Ted Kaczynski was part Jewish

[vineland_...@my-deja.com]

Just like Adolf Hitler. Oh, my Yiddish cheeks. I need a stud to
fulfill my fantasies. Perhaps Agent99 might be interested in placating
my desires. He suggested I put a keyboard in my arse, but I need
something bigger--and maybe he has it. Oh, my Yiddish buns.

Peter (now don't get perverted thoughts with my name)

Sent via Deja.com http://www.deja.com/
Share what you know. Learn what you don't.

[Kenneth McVay OBC]

In article <7n9u3p$ncg$1...@nnrp1.deja.com>,

<vineland_...@my-deja.com> wrote:
>Just like Adolf Hitler. Oh, my Yiddish cheeks. I need a stud to
>fulfill my fantasies. Perhaps Agent99 might be interested in placating
>my desires. He suggested I put a keyboard in my arse, but I need
>something bigger--and maybe he has it. Oh, my Yiddish buns.

There is no evidence that Hitler carried any Jewish blood in his
veins. Lots of incest in the family, but no Jews.
i
Archive/File: people/h/hitler.adolf/family incest-in-the-family
Last-Modified: 1997/01/11

"The first clues to a possible Jewish origin of Hitler came from
the manuscript 'In View of the Gallows,' written in his Nuernberg
cell by Hans Frank ... In that work he revealed:

Hitler's father was the illigitimate son of a woman with
the last name Schicklgruber from Leonding near Linz, who worked
as a cook in a Graz household... This cook called Schicklgruber,
Adolf Hitler's grandmother, was employed in a Jewish household
by the name of Frankenberger when she gave birth to her child.
And this Frankenberger paid child support to Fraulein Schicklgruber
on behalf of his approximately nineteen-year-old son for the
period from the child's birth until his fourteenth year of age.
There also was correspondence for years between these
Frankenbergers and Hitler's grandmother, the overall tenor
of which ... was that Fraulein Schicklgruber's illegitimate
child had been conceived under circumstances that made the
Frankenbergers responsible to pay child support... Accordingly,
Hitler himself was one-fourth Jewish.

Although this report has since proven incorrect, the results of
Frank's research, as well as the essentially similar findings of
an investigation by Himmler in August 1942, were reason enough for
Hitler himself to have serious doubts about his purely Aryan
origin.

[...] First of all, these investigations decisively contradicted
the allegation that Hitler's grandfather was Jewish. Since Alois
Schiclgruber was born on June 7, 1837, a Jew named Frankenberger
would have had to have been employed in Graz in that same year.
Both preconditions, however, are untrue. Neither in the registry
books of the Jewish synagogue nor in the "birth records" of other
religious communities of Graz is a Frankenberger to be found. An
Alois Schicklgruber appears for the first time in 1900; but since
he was much younger than Alois Schicklgruber, he naturally is out
of the question as Alois' father. The case is similar with Maria
Anna Schicklgruber, who is recorded neither in the Graz "domestic
register" nor in the "municipal register" for the time in
question, which was impossible anyway, since she was living in
Walfviertel in Lower Austria as a subject of the "Counts of
Ottenstein."

The most recent genealogical studies have cast additional light on
the identity of Hitler's grandfather. These studies show that the
illegitimate child Alois, whose family name Schicklgruber was not
officially changed to Hitler until 1876, was never acknowledged as
his own child by his alleged father Georg Hiedler -- a variant
spelling was Huettler -- even when Georg married Maria Anna
Schicklgruber in 1842. This rejection of paternity was
understandable since Hitler's real grandfather happened to be not
Georg but his brother Johann Nepomuk Huetter. Nepomuk, a wealthy
married man, had apparently, by means of adequate subventions,
convinced his brother Georg to marry the mother of his
illegitimate child Alois, because this made it possible for him to
bring up the little Alois as a child in his household without
arousing the suspicion of his unsuspecting wife. This also readily
explains why Alois spent his childhood and early youth not in his
mother's house, but in that of his "uncle" Nepomuk Huettler. It
also explains how after Nepomuk's death in 1888 Alois Hitler's
financial situation took such a sudden turn for the better. For,
as Maser at least tried to make plausible, after the
legitimization of the name Hitler in 1876, Alois, as sole heir,
apparently inherited his "uncle" Johann Nepomuk's entire fortune.

[...]

Incest in the Hitler Family
---------------------------
Heidler---------Goeschl,
Martin Anna Maria
| /
| /
| /
Heidler---------Schicklgruber-----------Huettler--------Decker,
Johann Georg Maria Anna Johann Nepomuk Eva Maria
| / | /
| / | /
| / | /
| / Huettler--------Poelzl,
| / Johanna Jahann Baptist
| / | /
| / | /
|/ | /
Matzelsberger---Schicklgruber-----------Poezl,
Franziska Alois. 1876 Klara, 3rd. wife
\ legit. Hitler |
\ /\ |
\ / \ |
\/ \ |
Raubal----------Hitler, \ |
Leo Angela \ |
\ / \ |
\ / \ |
\/ \ |
Raubal, \ |
Angela, called "Geli"-----------Hitler, Adolf" (Neumayr, 153-4)

Work Cited

Neumayr, Anton. Dictators in the Mirror of Medicine. Bloomington,
Illinois: Medi-Ed Press, 1995.

Now back to your regularly scheduled program .....

--
The Nizkor Project-----------------------http://www.nizkor.org
Ken McVay, Director: http://www.nizkor.org/~kmcvay
David Irving: A man who has lied under oath
www.nizkor.org/hweb/people/i/irving-david/irving-lies-under-oath.html

[jum...@my-deja.com]

"Only a God Can Save Us: _Der_Spiegel's_ Interview with Martin
Heidegger"
(first appeared in _Der_Spiegel_, May 31, 1976. The present translation
by Maria P. Alter and John D.Caputo appeared in _Philosophy_Today_
XX(4/4):267-285, 1976).

Introductory Note in _Der_Spiegel_

_Der_Spiegel's_ interview with Martin Heidegger, which appears in this
issue, was forbidden to be made known until after his death. This was
the
strict wish of the philosopher. Born in Messkirch on September 26,
1889,
and without doubt one of the most important existentialists in Germany,
indeed one of the most important existentialists internationally,
Heidegger died this past Wednesday in Freiburg. By way of background,
let
us mention that in March 1966 Heidegger sent a letter to the editor of
_Der_Spiegel_ in which he contradicted some of the statements which are
found in the literature about his behavior during the Third Reich.
After
twenty years of silence on the subject, this was unique for him. This
letter to the editor was at the same time a subtle hint to _Der_Spiegel_
that Heidegger was ready to address himself to these reproaches. In
September 1966, Rudolph Augstein and Georg Folff conducted
_Der_Spiegel's_
interview with Heidegger, the topic of which soon passed far beyond the
year 1933. Heidegger resolutely resisted any suggestion to publish the
interview before his death: "It is neither pride nor stubbornness, but
rather sheer care for my work, whose task has become with the years more
and more simple and in the field of thinking that means more and more
difficult."

