A couple of things which might be helpful to know before I begin.
Parsons is a FUNCTIONALIST, as big and nasty as they come. He is also
heavily influenced by the writings of Durkheim and makes several
references to the Big D in this essay, part. Elem Forms and DOL. Also,
everything in this article, including all of the systems typologies
and process schemas, are meant in the ''analytic'' sense. Parsons is
primarily interested in how a social scientist can analyze a social
system.
I. General Outline
This essay is an attempt by Parsons to outline an action frame of
reference. This attempt is based on the conviction that there are two
essential reference points for this type of systematic analysis; a
classification of the functional requirements of a system and the
arrangement of these with reference to processes of control in the
cybernetic sense. Parsons posits that the most empirically significant
sociological theory must be concerned with complex systems, that is,
systems composed of many subsystems. The primary empirical type-
reference is to society, which is highly complex. The basic functional
classification underlying the whole scheme involves the discrimination
of 4 primary categories: pattern maintenance, integration, goal-
attainment, and adaptation, placed in that order in the series of
control-relations. (Note Parsons order on this, which is L-I-G-A, the
opposite order of what we're used to from Laumann's class.)
More generally, Parsons is also interested in making a fundamental
distinction between the morphological analysis of the morphological
structure of systems and the ''dynamic'' analysis of process. Neither
has special priority over the other except that, at a particular
level, stable structural reference points are necessary for
determining generalizations about process.
The old battle o f theory versus empiricism may be considered to be
over. There is no longer a question as to the study of human behavior
as a scientific endeavor. Parsons theory is one of action , which goes
beyond the old reductionist theories of social theory.
The concept of a social system is important for Parsons, and for the
TS editors. To be clear, we must delineate the place of social systems
within the action frame of reference. One aspect of this distinction,
which can be taken for granted, is between the analytically defined
individual and the systems generated by the process of social
interaction. Social and cultural systems are also important for this
discussion, but the two, however empirically intertwined, must be kept
analytically distinct. Parallel to the social/cultural distinction, is
that of nature/nurture in regards to developing the individual. This
can be conceived of an the distinction between the individual organism
and the organization of his behavior. Finally, distinctions should be
made between the functional subsystems of economy and polity within a
society, even though they have often overlapped in the past. All of
these distinctions can be seen as questions of boundaries fro both the
individual and for systems.
With all of the above considerations in hand, Parsons moves on to
offer a paradigm for the analysis of social systems. Parsons is a firm
believer in interpenetration and mutual influence. This means, that
however important logical closure may be for a theoretical ideal,
empirically, social systems are conceived as open systems, engaged in
complicated processes of interchange with environing systems. This
concept of open systems implies, again, boundaries and their
maintenance. A boundary means simply that a theoretically and
empirically significant difference between structures and processes
internal to the system and those external to it exists and tends to be
maintained. Because of all of this, we need to define a set of
interdependent phenomena as a system, so as not to confuse a
statistical sample of the population with a true system.
Besides identifying a system in terms of its patterns and boundaries,
a social system can and should be analyzed in terms of three logically
independent- i.e. cross-cutting - but also interdependent, bases or
axes of variability, or as they may be called, bases of selective
abstraction.
1. The first of these is involves a distinction between the structural
and the functional. The concept of structure designates the features
of the system which can be treated as constants over certain ranges of
variation in the behavior of other significant elements of the
theoretical problem. The functional reference diverges from the
structural in the dynamic direction. Its primary purpose is
integrative, mediating between the system's structure and that imposed
by environing systems.
2. A fundamental distinction must also be made between the two dynamic
processes of maintaining system equilibrium, and structural change in
the system.
3. The hierarchy of relations of control. The basic subsystems of the
general systems of action constitute a hierarchical series of such
agencies of control of the behavior of individuals or organisms.
Parsons returns to the 4 functional imperatives of any system of
action, given in order of significance from the point of view of
cybernetic control of action processes in the system under
consideration.
L - The function of pattern maintenance. The function of pattern
maintenance refers to the imperative of maintaining the stability of
patterns of institutionalized culture defining the structure of the
system. There are two distinct aspects of this function. The first
concerns the character of the normative pattern itself; the focus lies
in the structural category of values. The second concerns its state of
institutionalization, which concerns the motivational commitment of
the individual. A very central problem here is that of the
socialization of the individual, taken as the processes by which the
values of the society are internalized in an individual personality.
Overall, systems do show a tendency to maintain themselves (inertia).
G - The function of goal-attainment. Goal-attainment becomes a problem
in so far as there arises some discrepancy between the inertial
tendencies of the system and its needs resulting from interchange with
the situation. A goal is therefore defined in terms of equilibrium,
and directional changes will tend to minimize the discrepancy between
the two systems. Goal -attainment, or goal- orientation is thus, by
contrast with pattern maintenance, tied to a specific situation.
Systems often have a plurality of goals. For the social system as
such, goal-orientation concerns, therefore, not commitment to the
values of the society, but motivation to contribute what is necessary
for the functioning of the system.
A - The function of adaptation. Adaptation is another consequence of
goal plurality. A system has only so many set, scarce resources, and
when goals are many, often one goal must be sacrificed so the
resources may be used to attain another goal. this means that the
system loses the benefits of the sacrificed goal. The sacrificed goal
is chosen through the function of goal-attainment. Adaptation is
concerned with providing additional disposable facilities independent
of their relevance to any particular goal. More generally, at the
macroscopic level, goal-attainment is the focus of political
organization, and adaptation is the focus economic organization.
