
with a bill seeking to exempt 56 posts, including the NAC chairperson,
from being considered as office of profit. The bill was approved in
May 2006 by parliament amid opposition by the Bharatiya Janata Party-
led opposition.
The NAC was first formed during the earlier tenure of UPA government
and had played a role in the enactment of Right to Information Act,
Forest Rights Act and National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.
The reconstituted NAC is expected to take up the food security bill
over which there are differences between social activists and the
government. The activists, some of whom were part of the previous NAC,
have differed with the government on draft food security bill cleared
by the cabinet, saying its provisions were “minimalist”.
The reconstituted NAC is also expected to keep a watch on the existing
flagship welfare schemes such as the rural employment guarantee
programme and scrutinise other proposed legislations dealing with
social sector.
BJP says people will make Sonia Gandhi resign as NAC chief
By ANI
March 30th, 2010
NEW DELHI - The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has cried foul over
Congress President Sonia Gandhi again taking charge as the head of the
National Advisory Council (NAC).
BJP spokesperson Tarun Vijay said this time the people of the country
would make Gandhi resign from her post.
“It has been a history of the Congress party to hold an office of
profit while being an MP. Last time, it was a show by Sonia Gandhi of
‘tyag’, but the fact is that under the pressure of whole country, she
had to resign,” said Vijay.
“This time also, the people of this country will make her resign from
this post,” he added.
The Union Government on Monday constituted the National Advisory
Council (NAC), which will be headed by Congress President Sonia Gandhi
as its Chairperson.
She will hold the rank and status of Union Cabinet Minister with
immediate effect.
The term of appointment of the Chairperson of the NAC will be with
effect from the date of assuming charge of the office as the
Chairperson.
It will be co-terminus with the term of the NAC or until further
orders which ever is earlier.
The term of the members of the NAC shall be for a period of one year
with effect from the date of their appointment, which may be extended.
The Chairperson of the NAC shall be entitled to the same salary, pay,
allowances and other facilities to which a member of the Union Council
of Minister is entitled.
Under the special provision for a Member of Parliament appointed as
the member of the NAC, it has been provided that the member shall not
be entitled to draw any remuneration, allowances or perks as such
member from the NAC other than the compensatory allowance as defined
in clause (a) of the section 2 of the Parliament (Prevention of
Disqualification) Act, 1959.
Sonia Gandhi quit the NAC in March 2006 after the BJP- led Opposition
alleged that she had violated the office of profit principle.
Gandhi had also resigned from her Lok Sabha seat. But later despite
winning the Rae Bareilly by poll, she kept herself away from the NAC.
(ANI)
BJP MLAs marshalled out of Delhi Assembly
By ANI
March 29th, 2010
NEW DELHI - Amidst high drama 22 Bharatiya Janata Party MLAs were
marshalled out of the Delhi Assembly on Monday, for trooping into the
Well and sloganeering against the price rise and demanding a roll back
of subsidy cut on LPG and increase in VAT on various items.
As soon as the House assembled, the Leader of Opposition V K Malhotra
raised the price rise issue.
He demanded a clarification from Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit on the
use of water canons by police during a protest rally near the
Assembly.
Several BJP activists, including Municipal Council of Delhi (MCD)
members, were injured during the incident.
Soon, all the BJP MLAs started sloganeering and gathered before the
Speaker’s podium.
Speaker Yoganand Shastri had to adjourn the House for 15 minutes when
he failed to convince opposition members to calm down and resume their
seats.
When the House met again after 15 minutes, all BJP MLAs trooped to the
Well and sloganeered again.
Speaker Shastri tried to pacify the members, but when they continued
their protests, he asked marshals to remove senior BJP members H S
Balli, Karan Singh Tanwar, Ravindra Bansal, Subhash Sachdeva and Harsh
Vardhan from the House.
After their removal, BJP MLAs continued with their sloganeering
forcing Shastri to name the BJP MLAs one by one and ask marshals to
remove them from the House.
After all the MLAs had left, Malhotra said he was the only opposition
legislator present and asked that he be thrown out also.
The BJP members continued their protests outside the Assembly and
courted arrest. (ANI)
http://blog.taragana.com/politics/2010/03/29/bjp-mlas-marshalled-out-of-delhi-assembly-26024/
BJP warns against talks with Taliban
By IANSMarch 29th, 2010
NEW DELHI - The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Monday asked the
government to explain if India was planning to talk to the Taliban, as
suggested by some media reports, and warned against any compromise
with anti-India elements.
“If true, as the report suggests, the shift in Indias Afghan policy
must be explained to the people and the foreign minister must answer
the raison dtre of showing a willingness to have a dialogue with the
regressive elements, said Tarun Vijay, BJP spokesperson.
These elements, Vijay pointed out, have been working for Pakistan’s
Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and their anti-India operations
“have bled us for the last two years”.
Vijay was alluding to media reports which quoted government sources
saying that India wanted to reach out to Taliban leader Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar’s Hizb-e-Islami and keep its doors open in case of a
reconciliation effort by the Taliban.
Warning against the pitfalls of such a dialogue with blood thirsty
elements”, Vijay stressed: Talking to Taliban reverses all that India
has stood for so far.
“They are Osamas men, they push their women behind veils and stop them
from going to schools, their world is a world of darkness, far removed
from that of democracy and pluralism, bringing the society to medieval
ages.
“Indian strategy, if there exists one for Afghanistan and Pakistan
must be primarily to safeguard Indian interests and to ensure
annihilation of anti-Indian terror groups, he said.
Accusing the government of failure in getting access to David Coleman
Headley, an American-Pakistani accused of plotting the Mumbai attacks,
and pursuing a “meaningless dialogue” with Pakistan under US pressure,
Vijay contended that engaging the Taliban comes as another shocking
feature of UPA’s unending compromises with the anti-India elements”.
India has refused to recognise any distinction between the good and
bad Taliban, but has indicated that it could support reintegration of
the Taliban in the Afghan mainstream provided they agree to renounce
violence and abide by the Afghan constitution.
The Indian government is, however, opposed to any reconciliation with
the Taliban to bring them into the political structure. India had
agreed to go along with the reintegration proposal endorsed at the Jan
28 London conference, but is wary of any deal that could reinstall a
medieval and anti-New Delhi regime in Kabul.
http://blog.taragana.com/politics/2010/03/29/bjp-warns-against-talks-with-taliban-26014/
Modi’s Taliban comments a frustrated outburst: Congress
By IANS
March 29th, 2010
NEW DELHI - The Congress Monday hit back at Gujarat Chief Minister
Narendra Modi for his “Taliban” comments, saying it was a “frustrated”
outburst after his long questioning by the Special Investigation Team
(SIT) over the 2002 riots.
“Modi is feeling very frustrated because for the first time, a chief
minister was made to stand before the Special Investigating Team for
about 10 hours in a question and answer session,” Union Information
and Broadcasting Minister Ambika Soni said on the sidelines of a
Congress Seva Dal function here.
Responding to questions about Modi describing those critical of
Amitabh Bachchan’s decision to be brand ambassador of Gujarat as
Talibans of public life in his blog, Soni said Modi should not use the
word Taliban in a “light and flippant manner” as those who had lived
under the rule of the fundamentalists know what it is like. She said
Modi should make statements only after due deliberation.
Modi wrote in his blog that “a great artist with legendary humility
and even taller achievements” like Amitabh Bachchan has “chosen to
celebrate the glorious heritage of Gujarat while facing a lot of
criticisms”.