_Der_Spiegel's_ interview with Martin Heidegger on September 23, 1966

Spiegel: Professor Heidegger, we have stated time and again that your
philosophical work has been somewhat overshadowed by some events in your
life which, while they did not last very long, have still never been
cleared up.

Heidegger: You mean 1933.

S: Yes, before and after. We would like to put this in a larger context
and, from that vantage point, raise some questions which appear to be
important, e.g., what are the possibilities that philosophy could have
an
effect on reality, in particular on political reality?

H: These are important questions. Who is to say that I can answer them?
But first of all I must say that, before my rectorship, I was not in any
way politically active. In the winter semester of 1932-33, I had a
leave
of absense, and I spent most of that time at my cabin.

S: Well, then how did it happen that you became rector of the University
of Freiburg?

H: In December 1932, my neighbor, von Mollendorff, who was Professor of
Anatomy, was elected rector. The term of office of the new rector at
the
University of Freiburg begins on April 15. During the winter semester
of
1932-33, he and I often spoke of the situation, not only of the
political
situation, but especially of that of the univerisities, and of the
situation of the studients which appeared in part to be hopeless. My
judgment was this: insofar as I could judge things, only one possibility
was left, and that was to attempt to stem the coming development by
means
of constructive powers which were still viable.

S: So you saw a connection between the situation of the German
university
and the political situation in Germany as a whole?

H: I certainly followed political events between January and March 1933
and occasionally I spoke about them with my younger colleagues. But my
work itself was concerned with a comprehensive interpretation of
pre-Socratic thought. At the beginning of the summer semester I
returned
to Freiburg. In the meantime, on April 16, Professor von Mollendorff
had
begun his office as rector. Scarcely two weeks later he was relieved of
his office by the then Badish Minister of Culture. The occasion for
this
decision by the minister, an occasion for which the minister was
presumably looking, was the fact that the rector had forbidden posting
the
so-called Jewish proclamation.

S: Professor von Mollendorff was a Social Democrat. What did he do
after
his removal?

H: On the very day he was removed, von Mollendorff came to me and said:
"Heidegger, now you must take over the rectorship." I said that I lacked
experience in administration. The vice-rector at that time, Professor
Sauer (Theology), likewise urged me to become a candidate for the
rectorship. For otherwise the danger would be that a party functionary
would be named rector. The younger faculty, with whom I had been
discussing the structure of the University for many years, beseiged me
to
take over the rectorship. For a long time I hesitated. Finally I said
that I was ready to take over the office in the interest of the
University, but only if I could be certain of a unanimous agreement of
the
Plenum. My doubts about my suitability for the rectorship persisted.
On
the morning of the day which had been set for the election, I went to
the
rector's office and explained to von Mollendorff (who though no longer
rector was present there) and to Professor Sauer, that I just could not
possibly take over the office. Both these colleagues told me that the
election had been set up in such a way that I could no longer withdraw
my
candidacy.

S: And after this you declared yourself ready. How then was your
relationship with the National Socialists formed?

H: On the second day after I had assumed office, the "student leader"
with
two companions visited me as rector and demanded again the posting of
the
Jewish proclamation. I declined. The three students left remarking
that
the prohibition would be reported to the National Student Leadership.
After a few days a telephone call came from the Office of Higher
Education
[SA _Hochschulamt_], in the highest SA echelons, from the SA Leader Dr.
Baumann. He demanded the posting of the so-called proclamation, since
it
had already been posted in other universities. If I refused I would
have
to reckon with removal, if not, indeed, with the closing of the
University. I attempted to win the support of the Badish Ministry of
Culture for my prohibition. The latter explained that he could do
nothing
in opposition to the SA. Nevertheless, I did not retract my
prohibition.

S: Up to now that was not known.

H: The motive which moved me to take over the rectorship had already
appeared in my inaugural address at Freiburg in the year 1929, _What_is_
_Metaphysics_?: "The fields of the sciences lie far apart. The methods
of
treating their objects are fundamentally different. Today this
fragmented
multiplicity of discipline is held together only by the technical
organization of the universities and the faculties and held together as
a
unit of meaning only through the practical orientation of the academic
departments. The roots of the sciences in the essential ground have
withered away." What I attempted to do during my term of office with
respect to this situation of the university (which has by today
deteriorated to the extreme) is contained in my rectoral address.

S: We attempted to find out how and whether this remark from 1929
coincided with what you said in your inaugural address as rector in
1933.
We are taking a sentence out of context: "The much-sung 'academic
freedom'
is driven out of the German university. This freedom was false because
it
was only negative." We might suppose that this sentence expresses at
least
in part ideas which are even today not foreign to you.

H: Yes, I still stand behind that statement. For this
academic "freedom"
was all too often only a negative one: freedom _from_ taking the trouble
to reflect and meditate as scientific studies demand. But the sentence
which you have picked out should not be isolated. It should rather, be
read in context. Then what I wanted understood by "negative freedom"
will
become clear.

S: Good. One can understand that. Still we believe that we perceive a
new tone in your rector's address when you speak there, four months
after
Hitler was named Chancellor of the Reich, of the "greatness and glory of
this new dawn."

H: Yes, I was convinced of that.

S: Could you explain a bit more?

H: Gladly. At that time I saw no alternative. In the general confusion
of opinions and of the political trends of 22 parties, it was necessary
to
find a national, and above all a social, point of view, perhaps of the
sort attempted by Friedrich Naumann. To give you one example, I can
only
refer you here to an essay by Eduard Spranger, which goes far beyond my
rector's address.

S: When did you begin to be concerned with political situations? The 22
parties had been there for a long time. And there were millions of
unemployed people in 1930.

H: At that time I was completely taken up with the questions that are
developed in _Being_and_Time_ (1927) and in the writings and lectures of
the following years. These are the fundamental questions of thinking
which in an indirect way affect even national and social questions. The
question which concerned me directly as a teacher in the university was
the question of the meaning of the sciences and, in connection with
this,
the question of the determination of the task of the university. This
concern is expressed in the title of my rectoral address: "The
Self-Assertion of the German University." Such a title had not been
risked
in any rectoral address up to that time. And yet who among those who
have
engaged in polemics against this address has read it thoroughly, thought
it through and interpreted it in terms of the situation of those times?

