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Psychopathology of Power -Epidemic

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DetectorTHX23:59:01

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Sep 15, 2006, 11:19:39 PM9/15/06
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Well this explains a lot about Israhell, the US, and now Canaduh.
Sociopaths in power project their disease into the public. No wonder the
Judenshitts can lay down 1,200,000 cluster bombs over a populated region and
then attempt to justify it, most of Israhell's PMs have personally led
massacres of Arabs, and delight in raping and killing women and children.
This psychopathology has spread to the Judenshitts in Canaduh as well, where
8,000 of them unashamedly rallied for Israhell's right to bomb Beirut
apartment blocks and raised $6,000,000(their favorite number) so IDF psychos
could shoot children. Sick, sick people these foreskinners are. Thankfully
Canadians are healthier than the Israhellis and are rejecting the sociopath
Harper.

Exerpt:
[If an individual with a highly contagious illness works in a job that puts
them in contact with the public, an epidemic is the result. In the same way,
if an individual in a position of political power is a psychopath, he or she
can create an epidemic of psychopathology in people who are not,
essentially, psychopathic]

Read on, it is simply brilliant:
http://www.cassiopaea.org/cass/political_ponerology_lobaczewski.htm


Political Ponerology: A Science on The Nature of Evil adjusted for Political
Purposes
by Andrew M. Lobaczewski
with commentary and additional quoted material
by Laura Knight-Jadczyk

Andrew M. Lobczewski's book is available from Red Pill Press now in both
paperback and E-Book formats.

This article is a two-parter. I should notify the reader that the really
good stuff is in the second part, so don't skip it!

Andrew M. Lobaczewski, Nov. 2005

Pathocracy is a disease of great social movements followed by entire
societies, nations, and empires. In the course of human history, it has
affected social, political, and religious movements as well as the
accompanying ideologies. and turned them into caricatures of themselves..
This occurred as a result of the . participation of pathological agents in a
pathodynamically similar process. That explains why all the pathocracies of
the world are, and have been, so similar in their essential properties.

.Identifying these phenomena through history and properly qualifying them
according to their true nature and contents - not according to the ideology
in question, which succumbed to the process of caricaturization - is a job
for historians. [.]
The actions of [pathocracy] affect an entire society, starting with the
leaders and infiltrating every town, business, and institution. The
pathological social structure gradually covers the entire country creating a
"new class" within that nation. This privileged class [of pathocrats] feels
permanently threatened by the "others", i.e. by the majority of normal
people. Neither do the pathocrats entertain any illusions about their
personal fate should there be a return to the system of normal man. [Andrew
M. Lobaczewski Political Ponerology: A science on the nature of evil
adjusted for political purposes]

The word "psychopath" generally evokes images of the barely restrained - yet
surprisingly urbane - Dr. Hannibal Lecter of "Silence of the Lambs" fame. I
will admit that this was the image that came to my mind whenever I heard the
word. But I was wrong, and I was to learn this lesson quite painfully by
direct experience. The exact details are chronicled elsewhere; what is
important is that this experience was probably one of the most painful and
instructive episodes of my life and it enabled me to overcome a block in my
awareness of the world around me and those who inhabit it.

Regarding blocks to awareness, I need to state for the record that I have
spent 30 years studying psychology, history, culture, religion, myth and the
so-called paranormal. I also have worked for many years with hypnotherapy -
which gave me a very good mechanical knowledge of how the mind/brain of the
human being operates at very deep levels. But even so, I was still operating
with certain beliefs firmly in place that were shattered by my research into
psychopathy. I realized that there was a certain set of ideas that I held
about human beings that were sacrosanct. I even wrote about this once in the
following way:

.my work has shown me that the vast majority of people want to do
good, to experience good things, think good thoughts, and make decisions
with good results. And they try with all their might to do so! With the
majority of people having this internal desire, why the Hell isn't it
happening?

I was naďve, I admit. There were many things I did not know that I have
learned since I penned those words. But even at that time I was aware of how
our own minds can be used to deceive us.

Now, what beliefs did I hold that made me a victim of a psychopath? The
first and most obvious one is that I truly believed that deep inside, all
people are basically "good" and that they "want to do good, to experience
good things, think good thoughts, and make decisions with good results. And
they try with all their might to do so."

As it happens, this is not true as I - and everyone involved in our working
group - learned to our sorrow, as they say. But we also learned to our
edification. In order to come to some understanding of exactly what kind of
human being could do the things that were done to me (and others close to
me), and why they might be motivated - even driven - to behave this way, we
began to research the psychology literature for clues because we needed to
understand for our own peace of mind.

If there is a psychological theory that can explain vicious and harmful
behavior, it helps very much for the victim of such acts to have this
information so that they do not have to spend all their time feeling hurt or
angry. And certainly, if there is a psychological theory that helps a person
to find what kind of words or deeds can bridge the chasm between people, to
heal misunderstandings, that is also a worthy goal. It was from such a
perspective that we began our extensive work on the subjects of narcissism
which then led to the study of psychopathy.

Of course, we didn't start out with such a "diagnosis" or label for what we
were witnessing. We started out with observations and searched the
literature for clues, for profiles, for anything that would help us to
understand the inner world of a human being - actually a group of human
beings - who seemed to be utterly depraved and unlike anything we had ever
encountered before.

Imagine - if you can - not having a conscience, none at all, no feelings
of guilt or remorse no matter what you do, no limiting sense of concern for
the well-being of strangers, friends, or even family members. Imagine no
struggles with shame, not a single one in your whole life, no matter what
kind of selfish, lazy, harmful, or immoral action you had taken.

And pretend that the concept of responsibility is unknown to you, except
as a burden others seem to accept without question, like gullible fools.

Now add to this strange fantasy the ability to conceal from other people
that your psychological makeup is radically different from theirs. Since
everyone simply assumes that conscience is universal among human beings,
hiding the fact that you are conscience-free is nearly effortless.

You are not held back from any of your desires by guilt or shame, and
you are never confronted by others for your cold-bloodedness. The ice water
in your veins is so bizarre, so completely outside of their personal
experience, that they seldom even guess at your condition.

In other words, you are completely free of internal restraints, and your
unhampered liberty to do just as you please, with no pangs of conscience, is
conveniently invisible to the world.

You can do anything at all, and still your strange advantage over the
majority of people, who are kept in line by their consciences will most
likely remain undiscovered.

How will you live your life?

What will you do with your huge and secret advantage, and with the
corresponding handicap of other people (conscience)?

The answer will depend largely on just what your desires happen to be,
because people are not all the same. Even the profoundly unscrupulous are
not all the same. Some people - whether they have a conscience or not -
favor the ease of inertia, while others are filled with dreams and wild
ambitions. Some human beings are brilliant and talented, some are
dull-witted, and most, conscience or not, are somewhere in between. There
are violent people and nonviolent ones, individuals who are motivated by
blood lust and those who have no such appetites. [...]

Provided you are not forcibly stopped, you can do anything at all.

If you are born at the right time, with some access to family fortune,
and you have a special talent for whipping up other people's hatred and
sense of deprivation, you can arrange to kill large numbers of unsuspecting
people. With enough money, you can accomplish this from far away, and you
can sit back safely and watch in satisfaction. [...]

Crazy and frightening - and real, in about 4 percent of the
population....

The prevalence rate for anorexic eating disorders is estimated a 3.43
percent, deemed to be nearly epidemic, and yet this figure is a fraction
lower than the rate for antisocial personality. The high-profile disorders
classed as schizophrenia occur in only about 1 percent of [the population] -
a mere quarter of the rate of antisocial personality - and the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention say that the rate of colon cancer in the
United States, considered "alarmingly high," is about 40 per 100,000 - one
hundred times lower than the rate of antisocial personality.

The high incidence of sociopathy in human society has a profound effect
on the rest of us who must live on this planet, too, even those of us who
have not been clinically traumatized. The individuals who constitute this 4
percent drain our relationships, our bank accounts, our accomplishments, our
self-esteem, our very peace on earth.

Yet surprisingly, many people know nothing about this disorder, or if
they do, they think only in terms of violent psychopathy - murderers, serial
killers, mass murderers - people who have conspicuously broken the law many
times over, and who, if caught, will be imprisoned, maybe even put to death
by our legal system.