“These people, while brandishing Mahatma Gandhi’s name are busy
creating a new viciousness in the flow of our public life. These
‘Talibans of Untouchability’ have lost all their sensibilities in
their pursuit of anti-Gujarat attitudes,” he said.
Congress leaders in Maharashtra had protested over the presence of
Bachchan at the inauguration of the Bandra-Worli seak link extension
function last week, saying they were upset over “his association with
Modi”.
Bachchan had accepted Modi’s offer to be the brand ambassador of the
state.
Chaos in Rajasthan Assembly over Rathore’s expulsion
By ANI
March 19th, 2010
JAIPUR - Chaos took place inside the Rajasthan Assembly on Friday when
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLAs got into a brawl with marshals
inside the House over the expulsion of BJP leader Rajendra Rathore.
At least three BJP leaders were injured in the incident, when they
clashed with the marshals attempting to control the situation.
They were protesting against Rathore’s expulsion. (ANI)
Varun targets Maya, Rahul, calls cow slaughter crime
By Sarwar Kashani, IANSMarch 29th, 2010
SAHARANPUR - Bharatiya Janata Party MP Varun Gandhi delivered a fiery
speech here Monday, calling for a ban on cow slaughter. He also
targeted Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati and his cousin Rahul
Gandhi whom he called a “handsome face”.
Hundreds of men, women and even children sweated it out to listen to
the 30-year-old Gandhi’s 20-minute high voltage speech at Gandhi Park
- his first public rally after being appointed the BJP secretary this
month.
The MP from Pilibhit called for a “more intense war” against cow
slaughter. “It is a social crime. It is a legal crime. Why don’t you
wake up and fight this more intense war against cow slaughter? It is
not for Hindus only, but for the nation’s pride,” he said.
“Jai shri ram” was his slogan. And the crowd of men, women and
children, some of whom had been waiting since 8 a.m., repeatedly
responded likewise.
“I know people in western Uttar Pradesh don’t compromise with self-
esteem. I am asking you, don’t stay calm, don’t tolerate. Wake up and
fight. I want warriors in my troupe, who can fight for your self-
esteem.”
Gandhi, who stirred a political storm with a communal speech during
the Lok Sabha election campaign last year, this time chose to weigh
his words carefully.
The young BJP leader thundered: “If somebody targets my mother, what
would I do? I will stand and save her, isn’t it? Likewise, you should
get up, gather and save our mother cow.”
He criticised Mayawati over her garlands of currency notes and said
the cash should have been used for the welfare of poor farmers and
unemployed youth of Uttar Pradesh instead.
“But don’t worry, two more years to go,” he said, pointing to the 2012
assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh which, he added, the BJP was
confident of winning.
“Then there is another party which has young handsome faces. They have
a mission, but don’t worry, we will win,” he said, referring clearly
to his estranged cousin Rahul Gandhi and the Congress.
“I know, I am also on this stage with my Gandhi surname. Had I been
Varun Chowdhury or Sharma, I would not have been here. But this name
comes with responsibility, responsibility towards the poor, towards
you,” he said.
Fighting for the poor of the nation is a long struggle that people
from “well-off families” are not interested in, he said. “I want to
produce at least one lakh Varun Gandhis who will fight that war,” he
said.
Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike elections: It's advantage BJP
Hemant Kumar / DNA
Wednesday, March 31, 2010 8:43 IST
Bangalore: The exit polls and the pre-poll surveys may have predicted
a hung house in the 198-seat BBMP council, but the BJP is not worried.
And they have a good reason to be happy. A tally of 96 seats is good
enough for the BJP to reach the magic figure of 125, while the
Congress, which is warming up to the JD(S), needs to score 108 to have
its man as the mayor.
With MLAs, MLCs and MPs from Bangalore being part of the BBMP council,
any aspirant for the mayor’s post would need at least 125 votes.
Sitting MLAs, MLCs and MPs from constituencies falling under the BBMP
jurisdiction have the voting right to elect a mayor in the BBMP
council. The BJP already has 29 such captive votes in the form of its
city MLAs, MLCs and MPs. So all it needs is just 96 seats to reach the
magic figure of 125 to grab the mayor’s post.
The JD(S) has just 4 captive votes. However, the Congress and JD(S)
together could spoil BJP’s plans. But it is a tall order as the
combine would have to bag at least 104 of the 198 seats. “We are
comfortably placed. Even under the worst situation of BJP winning just
about 88 or 90 seats, we can have our way as all that we need is the
support of just a few independents,” said BJP city unit spokesman S
Prakash.
Congress practising fascism: BJP
Special Correspondent
“Modi has proved his critics wrong”
“Congress only making half-hearted attempts to interrogate Headley”
NEW DELHI: The BJP on Sunday accused the Congress of practising
fascism by the kind of its attack against actor Amitabh Bachchan and
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi.
The Congress was increasingly betraying signs of frustration with each
of its attempt to tarnish the Opposition parties and leaders going in
vain, the BJP said.
The Congress was unabashedly practising untouchability and targeting
the Bachchan family only because it had differences with “one Congress
family,” BJP spokesperson Nirmala Sitharaman said. “The entire party
and even its State governments are keen not even to be seen on one
platform with him.”
The the Bandra-Worli sea link belonged to people and not to “that
family” or the Congress. The withdrawal of invitation to Mr.
Bachchan's son by the Delhi Chief Minister and violence indulged by
Congressmen, tearing posters and banners, was condemnable, Ms.
Sitharaman said.
The country had not forgotten the way noted singer Kishore Kumar was
targeted during the Emergency when All India Radio banned his songs
for almost a whole year, she said.
Ms. Sitharaman charged the Congress with encouraging and rewarding Mr.
Modi's baiters in a bid to defame a duly elected Chief Minister. She
warned that this misplaced energies of the Congress would spell danger
to the country.
Mr. Modi had proved his critics wrong by displaying his responsibility
and cooperating with the SIT (Special Investigation Team) and
underlining his belief that the Constitution and the law of the land
were supreme, she said.
The Congress was only making half-hearted attempts to interrogate
Lashkar operative David Headley. No attempt was being made to
interrogate him and one attempt had even shamefully failed, she said.
The BJP accused the UPA of not showing any enthusiasm in implementing
the Supreme Court verdict on hanging Afzal Guru “though he is a proven
offender against India.”
http://www.thehindu.com/2010/03/29/stories/2010032955371300.htm
BJP govt protected anti-socials: Dhariwal
TNN, Mar 31, 2010, 05.14am IST
JAIPUR: Discussion on crime in the city rocked the House on Tuesday
when home minister Shanti Dhariwal, while answering a question,
alleged that the erstwhile BJP government had given protection to anti-
socials.
BJP whip Rajendra Rathore immediately registered a protest and was was
joined by deputy leader of Opposition Ghanshyam Tiwari and former home
minister Gulab Chand Kataria.
Claiming personal responsibility in the event the former BJP
government had protected any criminal Kataria said, "I was the home
minister then and if anyone was protected then I am responsibile but
can the home minister cite any example to prove his allegation or give
the names of such criminals."
Tiwari, on the other hand, blamed Dhariwal personally for the rising
incidents of crime in the city.
The hullabaloo arose after BJP MLA Nirmal Kumawat had inquired on the
number of cases registered in the state between January 2009 and
December 2009. Kumawat also wanted to know how many such cases were
registered in Phulera and if Jaipur had registered a rise in the
crime.
"The state has registered 1,66,565 cases between January 2009 and
December 2009, out of which in 9,5397 cases challans have been filed
in court," the minister said.