Within a given system, goal-attainment is a more important control
then is adaptation.
I - The function of integration. In the control hierarchy, integration
stands between the functions of pattern-maintennce and goal-
attainment. The functional problem of integration concerns the mutual
adjustments of segmented units or subsystems from the point of view of
their contributions to the effective functioning of the system as a
whole. In a highly differentiated society, the primary focus of the
integrative mechanism is found in the system of legal norms and the
associated legal system. The system as a whole is concerned most with
the allocation of rights and obligations. For any given social system,
the integrative function is the focus of its most distinctive
properties and processes.
II. Categories of Social Structure
Parsons conceives of social interaction as a structured affair. He
provides a series of structural categories, given in ascending order
as role, collectivity, norm, and value. These roughly cover the social
structure from individual to social system.
Role is the essential starting point for individual interaction ( 2 or
more people ) which occurs in such a way as to constitute an
interdependent system (as distinguished from a social system). IN
order for interaction to be stable, roles and actions must have
meanings and be governed by understood, shared rules. Rules define
goals and the consequences of ant given move by one player for the
situation in which the other must make his choice. Thus, there is a
temporal element to interaction. However, rules do not determine or
prescribe any specific act. Facilities are provided, but they are
generalized, and their allocation between players depends upon each
player's capacities to take advantage of opportunities. The essential
property is mutuality of orientation defined in terms of shared
patterns of normative culture, known as values. When two individuals
interact in the above ways, sharing a normative culture, and in so far
as their behavior is distinguishable from others by their
participation and not others, they form a collectivity.
A role may now be defined as the structures, i.e. normatively
regulated, participation of a person in a concrete process of social
interaction with specified, concrete role-partners. Performing a role
within a collectivity defined the category of membership, i.e. the
assumption of obligations of performance in that concrete interaction
system. Obligations correlatively imply rights. For any individual,
there are many roles, and one role is only a sector in his behavioral
system, and hence of his personality. In addition, in any given
system, the concepts of role and collectivity are particularistic.
Norms and values, in contrast with role and collectivity, are
universalistic concepts. It may cut across all concrete collectivities
in a given universe and apply to all roles of a given type. The
universalistic aspect of values implies that they are neither
situation-specific, nor function-specific.
To sum up: Structurally speaking, then, the role component is the
normative component which governs the participation of individual
persons in given collectivities. The collectivity component is the
normative culture which defines the values, norms, goal-orientations,
and ordering of roles for a concrete system of interaction of
specifiable persons; the component of norms which define expectations
for the performance of classes of differentiated units within the
system - collectivities, or roles, as the case may be; and values are
the normative patterns defining, in universalistic terms, the patterns
of desirable orientation for the system as a whole, independent of the
specification of situation or of differentiated function within the
system.
We now have enough to outline a schematic ideal type for a complex
social system. the main guiding line of the analysis is the concept
that a complex social system consists of a network of interdependent
and interpenetrating subsystems, each of which, seen as the
appropriate level of reference, is a social system in its own right.
(The infinitely repressible thing). The starting point is the concept
of a society, taken to be relatively self-sufficient collectivity
which cannot be said to be a differentiated subsystem of a high-order
collectivity oriented to most of the functional exigencies of a social
system. (All of these classifications are subjective, used and applied
by an analyst.). The functional exigencies take shape in three
distinct manners: differentiation, segmentation and specification.
There are several different modes of differentiation within societies.
The most common, even universal, is differentiation among kinship
lines. Kinship is essentially the point of articulation, i.e.
interpenetration, between the structure of social systems and the
relations involved in the biological process of reproduction.
Biologically, there are 3 crucial structural components, (1)
differences between sexes, (2) differences between old and young,
mature and immature, and (3) the fact hat the sexual union of two
specific individuals of opposite sexes is necessary to, and likely to
result in, pregnancy and reproduction. These 3 factors set up the
nuclear family unit, and other diversified family forms, around the
conjugal bond of 2 people and its resultant offspring. Kinship
structures are also clearly subject to important processes of
functional differentiation, and have often become the locus for
political and economic activities.
Because of the connection of paramount societal collectivity
organization and political function outlined, the functional
differentiation of political from other structures also tends to come
near the top of the social hierarchy. There are two preliminary steps.
The first is to differentiate kinship units which carry high political
responsibility, royals or aristocrats, from common kinship units. The
other the differentiation of the political from the pattern-maintenace
and integrative functions of the high-level units. Lower down, an
important problem here concerns the restrictions on the mobility of
resources imposed by the ascriptive aspect of kinship and its
differentiation from political function. Even when bureaucracy and
systems not directly ties to kinship are instituted, higher-level
kinship units usually have an edge of advantage or resources. This
imposes frustrating limits on lower units.
Parsons perceives the intertwining of political and economic functions
as an ongoing problem, buried in many empirical examples. One must
look closely, e.g. the function of a business firm is primarily
economic; its goal is production, but its internal organization must
be analyzed first in political terms. Economic function, as
distinguished from the political, involves the production and
allocation of disposable resources.