S: But to speak of the self-assertion of the German university in such a
turbulent world, wasn't that a bit inappropriate?

H: Why so? The self-assertion of the university: that goes against the
so-called "political science" which was demanded at that time in the
Party
and by the National Socialist Students. At that time the title had a
completely different meaning: it did not mean the science of politics,
as
it does today; rather it meant: science as such in the meaning and
worth,
is devalued in favor of the practical needs of the people. The
counterposition to such politicizing of science is rightly expressed in
the rectoral address.

S: Do we understand you correctly? While you drew the university into
something which you at that time felt to be a new dawn, still you wished
to see the university assert itself against currents which were
overpowering and which would have no longer allowed the university to
keep
its identity?

H: Certainly. But self-assertion whould simultaneously pose the task of
retrieving from the merely technical organization of the university a
new
meaning which could come out of a reflection on the tradition of Western
European thought.

S: Professor, are we to understand that you thought at that time that it
was possible for the university to regain its health in alliance with
the
National Socialists?

H: That is not exactly correct. I did not say in alliance with the
National Socialists. Rather, the university should renew itself by
means
of its own reflection and in this way secure a firm position against the
danger of the politicization of science -- in the aforementioned sense.

S: And that is why you proclaimed these three pillars in your rectoral
address: the service of work, military service, and the service of
knowledge. In this way you meant to say, the "service of knowledge"
should be lifted up to a position of equal rank with the other two,
something which the National Socialists surely would not have granted
it?

H: There was no talk of "pillars." If you read it carefully, you will
see
that the "service of knowledge" does, to be sure, stand in the third
place
in the enumeration, but in terms of its meaning it is first. One ought
to
remember that work and the military, like every human activity, are
grounded in knowledge and are enlightened by it.

S: But we must -- and this will be the end of this miserable quoting --
still mention one more remark, one which we cannot imagine that you
would
still subscribe to today. You said in the fall of 1933: "Do not let
doctrines and ideas be the rules of your Being. The Fuhrer himself and
he
alone _is_ the present and future German reality and its rule."

H: These sentences are not found in the rectoral address, but only in
the
local _Freiburg_Students_Newspaper_, at the beginning of the 1933-34
winter semester. When I took over the rectorship it was clear to me
that
I would not see it through without some compromises. I would today no
longer write the sentences which you cite. Even by 1934 I no longer
said
such things.

S: May we ask you once more a related question? It has become clear up
to
this point in this conversation that your position in the year 1933
fluctuated between two poles. You had to say many things
_ad_usum_delphini_ [for the use of the Dauphin, i.e., for public
consumption]; that is one pole. But the other pole was more positive,
and this you express by saying: I had the feeling that here is something
new, here is a new dawn.

H: That is right. It's not that I had spoken only for the sake of
appearances; I also saw such a possibility.

S: You know that some reproaches have been made against you in this
connection concerning your collaboration with the NSDAP and its units
and
which are still not contradicted. Thus you have been accused of having
taken part in the book burnings by the student body or by the Hitler
Youth.

H: I had forbidden the planned book burning which was to take place in
front of the University buildings.

S: Then you were also accused of having had the books of Jewish authors
removed from the library or from the Philosophical Seminar.

H: As Director of the Seminar I had authority only over its library. I
did not comply with the repeated demands to remove the books of Jewish
authors. Former participants in my seminars could testify today that
not
only were no books of Jewish authors removed, but that these authors,
and
above all Husserl, were cited and discussed just as before 1933.

S: Well, then how do you explain the origin of such rumors? Is it just
maliciousness?

H: According to my knowledge of the sources, I am inclined to believe
that. But the motives of the defamation lie deeper. Taking over the
rectorship was probably only the occasion, but not the determining
cause.
Probably the polemics will flare up again and again, whenever the
occasion
presents itself.

S: You had Jewish students also after 1933. Your relationship to some
of
these students is supposed to have been quite warm.

H: My attitude after 1933 remained unchanged. One of my oldest and most
gifted students, Helene Weiss, who later emigrated to Scotland, was
awarded her doctorate from Basel -- for this was no longer possible at
Freiburg -- with a dissertation, "Causality and Chance in the Philosophy
of Aristotle," printed in Basel in 1942. AT the conclusion of the
foreword, the author writes: "The attempt at a phenomenological
interpretation, which we here submit in its preliminary stage, was made
possible by M.Heideggers' unpublished interpreations of Greek
philosophy."
I have here a copy of the book with a dedication by the author in her
own
handwriting. I visited Dr. Weiss several times in Brussels before her
death.

S: You and Jaspers were friends for a long time. Then after 1933 this
relationship became clouded. The story goes that the problem was that
Jaspers had a Jewish wife. Would you comment on that?

H: Karl Jaspers and I had been friends since 1919. I visited him and
his
wife in Heidelberg during the summer semester of 1933. Karl Jaspers
sent
me all his publications between 1934 and 1938, "with warm regards."

S: You were a student of Edmund Husserl, your Jewish predecessor in the
Chair of Philosophy at Freiburg University. Your relationship with him
must have included some gratitude.

H: To be sure. You know the dedication of _Being_and_Time_.

S: Of course. But later on this relationship too became clouded. Can
you
and are you willing to tell us what caused this?

H: Our differences with respect to philosophical matters had been
accentuated. In the beginning of the 1930s, Husserl settled accounts
with
Max Scheler and me in public, the clarity of which left nothing to be
desired. I could not discover what had moved Husserl to cut himself off
from my thought in such a public way.

S: On what occasion was this?

H: Husserl spoke in the Berlin Sports Palace before the student body.
Erich Muhsam reported it in one of the large Berlin newspapers.

S: In our context, the actual controversy itself is not of interest.
All
that is interesting is that there was no controversy which had anything
to
do with 1933.

H: None in the least.

S: Reproaches were made against you that, in 1941, the year of the
publication of the fifth edition of _Being_and_Time_, you left out the
original dedication to Husserl.

H: That's right. I explained this in my book, _On_the_Way_to_Language_.
I wrote there, "To counter widely circulated allegations, let it be
stated
here explicitly that the dedication of _Being_and_Time_ mentioned on
p.16
[p.92 in the German edition of _Unterwegs_zur_Sprache_] of the
_Dialogue_
remained in _Being_and_Time_ until its fourth edition of 1935. In 1941,
when my publishers felt that the fifth edition might be endangered and
that, indeed, the book might be suppressed, I finally agreed, at the
suggestion and wish of Niemeyer, that the dedication be omitted from the
edition on the condition imposed by me that the note to page 38 [of the
German edition of _Being_and_Time_] be retained -- a note which in fact
states the reason for that dedication, and which runs: 'If the following
investigation has taken any steps forward in disclosing the "things
themselves," the author must first of all thank E.Husserl, who, by
providing his own incisive personal guidance and by freely turning over
his unpublished investigations, familiarized the author with the most
diverse areas of phenomenaological research during his student years at
Freiburg.'"

