Benjamin Tucker

[Choronzon Christ]

* Benjamin Tucker - Anarchist or Capitalist? *

by Gary Elkin

Benjamin Tucker was against "capitalism" in the sense of a
State-supported monopoly of productive tools and equipment which allows
owners to avoid paying workers the full value of their labor. This
stance puts him squarely in the libertarian socialist tradition.

Indeed, Tucker referred to himself many times as a socialist. It's
true that he sometimes railed against "socialism," but in those cases it
is clear that he was referring to *State* socialism. He also made it
clear that he is against private property and so supported Proudhon's
idea of "property is theft" and even translated Proudhon's "What is
Property?" where that phrase originated. Tucker advocated *possession*
but not private property, believing that empty land, houses, etc. should
be squatted. He considered private property in land use (which he called
the "land monopoly") as one of the four great evils of capitalism.
According to Tucker, "the land monopoly... consists in the enforcement
by government of land titles which do not rest upon personal occupacy
and cultivation... the individual should no longer be protected by their
fellows in anything but personal occupation and cultivation of land"
[the anarchist reader, p150].
In this his views are directly opposed to those of right libertarians
like Murray Rothbard, who advocate "absolute" property rights which are
protected by laws enforced either by a "nightwatchman State" or private
security forces.

Tucker believed that bankers' monopoly of the power to create credit and
currency is the lynchpin of capitalism Although he thought that all
forms of monopoly are detrimental to society, he maintained that the
banking monopoly is the worst form since it is the root from which both
the industrial-capitalist and landlordist monopolies grow and without
which they would wither and die. For if credit were not monopolized,
its price (i.e. interest rates) would be much lower, which in turn would
drastically lower the price of capital goods, land, and buildings --
expensive items that generally cannot be purchased without access to
credit. The freedom to squat empty land and buildings would, in the
absence of a State to protect titles, complete the process of reducing
rents toward zero.

Following Proudhon, Tucker argued that if any group of people could
legally form a "mutual bank" and issue credit based on any form of
collateral they saw fit to accept, the price of credit would fall to the
labor cost of the paperwork involved in issuing and keeping track of it.
He claimed that banking statistics show this cost to be less than one
percent of principal, and hence, that a one-time service fee which
covers this cost and no more is the only _non-usurious_ charge a bank
can make for extending credit. This charge should not be called
"interest," since it is non-exploitative.

Tucker believed that under mutual banking, capitalists' ability to
extact exorbitant fees from workers for the use of expensive tools and
equipment would be eliminated, because workers would be able to obtain
zero-interest credit and use it to buy their own tools and equipment
instead of "renting" them from capitalists. Easy access to mutual
credit would result in a huge increase in the purchase of capital goods,
creating a huge demand for labor which in turn would greatly increase
employees' bargaining power and thus raise their wages toward
equivalence with the value-added produced by their labor.

Tucker's ideal society is therefore one of small entrepreneurs and
independent contractors. Between those who possess capital equipment
and those with whom they contract to use the equipment, he envisions a
non-exploitative relationship in which value-added would be equitably
distributed between them.

It's important to note that because of Tucker's proposal to increase the
bargaining power of workers through access to mutual credit, his
so-called Individualist anarchism is not only compatible with workers'
control but would in fact promote it. For if access to mutual credit
were to increase the bargaining power of workers to the extent that
Tucker claimed it would, they would then be able to (1) demand and get
workplace democracy, and (2) pool their credit buy and own companies
collectively. This would eliminate the top-down structure of the firm
and the ability of owners to pay themselves unfairly large salaries.
Thus the logical consequence of
Tucker's proposals would be a system functionally equivalent in most
respects to the kind of system advocated by left libertarians.

Tucker's system does retain some features of capitalism, such as
competition between firms in a "free market." However, markets are only
a necessary condition of capitalism, not a sufficient condition. There
can also be a "free market" under socialism, though it would be of a
different nature. The fundamental anarchist objection to capitalism is
not that it involves markets but that it involves private property and
wage slavery. Tucker's system would eliminate both, which is why he
called himself a socialist. Thus Tucker is clearly a left libertarian
rather than a forefather of right libertarianism. In this he comes
close to what today would be called a "market socialist," albeit a
non-statist variety.

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