Traditionally, one of the main criterion of the values of economic
resources is relative scarcity. The other most important one is
general utility. The possibilities of generalizing about physical
commodities and human resources is thus inherently limited. The
utilization of scarce resources is dependent on the
institutionalization of mechanisms which, independent of any prior
knowledge or commitment, make it possible to gain access to wide
ranges of different facilities as need for them develops. In known
societies, there are in particular two highly generalized mechanisms
of this type, namely political power and money. Both require the
institutionalization of the disposability of facilities.
Money is not a commodity here, but a very special mode of
institutionalization of expectations and commitments through
communication. The usefulness of money as a much more generalized
facility is dependent on a system of markets and adequate rules
governing the continual flow of transactions through markets. Money
has the primacy of economic function.
Power is defined as the generalized capacity, independent of specific
conditions prescribed in advance, to influence the allocation of
resources for the goals of the collectivity through invoking the
institutionalized obligations of member units, utilizing such
sanctions as are legitimized through these obligations and
institutionalized roles involved in the power system. Power is
necessitated by the effectiveness which is required for the political
function. the mechanism of power are not nearly as structured as those
of money. Power is a mechanism regulating the process of making actual
commitments. Authority, on the other hand, comprises the general rules
which govern the making of specific binding decisions.
As used here, political and economic categories are generalized
functional categories that permeate the entire structure of the social
system. But it is a two-way street. Just as constraints on the
commercial or competitive structure of markets are imposed by
impinging non-economic factors, so in many collectivities there are
constraints on the political primacy of their organization and
orientation to situations.
No society can accept economic rationality as its most general
societal value-orientation, though it can place the economic highest
among its functional priorities. This statement also holds for other
differentiated functional value-systems.
The same basic principles of the relations between structure and
function, apply to pattern-maintenance and the integrative functions,
to the relations of the relevant structures to each other and to the
economic and political. First, societies will differ in so far as
structures with clear primacy of these functions have come to be
differentiated from those whose functions are more diffuse. Second,
relevant structures will be located at different levels on the scales
of segmentation and specification, and may thus not be directly
comparable with each other.
With respect to pattern-maintenance, as a functional category, it is
not meant to have empirically static connotations. Analytically,
specialization in both maintenance and change in values should be
placed in this category. the primary area of concern here is the
religion, placed within the realm of the cultural. Societal variance
is great here, but even when a specific religion is not
institutionalized, religious values will be. Also a primary component
of pattern-maintenance is socialization of the individual, placed
within the realm of personality. Socialization universally involves at
least one kinship unit, usually the nuclear family, as the primary
collective agent of early socialization. All more highly
differentiated societies have developed non-kinship structures
centering about the functions of formal education in which the higher-
level patterns of normative culture and systems of objects are
internalized in the personality.
Structures with integrative primacy must follow some normative code.
Norms must be defined, interpreted, and implemented. The first
imperative of a system of norms is internal consistency. Second, there
s the specification of higher-order norms to levels where they can
guide the action of the society's lower level structural units by
defining the situation for them. A major functional problem of a
normative system concerns the adjustments which occur because a social
system is always involved in processes of interchange with a changing
environment. There seem to be three basic types of processes of
adjustment in these cases. 1. Keeping the regulatory norms at a
sufficiently high level of generality so that much of the adjustment
can be left to the spontaneous, unprescribed, action of the units
themselves.
2. Altering the content of normative patterns to meet the varying
functional needs without threatening the stability of higher level
systems.
3. A third process which operates, short of major structural changes,
in the areas where the other two are inadequate. ( It is unspecified.)
A final aspect of social structure is stratification. Here, the focus
of institutionalized stratification is legitimizing differential power
and wealth, and more generally, access to valued objects and statuses.
Social class is the most common basis of stratification.
III. The Dynamics of Social Equilibrium
The analysis of dynamic processes at the equilibration level must
center around two categories of the system's components. The first are
the resources which, starting from outside the system, go through
various phases as they pass through the system, and at certain points
are used in the system's functioning. The second are the types of
mechanisms which mediate these processes of generation and utilization
of resources and regulate their rates of flow, direction of use, etc.
Money and power, as previously discussed, are the prototypes of these
mechanisms.
Parsons borrows the theoretical model of resources from economics
because it is capable of generalization. In this model, there are four
factors of production, namely, land, labor, capital, and organization.
He is most concerned with applying the model's logical structure,
because level of specification of resources and qualitative
differences in resources make it difficult to apply the model directly
to social systems theory.
None of the socially ultimate inputs consists in either actual
physical objects or the physical behavior of organisms. In an economic
exchange, involving a physical commodity, what changes hands is not
the commodity, but property rights in the commodity. Analytically,
physical transfer of possession is a technological process, not a
social systems process. Like a feeder chain, the ultimate resources of
a society should comprise the ultimate outputs of the subsystems of
the general system of action. Land is a special case because it is
neither consumed in the production process, nor is it produced.
In the society as a system, the analog of land is the
institutionalized normative culture. According to the paradigm, the
inputs should be three: inputs respectively from the personality -
capacity to socialize motivational commitments, the behavioral
organism - plasticity which can be built into patterns of purposive
response, and the cultural system - information . Generally, output
corresponding too the input if institutionalized normative culture in
the maintenance of the structure intact. The primary outputs of the
other inputs are as follows: personality system: goal-gratification,
behavioral organism: patterning of responses at the level of behavior,
and cultural system: validation.