S: Then we hardly need to ask whether it is correct that you, as rector
of
the University of Freiburg, had forbidden Professor Emeritus Husserl to
enter or to use the University Library or the library of the
Philosophical
Seminar.

H: That is a slander.

S: And there is no letter which contains this prohibition against
Husserl?
Then how did this rumor get started?

H: I don't know that either. I cannot find an explanation for it. I
can
show you the impossibility of this whole affair by means of something
else
which is not known. When I was rector I was able, in a meeting I had
with
the Minister, to retain the then Director of the Medical Clinic,
Professor
Thannhauser and also Professor von Hevesy, Professor of Physics, who was
later to be a Nobel Prize winner. Both of these men were Jews, whom the
Ministry had demanded be removed. Now it is absurd that I would have
retained both these men and at the same time have taken the alleged
steps
against Husserl, who was an emeritus and my own teacher. Moreover, I
kept
the students and lectureres from organizing a demonstration against
Professor Thannhauser. At that time, there were unsalaried lecturers
who
were stuck without students and who thought: now is the time to be
promoted. When they met with me about this, I turned them all down.

S: You did not attend Husserl's funeral in 1938.

H: Let me say the following about that. The reproach that I broke off
my
relations with Husserl is unfounded. In May 1933, my wife wrote a ltter
in both our names to Frau Husserl in which we expressed our unaltered
gratitude. We sent this letter to Husserl with a bouquet of flowers.
Frau-Husserl answered tersely in a formal thank you note and wrote that
relations between our families were broken off. It was a human failing
that [at Husserl's sickbed or at the time of his death] I did not
express
once more my gratitude and my admiration. And for that I asked Frau
Husserl's forgiveness in writing.

S: Husserl died in 1938. By February 1934, you had already resigned the
rectorship. How did that come about?

H: I should expand upon that somewhat. I had the intention of doing
something about the technical organization of the University, that is,
of
reforming the faculties from the inside and on the basis of the tasks
imposed upon them by their various fields. With this in mind, I
proposed
to nominate as deans of the individual faculties for the winter semester
of 1933-34 younger and, above all, outstanding men, without regard for
their position in the Party. Thus deans were appointed as follows: in
the
Law School, Professor Erich Wolff; in Philosophy, Professor Schadewaldt;
in Natural Sciences, Professor Soergel; in Medicine, Professor von
Mollendorff, who had been removed as rector in the spring. But by
Christmass 1933 it became clear to me that the innovations for the
University which I had in mind could not be carried out because of
opposition both within the faculty and from the Party. The faculty, for
example, took it amiss that I included students in responsible positions
in the administration of the University, much as is the case today. One
day I was called to Karlsruhe. There the Minister, through his
assistant
and in the presence of the Nazi student leader, demanded that I replace
the deans of the Law School and Medical School by other members of the
faculty who would be acceptable to the Party. I refused to do this
and tendered my resignation from the rectorship, should the Minister
persist in his demands. That is what happened. That was in February
1934.
I stepped down after ten months in office, even though rectors at that
time remained in office two or more years. While both the foreign and
domestic press commented in the most divergent ways about the
appointment
of the new rector, they were all silent about my resignation.

S: Did you have the opportunity at that time to present your thoughts
about university reform to the Reichs Minister?

H: At what time?

S: One still hears of a trip which Rust made to Freiburg in 1933.

H: We are dealing here with two different episodes. I gave a brief
formal
greeting to the Minister on the occasion of the Schlageter celebration
in
Schonau i.W. Secondly, I spoke with the Minister in November 1933 in
Berlin. I presented my views to him on the sciences and the possible
structure of the faculties. He listened to everything so attentively,
that I had the hope that my presentation would have an effect. But
nothing happened. It is beyond me why I should be reproached for this
conversation with the then Reichs Minister of Education, while at that
very time all foreign governments hastened to recognize Hitler and to
show
him the customary international courtesies.

S: Did you relationship with the NSDAP change after you resigned as
rector?

H: After I stepped down as rector I limited myself to teaching. In the
summer semester of 1934 I lectured on 'Logic.' In the following
semester I
gave the first Holderlin lecture. In 1936, I began the Nietzsche
lectures. Anyone with ears to hear heard in these lecturs a
confrontation
with National Socialism.

S: How did the transfer of offices take place? You did not participate
in
the celebration.

H: Right, I did indeed decline to participate in the ceremony of the
change of rectors.

S: Was your successor a committed Party member?

H: He was a member of the Law Faculty. The Party newspaper,
_Der_Alemanne_, announced his appointment as rector with a banner
headline: "The First National Socialist Rector of the University."

S: How did the Party act toward you?

H: I was constantly under surveillance.

S: Were you aware of that?

H: Yes -- the case with Dr. Hanke [sic].

S: How did you find that out?

H: He came to me himself. He had already received his doctorate
[promoviert] in the winter semester of 1937-37 and he was a member of my
advanced seminar in the summer semester of 1937. He had been sent by
the
SD to keep me under surveillance.

S: Why did he suddently come to you?

H: Because of my Nietzsche seminar in the summer semester of 1937 and
because of the way in which the work proceeded in the seminar, he told
me
that he could no longer maintain the surveillance which he was assigned
to
do. And he wanted to make me aware of this situation in view of my
future
teaching activity.

S: So the Party kept a watchful eye over you?

H: I only knew that my writings were not allowed to be discussed, for
example the essay, "Plato's Theory of Truth." My Holderlin lecture,
which
was given in the spring of 1936 in Rome at the Germanic Institute, was
attacked in an insidious way in the Hitler Youth magazine
_Wille_und_Macht_ [Will and Power]. Those who are interested should
read
the polemics against me which start in the summer of 1934 in Krieck's
magazine, _Volk_im_Werden_ [People in Process]. I was not a delegate
from
Germany at the International Congress of Philosophy in Prague in 1934.
I
was also supposed to be excluded from the Descartes Congress in Paris in
1937. This seemed so odd in Paris that the leadership of the Congress
there -- Professor Brehier of the Sorbonne -- asked me on his own why I
was not a part of the German delegation. I answered that the leadership
of the Congress could inquire about this at the Reichs Ministry of
Education. After some time a request came from Berlin that I should
belatedly join the delegation. But I declined. My lectures, _What_is_
_Metaphysics?_ and _On_the_Essence_of_Truth_, were sold there under the
counter with a plain dust wrapper. Soon after 1934 the rectoral address
was withdrawn from circulation at the instigation of the Party.