We are not commonly aware of, nor do we usually identify, the larger
number of nonviolent sociopaths among us, people who often are not blatant
lawbreakers, and against whom our formal legal system provides little
defense.

Most of us would not imagine any correspondence between conceiving an
ethnic genocide and, say, guiltlessly lying to one's boss about a coworker.
But the psychological correspondence is not only there; it is chilling.
Simple and profound, the link is the absence of the inner mechanism that
beats up on us, emotionally speaking, when we make a choice we view as
immoral, unethical, neglectful, or selfish.

Most of us feel mildly guilty if we eat the last piece of cake in the
kitchen, let alone what we would feel if we intentionally and methodically
set about to hurt another person.

Those who have no conscience at all are a group unto themselves, whether
they be homicidal tyrants or merely ruthless social snipers.

The presence or absence of conscience is a deep human division, arguably
more significant than intelligence, race, or even gender.

What differentiates a sociopath who lives off the labors of others from
one who occasionally robs convenience stores, or from one who is a
contemporary robber baron - or what makes the difference betwen an ordinary
bully and a sociopathic murderer - is nothing more than social status,
drive, intellect, blood lust, or simple opportunity.

What distinguishes all of these people from the rest of us is an utterly
empty hole in the psyche, where there should be the most evolved of all
humanizing functions. [Martha StoutThe Sociopath Next Door] (highly
recommended)

We did not have the advantage of Dr. Stout's book at the beginning of our
research project. We did, of course, have Hare and Cleckley and
Guggenbuhl-Craig and others. There are still more that have appeared in the
past couple of years in response to the questions being formulated by many
psychologists and psychiatrists about the state of our world and the
possibility that there is some essential difference between such individuals
as George W. Bush and many so-called Neocons, and the rest of us.

Dr. Stout's book has one of the longest explanations as to why none of her
examples resemble any actual persons that I have ever read. And then, in a
very early chapter, she describes a "composite" case where the subject spent
his childhood blowing up frogs with fire-crackers. It is widely known that
George W. Bush did this, so one naturally wonders...

In any event, even without Dr. Stout's work, at the time we were studying
the matter, we realized that what we were learning was very important to
everyone because as the data was assembled, we saw that the clues, the
profiles, revealed that the issues we were facing were faced by everyone at
one time or another, to one extent or another. We also began to realize that
the profiles that emerged also describe rather accurately many individuals
who seek positions of power in fields of authority, most particularly
politics and commerce. That's really not so surprising an idea, but it
honestly hadn't occurred to us until we saw the patterns and recognized them
in the behaviors of numerous historical figures, and lately including George
W. Bush and members of his administration.

Current day statistics tell us that there are more psychologically sick
people than healthy ones. If you take a sampling of individuals in any given
field, you are likely to find that a significant number of them display
pathological symptoms to one extent or another. Politics is no exception,
and by its very nature, would tend to attract more of the pathological
"dominator types" than other fields. That is only logical, and we began to
realize that it was not only logical, it was horrifyingly accurate;
horrifying because pathology among people in power can have disastrous
effects on all of the people under the control of such pathological
individuals. And so, we decided to write about this subject and publish it
on the Internet.

As the material went up, letters from our readers began to come in thanking
us for putting a name to what was happening to them in their personal lives
as well as helping them to understand what was happening in a world that
seems to have gone completely mad. We began to think that it was an epidemic
and in a certain sense, we were right; just not in the way we thought. If an
individual with a highly contagious illness works in a job that puts them in
contact with the public, an epidemic is the result. In the same way, if an
individual in a position of political power is a psychopath, he or she can
create an epidemic of psychopathology in people who are not, essentially,
psychopathic. Our ideas along this line were soon to receive confirmation
from an unexpected source. I received an email from a Polish psychologist
who wrote as follows:

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen.

I have got your Special Research Project on psychopathy by my computer.
You are doing a most important and valuable work for the future of
nations.[.]

I am a very aged clinical psychologist. Forty years ago I took part in a
secret investigation of the real nature and psychopathology of the
macro-social phenomenon called "Communism". The other researchers were the
scientists of the previous generation who are now passed away.

The profound study of the nature psychopathy, which played the essential
and inspirational part in this macro-social psychopathologic phenomenon, and
distinguishing it from other mental anomalies, appeared to be the necessary
preparation for understanding the entire nature of the phenomenon.

The large part of the work, you are doing now, was done in those
times. .

I am able to provide you with a most valuable scientific document,
useful for your purposes. It is my book "POLITICAL PONEROLOGY - A science on
the nature of evil adjusted for political purposes". You may also find copy
of this book in the Library of Congress and in some university and public
libraries in the USA.

Be so kind and contact me so that I may mail a copy to you.

Very truly yours!

Andrew M. Łobaczewski

I promptly wrote a reply. A couple of weeks later the manuscript arrived in
the mail.

As I read, I realized that what I was holding in my hand was essentially a
chronicle of a descent into hell, transformation, and triumphant return to
the world with knowledge of that hell that was priceless for the rest of us,
particularly in this day and time when it seems evident that a similar hell
is enveloping the planet. The risks that were taken by the group of
scientists that did the research on which this book is based are beyond the
comprehension of most of us. Many of them were young, just starting in their
careers when the Nazis began to stride in their hundred league jackboots
across Europe. These researchers lived through that, and then when the Nazis
were driven out and replaced by the Communists under the heel of Stalin,
they faced years of oppression the likes of which those of us today who are
choosing to take a stand against the Bush Reich cannot even imagine. And so,
since they were there, and they lived through it and brought back
information to the rest of us, it may well save our lives to have a map to
guide us in the falling darkness. It is in this context that I would like to
bring up how Dr. Lobczewski discusses the value of the close and clinical
study of evil in his book before we actually turn to the subject of
Ponerology:

This new science is incalculably rich in casuist detail... It contains
knowledge and a description of the phenomenon in the categories of the
natural world-view, correspondingly modified in accordance with the need to
understand [many] matters...

The development of this familiarity with the phenomenon is accompanied
by development of communicative language, by means of which society can stay
informed and issue warnings of danger. A third language thus appears
alongside the ideological doubletalk ... in part, it borrows names used by
the official ideology in their transformed modified meanings. In part, this
language operates with words borrowed from still more lively circulating
jokes. In spite of its strangeness, this language becomes a useful means of
communication and plays a part in regenerating societal links. ... However,
in spite of efforts on the part of literati and journalists, this language
remains only communicative inside; it becomes hermetic outside the scope of
the phenomenon, incomprehensible to people lacking the appropriate personal
experience. [...]

This new science, expressed in language derived from a deviant reality,
is something foreign to people who wish to understand this macro-social
phenomenon but think in the categories of the countries of normal man.
Attempts to understand this language produce a certain feeling of
helplessness which gives rise to the tendency of creating ones own
doctrines, built from concepts of one's own world and a certain amount of
appropriately co-opted pathocratic propaganda material. Such a doctrine - an
example would be the American anti-Communist doctrine - makes it even more
difficult to understand that other reality. May the objective description
adduced herein enable them to overcome the impasse thus engendered.[...]

The specific role of certain individuals during such times is worth
pointing out; they participated in the discovery of the nature of this new
reality and helped others find the right path. They had a normal nature but
an unfortunate childhood, being subjected very early to the domination of
individuals with various psychological deviations, including pathological
egotism and methods of terrorizing others. The new rulership system struck
such people as a large-scale societal multiplication of what they knew from
individual experience. From the very outset, they therefore saw this reality
much more prosaically, immediately treating the ideology in accordance with
the paralogistic stories well known to them, whose purpose was to cloak
bitter reality of their youth experiences. They soon reached the truth,
since the genesis and nature of evil are analogous irrespective of the
social scale in which it appears.

Such people are rarely understood in happy societies, but there they
became useful; their explanations and advice proved accurate and were
transmitted to others joining the network of this apperceptive heritage.
However, their own suffering was doubled, since this was too much of a
similar kind of abuse for one life to handle. ...

Finally, society sees the appearance of individuals who have collected
exceptional intuitive perception and practical knowledge in the area of how
pathocrats think and such a system of rule operates.