The resources complete this system as the thruput. They are consumed.
Resource processing occurs in three phases: generation, allocation and
utilization.
Parsons shows some heavy Freudian influences here when he speaks of
the socialization of motivational capacity as an example of resource
generation. He outlines the whole process of developing sexuality,
complete with Oedipal complex. But then, its back to functionalism.
Allocation is made to operative units of the system, to which
resources are committed for use. The prototype for an allocative
mechanism again comes from economics, it is the market. The market
makes possible a relatively functional allocation without much
centralized decision-making. It also allows for much differentiation.
Another example can be seen in the power mechanism's allocation of
power in a politically differentiated societ
Utilization is essentially a process of successively more
particularized decision-making; action-opportunities, facilities, and
responsibilities are allocated more specifically at each step. The
most broadly defined stages are the allocation to the collectivity, to
the role, and to the task. The function of the collectivty is to
define what is to be done; that of the role, to define who is to do
it; and that of the task level, how it is to be done.
Mechanisms controlling resource processes. Parsons again refers to
power and money, the two most studied of the mechanisms. Money is
simultaneously both a measure of value and a medium of exchange and it
can function as both a facility and a reward. Power is a step above
money in the hierarchy of control mechanisms because power can be used
to control power, i.e. a government controlling its monetary system.
Power allows for greater flexibility and effectiveness without prior
knowledge or specifications. He also discusses real commitments, which
I believe to be institutionalized role commitments, but I'm not sure.
They seem to have a lot to do with contracts and legal agreements.
Finally, there is integrative communication, which is also at the top
of the hierarchy of control mechanisms. The operational focus of this
type of mechanism is the motivational commitment of units of the
system to the fulfillment of institutionalized expectations.
In a broad sense then, the problem of the dynamics of social systems
is not so much a problem of transformation of energy as of the
processing of information. Analyses of these processes are in an early
stage right now.
IV. The Problem of Structural Change
The processes of structural change may be considered the obverse of
equilibrating process; the distinction is made in terms of boundary
maintenance. The control resources of the system are adequate for its
maintenance up to a well-defined set of points in one direction:
beyond that set of points, there is a tendency for a cumulative
process of change to begin, producing states progressively farther
from the institutionalized patterns. As observed, structural change in
subsystems is an inevitable part of the equilibrating process in
larger system. Within this frame of reference, the problem of
structural change can be considered under three headings: (1) sources
of tendencies towards change, (2) the impact of these tendencies on
the affected structural components, (3) possible generalizations about
trends and patterns of change.
Sources of change can be either exogenous or endogenous. Exogenous
sources of change are changes in the environment or environing social
systems. Their impact is made felt only through the endogenous
tendencies to change which already exists in the units or subsystems
of the social system in question. Endogenous change itself is often
perceived as strain. A strain is a tendency to dis-equilibrium in the
input-output balance between two or more units of the system. Strain
can be relieved by being fully resolved, by being isolated or
arrested, or by changing the structure itself. Since strain usually
falls on relations between units of the system, structural change to
relieve the strain is defined as alteration in normative culture
defining the expectations governing that relation. Given structural
inertial tendencies, strain should occur only when lower-level control
mechanisms have failed. Sources of change may be myriad or multi-
causal.
Disturbance in the system may result from the balance of inputs and
outputs being thrown off. The impact of these forces for change will
vary in accordance with their magnitude, proportion of system units
affected, the strategic character of the affected unit(s), the degree
to which the forces affect functionally different units or sectors,
and resistance of system units. Empirically, it is hard to pinpoint
these forces for change because they are diffuse and seldom operate
discreetly. By present definition, a change in the structure of a
social system is a change in its normative culture. At the most
general level, it is a change in the paramount value system.
Change can also affect the interaction of different levels of the
social system, e.g. normative culture and the personality system.
However, symptoms of disturbance are common to processes which do and
do not cause change. Structural change is only one possible outcome of
strain.
The socialization of the child actually constitutes a process of
structural change in one set of structural components of social
systems, namely, the role-patterns of the individual - indeed, much of
the foregoing paradigm has been derived from this source. The
socialization of the individual does not, however, comprise change in
the social system of society. This is a good illustration of Parsons'
nested systems approach.
TALCOTT PARSONS: Talcott Parsons on Institutions and Social Evolution
Chapter 1: The Role of Theory in Social Research
In this short chapter, Parsons expresses his concern for what appears
to be the complete divorce between the empirically-minded and the
theoretically minded in which each does their type of research while
degrading the work of the other. For instance, Parsons says, ''certain
of the empirically minded are not merely not interested in attempting
to contribute to theory themselves, they are actively anti-
theoretical'' (67). He makes the same point of the theoretically
minded. Although he is very sympathetic toward empiricists who do not
like to structure their research on firm theoretical grounds, he
argues the whether they would like to admit it or not, scientific
endeavors cannot and do not make much contribution to scientific
knowledge unless they are ''guided by the logical structure of a
theoretical scheme.'' Parsons sees the principle functions of
analytical theory in research in the following four ways:
1) it provides a basis of selection for the important facts from the
unimportant, given the wealth of miscellaneous facts we have
2) it provides a basis for organization of the facts
3) it reveals the gaps in the existing knowledge and their importance
4) it provides a source of ''cross fertilization'' of related fields
Chapter 2: The Place of Ultimate Values in Sociological Theory
Basically what Parsons says in this chapter is that people strive to
achieve ends and they do so given the opportunities or means that are
available to them (means-ends chain). However, people's ''ultimate
ends'' as well as how they achieve them are not chosen randomly.