He added that Jaipur South had registered the maximum rise in crime
rate with 686 cases amounting to 12.62%. The zone, as compared to
5,435 cases in 2008, has seen 6,121 cases till December 2009. Next
came Jaipur North for which the figures for 2009 stands at 3,905
compared to 3,517 in 2008 ---- an increase of 11.03% with 388 cases.
Jaipur East recorded 6,762 cases in 2009 compared to 6,455 in 2008, an
increase of 307 cases at 4.76% while Jaipur rural has seen the least
increase at 0.01% with figures of 9,052 in 2009 as compared to 9051 in
2008.
"Therefore on an average Jaipur has registered an increase of 5.65%
while Rajasthan has seen a increase of 10.10% which is well below the
average of other states at 15.7 %," the minister said.
However, Kumawat, who had asked the question, stated if the negligible
rise in Jaipur rural is taken into account then Jaipur city has seen
10% rise in the crime rate.
Dhariwal explained the increase in crime figures are due to reasons
like an increase population ,in powers of the land mafia, tourism
mafia, Lapkas, unemployment, horizontal growth of the city, the
linking of Jaipur with the broad gauge rail lines, increase in land
prices, increase in the number of vehicles, immigration from other
states etc.
"In fact, it is because of the fact that the previous government had
given protection to criminals that such a situation has arisen today,"
he said.
That was enough to incite the Opposition and the blame game began.
While the BJP wanted the minister to table the names of such
criminals, Dhariwal continued with his allegations.
In another question related to rising crime in Jaipur, Dhariwal
claimed in comparison to 2007 crime had plunged in 2008. However, in
2009 there has again been a rise in the crime rate specially in cases
like attempted murder, loot, theft though cases like dacoity and armed
robbery has seen a decline.
But the minister refused to acknowledge that on the whole there has
been an increase in crime in the city.
"We're in the Money": Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/3bc67593a8a0ac5b#
Madam I 'm Adam: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/fbe56c67d373c696#
It's the Economy, Stupid: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/a46d86d4a3976279#
BRIC-a-BRAC: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/1d0dab2a874d0f26#
Big Bang: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/293ffa6b644467ef#
Indian Economic Survey: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/83574501e1c1ee72#
World's Baked Billionaires: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/42a9c3eca9882e80#
Below Poverty line, Line: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/097e4867b8baf22a#
Outsourcing Sorcery: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/topics?start=300&sa=N
Globalization Gobbledigook: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/bea6b5954e7332f4#
Indian Budget Bonanza: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/40cc05563d71e4a4#
Pranab Mukherjee, my Main Man: Sid Harth
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.indian.marathi/browse_thread/thread/0ce38c4203700750#
and/or www.mantra.com/jai
Maulana Mehraj Rabbani
More at:
Jai Maharaj, Jyotishi
Om Shanti
o Not for commercial use. Solely to be fairly used for the educational
this post may be reposted several times.
navanavonmilita
Category:Sanskrit scholars
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Pages in category "Sanskrit scholars"
The following 69 pages are in this category, out of 69 total.
This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).
A
Kumaran Asan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kumaran_Asan
Sukumar Azhikode http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sukumar_Azhikode
B
Nalini Balbir http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nalini_Balbir
James R. Ballantyne http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_R._Ballantyne
W. Norman Brown http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/W._Norman_Brown
C
Colette Caillat http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colette_Caillat
Mani Madhava Chakyar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mani_Madhava_Chakyar
Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Debiprasad_Chattopadhyaya
Kshetresa Chandra Chattopadhyaya http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kshetresa_Chandra_Chattopadhyaya
D
K. Damodaran http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._Damodaran
Bhaṭṭoji Dīkṣita http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bha%E1%B9%AD%E1%B9%ADoji_D%C4%ABk%E1%B9%A3ita
E
K. N. Ezhuthachan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._N._Ezhuthachan
G
T. Ganapati Sastri http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/T._Ganapati_Sastri
I
Ulloor S. Parameswara Iyer http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulloor_S._Parameswara_Iyer
J
Bhagchandra Jain http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhagchandra_Jain
Jambuvijaya http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jambuvijaya
William Jones (philologist) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Jones_(philologist)
K
K. Kunchunniraja http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._Kunchunniraja
Pandurang Vaman Kane http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pandurang_Vaman_Kane
Thirunalloor Karunakaran http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thirunalloor_Karunakaran
A. Berriedale Keith http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A._Berriedale_Keith
Damodar Dharmananda Kosambi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Damodar_Dharmananda_Kosambi
Krishna Kanta Handique http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krishna_Kanta_Handique
L
Lachhmi Dhar Kalla http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lachhmi_Dhar_Kalla
Bhau Daji Lad http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhau_Daji_Lad
Charles Rockwell Lanman http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Rockwell_Lanman
M
Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Ram Avatar Sharma
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahamahopadhyaya_Pandit_Ram_Avatar_Sharma
Kuttikrishna Marar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuttikrishna_Marar
Bimal Krishna Matilal http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bimal_Krishna_Matilal
Manfred Mayrhofer http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manfred_Mayrhofer
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Etymological_dictionary
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historical_linguistics
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparative_linguistics
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genetic_relationship_(linguistics)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Language_family
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nirukta
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yaska
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nighantu
Medhātithi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medh%C4%81tithi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manusm%E1%B9%9Bti
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Jones_(philologist)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dharma%C5%9B%C4%81stra
Vallathol Narayana Menon http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vallathol_Narayana_Menon
Monier Monier-Williams http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monier_Monier-Williams
Max Müller http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Max_M%C3%BCller
C. Sivarama Murti http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/C._Sivarama_Murti
O
Otto von Böhtlingk http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otto_von_B%C3%B6htlingk
P
Padmanabh Jaini http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Padmanabh_Jaini
Paul Dundas http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Dundas
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Middle_Indo-Aryan_languages
K. C. Kesava Pillai http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._C._Kesava_Pillai
Attoor Krishna Pisharody http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attoor_Krishna_Pisharody
K. P. Narayana Pisharody http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._P._Narayana_Pisharody
Nathuram Premi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nathuram_Premi
R
R. Shamasastry http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R._Shamasastry
Kundalam Rangachariar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kundalam_Rangachariar
http://www.hindu.com/fr/2005/03/25/stories/2005032500180300.htm
Jamini Bhushan Ray http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamini_Bhushan_Ray
Louis Renou http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Renou
R cont.