Some of them become so proficient in the deviant psychopath language and
its idiomatics that they are able to use it, much like a foreign language
they have learned well. Since they are to decipher the rulership's
intentions, such people thereupon offer advice to people who are having
trouble with the authorities. These usually disinterested advocates of the
society of normal people play a irreplaceable role in the life of society.
The pathocrats, however, can never learn to think in normal human
categories. At the same time, the ability to predict the ways of reaction of
such an authority also leads to the conclusion that the system is rigidly
causative and lacking in the natural freedom of choice. [...]

I was once referred a patient who had been an inmate in a Nazi
concentration camp. She came back from that hell in such exceptionally good
condition that she was still able to marry and bear three children. However,
her child-rearing methods were so extremely iron-fisted as to be much too
reminiscent of the concentration camp life so stubbornly per-severing in
former prisoners. The children's reaction was neurotic protest and
aggressiveness against other children.

During the mother's psychotherapy, we recalled the figures of male and
female SS officers to her mind, pointing out their psychopathic
characteristics (such people were primary recruits). In order to help her
eliminate their pathological material from her person, I furnished her with
approximate statistical data regarding the appearance of such individuals
within the population as whole. This helped her reach a more objective view
of that reality and reestablish trust in the society of normal people. ...

Parallel to the development of practical knowledge and a language of
insider communication, other psychological phenomena take form; they are
truly significant in the transformation of social life under pathocratic
rule, and discerning them is essential if one wishes to understand
individuals and nations fated to live under such conditions and to evaluate
the situation in the political sphere. They include people's psychological
immunization and their adaptation to life under such deviant conditions.

The methods of psychological terror (that specific pathocratic art), the
techniques of pathological arrogance, and the striding roughshod into other
people's souls initially have such traumatic effects that people are
deprived of their capacity for purposeful reaction; I have already adduced
the psychophysiological aspects of such states. Ten or twenty years later,
analogous behavior can be recognized as well-known buffoonery and does not
deprive the victim of his ability to think and react purposefully. His
answers are usually well-thought-out strategies, issued from the position of
a normal person's superiority and often laced with ridicule. Man can look
suffering and even death in the eye with the required calm. A dangerous
weapon falls out of ruler's hands.

We have to understand that this process of immunization is not merely a
result of the above described increase in practical knowledge of the
macro-social phenomenon. It is the effect of a many-layered, gradual process
of growth in knowledge, familiarization with the phenomenon, creation of the
appropriate reactive habits, and self-control, with an overall conception
and moral principles being worked out in the meantime. After several years,
the same stimuli which formerly caused chilly spiritual impotence or mental
paralysis now provoke the desire to gargle with something strong so as to
get rid of this filth.

It was a time, when many people dreamed of finding some pill which would
make it easier to endure dealing with the authorities or attending the
forced indoctrination sessions generally chaired by a psychopathic
character. Some antidepressants did in fact prove to have the desired
effect. Twenty years later, this had been forgotten entirely.

When I was arrested for the first time in 1951, force, arrogance, and
psychopathic methods of forcible confession deprived me almost entirely of
my self-defense capabilities. My brain stopped functioning after only a few
days' arrest without water, to such a point that I couldn't even properly
remember the incident which resulted in my sudden arrest. I was not even
aware that it had been purposely provoked and that conditions permitting
self-defense did in fact exist. They did almost any-thing they wanted to me.

When I was arrested for the last time in 1968, I was interrogated by
five fierce-looking security functionaries. At one particular moment, after
thinking through their predicted reactions, I let my gaze take in each face
sequentially with great attentiveness. The most important one asked me,
"What's on your mind, buster, staring at us like that?" I answered without
any fear of consequences: "I'm just wondering why so many of you gentleman's
careers end up in a psychiatric hospital." They were taken aback for a
while, whereupon the same man exclaimed, "Because it's such damned horrible
work!" "I am of the opinion that it's the other way round", I calmly
responded. Then I was taken back to my cell.

Three days later, I had the opportunity to talk to him again, but this
time he was much more respectful. Then he ordered me to be taken away -
outside, as it turned out. I rode the streetcar home past a large park,
still unable to believe my eyes. Once in my room, I lay down on the bed; the
world was not quite real yet, but exhausted people fall asleep quickly. When
I awoke, I spoke out loud: Dear God, aren't you supposed to be in charge
here in this world!"

At that time, I knew not only that up to 1/4 of all secret police
officials wind up in psychiatric hospitals. I also knew that their
"occupational disease" is the congestive dementia formerly encountered only
among old prostitutes. Man cannot violate the natural human feelings inside
him with impunity, no matter what kind of profession he performs. From that
view-point, Comrade Captain was partially right. At the same time, however,
my reactions had become resistant, a far cry from what they had been
seventeen years earlier.

All these transformations of human consciousness and unconsciousness
result in individual and collective adaptations to living under such
systems. Under altered conditions of both material and moral limitations, an
existential resourcefulness emerges which is prepared to overcome many
difficulties. A new network of the society of normal people is also created
for self-help and mutual assistance.

This society acts in concert and is aware of the true state of affairs;
it begins to develop ways of influencing various elements of authority and
achieving goals which are socially useful. ...The opinion that society is
totally deprived of any influence upon government in such a country is thus
inaccurate. In reality, society does co-govern to a certain extent,
sometimes succeeding and sometimes failing in its attempt to create more
tolerable living conditions. This, however, occurs in a manner totally
different from what happens in democratic countries.

These processes: cognitive, psychological immunization, and adaptation
permit the creation of new interpersonal and societal links, which operate
within the scope of the large majority we have already called the "society
of normal people." These links extend discretely into the world of the
regime's middle class, among people who can be trusted to a certain extent.
...

Exchange of information, warnings, and assistance encompasses the entire
society. Whoever is able to do so offers aid to anyone who finds himself in
trouble, often in such a way that the person helped does not know who
rendered the assistance. However, if he caused his misfortune by his own
lack of circumspect caution with regard to the authorities, he meets with
reproach, but not the withholding of assistance.

It is possible to create such links because this new division of society
gives only limited consideration to factors such as the level of talent or
education or traditions attached to the former social layers. Neither do
reduced prosperity differences dissolve these links. One side of this
division contains those of the highest mental culture, simple ordinary
people, intellectuals, headwork specialists, factory workers, and peasants
joined by the common protest of their human nature against the domination of
a Para human experience and governmental methods. These links engender
interpersonal understanding and fellow-feeling among people and social
groups formerly divided by economic differences and social traditions. The
thought processes serving these links are of more psychological character,
able to comprehend someone else's motivations. At the same time, the
ordinary folk retain respect for people who have been educated and represent
intellectual values. Certain social and moral values also appear, and may
prove to be permanent.

The genesis, however, of this great interpersonal solidarity only
becomes comprehensible once we already know the nature of the pathological
macro-social phenomenon which brought about the liberation of such
attitudes, complete with recognition of one's own humanity and that of
others. Another reflection suggests itself, namely how very different these
great links are from America's "competitive society...

This work is so important that I believe that every normal human being ought
to read it for their own safety and mental hygiene. I am going to present
here some important excerpts from the book soon to be made available in its
entirety.

From the Author's Foreword:

In presenting my honored readers with this volume, which I generally
worked on during the early hours before leaving to make a difficult living,
I would first like to apologize for the defects which are the result of
anomalous circumstances such as the absence of a proper laboratory. I
readily admit that these lacunae should be filled, time-consuming as that
may be, because the facts on which this book are based are urgently needed.
Through no fault of the author's, these data have come too late.

The reader is entitled to an explanation of the long history and
circumstances under which this work was compiled. This is the third time I
have treated the same subject. I threw the first manuscript into a
central-heating furnace, having been warned just in time about an official
search, which took place minutes later. I sent the second draft to a Church
dignitary at the Vatican by means of an American tourist and was absolutely
unable to obtain any kind of information about the fate of the parcel once
it left with him.

This . history . made work on the third version even more laborious.
Prior paragraphs and former phrases from one or both first drafts haunt the
writer's mind and make proper planning of the content more difficult.

The two first drafts were written in very convoluted language for the
benefit of specialists with the necessary background, particularly in the
field of psychopathology. The irretrievable disappearance of the second
version also included the overwhelming majority of statistical data and
facts which would have been so valuable and conclusive for specialists.
Several analyses of individual cases were also lost.