Instead, the means by which people achieve their goals, etc., are
defined and established by the group of which they are a part. Parsons
calls this a ''common system of ultimate ends.'' Actions are governed
by normative rules of the group or institution. In other words,
Parsons' concept of action is grounded in a normative framework.
Chapter 3: The Action Frame of Reference
A frame of reference is the starting point for analysis and is
determined by the particular vantage point and purposes. Mayhew says
that ''the grounding of the normative in the very concept of action as
a necessary element of an action frame of reference, gives the study
of norms a solid theoretical foundation'' (8). Norms have special
importance in social life; they provide an action frame of reference
for analyzing social structure and its functions.
Chapter 4: Hobbes and the Problem of Order
Hobbes believed that people are guided by their passions. The good is
simply what man desires. However, there are many limitations on the
extent to which these desires can be realized. Therefore, in order to
''control'' people's desires, society has created a social contract
that exists between members of society. Through this contract men
agree to give up some liberties to the sovereign power and in return
they receive security, or immunity, from aggression by the force or
fraud of others. Through this authority, the desires and passions are
held in check and order and security are maintained. Without it, men
will attempt to achieve their ends in the most efficient means
available, in other words, force or fraud. This will eventually lead
to a state of war.
It is this social contract of Hobbes that is most interesting to
Parsons. Hobbes' social contract is synonymous with Parson's normative
framework. He says that an ordered social life cannot be founded on
rational calculation alone; there must be a normative framework to
establish criteria of choice that will provide for social control of
disruptive conduct.
Chapter 5: Pattern Variables
Pattern variables are ''the principle tools of structural analysis
outlining the derivation of these categories from the intrinsic logic
of social action -- the inherent dilemmas of choice facing
actors'' (10). In this chapter Parsons argues that there are a
strictly limited and defined set of alternatives or choices that can
be made, and the relative primacies given to choices constitute the
''patterning of relational institutions.'' These choices or
alternatives are called orientation-selection.
There are five pattern variables of role-definition that Parsons
discusses, although he says that there are many more possibilities.
The first is the gratification-discipline dilemma: affectivity vs.
affective-neutrality. The dilemma here is in deciding whether one
expresses their orientation in terms of immediate gratification
(affectivity) or whether they renounce immediate gratification in
favor of moral interests (affective-neutrality). parsons says, ''no
actor can subsist without gratifications, while at the same time no
action system can be organized or integrated without the renunciation
of some gratifications which are available in the given
situation'' (107).
The second set of pattern variables of role-definition are the private
vs. collective interest dilemma: self-orientation vs. collectivity
orientation. In this case, one's role orientation is either in terms
of her private interests or in terms of the interests of the
collectivity. Parsons explains, ''a role, then, may define certain
areas of pursuit of private interests as legitimate, and in other
areas obligate the actor to pursuit of the common interests of the
collectivity. The primacy of the former alternative may be called
''self-orientation,'' that of the latter, ''collectivity-
orientation'' (107).
The third pair of pattern variables are the choice between types of
value-orientation standard: universalism vs. particularism. Simply
put, ''in the former case the standard is derived from the validity of
a set of existential ideas, or the generality of a normative rule, in
the latter from the particularity of ... an object or of the status of
the object in a relational system'' (109). Example: the obligation to
fulfill contractual agreements vs. helping someone because she is your
friend.
The fourth pair of pattern variables are achievement vs. ascriptive
role behavior: the choice between modalities of the social object.
Achievement-orientation roles are those which place an emphasis on the
performances of the people, whereas ascribed roles, the qualities or
attributes of people are emphasized independently of specific expected
performances.
The final pair of pattern variables are specificity vs. diffuseness:
the definition of scope of interest in the object. If one adopts an
orientation of specificity towards an object, it means that the
definition of the role as orienting to the social object in specific
terms. In contrast, in a diffuse orientation, the mode of orientation
is outside the range of obligations defined by the role-expectation.
Chapter 7: Integration and Institutionalization in the Social System
Institutionalization: By institutionalization Parsons meant the
integration of roles and sanctions with a generalized value system or
normative framework which all members share. He states,
''institutionalization is an articulation or integration of the
actions of a plurality of actors in a specific type of situation in
which the various actors accept jointly a set of harmonious rules
regarding goals and procedures'' (118).
Institutionalizing Roles: Parsons says that the social system of the
institution must contain an allocative process by which the problem of
who is to get what, who is to do what, and the manner and conditions
under which it is to be done is made explicit. If this is not done,
the social system will fail and will make way for another system. If
it does occur, integration will be achieved. The function of
allocation of roles, facilities, and rewards, therefore, must be
established within the social system. Access to roles is determined by
qualifications. Access to facilities is determined by position. One is
given facilities to help to achieve the goals set forth by the duties
of the position they occupy. The purpose of facilities is the
fulfillment of role-expectations. Rewards have the function of
maintaining or modifying motivations. Therefore, access to rewards is
determined by achievement or how well one does her work.