Arthur W. Ryder http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_W._Ryder
S
Sukhlal Sanghvi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sukhlal_Sanghvi
Rahul Sankrityayan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rahul_Sankrityayan
Punnasseri Nambi Neelakanta Sharma http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Punnasseri_Nambi_Neelakanta_Sharma
Ram Karan Sharma http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ram_Karan_Sharma
Vishnu Sarma http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishnu_Sarma
Satya Vrat Shastri http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satya_Vrat_Shastri
Vagish Shastri http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vagish_Shastri
Vibhuti Narayan Singh http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vibhuti_Narayan_Singh
Sitaram Chaturvedi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sitaram_Chaturvedi
T
Kerala Varma Valiya Koil Thampuran http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kerala_Varma_Valiya_Koil_Thampuran
U
K. S. Neelakantan Unni http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._S._Neelakantan_Unni
V
V. Raghavan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V._Raghavan
A. R. Raja Raja Varma http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A._R._Raja_Raja_Varma
V. Venkatachalam http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V._Venkatachalam
Veturi Prabhakara Sastri http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Veturi_Prabhakara_Sastri
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ishwar_Chandra_Vidyasagar
W
Jacob Wackernagel http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob_Wackernagel
N. V. Krishna Warrier http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/N._V._Krishna_Warrier
William Dwight Whitney http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Dwight_Whitney
Horace Hayman Wilson http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horace_Hayman_Wilson
Michael Witzel http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Witzel
Z
Robert J. Zydenbos http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_J._Zydenbos
Missing in action:
Dr Madhav Deshpande http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=17588
http://www.ratemyprofessors.com/ShowRatings.jsp?tid=704168
http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=19360
Kashinath Vasudeo Abhyankar http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
N V Suri http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
Benoytosh Bhattacharyya. http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
K.R. Ramaswami Sastri, siromani. http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
K.A. Subramania Iyer and K. C. Pandey. R.C. Dwivedi.
http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
Mukunda Rama Shastri, Madhusudan Kaul.http://www.arslibri.com/
collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
Panshikar Wasudev Lakshman Shastri http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
AGASHE, KASHINATHASHASTRI http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
T. Venkatacharya. http://www.arslibri.com/collections/ingalls_sanskrit.htm
AGRAVALA, HAMSARAJA "
AITHAL, K. PARAMESWARA "
H.R. Kapadia. "
Krishnaji Govind Oka. "
Pandit Bhavadatta S’âstrî... "
Kâs’înâth Pândurang Parab. "
N.S. Anantakrishna Sastri. "
S. Kuppuswami Sastri, T.V. Ramachandra Diksitar and T.R. Chintamani.
.
.
.
.
.
There are 1125 books on this page and as many Sanskrit writers,
Editors.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Sanskrit_scholars
http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/sa-for-sanskrit-pop-sid-harth/
navanavonmilita
Francis of Assisi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article's introduction section may not adequately summarize its
contents. To comply with Wikipedia's lead section guidelines, please
consider expanding the lead to provide an accessible overview of the
article's key points. (February 2010)
This article is about the friar and patron saint.
Saint Francis of Assisi
Painting by Jusepe de Ribera
Confessor
Born 1181/1182, Italy
Died October 4, 1226, Assisi, Italy
Venerated in Catholic Church, Anglican Church
Canonized July 16, 1228, Assisi by Pope Gregory IX
Major shrine Basilica of San Francesco d'Assisi
Feast October 4
Attributes Cross, Dove, Pax et Bonum, Poor Franciscan habit, Stigmata
Patronage animals, Catholic Action, environment, merchants,
Meycauayan, Italy, Brgy. San Francisco, San Pablo City, Philippines,
stowaways[1]
Saint Francis of Assisi (Giovanni Francesco di Bernardone; 1181/1182 –
October 3, 1226)[2] was a Catholic deacon and preacher. He also was
the founder of the Order of Friars Minor, more commonly known as the
Franciscans.
He is known as the patron saint of animals, the environment and one of
the two patrons of Italy (with Catherine of Siena), and it is
customary for Catholic churches to hold ceremonies blessing animals on
his feast day of 4 October.[3]
Childhood and early adulthood
Francis was one of seven children born to Pietro di Bernardone, a rich
cloth merchant, and his wife Pica, about whom little is known except
that she was originally from France[4]. Pietro was in France on
business when Francis was born, and Pica had him baptised as Giovanni
di Bernardone[3] in honor of Saint John the Baptist, in the hope he
would grow to be a great religious leader. When his father returned to
Assisi, he took to calling him Francesco, possibly in honor of his
commercial success and enthusiasm for all things French.[5]
As a youth, Francesco—or Francis in English—became a devotee of
troubadours and was fascinated with all things French.[2][5] Although
many hagiographers remark about his bright clothing, rich friends,
street brawls, and love of pleasure,[4] his displays of
disillusionment toward the world that surrounded him came fairly early
in his life, as is shown in the "story of the beggar." In this
account, he was selling cloth and velvet in the marketplace on behalf
of his father when a beggar came to him and asked for alms. At the
conclusion of his business deal, Francis abandoned his wares and ran
after the beggar. When he found him, Francis gave the man everything
he had in his pockets. His friends quickly chided and mocked him for
his act of charity. When he got home, his father scolded him in rage.
[6]
In 1201, he joined a military expedition against Perugia and was taken
as a prisoner at Collestrada, spending a year as a captive.[7] It is
possible that his spiritual conversion was a gradual process rooted in
this experience. Upon his return to Assisi in 1203, Francis returned
to his carefree life and in 1204, a serious illness led to a spiritual
crisis. In 1205 Francis left for Puglia to enlist in the army of the
Count of Brienne. A strange vision made him return to Assisi,
deepening his ecclesiastical awakening [2].
Francis of Assisi by Francisco de ZurbaránAccording to the
hagiographic legend, thereafter he began to avoid the sports and the
feasts of his former companions; in response, they asked him
laughingly whether he was thinking of marrying, to which he answered
"yes, a fairer bride than any of you have ever seen", meaning his
"lady poverty". He spent much time in lonely places, asking God for
enlightenment. By degrees he took to nursing lepers, the most
repulsive victims in the lazar houses near Assisi. After a pilgrimage
to Rome, where he begged at the church doors for the poor, he said he
had had a mystical vision of Jesus Christ in the Church of San Damiano
just outside of Assisi, in which the Icon of Christ Crucified said to
him, "Francis, Francis, go and repair My house which, as you can see,
is falling into ruins". He thought this to mean the ruined church in
which he was presently praying, and so sold some cloth from his
father's store to assist the priest there for this purpose.[2][8]
His father Pietro, highly indignant, attempted to change his mind,
first with threats and then with beatings. After legal proceedings
before the bishop, Francis renounced his father and his patrimony,
laying aside even the garments he had received from him. For the next
couple of months he lived as a beggar in the region of Assisi.
Returning to the countryside around the town for two years this time,
he restored several ruined churches, among them the Porziuncola--
little chapel of St Mary of the Angels--just outside the town, which
later became his favorite abode.[8]
Founding of the Order of Friars Minor
At the end of this period (on February 24, 1209, according to Jordan
of Giano), Francis heard a sermon that changed his life. The sermon
was about Matthew 10:9, in which Christ tells his followers they
should go forth and proclaim that the Kingdom of Heaven was upon them,
that they should take no money with them, nor even a walking stick or
shoes for the road.[2] Francis was inspired to devote himself to a
life of poverty.[2]
Clad in a rough garment, barefoot, and, after the Evangelical precept,
without staff or scrip, he began to preach repentance.[2] He was soon
joined by his first follower, a prominent fellow townsman, the jurist
Bernardo di Quintavalle, who contributed all that he had to the work.
Within a year Francis had eleven followers. Francis chose never to be
ordained a priest and the community lived as "lesser brothers,"
fratres minores in Latin.[2]
The brothers lived a simple life in the deserted lazar house of Rivo
Torto near Assisi; but they spent much of their time wandering through
the mountainous districts of Umbria, always cheerful and full of
songs, yet making a deep impression upon their hearers by their
earnest exhortations.[2]
In 1209, Francis led his first eleven followers to Rome to seek
permission from Pope Innocent III to found a new religious order.[9]
Upon entry to Rome, the brothers encountered Bishop Guido of Assisi,
who had in his company Giovanni di San Paolo, the Cardinal Bishop of
Sabina. The Cardinal, who was the confessor of Pope Innocent III, was
immediately sympathetic to Francis and agreed to represent Francis to
the pope. Reluctantly, Pope Innocent agreed to meet with Francis and
the brothers the next day. After several days, the pope agreed to
admit the group informally, adding that when God increased the group
in grace and number, they could return for an official admittance. The
group was tonsured.[10]
Later life
Pope Innocent III has a dream of St. Francis of Assisi supporting the
tilting church (attributed to Giotto)From then on, his new order grew
quickly with new vocations.[11] When hearing Francis preaching in the
church of San Rufino in Assisi in 1209, Clare of Assisi became deeply
touched by his message and she realized her calling.[11] Her brother
Rufino also joined the new order.