The present version contains only such statistical data which had been
memorized due to frequent use, or which could be reconstructed with
satisfactory precision. [.] I also nurse the hope that this work may reach a
wider audience and make available some useful scientific data which may
serve as a basis for comprehension of the contemporary world and its
history. It may also make it easier for readers to understand themselves,
their neighbors, and other nations.

Who produced the knowledge and performed the work summarized within the
pages of this book? It is a joint endeavor containing not only my efforts,
but also representing the work of many researchers.

The author worked in Poland far away from active political and cultural
centers for many years. That is where I undertook a series of detailed tests
and observations which were to be combined within the resulting
generalisations in order to produce an overall introduction for an
understanding of the macro-social phenomenon surrounding us. The name of the
person expected to effect this synthesis was a secret, as was understandable
and necessary given the time and the situation. I would very occasionally
receive anonymous summaries of the results of tests from Poland and Hungary.
A few data were published, as it raised no suspicions that a specialized
work was being compiled, and these data could still be located today.

The expected synthesis of this work did not occur. All my contacts
became inoperative as a result of the secret arrests of researchers in the
early sixties. The remaining scientific data in my possession were very
incomplete, albeit priceless in value. It took many years of lonely work to
weld these fragments into a coherent whole, filling the lacunae with my own
experience and research.

My research on essential psychopathy and its exceptional role in the
macro-social phenomenon was conducted concurrently with or shortly after
that of others. Their conclusions reached me later and confirmed my own. The
most characteristic item in my work is the general concept for a new
scientific discipline named "ponerology."[.]

As the author of the final work, I hereby express my deep respect for
all those who initiated the research and continued to conduct it at the risk
of their careers, health and lives. I pay homage to those who paid the price
through suffering or death. May this work constitute some compensation for
their sacrifices.

New York, N.Y. August 1984

Dr. Lobaczewski escaped to the United States where he reassembled and wrote
down his research before Solidarity brought the downfall of communism in
Poland. Lobaczewski added a few words to his introduction:

Fifteen years passed, fraught with political occurrences. The world
changed essentially due to the natural laws of the phenomenon described in
this book, and due to the efforts of people of good will. Nonetheless, the
world as yet is not restored to good health; and the remainders of the great
disease are still very active and threatening a reoccurrence of the illness.
Such is the result of a great effort completed without the support of the
objective knowledge about the very nature of the phenomenon. [.]

The author was recognised as the bearer of this "dangerous" science only
in Austria, by a "friendly" physician who turned out to be a "red" agent.
The communist groups in New York were then set up to organize a "counter
action." It was terrible to learn how the system of conscious and
unconscious pawns worked. Worst were the people who credulously trusted
their conscious "friends" and performed the insinuated activities with
patriotic zeal. The author was refused assistance and had to save his life
by working as a welder. My health collapsed, and two years were lost. It
appeared that I was not the first who came to America bringing similar
knowledge and, once there, treated in a similar way.

In spite of all these circumstances, the book was written on time, but
no one would publish it. The work was described as "very informative" but
for psychological editors, it contained too much politics and for political
editors, it contained too much psychology, or simply "the editorial deadline
has just closed." Gradually, it became clear that the book did not pass the
insider's inspection.[.]

The scientific value which may serve the future remains, and further
investigations may yield a new understanding of human problems with progress
toward universal peace. This was the reason I labored to retype, on my
computer, the whole already fading manuscript. It is here presented as it
was written in 1983-84 in New York, USA. So let it be a document of good
science and dangerous labor. The author's desire is to hand this work into
the hands of scholars in the hope they will take his burden over and
progress with the theoretical research in ponerology - and put it in praxis
for the good of people and nations.

Poland - June, 1998

Dr. Lobaczewski left the United States and returned to Poland before
September 11, 2001. But his remarks were prophetic:

Nonetheless, the world as yet is not restored to good health; and the
remainders of the great disease are still very active and threatening a
reoccurrence of the illness.

What "dangerous science was Dr. Lobaczewski carrying with him when he
escaped from communist Poland?

He calls it "Ponerology" which the dictionary defines: n. division of
theology dealing with evil; theological doctrine of wickedness or evil; from
the Greek: poneros -> evil'.

But Dr. Lobaczewski was not proposing a "theological" study, but rather a
scientific study of what we can plainly call Evil. The problem is, our
materialist scientific culture does not readily admit that evil actually
exists, per se. Yes, "evil" plays a part in religious discourse, but even
there it is given short shrift as an "error" or a "rebellion" that will be
corrected at some point in the future, which is discussed in another
theological division: eschatology, which is concerned with the final events
in history of the world, the ultimate fate of humanity.

There are quite a number of modern psychologists who are actually beginning
to move in the direction of what Dr. Lobaczewski said had already been done
behind the Iron Curtain many years ago. I have a stack of their books on my
desk. Some of them seem to be falling back into the religious perspective
simply because they have no other scientific ground on which to stand. I
think that is counterproductive. As George K. Simon, Jr., writes in his book
"In Sheep's Clothing": (HIGHLY recommended)

.[W]e've been pre-programmed to believe that people only exhibit problem
behaviors when they're "troubled" inside or anxious about something. We've
also been taught that people aggress only when they're attacked in some way.
So, even when our gut tells us that somebody is attacking us and for no good
reason, we don't readily accept the notion. We usually start to wonder what'
s bothering the person so badly "underneath it all" that's making them act
in such a disturbing way. We may even wonder what we may have said or done
that "threatened" them. We almost never think that they might be fighting
simply to get something, have their way, or gain the upper hand. So, instead
of seeing them as merely fighting, we view them as primarily hurting in some
way.

Not only do we often have trouble recognizing the ways people aggress
us, but we also have difficulty discerning the distinctly aggressive
character of some personalities. The legacy of Sigmund Freud's work has a
lot to do with this. Freud's theories (and the theories of others who built
upon his work) heavily influenced the psychology of personality for a long
time. Elements of the classical theories of personality found their way into
many disciplines other than psychology as well as into many of our social
institutions and enterprises. The basic tenets of these theories and their
hallmark construct, neurosis, have become fairly well etched in the public
consciousness.

Psychodynamic theories of personality tend to view everyone, at least to
some degree, as neurotic. Neurotic individuals are overly inhibited people
who suffer unreasonable fear (anxiety), guilt and shame when it comes to
securing their basic wants and needs. The malignant impact of
overgeneralizing Freud's observations about a small group of overly
inhibited individuals into a broad set of assumptions about the causes of
psychological ill-health in everyone cannot be overstated.[.]

Therapists whose training overly indoctrinated them in the theory of
neurosis, may "frame" problems presented them incorrectly. They may, for
example, assume that a person, who all their life has aggressively pursued
independence and demonstrated little affinity for others, must necessarily
be "compensating" for a "fear" of intimacy. In other words, they will view a
hardened fighter as a terrified runner, thus misperceiving the core reality
of the situation.[.]

We need a completely different theoretical framework if we are to truly
understand, deal with, and treat the kinds of people who fight too much as
opposed to those who cower or "run" too much.

The problem is, of course, that when you read all the books about such
people as Dr. Simon is describing, you discover that "treatment" really
means treating the victims because such aggressors almost never seek help.

Getting back to Dr. Lobaczewski: I wrote to ask for more details as to why
this important work was generally unknown. What was the meaning of his
remark: "It appeared that I was not the first who came to America bringing
similar knowledge and, once there, treated in a similar way." He replied by
mail:

[.] Years ago the publication of the book in the US was killed by Mr.
Zbigniew Brzezinski in a very cunning way. What was his motivation, I may
only guess. Was it his own private strategy, or did he act as an insider of
the "great system" as he surely is? How many billions of dollars and how
many human lives the lack of this science has cost the world. [.]

As for who else was involved in this work: in those times, such work could
only be done in full secrecy. During the German occupation, we learned to
never ask for names though it was well known among us that this was an
international communication among some scientists. I can tell you that one
Hungarian scientist was killed because of his work on this project, and in
Poland, professor Stephan Blachowski died mysteriously while working on
these investigations. It is a certainty that professor Kasimir Dabrowski was
active in the study, being an expert on psychopathy. He escaped to the US
and in New York, became an object of harassment as I had been. He went to
Canada and worked at the university in Edmonton.