The Integration of the Social System: Social integration of the social
system takes place when members are governed by a common value-
orientation, when the common values are motivationally integrated in
action as a collectivity, and when the people are given and take
responsibility for their role-expectation in that they take
responsibility for the definition and enforcement of the norms
governing the allocative processes and take responsibility for the
conduct of communal affairs.
Chapter 9: Illness and the Role of the Physician
Parsons defines illness as a deviant behavior because, as a sick
person, whether mentally or physically, one is not able to perform the
functions or obligations to society. He states, ''behavior which is
defined in sociological terms as failing in some way to fulfill the
institutionally defined expectations of one or more of the roles in
which the individual is implicated in the society'' (146). He deals
with four issues here: the processes of genesis of illness, the role
of the sick person as a social role, aspects of the role of the
physician and their relation to the therapeutic process, and the way
in which both roles fit into the general equilibrium of the social
system.
In the first issue, that of the processes of genesis of the illness,
mental illness is assumed. Parsons suggests that the genesis of
illnesses results from something that has gone wrong in a person's
relationships to others during the process of social interaction. The
support a person receives from those surrounding her in which she is
made to feel a member of the group as well as the upholding of values
of the group may be lacking resulting in the person becoming
pathological.
In the second issue, the role of the sick person is considered a
social role. First, the sick person is made exempt from normal social
obligations. Then she is exempted from certain responsibilities of her
own state. Third, given the role of the sick relinquishes one from the
claim to full legitimacy. Fourth, being sick is defined as needing
help; the sick person makes the transition to the additional role of
patient and as such has certain obligations to fulfill.
The third issue, the aspects of the role of the physician and their
relation to the therapeutic process are discussed. Parsons says that
there are four main conditions of successful psychotherapy. The first
is support which signifies the acceptance of the sick person as a
member of a social group. The second is a special permissiveness to
express wishes and fantasies which would ordinarily not be permitted
in normal social relationships. The third is that the therapist does
not reciprocate the expectations of the patient. The fourth is the
conditional manipulation of sanctions by the therapist -- the giving
and withholding of approval.
The final issue that Parsons discusses is how the illness/sick person,
the physician, and well as the psychotherapy are built into the
structure of society.
Chapter 15: On the Concept of Influence
Ways of Getting Results in Interaction: Parsons argues that there are
at least four ways of getting results in interaction. The first is
through inducement of offering someone something that they want so
that they will comply. The second is through deterrence of suggesting
that by not complying something bad will happen to the person. The
third means is through activation of commitment or suggesting to the
person why it would be wrong, in the person's viewpoint, to refuse to
comply. The fourth means is through persuasion or offering reasons why
it would be a good thing for him or her to comply, independent of
situational advantages. Parsons presents the following diagram to
illustrate his point:
CHANNEL
SANCTION Intentional Situational
Positive persuasion inducement
Negative activation deterrence
of
commitments
This he calls his paradigm of modes of gaining ends.
Parsons defines influence as ''a means of persuasion. It is bringing
about a decision on alter's part to act in a certain way because it is
felt to be a 'good thing' for him, on the one hand independently of
contingent or otherwise imposed changes in his situation, on the other
hand for positive reasons, not because of the obligations he would
violate through noncompliance'' (236). In other words, one has
influence because of who they are, because they hold some title, etc.,
that makes people believe in them. Parsons states, ''the same
statement will carry more weight if made by someone with a high
reputation for competence, for reliability, for good judgment, etc.,
than by someone without this reputation ... It is not what he is
saying ... but what 'right' he has to expect to be taken
seriously.'' (238-9). Persuasion is done in common interest. It is not
in the interest of the persuader, but in the interest of the person
being persuaded that the outcome would benefit. An example of this is
a doctor and a patient. The doctor has influence because of who she
is. She has a degree and training that gives credibility, and the aim
she has is for the good of the patient.
Types of Influence. There are four types of influence: political,
fiduciary, influence through appear to different loyalties, and
influence oriented to the interpretation of norms. In political
influence, there is a directly significant relation between influence
and power. Fiduciary influence refers to the ability to allocate
resources in a system where both collectivities and their goals are
plural and justification of each among the plural goals is
problematic. Influence through appeal to differential loyalties refers
to commitments grounded in institutionalized values. It is a matter of
justifying assuming particular responsibilities in the context of a
particular collectivity. The final type of influence, that of
influence oriented to the interpretation of norms, refers to the
interpretation of legal norms of the judicial process.
Chapter 19: Evolutionary Universals in Society
Four features of human societies at the level of culture and social
organization were cited as having universal and major significance as
prerequisites for socio-cultural development: technology, kinship
organization based on an incest taboo, communication based on
language, and religion. Primary attention, however, was given to six
organizational complexes that develop mainly at the level of social
structure. The first two, particularly important for the emergence of
societies for primitiveness, are stratification, involving a primary
break with primitive break with primitive kinship ascription, and
cultural legitimation, with institutionalized agencies that are
independent of a diffuse religious tradition.
Fundamental to the structure of modern societies are, taken together,
the other four complexes: bureaucratic organization of collective goal-
attainment, money and market systems, generalized universalistic legal
systems, and the democratic association with elective leadership and
mediated membership support for policy orientations. Although these
have developed very unevenly, some of them going back a very long
time, all are clearly much more than simple inventions of particular
societies.