On Palm Sunday, March 28, 1211 Francis received Clare at the
Porziuncola and hereby established the Order of Poor Ladies, later
called Poor Clares.[11] In the same year, Francis left for Jerusalem,
but he was shipwrecked by a storm on the Dalmatian coast, forcing him
to return to Italy.
On May 8, 1213 he was given the use of the mountain of La Verna
(Alverna) as a gift from the count Orlando di Chiusi who described it
as “eminently suitable for whoever wishes to do penance in a place
remote from mankind.”[12][13] The mountain would become one of his
favorite retreats for prayer.[13] In the same year, Francis sailed for
Morocco, but this time an illness forced him to break off his journey
in Spain. Back in Assisi, several noblemen (among them Tommaso da
Celano, who would later write the biography of St. Francis) and some
well-educated men joined his order.
In 1215 Francis went again to Rome for the Fourth Lateran Council.
During this time, he probably met Dominic de Guzman[1] (later to be
Saint Dominic, the founder of the Friars Preachers, another Catholic
religious order).
In 1217 the growing congregation of friars was divided into provinces
and groups were sent to France, Germany, Hungary, Spain and to the
East.
St. Francis before the Sultan — the trial by fire (fresco attributed
to Giotto)In 1219 Francis left, together with a few companions, on a
pilgrimage to Egypt. Crossing the lines between the sultan and the
Crusaders in Damietta, he was received by the sultan Melek-el-Kamel.[1]
[14] Francis challenged the Muslim scholars to a test of true religion
by fire; but they retreated.[1] When Francis proposed to enter the
fire first, under the condition that if he left the fire unharmed, the
sultan would have to recognize Christ as the true God, the sultan was
so impressed that he allowed Francis to preach to his subjects.[1][15]
Though Francis did not succeed in converting the sultan, the last
words of the sultan to Francis of Assisi were, according to Jacques de
Vitry, bishop of Acre, in his book "Historia occidentalis, De Ordine
et praedicatione Fratrum Minorum (1221)" : “Pray for me that God may
deign to reveal to me that law and faith which is most pleasing to
him.”.[16]
Francis's visit to Egypt and attempted rapprochement with the Muslim
world had far-reaching consequences, long past his own death, since
after the fall of the Crusader Kingdom it would be the Franciscans, of
all Catholics, who would be allowed to stay on in the Holy Land and be
recognised as "Custodians of the Holy Land" on behalf of Christianity.
Saint Francis of Assisi with the Sultan al-Kamil (15th century)At
Acre, the capital of what remained of the Kingdom of Jerusalem,
Francis rejoined the Order's brothers Elia and Pietro Cattini, and
then most probably visited the holy places in Palestine in 1220.
Although nativity drawings and paintings existed earlier, St Francis
of Assisi celebrated Christmas by setting up the first known three-
dimensional presepio or crèche (Nativity scene) in the town of Greccio
near Assisi, around 1220.[17] He used real animals to create a living
scene so that the worshipers could contemplate the birth of the child
Jesus in a direct way, making use of the senses, especially sight.[17]
Thomas of Celano, a biographer of Francis and Saint Bonaventure both,
tell how he only used a straw-filled manger (feeding trough) set
between a real ox and donkey.[17] According to Thomas, it was
beautiful in its simplicity with the manger acting as the altar for
the Christmas Mass.
When receiving a report of the martyrdom of five brothers in Morocco,
Francis returned to Italy via Venice.[18] Cardinal Ugolino di Conti
was then nominated by the Pope as the protector of the Order. On
September 29, 1220, Francis handed over the governance of the Order to
brother Pietro Catani at the Porziuncola. However, Brother Pietro died
only five months later, on March 10, 1221, and was buried in the
Porziuncola. When numerous miracles were attributed to the late Pietro
Catani, people started to flock to the Porziuncola, disturbing the
daily life of the Franciscans. Francis then prayed, asking Pietro to
stop the miracles and obey in death as he had obeyed during his life.
The report of miracles ceased. Brother Pietro was succeeded by Brother
Elias as Vicar of Francis.
During 1221 and 1222 Francis crossed Italy, first as far south as
Catania in Sicily and afterwards as far north as Bologna.
On November 29, 1223 the final Rule of the Order (in twelve chapters)
was approved by Pope Honorius III.
St. Francis receives the Stigmata (fresco attributed to Giotto)While
he was praying on the mountain of Verna, during a forty-day fast in
preparation for Michaelmas (September 29), Francis is said to have had
a vision on or about September 14, 1224, the Feast of the Exaltation
of the Cross, as a result of which he received the stigmata.[19]
Brother Leo, who had been with Francis at the time, left a clear and
simple account of the event, the first definite account of the
phenomenon of stigmata.[2][19] "Suddenly he saw a vision of a seraph,
a six-winged angel on a cross. This angel gave him the gift of the
five wounds of Christ."[19]
Suffering from these stigmata and from an eye disease, Francis
received care in several cities (Siena, Cortona, Nocera) to no avail.
In the end, he was brought back to a hut next to the Porziuncola.
Here, in the place where it all began, feeling the end approaching, he
spent the last days of his life dictating his spiritual testament. He
died on the evening of October 3, 1226, singing Psalm 141.
On July 16, 1228, he was pronounced a saint by Pope Gregory IX (the
former cardinal Ugolino di Conti, friend of St Francis and Cardinal
Protector of the Order). The next day, the Pope laid the foundation
stone for the Basilica of Saint Francis in Assisi.
He was buried on May 25, 1230, under the Lower Basilica. His burial
place remained inaccessible until it was reopened in 1818. Pasquale
Belli then constructed for his remains a crypt in neo-classical style
in the Lower Basilica. It was refashioned between 1927 and 1930 into
its present form by Ugo Tarchi, stripping the wall of its marble
decorations. In 1978 the remains of St. Francis were identified by a
commission of scholars appointed by Pope Paul VI, and put in a glass
urn in the ancient stone tomb.
Saint Francis is considered the first Italian poet by literary
critics. He believed commoners should be able to pray to God in their
own language, and he wrote often in the dialect of Umbria instead of
Latin. His writings are considered to have great literary value, as
well as religious.[20]
Feast day
Saint Francis's feast day is observed on October 4. In addition to
this feast, a secondary feast is still observed amongst Traditional
Roman Catholics and Franciscans worldwide in honor of the stigmata
received by St Francis celebrated on September 17 called "The
Impression of the Stigmata of St Francis, Confessor" (see the General
Roman Calendar as in 1954, the General Roman Calendar of Pope Pius
XII, and the General Roman Calendar of 1962). On June 18, 1939, Pope
Pius XII named him a joint Patron Saint of Italy along with Saint
Catherine of Siena with the apostolic letter "Licet Commissa", AAS
XXXI (1939), 256-257. Pius XII also remembered the two saints in the
laudative discourse he pronounced on May 5, 1949 in the Santa Maria
sopra Minerva Church.