After reading Lobaczewski's work, it is easy to understand why Brzezinski
suppressed it. It exposes the Neocons and Pathocrats so completely that they
could not allow it to be propagated! It also may be that they used it as a
handbook to better "pull the wool" over the eyes of the masses.

Continuing with Lobaczewski's book:

Pathocracy

As a youth, I read a book about a naturalist wandering through the
Amazon-basin wilderness. At some moment a small animal fell from a tree onto
the nape of his neck, clawing his skin painfully and sucking his blood. The
biologist cautiously removed it - without anger, since that was its form of
feeding - and proceeded to study it carefully. This story stubbornly stuck
in my mind during those very difficult times when a vampire fell onto our
necks, sucking the blood of an unhappy nation.

The attitude of a naturalist - who attempts to track the nature of
macro-social phenomena in spite of all adversity - insured a certain
intellectual distance and better psychological hygiene, also slightly
increasing the feeling of safety and furnishing a premonition that this very
method may help find a certain creative solution. This required controlling
the natural, moralizing reflexes of revulsion and other painful emotions
this phenomenon provokes in any normal person when it deprives him of his
joy of life and personal safety, ruining his own future and that of his
nation. Scientific curiosity becomes a loyal ally during such times.

May the reader please imagine a very large hall in some old Gothic
university building. Many of us gathered there early in our studies in order
to listen to the lectures of outstanding philosophers. We were herded back
there the year before graduation in order to listen to the indoctrination
lectures which recently have been introduced. Someone nobody knew appeared
behind the lectern and informed us that he would now be the professor. His
speech was fluent, but there was nothing scientific about it: he failed to
distinguish between scientific and everyday concepts and treated borderline
imaginings as though it were wisdom that could not be doubted. For ninety
minutes each week, he flooded us with naďve, presumptuous paralogistics and
a pathological view of human reality. We were treated with contempt and
poorly controlled hatred. Since fun poking could entail dreadful
consequences, we had to listen attentively and with the utmost gravity.

The grapevine soon discovered this person's origins. He had come from a
Cracow suburb and attended high school, although no one knew if he
graduated. Anyway, this was the first time he had crossed university
portals - as a professor, at that! [.]

After such mind-torture, it took a long time for someone to break the
silence. We studied ourselves, since we felt something strange had taken
over our minds and something valuable was leaking away irretrievably. The
world of psychological reality and moral values seemed suspended like in a
chilly fog. Our human feeling and student solidarity lost their meaning, as
did patriotism and our old established criteria. So we asked each other:
"Are you going through this too?" Each of us experienced this worry about
his own personality and future in his own way. Some of us answered the
questions with silence. The depth of these experiences turned out to be
different for each individual.

We thus wondered how to protect ourselves from the results of this
"indoctrination." Teresa D. made the first suggestion: Let's spend a weekend
in the mountains. It worked. Pleasant company, a bit of joking, then
exhaustion followed by deep sleep in a shelter, and our human personalities
returned, albeit with a certain remnant. Time also proved to create a kind
of psychological immunity, although not with everyone. Analysing the
psychopathic characteristics of the "professor's" personality proved another
excellent way of protecting one's own psychological hygiene.

You can just imagine our worry, disappointment, and surprise when some
colleagues we knew well suddenly began to change their world-view; their
thought-patterns furthermore reminded us of the "professor's" chatter. Their
feelings, which had just recently been friendly, became noticeably cooler,
although not yet hostile. Benevolent or critical student arguments bounced
right off of them. They gave the impression of possessing some secret
knowledge; we were only their former colleagues, still believing what those
professors of old had taught us. We had to be careful of what we said to
them.

Our former colleagues soon joined the Party. Who were they? What social
groups did they come from? What kind of students and people were they? How
and why did they change so much in less than a year? Why did neither I nor a
majority of my fellow students succumb to this phenomenon and process? Many
such questions fluttered through our heads then. Those times, questions, and
attitudes gave rise to the idea that this phenomenon could be objectively
understood, an idea whose greater meaning crystallized with time. Many of us
participated in the initial observations and reflections, but most crumbled
away in the face of material or academic problems. Only a few remained; so
the author of this book may be the last of the Mohicans.

It was relatively easy to determine the environments and origin of the
people who succumbed to this process, which I then called
"transpersonification". They came from all social groups, including
aristocratic and fervently religious families, and caused a break in our
student solidarity in the order of some 6 %. The remaining majority suffered
varying degrees of personality disintegration which gave rise to individual
efforts in searching for the values necessary to find ourselves again; the
results were varied and sometimes creative.

Even then, we had no doubts as to the pathological nature of this
"transpersonification" process, which ran similar but not identical in all
cases. The duration of the results of this phenomenon also varied. Some of
these people later became zealots. Others later took advantage of various
circumstances to withdraw and reestablish their lost links to the society of
normal people. They were replaced. The only constant value of the new social
system was the magic number of 6 %.

We tried to evaluate the talent level of those colleagues who had
succumbed to this personality-transformation process, and reached the
conclusion that on average, it was slightly lower than the average of the
student population. Their lesser resistance obviously resided in other
bio-psychological features which were most probably qualitatively
heterogeneous.

I had to study subjects bordering on psychology and psychopathology in
order to answer the questions arising from our observations; scientific
neglect in these areas proved an obstacle difficult to overcome. At the same
time, someone guided by special knowledge apparently vacated the libraries
of anything we could have found on the topic.

Is it any wonder why, nowadays, any group seeking to provide this very
knowledge to others would be labeled a "cult?"

Analysing these occurrences now in hindsight, we could say that the
"professor" was dangling bait over our heads, based on psychopaths' specific
psychological knowledge. He knew in advance that he would fish out amenable
individuals, but the limited numbers disappointed him. The
transpersonification process generally took hold whenever an individual's
instinctive substratum was marked by pallor or some deficits. To a lesser
extent, it also worked among people who manifested other deficiencies, also
the state provoked within them was partially impermanent, being largely the
result of psychopathological induction.

This knowledge about the existence of susceptible individuals and how to
work on them will continue being a tool for world conquest as long as it
remains the secret of such "professors." When it becomes skillfully
popularized science, it will help nations develop immunity. But none of us
knew this at the time.

Nevertheless, we must admit that in demonstrating the properties of
pathocracy in such a way as to force us into in-depth experience, the
professor helped us understand the nature of the phenomenon in a larger
scope than many a true scientific researcher participating in this work in
one way or another. [.]

The natural psychological, societal, and moral world-view is a product
of man's developmental process within a society, under the constant
influence of his innate traits. No person can develop without being
influenced by other people and their personalities, or by the values imbued
by his civilization and his moral and religious traditions. That is why his
world-view can be neither universal nor true.

It is thus significant that the main values of this human world-view of
nature indicate basic similarities in spite of great spans of time, race,
and civilization. It is thus suggested that the "human world view" derives
from the nature of our species and the natural experience of human societies
which have achieved a certain necessary level of civilization. Refinements
based on literary values or philosophical and moral reflections do indicate
some differences, but generally speaking, they tend to bring together the
natural conceptual language of various civilizations and eras.

People with a "humanistic" education may have the impression that they
have achieved wisdom, but here we approach a problem; we must ask the
following question: Even if the natural world-view has been refined, does it
mirror reality with sufficient reliability? Or does it only mirror our
species' perception? To what extent can we depend upon it as a basis for
decision making in the individual, societal, and political spheres of life?

Experience teaches us, first of all, that this natural world-view has
permanent and characteristic tendencies toward deformation dictated by our
instinctive and emotional features. Secondly, our work exposes us to many
phenomena that cannot be understood and described by natural language alone.

Considering the most important reality deforming tendency, we notice
that those emotional features which are a natural component of the human
personality are never completely appropriate to the reality being
experienced. This results both from our instinct and from our conditioning
of upbringing. This is why the best traditions of philosophical and
religious thought have counseled subduing the emotions in order to achieve a
more accurate view of reality.