Perhaps a single theme tying them together is that differentiation and
attendant reduction in ascription has caused the initial two-class
system to give way to more complex structures at the levels social of
stratification and the relation between social structure and its
cultural legitimation. First, this more complex system is
characterized by a highly generalized universalistic normative
structure in all fields. Second, subunits under such normative orders
have greater autonomy both in pursuing their own goals and interests
and in serving others instrumentally. Third, this autonomy is linked
with the probability that structural units will develop greater
diversity of interests and subgoals. Finally, this diversity results
in pluralization of scales of prestige and therefore of differential
access to economic resources, power, and influence.
TALCOTT PARSONS: ''Suggestions for a Sociological Approach to the
Theory of Organizations''
1. MAIN ARGUMENT
Parson's version of sociological explanation of organizational theory.
He attempted to define organization by locating it systematically in
the structure of the society in relation to other categories of social
structure. He defines an organization as ''a social system oriented to
the attainment of a relatively specific type of goal, which
contributes to a major function of a more comprehensive system,
usually the society'' (63).
2. OUTLINE (AGIL SCHEME)
He referred to his basic classification of the functional problem of
social systems (AGIL). This classification distinguished four main
categories:
-the value system - which defines and legitimized the goals of the
organization (L)
-the adaptive mechanisms - which concern mobilization of resources (A)
-the operative code - mechanisms of the direct process of goal
implementation (G)
-the integrative mechanisms (I)
1) - (L) Its value system defining the societal commitments of which
its functioning depends. This value system must be a subvalue system
of a higher-order one, since the organization is always defined as a
subsystem of a more comprehensive social system. From this concept,
Parsons maintained two conclusions. First, the value system of the
organization must imply basic acceptance of the more generalized
values of the superordinate system. Secondly, on the requisite level
of generality, the most essential feature of the value system of an
organization is the valuative legitimation of its place or role in the
superordinate system.
2) - (A) Its mechanisms of resource procurement. The problem of
mobilizing fluid resources concerns one major aspect of the external
relations of the organization to the situation in which it operates.
The resources which the organization must utilize are the factors of
production as these concepts are used in economic theory; land, labor,
capital and organizations (refers to the function of combining the
factors of production in such ways as to facilitate the effective
attainment of the organization's goal).
3) - (G) Its operative mechanism centering about decision making in
the fields of policy, allocation, and integration. The policy decision
meant decisions which relatively directly commit the organization as a
whole and which stand in relatively direct relation to its primary
functions. Parsons noted that the critical feature of policy decisions
is the fact that they commit the organization to a whole to carry out
their implications. The allocative decisions relate to the
distribution of resources within the organization and the delegations
of authority. From these points, there are two main aspects of the
allocative decision process; one concerns mainly personnel, the other
financial and physical facilities. The coordination decisions concern
with the integration of the organization as a system.
4) - (I) Its institutional patterns which link the structure of the
organization with the structure of the society as a whole. The problem
concern rather the compatibility of the institutional order under
which the organization operates with other organizations and social
units, as related to integrative exigencies of the society as a whole.
This integrative problem can be generalized to both human agents and
interorganizational integration.
Conclusion: The same basic classification of the functional problems
of social systems was used to establish point of reference for a
classification of types of organization, and broadest outline of a
proposed classification was sketched. Then, Parsons suggested some
illustrative cases by a rapid survey of some of the principal
business, military, and academic organizations.
TALCOTT PARSONS: The Professions and Social Structure
This chapter and the piece on age and sex can be seen as attempts to
apply Parsons' theories to real life situations. In the case of
business and the professions, he's looking at how our ''society'' as
an organism, maintains itself. Two of Parsons' four functional needs
of society - integration (coordinating system parts) and latency
(managing tensions between parts and generating new parts) - are
solved in this article by what he calls ''functional specificity''.
(compare to Durkheim).
Parsons begins by wondering why the professions are so highly
developed, and why there is such a highly refined division of labor
nowadays. (He rejects the idea that it is simply individuals'
utilitarian self-interest. He says it is part of society,
institutional. **He wants to prove that ''the acquisitiveness of
moderns business is institutional rather than motivational.'' Here
institutional = cultural = given part of social structure.)
Three important elements distinguish our society from others and
contribute to the unique importance of professions in our society.
1. In our society, scientific rationality - that is, not accepting
traditional explanations just because they are traditional, and
therefore searching for better ways and explanations - is
''institutional, a part of a normative pattern.'' This is to say,
scientific rationality is not just something that comes natural to all
human beings.
2. Furthermore, certain people have authority in certain realms but in
no others. For instance, regardless of their financial backgrounds or
upbringing, doctors are given authority in the field of medicine
because it is their specialty. This is what Parsons calls the
''functional specificity'' of technical competence or authority. In
contrast to commercial relations, which are functionally specific, kin
relations are functionally diffuse. Your grandma has authority because
she's your grandma, not because of their technical expertise. (Liken
functional specificity to Weber on bureaucracy - office-holders can
give orders because of authority of the office.) Parsons calls for a
thorough study of functional specificity, since it is a product of our
unique modern D of L.