S: Did things get worse later on?

H: In the last year of the war, 500 of the most important scholars
[_Wissenshaftler_] and artists of every kind were exempted from war
service. I was not among the exempted. On the contrary, in the summer
of
1944 I was ordered to work on the fortifications over the Rhine.

S: Karl Barth worked on the fortifications on the Swiss side.

H: It is interesting how this took place. The rector called together
all
the faculty [_Dozentenshaft_]. Then he gave a speech to the effect that
what he was saying at that time was in agreement with the regional Nazi
leaders [_NS-Kreisleiter_ and _NS-Gauleiter_]. The entire faculty was
to
be divided into three groups. First, those who could be dispensed with
completely; second, those who could only be partially dispensed with;
third, those who were indispensable. The category of completely
dispensable people included Heidegger and also G.Ritter. In the winter
semester of 1944-45, after finishing my work on the fortifications on
the
Rhine, I gave a lecture course with the title "Poetizing and Thinking."
This was in a certain sense a continuation of my Nietzsche lectures,
that
is to say, a confrontation with National Socialism. After the second
lecture I was drafted into the _Volkssturm_ -- the oldest member of the
faculty to be called up.

[jum...@my-deja.com]

S: Perhaps we might summarize: in 1933 you were, as an unpolitical man
in
the strict sense, not in the wider sense, caught up in the politics of
this supposed new dawn ...

H: By way of the university ...

S: ... caught up by way of the university in this supposed new dawn.
After about a year you gave up the function you had assumed. But in a
lecture in 1935, which was published in 1953 as _An_Introduction_to_
_Metaphysics_, you said, "The works that are being peddled (about)
nowadays as the philosophy ofNational Socialism, but have nothing
whatever
to do with the inner truth and greatness of this movement (namely, the
encounter between global technoloy and contemporary man), have all been
written by men fishing the troubled waters of values and totalities."
Did
you only add the words in parenthesis in 1953, that is, with the book's
publication -- perhaps in order to explain to the reader of 1953 how you
in 1935 saw the inner truth and greatness of this movement, that is, of
National Socialism? Or was this parenthetical remark explaining your
viewpoint already there in 1935?

H: It was present in my manuscript from the beginning and agreed
completely with my conception of technology at that time, though not as
yet with the later interpretation of the essence of technology as the
"frame" ["_das_Ge-Stell_"]. The reason I did not read this passage
aloud
was that I was convinced that my audience were understanding me
correclty.
The dumb ones, the spies, and the snoopers wanted to understand me
otherwise, and would, no matter what.

S: Certainly you would also have classified the Communist movement that
way too?

H: Yes, definitely -- as determined by global technology.

S: And also "Americanism"?

H: Yes, I would say that too. Meanwhile, in the past thirty years it
should have become clearer that the global movement of modern technology
is a force whose scope in determining history can scarcely be
overestimated. A decisive question for me today is: how can a political
system accomodate itself to the technological age, and which political
system would this be? I have no answer to this question. I am not
convinced that it is democracy.

S: "Democracy" is a catch-all word under which quite different ideas can
be brought together. The question is whether a transformation of this
political structure is still possible. After 1945, you addressed
yourself
to the political aspirations of the Western world and then you spoke
also
of democracy, of the political expression of the Christian worldview,
and
even of the idea of a constitutional state -- and you have labeled all
these aspirations "half truths."

H: First of all, would you please tell me where I spoke about democracy
and all the other things you refer to? I would characterize them as half
truths because I do not see in them a genuine confrontation with the
technological worls, because behind them there is in my view a notion
that
technology is in its essence something over which man has no control.
In
my opinion, that is not possible. Technology is in its essence
something
which man cannot master by himself.

S: In your view, which of all these things you have just sketched ou is
the most timely?

H: That I don't see. But I do see a decisive question here. We must
first of all clarify what you mean by "timely," that is, what "time"
means. And still more, we must ask whether timeliness is the measure of
the "inner truth" of human action, or rather, whether thinking and
poetizing are not the activity which gives us the measure, despite the
heretical meaning we have given to that term.

S: It is striking that man at no time has been able to master his own
tools; I am thinking of "The Magician's Apprentics." Isn't it then a bit
too pessimistic to say that we will not be able to manage this much
greater tool of modern technology?

H: Pessimism, no. Pessimism and optimism are attitudes which we are
trying to consider, and they do not go far enough. Above all, modern
technology is not a tool and it has nothing to do with tools anymore.

S: Why should we be so thoroughly overpowered by technology?

H: I did not say overpowered. I am saying that we still have no way to
respond to the essence of technology.

S: One could make the following quite naive rejoinder: what is to be
overcome here? Everything is functioning. More and more power plants
are
being built. We have peak production. Men in the highly technological
parts of the world are well provided for. We live in prosperity. What
is
really missing here?

H: Everything is functioning. That is exaclty what is so uncanny, that
everything is functioning and that the functioning drives us more and
more
to even further functioning, and that technology tears men loose from
the
earth and uproots them. I do not known whether you were frightened,
but I
at any rate was frightened when I saw pictures coming from the moon to
the
earth. We don't need any atom bomb. The uprooting of man has already
taken place. The only thing we have left is purely technological
relationships. This i no longer the earth on which man lives. As you
know, I recently had a long conversation with Rene Char of the Provence,
the poet and resistance fighter. Rocket bases are being built in the
Provence and the country is being devastated in an incredible way. This
poet, who certainly cannot be suspected of sentimentality and of
glorification of the idyllic, tells me that the uprooting of man which
is
taking place there will be the end, if poetry and thought do not once
more
succeed to a position of might without force.

S: We say now that we would rather be here, and of course in our
lifetime
we will not have to leave. But who knows whether it is the destiny of
man
to remain on this earth. It is conceivable that man has no destiny at
all. But at any rate, one could envisage the possibility that man would
reach out from this earth to other planets. That will certainly not be
for a long time. But where is it written that man's place is here?

H: According to our human experience and history, at least as far as I
see
it, I know that everything essential and everything great originated
from
the fact that man had a home and was rooted in a tradition. Present-day
literature, for example, is predominately destructive.

S: The word "destructive" bothers us, especially since the word
"nihilistic," thanks to you and your philosophy, has received an
all-encompassing breadth of meaning. It is shocking to hear the word
"destructive" in regard to literature, which you could and ought after
all
to see as completely part and parcel of this nihilism.

H: I would like to say that the literature I have in mind is not
nihilistic in the way that I think of nihilism.