Another problem is the fact that our natural world-view is generally
characterized by a tendency to endow our opinions with moral judgments,
often so negative as to represent outrage. This appeals to tendencies which
are deeply rooted in human nature and social customs.

We often meet with sensible people endowed with a well-developed natural
world-view as regards psychological, societal, and moral aspects, frequently
refined via literary influences, religious deliberations, and philosophical
reflections. Such persons have a pronounced tendency to overrate the values
of their world-view. They do not take into account the fact that their
system can be also erroneous since it is insufficiently objective.

Let us call such an attitude the egotism of the natural world-view. To
date, it has been the least pernicious type of egotism, being merely an
overestimation of that method of comprehension containing the eternal values
of human experience.

Today, however, the world is being jeopardized by a phenomenon that
cannot be understood and described by means of such a natural conceptual
language; this kind of egotism thus becomes a dangerous factor stifling the
possibility of some counteractive measures. Developing and popularizing the
objective psychological world-view could thus significantly expand the scope
of dealing with evil via sensible action and pinpointed countermeasures.

Ever since ancient times, philosophers and religious thinkers
representing various attitudes in different cultures have been searching for
the truth as regards moral values, attempting to find criteria for what is
right, what constitutes good advice. They described the virtues of human
character and suggested these be acquired. They created a heritage . which
contains centuries of experience and reflections. In spite of the obvious
differences among attitudes, the similarity or complementarity of the
conclusions reached by famous ancients are striking, even though they worked
in widely divergent times and places. After all, whatever is valuable is
conditioned and caused by the laws of nature acting upon the personalities
of both individual human beings and collective societies.

It is equally thought-provoking, however, to see how relatively little
has been said about the opposite side of the coin; the nature, causes, and
genesis of evil. These matters are usually cloaked behind the above
generalized conclusions with a certain amount of secrecy. Such a state of
affairs can be partially ascribed to the social conditions and historical
circumstances under which these thinkers worked. Their modus operandi may
have been dictated at least in part by personal fate, inherited traditions,
or even prudishness. After all, justice and virtue are the opposites of
force and perversity, the same applies to truthfulness vs. lies, similarly
like health is the opposite of an illness.

The character and genesis of evil thus remained hidden in discreet
shadows, leaving it to playwrights to deal with the subject in their highly
expressive language, but that did not reach the primeval source of the
phenomena. A certain cognitive space thus remains uninvestigated, a thicket
of moral questions which resists understanding and philosophical
generalizations. [.]

From time immemorial, man has dreamed of a life in which his efforts to
accumulate benefits can be punctuated by rest during which time he enjoys
those benefits. He learned how to domesticate animals in order to accumulate
more benefits, and when that no longer met his needs, he learned to enslave
other human beings simply because he was more powerful and could do it.

Dreams of a happy life of "more accumulated benefits" to be enjoyed, and
more leisure time in which to enjoy them, thus gave rise to force over
others, a force which depraves the mind of its user. That is why man's
dreams of happiness have not come true throughout history: the hedonistic
view of "happiness" contains the seeds of misery. Hedonism, the pursuit of
the accumulation of benefits for the sole purpose of self-enjoyment, feeds
the eternal cycle where good times lead to bad times.

During good times, people lose sight of the need for thinking,
introspection, knowledge of others, and an understanding of life. When
things are "good," people ask themselves whether it is worth it to ponder
human nature and flaws in the personality (one's own, or that of another).
In good times, entire generations can grow up with no understanding of the
creative meaning of suffering since they have never experienced it
themselves. When all the joys of life are there for the taking, mental
effort to understand science and the laws of nature - to acquire knowledge
that may not be directly related to accumulating stuff - seems like
pointless labor. Being "healthy minded," and positive - a good sport with
never a discouraging word - is seen as a good thing, and anyone who predicts
dire consequences as the result of such insouciance is labeled a wet-blanket
or a killjoy.

Perception of the truth about reality, especially a real understanding
of human nature in all it's ranges and permutations, ceases to be a virtue
to be acquired. Thoughtful doubters are "meddlers" who can't leave well
enough alone. "Don't fix it if it ain't broke." This attitude leads to an
impoverishment of psychological knowledge including the capacity to
differentiate the properties of human nature and personality, and the
ability to mold healthy minds creatively.

The cult of power thus supplants the mental and moral values so
essential for maintaining peace by peaceful means. A nation's enrichment or
involution as regards its psychological world-view could be considered an
indicator of whether its future be good or bad.

During good times, the search for the meaning of life, the truth of our
reality, becomes uncomfortable because it reveals inconvenient factors.
Unconscious elimination of data which are, or appear to be, inexpedient,
begins to be habitual, a custom accepted by entire societies. The result is
that any thought processes based on such truncated information cannot bring
correct conclusions. This then leads to substitution of convenient lies to
the self to replace uncomfortable truths thereby approaching the boundaries
of phenomena which should be viewed as psychopathological.

The facts are that "good times" for one group of people have been
historically rooted in some injustice to other groups of people. In such a
society, where all the hidden truths lurk below the surface like an iceberg,
disaster is just around the corner.

It is clear that America has experienced a long period of "good times" for
most of its existence, (no matter how many people they had to oppress or
kill to do so), but particularly so during the 50 years preceding September
11, 2001. During that 50 years, several generations of children were born,
and the ones that were born at the beginning of that time, who have never
known "bad times," are now at an age where they want to "enjoy" the benefits
they have accumulated. Unfortunately, it doesn't look like that is going to
happen; 9/11 has changed everything so profoundly that it looks like there
will be no enjoyment by anyone for a very, very long time.

How could this happen?

The answer is that a few generation's worth of "good times" results in the
above described societal deficits regarding psychological skills and moral
criticism. Long periods of preoccupation with the self and "accumulating
benefits" for the self, diminish the ability to accurately read the
environment and other people. But the situation is more serious than just a
generalized weakness of a society that could be "toughened up" with a little
"hard times".

Lobaczewski writes:

The psychological features of each such crisis are unique to the culture
and the time, but one common denominator that exists at the beginning of all
such "bad times" is an exacerbation of society's hysterical condition. The
emotionalism dominating in individual, collective, and political life,
combined with the subconscious selection and substitution of data in
reasoning, lead to individual and national egotism. The mania for taking
offense at the drop of a hat provokes constant retaliation, taking advantage
of hyperirritability and hypocriticality on the part of others. It is this
feature, this hystericization of society, that enables pathological
plotters, snake charmers, and other primitive deviants to act as essential
factors in the processes of the origination of evil on a macro-social scale.

Who, exactly, are the "pathological plotters," and what can motivate such
individuals during times that are generally understood by others as "good?"
If times are "good," why does anyone want to plot and generate evil?

Well, certainly, the current US administration has come up with an answer:
"They hate us because of our freedoms." This is a prime example of
"selection and substitution of data in reasoning" which is willingly and
gladly accepted as an explanation by the public because of their deficits of
psychological skills and moral criticism.

Lobaczewski: Present-day philosophers developing meta-ethics are trying
to press forward in their understanding, and as they slip and slide along
the elastic space leading to an analysis of the language of ethics, they
contribute toward eliminating some imperfections and habits of natural
conceptual language. Penetrating this ever-mysterious nucleus, however, is
highly tempting to a scientist.[.]

If physicians behaved like ethicists and failed to study diseases
because they were only interested in studying questions of health, there
would be no such thing as modern medicine. [.] Physicians were correct in
their emphasis on studying disease above all in order to discover the causes
and biological properties of illnesses, and then to understand the
pathodynamics of their courses. A comprehension of the nature of a disease,
and the course it runs, after all, enables the proper curative means to be
elaborated and employed.[.]

The question thus arises: could some analogous modus operandi not be
used to study the causes and genesis of other kinds of evil scourging human
individuals, families, societies? Experience has taught the author that evil
is similar to disease in nature, although possibly more complex and elusive
to our understanding. [.]

Parallel to the traditional approach, problems commonly perceived to be
moral may also be treated on the basis of data provided by biology,
medicine, and psychology, as the factors of this kind are simultaneously
present in the question as a whole. Experience teaches us that a
comprehension of the essence and genesis of evil generally make use of data
from these areas. [.]