3. Related to the last thing, there are two kinds of relations among
people, universalistic and particularistic. The more contexts in which
you know someone, like a relative or a friend, the less possible it is
to abstract that person's personality from the particular role they
play at one time. For instance, a person who has her elderly parent
living with her will treat the parent much differently than she would
treat a tenant who is a stranger. The mother is regarded as a
particular individual, mom. The other tenant is regarded as any other
tenant would be, by a ''universalistic'' rule for how landlords treat
tenants. (Think of Simmel, content and form of relations - parent
relations have more content because of different contexts, not a
purely formal relation.)
But are professions and business really all that different? No, if we
think of them both as having the goal of ''success.'' People wish to
succeed at whatever vocation their talent brings them to, be they
doctors, scientists, painters or financial analysts.
But this is only the case in the normal condition of society, a ''well-
integrated'' situation. If achievement fails to bring recognition, or
if you get recognition for doing nothing or the wrong thing, this
causes strain. (Think of Merton) Strain leads to profiteering in the
professions and shady practices in business.
It is not accurate to say that business folks are purely egoistic nor
that professionals are purely altruistic. Both have the same sorts f
motivation, and differences in normative behaviors are institutionally
defined definitions of the situation. System is maintained by a
complex balance of diverse social forces.
TALCOTT PARSONS: Age and Sex in the Social Structure of the United
States
This is another attempt to make Parsons' theories relevant. This piece
deals mostly with the functional needs of integration and latency,
where different age and sex groups can be seen as the different
elements of an organism. To some extent, it deals with the question of
how to reconcile individual with social needs.
Parsons asserts that our society is unique in that our children of
both sexes are treated alike, relative to other societies. The main
reason for this similarity is that children are given education that
focuses mostly on liberal arts rather than vocations.
In spite of the ''conspicuous'' exception that in the job world, men
and women in this society share an underlying structural equality.
(I'm just telling you what he says.) Education through college is
merit-based and there is little discrimination until you get to
postgrad, where the strict focus on vocation leads to more sex-based
discrimination.
Elsewhere Parsons asserts that it is functional to have a woman at
home raising the children and making the man's home life run smoothly,
so he can dedicate himself to his career. Women need to be educated,
he implies, because they need to life up to expectations which come
with being the wife of a man of a certain status. He is where she gets
her status.
If she isn't smart enough to find ways to entertain herself by
following the ''good companion'' pattern, a women may choose to follow
the glamour gal routine, going for clothes and makeup. Striving for
success in these two realms is functional because these patterns keep
women from competing with men. However, since these women have liberal
arts educations, they may undergo such strain that it is no surprise
that they often exhibit neurotic behavior. This sex-based
differentiation comes from adolescent ''youth culture,'' where boys
value things counter to adult male responsibility (like sport, booze,
and girlies) and girls go for the glamour gal look. The girls' role is
counter to their adult expectation of becoming mommies, but
nonetheless prepares them to accept their place relative to the men's
world.
As people age, women whose children are grown get bored and either
shop more or work for benefit organizations. Men and women both
romanticize the days when their options were open to them, so men may
drink and hang out with younger, attractive women. Women may get
neurotic.
All this is an example of how society tries to regulate its functions,
in spite of strain. Here we find problems of latency, where tensions
arise between parts, such as women who are smart and educated enough
to have ''men's'' jobs but would then force too much competition.
There are also problems of integration or coordinating the parts of
the system, especially in the case of preparing boys for the adult
world in a society where their role models are absent ('cause they're
at work all the time). I don't think I need to spend much time
briefing you all on potential criticisms of this particular little
chapter (Don't men themselves have anything to do with keeping women
out? Since when has there been gender equality in the schools? Why is
this system functional anyway!?!). Let's say, in the unlikely chance
we get asked about it, we'll have a field day.
>TALCOTT PARSONS ''An Outline of the Social System'' (TS: 30-79)
>
>A couple of things which might be helpful to know before I begin.
I must have missed something.
Maybe one or more of the two.
Be that as it may,
another thing was on my mind.
It had to do with how,
suppose there were a batch,
or was a bunch, of sayings, proverbs,
little maxims or aphorisms.
Then, suppose they gathered moss.
Commentaries, and a few conclusions.
Say, for instance, they were compiled
into a book, make it two. Akin to Tao and Te.
Except different. Like Dao and De. But different.
In this hypothetical book, there might be a verse,
or a chapter, which begins with, oh, say:
Haste makes waste.
And then, a comment about it.
Like, yeah man, so, take it easy.
And then: Thus the sage never hurries.
But then, later on, in the little book, or books,
there's another saying, e.g. He who hesitates is lost.
Which has some comment following it, like, yeah man,
don't wait too long cuz if you snooze you lose.
And then: Thus the sage is never asleep at the wheel.
Imagine, if you can, a couple thousand years go by,
make it 2500, give or take. And readers happen to happen
to find and explore and appreciate the little book, or books.
Some notice how Chapter 1, verse 1, line 1
could be said to contradict what's found later on,
in some other line or verse or chapter of the book, or books.
What to make of that?
Well, maybe the little book, or books, began
as just a collection of sayings, or proverbs, or maxims, or
aphorisms, which collected around the collection, commentaries
and conclusions, across the eon, or ages, from the ancients.
Contradiction may not mean much of anything.
Context might be a rule of thumb.
akin to
crossing an eye
sea stream