Nature and the environment
A garden statue of Francis of Assisi with birdsMany of the stories
that surround the life of St. Francis deal with his love for animals.
[21] Perhaps the most famous incident that illustrates the Saint's
humility towards nature is recounted in the "Fioretti" ("Little
Flowers"), a collection of legends and folklore that sprang up after
the Saint's death. It is said that, one day, while Francis was
traveling with some companions, they happened upon a place in the road
where birds filled the trees on either side. Francis told his
companions to "wait for me while I go to preach to my sisters the
birds".[21] The birds surrounded him, drawn by the power of his voice,
and not one of them flew away. Francis spoke to them:
My sister birds, you owe much to God, and you must always and in
everyplace give praise to Him; for He has given you freedom to wing
through the sky and He has clothed you... you neither sow nor reap,
and God feeds you and gives you rivers and fountains for your thirst,
and mountains and valleys for shelter, and tall trees for your nests.
And although you neither know how to spin or weave, God dresses you
and your children, for the Creator loves you greatly and He blesses
you abundantly. Therefore... always seek to praise God.
Main article: Wolf of Gubbio http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wolf_of_Gubbio
Another legend from the Fioretti tells that in the city of Gubbio,
where Francis lived for some time, was a wolf "terrifying and
ferocious, who devoured men as well as animals". Francis had
compassion upon the townsfolk, and went up into the hills to find the
wolf. Soon, fear of the animal had caused all his companions to flee,
though the saint pressed on. When he found the wolf, he made the sign
of the cross and commanded the wolf to come to him and hurt no one.
Miraculously the wolf closed his jaws and lay down at the feet of St.
Francis. "Brother Wolf, you do much harm in these parts and you have
done great evil...", said Francis. "All these people accuse you and
curse you... But brother wolf, I would like to make peace between you
and the people". Then Francis led the wolf into the town, and
surrounded by startled citizens made a pact between them and the wolf.
Because the wolf had “done evil out of hunger”, the townsfolk were to
feed the wolf regularly, and in return, the wolf would no longer prey
upon them or their flocks. In this manner Gubbio was freed from the
menace of the predator. Francis, ever the lover of animals, even made
a pact on behalf of the town dogs, that they would not bother the wolf
again. It is also said that Francis, to show the townspeople that they
would not be harmed, blessed the wolf.
These legends exemplify the Franciscan mode of charity and poverty as
well as the saint's love of the natural world.[22] Part of his
appreciation of the environment is expressed in his Canticle of the
Sun, a poem written in Umbrian Italian in perhaps 1224 which expresses
a love and appreciation of Brother Sun, Sister Moon, Mother Earth,
Brother Fire, etc. and all of God's creations personified in their
fundamental forms. In "Canticle of the Creatures," he wrote: "All
praise to you, Oh Lord, for all these brother and sister
creatures."[3]
Francis's attitude towards the natural world, while poetically
expressed, was conventionally Christian.[4] He believed that the world
was created good and beautiful by God but suffers a need for
redemption because of the primordial sin of man. He preached to man
and beast the universal ability and duty of all creatures to praise
God (a common theme in the Psalms) and the duty of men to protect and
enjoy nature as both the stewards of God's creation and as creatures
ourselves.[21]
Legend has it that St. Francis on his deathbed thanked his donkey for
carrying and helping him throughout his life, and his donkey wept.
Media
St. Francis by Johann Baptist Moroder-Lusenberg[edit] Films
The Flowers of St. Francis, a 1950 film directed by Roberto Rossellini
and co-written by Federico Fellini
Francis of Assisi, a 1961 film directed by Michael Curtiz, based on
the novel The Joyful Beggar by Louis de Wohl
Brother Sun, Sister Moon, a 1972 film by Franco Zeffirelli
Francesco, a 1989 film by Liliana Cavani, contemplatively paced,
follows Francis of Assisi's evolution from rich man's son to religious
humanitarian and eventually to full-fledged self-tortured saint. This
movie was inspired by Hermann Hesse's novel Peter Camenzind[citation
needed] and Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli, Sociorum S. Francisci:
The Writings of Leo, Rufino and Angelo, Companions of St. Francis from
which much of the dialogue is taken directly. St. Francis is played by
Mickey Rourke, and the woman who later became Saint Clare, is played
by Helena Bonham Carter
St Francis, a 2002 film directed by Michele Soavi, starring Raoul Bova
and Amélie Daure.
Clare and Francis, a 2007 film directed by Fabrizio Costa, starring
Mary Petruolo and Ettore Bassi.
[edit] Classical music
Franz Liszt:
Cantico del sol di Francesco d'Assisi, S.4 (sacred choral work, 1862,
1880–81; versions of the Prelude for piano, S. 498c, 499, 499a;
version of the Prelude for organ, S. 665, 760; version of the Hosannah
for organ and bass trombone, S.677)
St. François d'Assise: La Prédication aux oiseaux, No. 1 of Deux
Légendes, S.175 (piano, 1862–63)
Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco:
Fioretti (voice and orchestra, 1920)
Gian Francesco Malipiero:
San Francesco d'Assisi (soloists, chorus and orchestra, 1920–1921)
Amy Beach:
Canticle of the Sun (soloists, chorus and orchestra, 1928)
Leo Sowerby:
Canticle of the Sun (cantata for mixed voices with accompaniment for
piano or orchestra, 1944)
Seth Bingham
The Canticle of the Sun (cantata for chorus of mixed voices with soli
ad lib. and accompaniment for organ or orchestra, 1949)
Olivier Messiaen:
opera Saint François d'Assise (1975–83)
William Walton:
Cantico del sol (chorus, 1973–74)
Books
Sant Francesco (Saint Francis, 1895), a book of forty-three Saint
Francis poems by Catalan poet-priest Jacint Verdaguer, three of which
are included in English translation in Selected Poems of Jacint
Verdaguer: A Bilingual Edition, edited and translated by Ronald Puppo,
with an introduction by Ramon Pinyol i Torrents (University of
Chicago, 2007). The three poems are "The Turtledoves", "Preaching to
Birds" and "The Pilgrim".
Saint Francis of Assisi (1923), a book by G. K. Chesterton
"Blessed Are The Meek(1944 ). a book by [Zofia Kossak]
Saint Francis (1962), a book by Nikos Kazantzakis
Scripta Leonis, Rufini Et Angeli Sociorum S. Francisci: The Writings
of Leo, Rufino and Angelo Companions of St. Francis (1970), edited by
Rosalind B. Brooke, in Latin and English, containing testimony
recorded by intimate, long-time companions of St. Francis
Saint Francis and His Four Ladies (1970), a book by Joan Mowat
Erikson
The Life of Saint Francis of Assisi (1996), a book by Patricia
Stewart
Reluctant Saint: The Life of Francis of Assisi (2002), a book by
Donald Spoto
Flowers for St Francis (2005), a book by Raj Arumugam
Chasing Francis, 2006, a book by Ian Cron
Other
In Rubén Darío's poetry "Los Motivos Del Lobo" (The Reasons Of The
Wolf) St. Francis tames a terrible wolf only to discover that the
human heart harbors darker desires than those of the beast.
In Fyodor Dostoyevsky's The Brothers Karamazov, Ivan Karamazov invokes
the name of 'Pater Seraphicus,' an epithet applied to St. Francis, to
describe Alyshosha's spiritual guide Zosima. The reference is also
found in Goethe's "Faust," Part 2, Act 5, lines 11918–25.