Philosophical thought may have engendered all the scientific
disciplines, but the latter did not mature until they became independent,
based on detailed data and a relationship to other disciplines supplying
such data.

Encouraged by the often "coincidental" discovery of these naturalistic
aspects of evil, the author initiated the methodology of medicine; a
clinical psychologist and medical co-worker by profession, he had such
tendencies anyway. As is the case with physicians and disease, he took the
risks of close contact with evil and suffered the consequences. His purpose
was to ascertain the possibilities of understanding the nature of evil, its
etiological factors and to track its pathodynamics.[.]

A new discipline thus arose: Ponerology. The process of the genesis of
evil was called, correspondingly, "ponerogenesis." [.]

Considerable moral, intellectual, and practical advantages can be
gleaned from an understanding of the genesis of Evil thanks to the
objectivity required to study it dispassionately. The human heritage of
ethics is not destroyed by taking such an approach: it is actually
strengthened because the scientific method can be utilized to confirm the
basic values of moral teachings.

Understanding the nature of macro-social pathology helps us to find a
healthy attitude and thus protects our minds from being controlled or
poisoned by the diseased contents and influence of their propaganda.

We can only conquer this huge, contagious social cancer if we comprehend
its essence and its etiological causes.

Such an understanding of the nature of the phenomena leads to the
logical conclusion that the measures for healing and reordering the world
today should be completely different from the ones heretofore used for
solving international conflicts. It is also true that, merely having the
knowledge and awareness of the phenomena of the genesis of macro-social Evil
can begin healing individual humans and help their minds regain harmony. [.]

Lobaczewski discusses the fact that "bad times," seem to have a historical
"purpose." It seems that suffering during times of crisis lead to mental
activity aimed at solving or ending the suffering. The bitterness of loss
invariably leads to a regeneration of values and empathy.

Lobaczewski: When bad times arrive and people are overwhelmed by an excess
of evil, they must gather all their physical and mental strength to fight
for existence and protect human reason. The search for some way out of
difficulties and dangers rekindles long-buried powers or discretion. Such
people have the initial tendency to rely on force in order to counteract the
threat; they may, for instance, become "trigger happy" or dependent upon
armies. Slowly and laboriously, however, they discover the advantages
conferred by mental effort; improved understanding of psychological
situations in particular, better differentiation of human characters and
personalities, and finally, comprehension of one's adversaries. During such
times, virtues which former generations relegated to literary motifs regain
their real and useful substance and become prized for their value. A wise
person capable of furnishing sound advice is highly respected.

It seems that there have been many such "bad times" in the course of
human history, and it was during such times that the great systems of ethics
were developed. Unfortunately, during "good times," nobody wants to hear
about it. They want to "enjoy" things, to have pleasure and pleasant
experiences, and so any literature that relates to such times is lost,
forgotten, suppressed, or otherwise ignored. This leads to further debasing
of the intellectual currency and opens the gap for bad times to come once
again.

If a collection were to be made of all the books that describe the
horrors of wars, the cruelties of revolutions, and the bloody deeds of
political leaders and systems, most people would avoid such a library. In
such a library, ancient works would be found alongside books by contemporary
historians and reporters. The documentary evidence on German extermination
and concentration camps, complete with dry statistical data, describing the
well-organized "labor" of the destruction of human life, would be seen to
use a properly calm language, and would provide the basis for acknowledging
the nature of Evil.

The autobiography of Rudolf Hess, the commander of camps in Osweicim
(Auschwitz) and Brzezinka, (Birkenau) is a classic example of how an
intelligent psychopath thinks and feels.

Our library of death would include works on philosophy discussing the
social and moral aspects of the genesis of Evil, while using history to
partially justify the blood-drenched "solutions".

The library would show to the alert reader a sort of evolution from
primitive attitudes, that it is alright to enslave and murder vanquished
peoples, to the present day moralizing which declares that such behavior is
barbaric and worthy of condemnation.

However, such a library would be missing one crucial tome: there would
not be a single work offering a sufficient explanation of the causes and
processes whereby such historical dramas originate, of how and why human
beings periodically degenerate into bloodthirsty madness.

The old questions would remain unanswered: what made this happen? Does
everyone carry the seeds of crime within, or only some of us? No matter how
faithful to the events, nor how psychologically accurate the books that are
available may be, they cannot answer those questions nor can they fully
explain the origin of Evil.

Thus, humanity is at a great disadvantage because without a fully
scientific explanation of the origins of Evil, there is no possibility of
the development of sufficiently effective principles for counteracting Evil.

The best literary description of a disease cannot produce an
understanding of its essential etiology, and can thus furnish no principles
for treatment. In the same way, descriptions of historical tragedies are
incapable of elaborating effective measures for counteracting the genesis,
existence, or spread of Evil.

In using natural language to discuss psychological, social and moral
concepts, we find that we can only produce an approximation, which leads to
a nagging suspicion of helplessness.

Our ordinary system of concepts are not invested with the necessary
factual content - scientific observations about Evil - which would permit
comprehension of the quality of the many factors (particularly the
psychological ones) which are active before and during the birth of
inhumanly cruel times.

Nevertheless, the authors of some of the books that we would find in our
Library of Evil took great care to infuse their words with the proper
precision as though they were hoping that someone, at some time, would use
their records to explain what they, themselves, could not explain even in
the best literary language.

Most human beings are horrified by such literature. Hedonistic societies
have the strong tendency to encourage escape into ignorance or naive
doctrines. Some people even feel contempt for the suffering of others.

It is true that, in tracking the behavioral mechanisms of the genesis of
Evil, one must keep both abhorrence and fear under control, submit to a
passion for science, and develop the calm outlook needed in natural history.

This book aims to take the reader by the hand into a world beyond the
concepts and imaginings he has trusted and used since childhood. This is
necessary due to the problems our world presently faces, things we can no
longer ignore, or ignore only at the peril of all humanity. We must realize
that we cannot possibly distinguish the path to nuclear catastrophe from the
path to creative dedication unless we step beyond the subjective world of
well-known concepts, and we must also realize that this subjective world was
chosen for us by powerful forces against which our nostalgia for homey,
human ideas about warmth and safety is no match.

Moral evil and psychobiological evil are interlinked via so many causal
relationships and mutual influences that they can only be separated by means
of abstraction. However, the ability to distinguish them qualitatively
protects us from moralizing interpretations that so easily can poison the
human mind in an insidious way.

Macro-social phenomena of Evil, which constitute the most important
object of this book, appear to be subjected to the same laws of nature
operating within human beings on individual or small-group levels. The role
of persons with various psychological defects and anomalies of a clinically
low level appear to be a perennial characteristic of such phenomena.

In the macro-social phenomenon where Evil runs rampant, "Pathocracy," a
certain hereditary anomaly isolated as "essential psychopathy" is
catalytically and causatively essential for the genesis and survival of such
a State.[.]

This last remark is the key to "grand conspiracies" that many are convinced
cannot exist. Dr. Lobaczewski discusses the kinds of individuals that form a
"Pathocracy," or "psychopathic government," and further, he elaborates
details about psychopaths based on his studies and the studies of those with
whom he was associated, that have never been openly discussed as far as I
can tell after reading many thousands of pages of material on the subject
generated in the West. Dr. Lobaczewski, on the other hand, undertook his
studies "in the belly of the beast," so to say, with live "specimens". The
value of such a study cannot be overstated.

Lobaczewski: Pathological processes have historically had a profound
influence upon human society at large due to the fact that many individuals
with deformed characters have played outstanding roles in the formation of
social constructs. It is helpful to have some background on this. Dr.
Lobaczewski writes:

Brain tissue is very limited in its regenerative ability. If it is
damaged and the change subsequently heals, a process of rehabilitation takes
place thanks to which the neighboring healthy tissue takes over the function
of the damaged portion. This substitution is never quite perfect thus some
deficits as regards skill and proper psychological processes can be
detected, even in cases of very small damage, by using the appropriate
tests. [.]

As regards pathological factors of ponerogenic processes, perinatal or
early-infant damages have more active results than damages which occur
later.