S: You obviously envisage, and this is what you have already said, a
world
movement which either leads up to or has already led up to the absolute
technological state.

H: Yes.

S: Good. Now the question naturally comes up: can the individual in any
way influence this network of inevitabilities, or could phillsophy
influence it, or could both together influence it inasmuch as philosophy
could guide the individual or several individuals toward a specific
action?

H: Let me respond briefly and somewhat ponderously, but from long
reflection: philosophy will not be able to effect an immediate
transformation of the present condition of the world. This is not only
true of philosophy, but of all merely human thought and endeavor. Only
a
god can save us. The sole possibility that is left for us is to
prepare a
sort of readiness, through thinking and poetizing, for the appearance of
the god or for the absence of the god in the time of foundering
[_Untergang_]; for in the face of the god who is absent, we founder.

S: Is there a connection between your thinking and the emergence of this
god? Is there in your view a causal connection? Do you think that we can
think god into being here with us?

H: We can not think him into being here; we can at most awaken the
readiness of expectation.

S: But are we able to help?

H: The preparation of a readiness may be the first step. The world
cannot
be what it is or the way that it is through man, but neither can it be
without man. According to my view, this is connected with the fact that
what I name with the word Being, a word which is of long standing,
traditional, multifaceted, and worn out, needs man for its revelation,
preservation, and formation. I see the essence of technology in what I
call the frame [_das_Ge-stell_], an expression which has often been
laughed at and is perhaps somewhat clumsy. The frame holding sway
means:
the essence of man is framed, claimed, and challenged by a power which
manifests itself in the essence of technology, a power which man himself
does not control. To help with this realization is all that one can
expect of thought. Philosophy is at an end.

S: In earlier times -- and not only in earlier times -- it was thought
that philosophy effected a great deal indirectly -- seldom in a direct
way
-- and that indirectly it could effect a great deal, that it could help
new currents to break through. If one only thinks of the Germans, of
the
great names of Kant, Hegel, up to Nietzsche, not to mention Marx, then
it
can be shown that philosophy has had, in a roundabout way, a tremendous
effect. Do you really think the effectiveness of philosophy has come to
an end? And if you say that the old philosophy is dead, no longer
exists,
does this not include the idea that this effectiveness of philosophy (if
indeed there ever were such) today, at least, no longer exists?

H: If one thinks in different terms a mediated effect is possible, but
not
a direct one. Hence thinking, as it were, can causally change the
situation of the world.

S: Excuse me, we do not want to philosophize. We are not up to that.
But
we have here touched upon the boundaries between politics and
philosophy.
So please overlook the fact that we are drawing you into such a
conversation. You have just said that philosophy and the individual are
capable of nothing other than ...

H: ... this preparation of the readiness, of keeping oneself open for
the arrival of or the absence of the god. Moreover, the experience of
this absence is not nothing, but rather a liberation of man from what I
called "fallenness amidst beings" in _Being_and_Time_. A meditation on
what is today belongs to the preparation of the readiness we referred
to.

S: But then as a matter of fact the celebrated impetus would have to
come
from the outside, from a god or whomever. Thus thinking could today no
longer be effective of itself and autonomous. But this was the case
formerly in the opinion of the people of earlier days and, I believe, in
ours too.

H: But not immediately.

S: We have already mentioned Kant, Hegel, and Marx as men who caused a
great stir. But there have also been impulses coming from Leibniz --
for
the development of modern physics and therefore for the origin of the
modern world in general. We believe that you have just said that you no
longer take such an effect into account today?

H: No longer in the sense of philosophy. The role which philosophy has
played up to now has been taken over by the sciences. In order to give
an
adequate explanation of the "effect" of thought, we must discuss more
thoroughly what "effect" and "effecting" can mean. If we have discussed
the Principle of Sufficient Reason sufficiently, one ought to make here
fundamental distinctions among occasion, impetus, furthering,
assistance,
obstacle, and cooperation. Philosophy dissolves into the individual
sciences: psychology, logic, and political science.

S: And now what or who takes the place of philosophy?

H: Cybernetics.

S: Or the pious one who keeps himself open.

H: But that is no longer philosophy.

S: What is it then?

H: I call it the "other thinking."

S: You call it the "other thinking." Would you like to formulate that a
bit more clearly?

H: Did you have in mind the concluding sentence in my lecture, "The
Question of Technology": "Questioning is the piety of thought?"

S: We found a sentence in your Nietzsche lectures which is enlightening.
You said there: "It is because the highest possible bond prevails in
philosophical thought that all great thinkiers think the same. This
sameness, however, is so essential and rich that one individual can
never
exhaust it, so each only binds himself to the other all the more
strictly." But it appears that, in your opinion, just this philosophical
edifice has led us to a very definite end.

H: It has come to an end, but it has not become for us null and void;
rather it has turned up anew in this conversation. My whole work in
lectures and exercises in the past 30 years has been in the main only an
interpretation of Western philosophy. The regress into the historical
foundations of thought, the thinking through of the qeustions which are
still unasked since thetime of Greek philosophy -- that is not a cutting
loose from the tradition. I am saying: the traditional metaphysical
mode
of thinking, which terminated with Nietzsche, no longer offers any
possibility for experiencing in a thoughtful way the fundamental traits
of
the technological age, an age which is just beginning.

S: Approximately two years ago, in a conversation with a Buddhist monk,
you spoke of "a completely new way of thinking" and you said that "only
a
few people are capable of" this new way of thought. Did you want to say
that only a very few people can have the insights which in your view are
possible and necessary?

H: To "have" them in the utterly primordial sense, so that they can, in
a
certain way, "say" them.

S: But you did not make clear in this conversaion with the Buddhist just
how this passing over into reality [_Verwirklichung_] takes place.

H: I cannot make this clear. I know nothing about how this
thinking "has
an effect" ["_wirkt_"]. It may be that the path of thinking has today
reached the point where silence is required to preserve thinking from
being all jammed up just within a year. It may also be that it will
take
300 years for it "to have an effect."

S: We understand that very well. But since we don't live 300 years from
now, but here and now, silence is denied to us. We politicians,
semi-politicians, citizens, journalists, etc., we constantly have to
make
decisions of one kind or another. We must try to adapt to the system we
live in, we must attempt to change it, we must look for the small
opportunity of reform and the still smaller one of revolution. We
expect
help from the philosopher, if only indirect help, help in a roundabout
way. And now we hear: I cannot help you.

H: And I cannot.

S: That surely discourages the non-philosopher.