Frank McCourt's autobiography Angela’s Ashes contains some references
to St. Francis.
St. Francis preaches to the birds (2005), chamber concerto for violin
by composer Lewis Nielson
Brother, Sister (2006), third full-length album by indie rock band
MewithoutYou, featuring the song "The Sun and Moon"
The song "Fifty Gallon Drum" from the album Talkin Honky Blues by Buck
65 contains the lyric "I've got a Francis of Assisi keychain, and a
wallet made of Corinthian leather."
St. Francis' Folly is a fictional building in both the original Tomb
Raider video game, and the remake, Tomb Raider: Anniversary, which
somewhat resembles the Pantheon, Rome. Although St. Francis is an
Italian saint, the fictional folly in the video game honors Greek
gods, and consists of a mixture of ancient Greek and Roman
architecture.
The song Boy From the Country, by Michael Martin Murphey from the
album Geronimo's Cadillac.
Sarah Slean's 2002 album, Night Bugs, contains a song entitled St.
Francis.
David Mazzucchelli's graphic novel "Asterios Polyp" makes several
references to Francis of Assisi, including the ironic question "Would
St. Francis swat a mosquito?"
In The Simpsons episode, Sweet and Sour Marge, He was referred to as
"The World's Most Overrated Saint".
Main writings
Canticum Fratris Solis or Laudes Creaturarum, Canticle of the Sun.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canticle_of_the_Sun
Prayer before the Crucifix, 1205 (extant in the original Umbrian
dialect as well as in a contemporary Latin translation).
Regula non bullata, the Earlier Rule, 1221.
Regula bullata, the Later Rule, 1223.
Testament, 1226.
Admonitions.
For a complete list, see [1]. http://198.62.75.1/www1/ofm/fra/FRAwr02.html
See also
Prayer of Saint Francis http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prayer_of_Saint_Francis
Fraticelli http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fraticelli
Saint Benedict, who founded the Benedictine Monastery.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benedict_of_Nursia
Saint Juniper, one of Francis' original followers.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juniper_(saint)
Saint Margaret of Cortona http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Margaret_of_Cortona
Saint-François d'Assise, an opera by Olivier Messiaen
Society of Saint Francis http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Fran%C3%A7ois_d%27Assise
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Olivier_Messiaen
The Flowers of St. Francis (1950), a film by Roberto Rossellini
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Flowers_of_St._Francis
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roberto_Rossellini
Saint-François (places called for Francis of Assisi in French-speaking
countries) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Fran%C3%A7ois
References
^ a b c d e Chesterton(1924), p.126
^ a b c d e f g h i j Paschal Robinson (1913). "St. Francis of
Assisi". Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Catholic_Encyclopedia_(1913)/St._Francis_of_Assisi.
^ a b c "Blessing All Creatures, Great and Small". Duke Magazine.
2006-11. http://www.dukemagazine.duke.edu/dukemag/issues/111206/depobs.html.
Retrieved 2007-07-30.
^ a b c Englebert, Omer (1951). The Lives of the Saints. New York:
Barnes & Noble. pp. 529. ISBN 978-1566195164.
^ a b Chesterton, Gilbert Keith (1924), St. Francis of Assisi (14
ed.), Garden City, New York: Image Books, pp. 158
^ Chesterton (1924), pp. 40–41
^ Bonaventure; Cardinal Manning (1867), The Life of St. Francis of
Assisi (from the Legenda Sancti Francisci) (1988 ed.), Rockford,
Illinois: TAN Books & Publishers, pp. 190, ISBN 978-0895553430
^ a b Chesterton(1924), pp. 54–56
^ Chesterton(1924), pp. 107–108
^ Galli(2002), pp. 74–80
^ a b c Chesterton(1924), pp. 110–111
^ Fioretti quoted in: St. Francis, The Little Flowers, Legends, and
Lauds, trans. N. Wydenbruck, ed. Otto Karrer (London: Sheed and Ward,
1979) 244.
^ a b Chesterton(1924), p.130
^ "Francis of Assisi in the Holy land". http://www.christusrex.org/www1/ofm/sbf/escurs/wwc/f.html.
^ "Life of St. Francis of Assisi by Paul Sabatier".
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/18787/18787-8.txt.
^ "St. Francis lecture". http://www.london.anglican.org/SermonShow_5071.
^ a b c Bonaventure (1867), p. 178
^ Bonaventure (1867), p. 162
^ a b c Chesterton(1924), p.131
^ Chesterton, G.K. (1987). St. Francis. Image. pp. 160 p.. ISBN
0385029004. http://www.catholic-forum.com/saints/stf01010.htm.
^ a b c Bonaventure (1867), pp. 78–85
^ Bonaventure (1867), pp. 67–68
Further reading
Basilica of St. Francis, AssisiFriar Elias, Epistola Encyclica de
Transitu Sancti Francisci, 1226.
Pope Gregory IX, Bulla "Mira circa nos" for the canonization of St.
Francis, 19 July 1228.
Friar Tommaso da Celano: Vita Prima Sancti Francisci, 1228; Vita
Secunda Sancti Francisci, 1246–1247; Tractatus de Miraculis Sancti
Francisci, 1252–1253.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_of_Celano
Friar Julian of Speyer, Vita Sancti Francisci, 1232–1239.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julian_of_Speyer
St. Bonaventure of Bagnoregio, Legenda Maior Sancti Francisci, 1260–
1263.
Ugolino da Montegiorgio, Actus Beati Francisci et sociorum eius, 1327–
1342.
Fioretti di San Francesco, the "Little Flowers of St. Francis", end of
the 14th century: an anonymous Italian version of the Actus; the most
popular of the sources, but very late and therefore not the best
authority by any means.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Flowers_of_St._Francis
The Little Flowers of Saint Francis (Translated by Raphael Brown),
Doubleday, 1998. ISBN 978-0-385-07544-2
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doubleday_(publisher)
External links
Find more about Francis of Assisi on Wikipedia's sister projects:
http://www.sacred-texts.com/chr/wosf/index.htm
http://franciscan-archive.org/
http://www.catholicrevelations.com/category/saints/the-life-of-st-francis-of-assisi-patron-saint-of-the-catholic-church-who-received-the-stigmata-of-jesus-christ.html
Textbooks from Wikibooks http://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Special:Search/Francis_of_Assisi
Quotations from Wikiquote http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Francis_of_Assisi
Source texts from Wikisource http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:Search/Francis_of_Assisi
Images and media from Commons http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Francis_of_Assisi
News stories from Wikinews http://en.wikinews.org/wiki/Special:Search/Francis_of_Assisi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_of_Assisi
http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/2010/04/15/of-god-godmen-and-good-men-sid-harth-6/
navanavonmilita
Dogma
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dogma is the established belief or doctrine held by a religion,
ideology or any kind of organization: it is authoritative and not to
be disputed, doubted or diverged from. The term derives from Greek
δόγμα "that which seems to one, opinion or belief"[1] and that from
δοκέω (dokeo), "to think, to suppose, to imagine".[2] The plural is
either dogmas or dogmata , from Greek δόγματα.