In societies with highly developed medical care, we find among the lower
grades of elementary schools that 5 to 7 percent of the children have
suffered brain tissue lesions which cause certain academic or behavioral
difficulties.[.]15

This is actually a frightening figure. If we realize that an even higher
percentage of the previous generations have suffered brain tissue lesions
during a time when there was no highly developed perinatal and neonatal
medical care, not to mention the damage that may be suffered among those
populations today where such care is still primitive, we can understand that
much of our own culture has been shaped by people with brain damage and we
are faced with dealing with a world in which brain damaged individuals have
an important influence on the social constructs! Keep in mind that if your
grandfather suffered perinatal or neonatal brain damage, it affected how he
raised one of your parents, which affects how that parent raised you!

Epilepsy constitutes the oldest known results of such lesions; it is
observed in relatively small numbers of persons suffering such damage.
Researchers in these matters are more or less unanimous in believing that
Julius Caesar and then later Napoleon Bonaparte had epileptic seizures. The
extent to which these ailments had a negative effect upon their characters
and historical decision making, or played a ponerogenic role, can be the
subject of a separate study. In most cases, however, epilepsy is an evident
ailment, which limits its role as a ponerogenic factor.16

In a much larger part of the bearers of brain tissue damage, the
negative deformation of their characters grows in the course of time. It
takes on various mental pictures depending on the properties and
localizations of the damage, their time of origin, and also the life
conditions of the individual after their occurrence. We will call character
disorders resulting from such pathology "Characteropathies."

Some characteropathies play an outstanding role as pathological agents
in the processes of the genesis of evil on a large social scale. [.]

A relatively well-documented example of such an influence of a
characteropathic personality on a macro-social scale is the last German
emperor, Wilhelm II. He was subjected to brain trauma at birth. During and
after his entire reign, his physical and psychological handicap was hidden
from public knowledge. The motor abilities of the upper left portion of his
body were handicapped. As a boy, he had difficulty learning grammar,
geometry, and drawing, which constitutes the typical triad of academic
difficulties caused by minor brain lesions. He developed a personality with
infantilistic features and insufficient control over his emotions, and also
a somewhat paranoid way of thinking which easily sidestepped the heart of
some important issues in the process of dodging problems.

Militaristic poses and a general's uniform overcompensated for his
feelings of inferiority and effectively cloaked his shortcomings.
Politically, his insufficient control of emotions and factors of personal
rancor came into view. The old Iron Chancellor had to go, that cunning and
ruthless politician who had been loyal to the monarchy and built up Prussian
power. After all, he was too knowledgeable about the prince's defects and
had worked against his coronation. A similar fate met other overly critical
people, who were replaced by persons with lesser brains, more subservience,
and sometimes, discreet psychological deviations. Negative selection took
place.

Notice this last term: "negative selection took place." That is to say, a
defective head of state selected his staff, his government, based on his own
pathologically damaged worldview. I'm sure the reader can perceive how
dangerous such a situation can be to the people governed by such a
"negatively selected" cabal. The important thing to consider here is what
effect this had on the social constructs under the rule of such individuals.

Lobaczewski explains: The experience of people with such anomalies grows out
of the normal human world to which they belong by nature. Thus, their
different way of thinking, their emotional violence, and their egotism find
relatively easy entry into other people's minds and are perceived within the
categories of the natural world-view. Such behavior on the part of persons
with such character disorders traumatizes the minds and feelings of normal
people, gradually diminishing their ability to use their common sense. In
spite of their resistance, people become used to the rigid habits of
pathological thinking and experiencing. In young people, as a result, the
personality suffers abnormal development leading to its malformation. They
thus represent pathological ponerogenic factors which, by their covert
activity, easily engenders new phases in the eternal genesis of evil,
opening the door to a later activation of other factors which thereupon take
over the main role. [.]

[In the case of the effect of Wilhelm II], many Germans were
progressively deprived of their ability to use their common sense because of
the impingement of psychological material of the characteropathic type, as
the common people are prone to identify with the emperor.

A new generation grew up with deformities as regards feeling and
understanding moral, psychological, social and political realities. It is
extremely typical that in many German families containing a member who was
psychologically not quite normal, it became a matter of honor (even excusing
nefarious conduct) to hide this fact from public opinion - and even the
awareness of close friends and relatives. Large portions of society ingested
psychopathological material, together with that unrealistic way of thinking
wherein slogans take on the power of arguments and real data are subjected
to subconscious selection.

This occurred during a time when a wave of hysteria was growing
throughout Europe, including a tendency for emotions to dominate and for
human behavior to contain an element of histrionics. [.] This progressively
took over three empires and other countries on the mainland.

To what extent did Wilhelm II contribute to this, along with two other
emperors whose minds also did not take in the actual facts of history and
government? To what extent were they themselves influenced by an
intensification of hysteria during their reigns? That would make an
interesting topic of discussion among historians and ponerologists.

International tensions increased; Archduke Ferdinand was assassinated in
Sarajevo. However, neither the Kaiser nor any other governmental authority
in his country possessed reason. (Due to the aforementioned negative
selection process.) What came into play was Wilhelm's emotional attitude and
the stereotypes of thought and action inherited from the past. War broke
out. General war plans prepared earlier, which had lost their topicality
under the new conditions, unfolded more like military maneuvers. Even those
historians familiar with the genesis and character of the Prussian state,
including its ideological tradition of bloody expansionism, intuit that
these situations contained some activity of an uncomprehended fatality which
eludes an analysis in terms of historical causality.

Many thoughtful persons keep asking the same anxious question: how could
the German nation have chosen for a Fuehrer a clownish psychopath who made
no bones about his pathological vision of superman rule? Under his
leadership, Germany then unleashed a second war, criminal and politically
absurd. During the second half of this war, highly trained army officers
honorably performed the inhuman orders, senseless from the political and
military point of view, issued by a man whose psychological state
corresponded to the routine criteria for being forcibly committed to
psychiatric hospitalization.

Any attempt to explain the things that occurred during the first half of
our century by means of categories generally accepted in historical thought
leaves behind a nagging feeling of inadequacy. Only a ponerological approach
can compensate for this deficit in our comprehension, as it does justice to
the role of various pathological factors in the genesis of evil at every
social level.

Fed for generations on pathologically altered psychological material,
the German nation fell into a state comparable to what we see in certain
individuals raised by persons who are both characteropathic and hysterical.
Psychologists know from experience how often such people then let themselves
commit acts which seriously hurt others. [.]

The Germans inflicted and suffered enormous pain during the first World
War; they thus felt no substantial guilt and even thought they had been
wronged, as they were behaving in accordance with their customary habit
without being aware of its pathological causes. The need for this state to
be clothed in heroic garb after a war in order to avoid bitter
disintegration became all too common. A mysterious craving arose, as if the
social organism had . become addicted to some drug. That was the hunger of
pathologically modified psychological material, a phenomenon known to
psychotherapeutic experience. This hunger could only be satisfied by another
personality and system of government, both similarly pathological.

A characteropathic personality opened the door for leadership by a
psychopathic individual.

What is interesting at this point in Lobaczewski's discourse is his
indication that this pattern repeats itself again and again in history: a
pathologically brain-damaged individual creates circumstances that condition
the public in a certain way, and this, then, opens the door for the
psychopath to come to power. As I read this, I thought back to the last 45
or 50 years of history in America and realized that the "cold war," the
nuclear threat, the assassination of JFK, the antics of Nixon, Johnson,
Reagan, Clinton, the manipulation of Americans via the media, were just such
characteropathic conditionings that opened the door for the Neocons and
their nominal puppet, George W. Bush, who can certainly be described as "a
clownish psychopath who makes no bones about his pathological vision of
super-American rule." We can even see in the cabal that is assembled around
George W. Bush, the same "negative selection" of advisors and cabinet
officials as Lobaczewski described were assembled around Kaiser Wilhelm.

So, we begin to understand just how important this "science of evil adjusted
for political purposes" may be and how much understanding we, as a society,
lack. In order to understand exactly how an entire society, even an entire
nation, can become a Pathocracy, we need to understand a little bit about
the types of individuals that make up the core of such a "conspiracy."
Lobaczewski discusses the most frequent characteropathies and their relation
to brain lesions giving examples.

Continue...

**(Detector: Well if you got this far you'll want to read the rest):
http://www.cassiopaea.org/cass/political_ponerology_lobaczewski_2.htm

November 28, 2005

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