H: I cannot, because the questions are so difficult that it would be
contrary to the meaning of the task of thought to step up publicly, as
it
were, to preach and to impose moral judgment. Perhaps one might risk
the
following: to the mystery of the superior global power of the unthought
essence of technology there corresponds the tentativeness and
inconspicuousness of thought, which attempts to meditate this still
unthought essence.

S: You do not number yourself among those who could show a way, if
people
would only listen to them?

H: No. I know of no paths to the immediate transformation of the
present
situation of the world, assuming that such a thing is humangly possible
at
all. But it seems to me that the thinking which I attempt would awaken,
clarify, and fortify the readiness which we have mentioned.

S: A clear answer. But can and may a thinker say: just wait and withing
the next 300 years something will occur to us?

H: It is not a matter simply of waiting until something occurs to man
within the next 300 years, but of thinking ahead (without prophetic
proclamations) into the time which is to come, of thinking from the
standpoint of the fundamental traits of the present age, which have
scarcely been thought through. Thinking is not inactivity but is in
itself the action which stands in dialogue with the world mission
[_Weltgeschick_]. It seems to me that the distinction, which stems from
metaphysics, between theory and praxis, and the representation of some
kind of transmission between the two, blocks the way to an insight into
what I understand by thinking. Perhaps I may refer here to my lectures
which appeared in 1954 with the title _What_is_Called_Thinking?_ Perhaps
it is also a sign of the times that this book of all my publications has
been read the least.

S: Let us go back to our beginning. Would it not be conceivable to
regard
National Socialism, on the one hand, as the realization of that "global
encounter" and, on the other, as the last, worst, strongest, and at the
same time most impotent protest against this encounter "of global
technology" and contemporary man? Evidently you experience an opposition
in your own person which is such that many by-products of your activity
can really only be explained by the fact that, with various parts of
your
being, which are not concerned with your philosophical core, you cleave
to
many things which you as a philosopher know have no substance --
concepts,
for example, like "homeland," "roots," or the like. How do global
technology and the homeland fit together?

H: I would not say that. It seems to me that you are taking technology
too absolutely. I do not see the situation of man in the world of
global
technology as a fate which cannot be escaped or unraveled. On the
contrary, I see the task of thought to consist in helping man in
general,
within the limits allotted to thought, to achieve an adequate
relationship
to the essence of technology. National Socialism, to be sure, moved in
this direction. But those people were far too limited in their thinking
to acquire an explicit relationship to what is really happening today
and
has been underway for three centuries.

S: Perhaps present-day Americans have this explicit relationship?

H: They do not have it either. They are still caught up in a thought
(Pragmatism) which favors functions and manipulations but which, at the
same time, blocks the way to a meditation on what properly belongs to
modern technology. Meanwhile there are in the U.S.A. some stirrings of
efforts to get away from pragmatic-positivistic thought. And who of us
can say whether or not one day in Russian and China the ancient
traditions
of a "thought" will awaken which will help make possible for man a free
relationship to the technological world?

S: But if no one has it and the philosopher cannot give it to anyone ...

H: It is not for me to decide how far I will get with my attempts to
think
and in what way it will be accepted in the future and transformed in a
fruitful way. In 1957 I gave a lecture on the anniversary of the
University of Freiburg, called "The Principle of Identity." That lecture
tried to show, in a few steps, just how far a thoughtful experience of
what is most proper to modern technology can go. It showed that the
possiblility arises for man in the technological world to experience a
relationship to a claim which he not only can hear but to which he
himself
belongs. My thinking stands in a definitive relationship to the poetry
of
Holderlin. I do not take Holderlin to be just any poet whose work,
among
many others, has been taken as a subject by literary historians. For me
Holderlin is the poet who points to the future, who expects god and who
therefore may not remain merely an object of Holderlin research and of
the
kind of presentations offered by literary historians.

S: A propos of Holderlin, we ask your indulgence to quote your own
writings. In your Nietzsche lectures you said that the "widely known
opposition between the Dionysian and the Apollonian, between the sacred
passion and sober presentation, is a hidden stylistic law of the
historical destiny of the Germans and we must be prepared and ready one
day to be formed by it. This opposition is not a formula with whose
help
we describe 'culture.' With this opposition, Holderlin and Nietzsche
have
put a question mark before the Germans' task to find their being
historically. Will we understand this sign, this question mark? One
thing
is usre. History will take revenge upon us if we don't understand it."
We
do not know in what year you wrote that. We wouldguess it was in 1935.

H: The quote probably belongs to the Nietzsche lecture, "The Will to
Power
as Art," 1937-37. It could also have been written in the following
years.

S: So, would you clarify this a bit? It leads us from generalities to
the
concrete destiny of the Germans.

H: I could explain what was said in the quotation in the following way:
it
is my conviction that a reversal can be prepared only in the same place
in
the world where the modern technological world originated, and that it
cannot happen because of any takeover by Zen Buddhism or any other
Eastern
experiences of the world. There is need for a rethinking which is to be
carried out with the help of the European tradition and of a new
appropriation of that tradition. Thinking itself can be transformed
only
by a thinking which ahs the same origin and calling.

S: It is exactly at the same place where the technological world
originated, that it must, as you think ...

H: ... be transcended [_aufgehoben_] in the Hegelian sense, not pushed
aside, but transscended, but not through man alone.

S: You assign in particular a special task to the Germans?

H: Yes, in the sense of the dialogue with Holderlin.

S: Do you believe that the Germans have a special qualification for this
reversal?

H: I have in mind especially the inner relationship of the German
language
with the language of the Greeks and with their thought. This has been
confirmed for me today again by the French. When they begin to think,
they speak German, being sure that they could not make it with their own
language.

S: Are you trying to tell us that that is why you have had such a strong
influence on the Romance countries, in particular the French?

H: Because they see that they can no longer get by in the contemporary
world with all their great rationality when it comes right down to
understanding the world in teh origin of its being. One can translate
thinking no more satisfactorily than one can translate poetry. At best
one can circumscribe it. As soon as one makes a literal translation
everything is changed.

S: A discomforting thought.

H: We would do well to take this discomfort seriously and on a large
scale, and tofinally consider the grave consequences of the
transformation
which Greek thought experienced when it was translated into Roman Latin.
Indeed this today, even this, blocks the way to an adequate reflection
on
the fundamental words of Greek thought.

S: Professor, we must always start with the optimist assumption that
something which can be communicated can also be translated. For if we
cease to be optimistic about the contents of thought being communicated
beyond linguistic barriers, then we are threatened by provincialism.

H: Would you characterize Greek thought as it differs from the mode of
representation in the Roman Empire as "provincial"? Business letters can
be translated into all languages. The sciences (today, the natural
sciences with mathematical physics as the fundamental science) are
translatable into all world languages. Or put more accurately: they are
not translated but the same mathematical language is spoken. We are
touching here on a field which is broad and difficult to survey.