Dogma in religion
Dogmata are found in many religions such as Christianity, Islam, and
Judaism, where they are considered core principles that must be upheld
by all followers of that religion. As a fundamental element of
religion, the term "dogma" is assigned to those theological tenets
which are considered to be well demonstrated, such that their proposed
disputation or revision effectively means that a person no longer
accepts the given religion as his or her own, or has entered into a
period of personal doubt. Dogma is distinguished from theological
opinion regarding those things considered less well-known. Dogmata may
be clarified and elaborated but not contradicted in novel teachings
(e.g., Galatians 1:8-9). Rejection of dogma may lead to expulsion from
a religious group.
http://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Gal%201.8-9;&version=NIV;
For most of Eastern Christianity, the dogmata are contained in the
Nicene Creed and the canons of two, three, or seven ecumenical
councils (depending on whether one is Nestorian, Oriental Orthodox, or
Eastern Orthodox). These tenets are summarized by St. John of Damascus
in his Exact Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, which is the third book
of his main work, titled The Fount of Knowledge. In this book he takes
a dual approach in explaining each article of the Eastern Orthodox
faith: one for Christians, where he uses quotes from the Bible and,
occasionally, from works of other Fathers of the Church, and the
second, directed both at non-Christians (but who, nevertheless, hold
some sort of religious belief) and at atheists, for whom he employs
Aristotelian logic and dialectics, especially reductio ad absurdum.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastern_Christianity
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicene_Creed
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ecumenical_council
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nestorian
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oriental_Orthodoxy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastern_Orthodoxy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Church_Fathers
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atheist
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Term_logic
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reductio_ad_absurdum
Catholics also hold as dogma the decisions of fourteen later councils
and two decrees promulgated by popes' exercising papal infallibility
(see Immaculate Conception and Assumption of Mary). Protestants to
differing degrees affirm portions of these dogmata, and often rely on
denomination-specific 'Statements of Faith' which summarize their
chosen dogmata (see, e.g., Eucharist).
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Papal_infallibility
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Immaculate_Conception
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assumption_of_Mary
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protestantism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eucharist
In Islam, the dogmatic principles are contained in the aqidah. Within
many Christian denominations, dogma is referred to as "doctrine". In
debates among Marxists the terms "dogma" and "dogmatic" are often used
with a negative connotation.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aqidah
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doctrine
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marxist
Other usage
The term "dogmatic" is often used disparagingly to refer to any belief
that is held stubbornly. It is sometimes applied to political beliefs
[3] or even anti-religious beliefs [4]
A notable use of the term can be found in the Central Dogma of
Molecular Biology. In his autobiography, What Mad Pursuit, Crick wrote
about his choice of the word dogma and some of the problems it caused
him:
I called this idea the central dogma, for two reasons, I suspect. I
had already used the obvious word hypothesis in the sequence
hypothesis, and in addition I wanted to suggest that this new
assumption was more central and more powerful. ... As it turned out,
the use of the word dogma caused almost more trouble than it was
worth.... Many years later Jacques Monod pointed out to me that I did
not appear to understand the correct use of the word dogma, which is a
belief that cannot be doubted. I did apprehend this in a vague sort of
way but since I thought that all religious beliefs were without
foundation, I used the word the way I myself thought about it, not as
most of the world does, and simply applied it to a grand hypothesis
that, however plausible, had little direct experimental support.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hypothesis
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacques_Monod
References
^ Dogma, Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon,
at Perseus http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0057%3Aentry%3D%2327819&redirect=true
^ Dokeo, Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon,
at Perseus http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0057%3Aentry%3D%2327848&redirect=true
^ http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-gabler2-2009oct02,0,7817347.story
^ http://www.deism.com/dogmaticatheism.htm
External links
Look up dogma in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
"Dogma" in the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia. http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/dogma
Dogma - Strong's N.T. Greek Lexicon
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dogma"
http://www.biblestudytools.com/lexicons/greek/kjv/dogma.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Strong_(theologian)
http://www.myspace.com/sidhinduharth
http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/of-god-godmen-and-good-men-sid-harth-7/
Greatest Mining Pioneer of Australia of all Times
measuring up to 7.0 MMS striking Northern Qinghai, China, yesterday
14th of April.
Naturally the sci000ntific dudes in charge see no relation at all
between both phenomenas, nor with the strength of met vortex &
downpours suffered in Qld & Rio provinces.
In clear according to the True Geology, we are at the eve of a major
awakening of South Pole volcanism, which will conduct to an immediate
rise of 3 to 5m in MSL, and hence besides the filling to the brim of
the Fabian Bay in South Australia, to terrific shift in priority in
the World ... I would not be the race to weapons of mass destruction
anymore , as any VOLCANOE ERUPTING UNDER THE SOUTH POLAR ICE SHEET
WOULD CREATE A 3000m min. INLAND SEA ....soon to find its way to the
open sea indeed !
High time to learn the basic of the True Geology indeed !!!
Jean-Paul Turcaud
Discoverer & Legal Owner of Telfer Mine (Australia largest Copper &
Gold Mine)
Nifty (Cu) & Kintyre (U, Th) Mines, all in the Great Sandy Desert
Exploration Geologist & Offshore Consultant
Founder of the True Geology
~ Ignorance is the Cosmic Sin, the One Never Forgiven ~
for background info.
http://warrigalpress.com.au/grule.html
http://users.indigo.net.au/don/tel/index.html
http://users.indigo.net.au/don/tel/nac.html
http://members.iimetro.com.au/~hubbca/turcaud.htm
http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/bbing/stories/s28534.htm
"True Geology" Foundation Document
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/69327
"Turcaud Bath" as a free gift to Suffering Humanity
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/107947
Greatest Mining Pioneer of Australia of all Times
<australia.mining-pion...@neuf.fr> wrote:
Quit dreaming on millions of years, things really happening now with
irreversible consequences to the accelerated drift of Earth on
Ecliptics !
Arindam Banerjee
What is happening is:
- unprecedented heating of the Earth with greenhouse effect. That is
due to constant pollution of the upper atmosphere with jet exhaust, as
primary cause. Secondary causes are updraft of excess carbon dioxide
production, caused by intensive burning of fossil fuels and cutting
down the trees.
- there has to be a causal link between a heated earth and the
increasing frequency of earthquakes and volcanoes
- we know that when things are very tight, slightest extra pressure
will cause the system to burst
- the extra heat from the surface, is causing imbalance. How? I am
not sure.
Akira Bergman
There is also the changing mass distribution due to
- Rising sea levels
- Super dams like Three Gorges in China
- Increasing erosion
- Decreasing ice thickness
- Super cities
- Decreasing biomass
...
I would say the changing mass distribution is the dominant cause of
the changing stress patterns on the crust.
Sunny
"Arindam Banerjee" <adda...@bigpond.com> wrote in message
news:b4197cd8-1b28-40bd...@q23g2000yqd.googlegroups.com...
**
31 Jan 06 (Turd Speak):
Indeed, the Land Of Bastards was born from the sea
only 11 700 years ago ?... a mere few days after the
Moon struck the Earth just a bit East of it,
Arindam Banerjee
>
> - Show quoted text -
Perhaps this is even more true. One more thing. Taking out all the
ground water by pumping, as in agricultural North America and
elsewhere. This has been going on for years, and at some stage we can
expect catastrophes. Statistical confusions are always being done,
but when we are talking literally about the straw that broke the
camel's back, they are dangerous. Point is, we just don't know, and
our top scientists are so deep in einsteinian gobbledygook, always
looking for black holes in some corner of the universe, they have
forgotten to be concerned about what is happening right beneath their
feet.
Arindam Banerjee.
harmony
if i had name like that i would want to tear it up too.
"Greatest Mining Pioneer of Australia of all Times"
<australia.mi...@neuf.fr> wrote in message
news:9af0cafd-ee96-4938...@b33g2000yqc.googlegroups.com...