S: Perhaps this is also part of the problem. It is no exaggeration to
say
that we have at the moment a crisis of the democratic-parliamentary
system. We have had it for a long time! We have it especially in
Germany,
but not only in Germany. We have it also in the classical democratic
countries, England and America. In France it is not even a crisis
anymore. Now for the question. Could not the "thinker" provide us with
indications -- as far as I am concerned as by-products -- which would
show
that either this system must be replaced by a new one (and, if so, how
this new system is supposed to look) or else that a reform ought to be
possible (and if so, how this reform could come about)? Otherwise, we
are
left with this situation: the person normally in charge of things (even
though he might not determine them and even though things are usually in
charge of him) is not a person trained in philosophy and is going to
reach
faulty conclusions, perhaps with disastrous results. So shouldn't the
philosopher be prepared to give thought to how human beings can get
along
with their fellow men in a world which they themselves have made so
thoroughly technological, and which has perhaps overpowered them? Isn't
one justified in expecting a philosopher to give us some indications as
to
how he perceives the possibility for life? And does the philosopher not
miss a part (if you want, a small part) of his profession and his
calling
if he has nothing to say about that?

H: So far as I can see, an individual is not, because of thought, in a
position to grasp the world as a whole so that he could give practical
instructions, particularly in the fact of the problem of finding a basis
for thinking itself. So long as it takes itself seriously vis-a-vis the
great tradition, it would be asking too much of thinking to have it set
about giving instructions. By what authority could this take place? In
the realm of thinking there are no authoritative assertions. The only
measure for thinking is the matter which is itself to be thought. But
this is above everything else questionable. In order to make this state
of affairs clear we would need above a discussion of the relationship
between philosophy and the sciences, for the technical and practical
successes of the sciences make thinking in the sense of philosophy
appear
today to be more and more superfluous. Thinking has by reason of its
own
task put itself in a difficult situation. And along with this
difficulty,
there is also an alienation from thinking, an alienation which is
nourished by the postiion of power occupied by the sciences, so that
thinking must give up answering questions of a practical and world-wide
character, the very answers that are demanded by daily necessities.

S: Professor, in the realm of thinking there are no authoritative
assertions. So it can really not be surprising that modern art finds it
difficult to make authoritative assertions. Nevertheless, you call it
destructive. Modern art often considers itself experimental art. Its
works are attempts ...

H: I don't mind being taught.

S: ... attempts [which arise] out of the isolated situation of
contemporary man and of the artist. And out of 100 attempts now and
again
one will chance to hit the mark.

H: This is exaclty the great question. Where does art stand? What place
does it occupy?

S: Good enough. But then you are asking of art what you no long demand
of
thought.

H: I ask nothing of art. I am only saying that there is a question about
what place art occupies.

S: If art does not know its place, is it therefore destructive?

H: All right, cross that out! However, I would like to say that I do not
see how modern art shows the way, especially since we are left in the
dark
as to how modern art perceives or tries to perceive what is most proper
to
art.

S: The artist, too, lacks a sense of being bound to that which has been
handed down. He can find something to be beautiful, and he can say: one
could have painted that 600 years ago or 300 years or even 30. But he
can
no longer do it. Even if he wanted to, he could not do it. For
otherwise
the greatest artist would be the ingenious forger, Hans van Meergeren,
who
would then paint "better" than all the others. But that just isn't true
anymore. So the artist, writer, and poet are in a situation similar to
the thinker. How often must we say: close your eyes?

H: If one takes the "culture industry" as a framework for relating art
and
poetry and philosophy, then the comparison is justified. However, if
not
only the idea of an "industry" is questionable, but also what "culture"
means, then the meditation on what is questionable here belongs to the
realm of those tasks which are assigned to thought, whose distressing
situation can hardly be comprehended. But the greatest distress of
thought consists in the fact that today, as far as I can see, no thinker
speaks who is "great" enough to bring thinking immediately, and in a
formative way, before its subject matter, and thereby to get it
underway.
For us contemporaries the greatness of what is to be thought is too
great.
Perhaps we might bring ourselves to build a narrow and not far-reaching
footpath as a passageway.

S: Professor Heidegger, thank you for this interview.

( from Richard Wolin _The_Heidegger_Controversy_, pp. 91-116 )

[jum...@my-deja.com]

Kill Yourself #23 - April, 1996
A Zine that explores everything that's wrong.

D.I.Y.
FREE
ANTI-(c)

"When they took the 4th amendment, I was quiet because I didn't deal
drugs. When they took the 6th amendment, I was quiet because I was
innocent. When they took the 2nd amendment, I was quiet because I
didn't own a gun. Now they've taken the 1st amendment, and I can say
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In this issue we explore...
Uncle Sam and the Swastika

In Closing:
Don't support Big Business!
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ISSUES/PROBLEMS...

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Why are we dedicating an entire issue to this?

The following entry brought to you by Sluggo

In this issue you will read something that is very benificial to your
judgment on corporate America, and the government that supports it.
What you will read might make you sick, disgusted, angry, frightened,
sad, or maybe even happy. The following is an article that I found in
Maximum Rock 'N Roll, which is a D.I.Y. magazine that covers the punk
rock world. I brought this to Dave's attention, and we both agreed
that we should inform the people who read this E-Zine about the
information that the government doesn't want us to know. It is a very
long detailed article. The reason I decided to transcribe the entire
article is because I could not find a way to summarize the whole
thing
and still keep all of the main ideas intact. So, I hope that you can
bare with the length of the article and read it in it's entirety. We
have spent a great deal of time on this. Our purpose is to educate
the
ignorant, and to educate the uninformed. By copying this article, I
have probably broken many copyright laws. I take take total
responsibilty for any laws that may have been violated. So please
take
the time to read this very important issue of Kill Yourself.

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Uncle Sam and the Swastika

"Originally recorded in 1980 by Dave Emory and Mark Ortiz, This
lengthy program documents the Third Reich as an outgrowth of
multinational corporate capitalism, focusing on the dominant role of
American- based multinationals in financing and arming Nazi Germany."

Dave:
On October 19, 1936, the US Ambassador to Germany, William Dodd, sent
the following letter to President Franklin Roosevelt. I will point
out
that this is 3 years after Hitler assumed power, 3 years before the
outbreak of hostilities, and 5 years before the US entered the war.
Ambassador Dodd wrote to Roosevelt:"As much as I believe that peace
is
our best policy, I cannot avoid the fears which Woodrow Wilson
emphasized more than once in conversations with me on Aug. 15, 1915
and later. The breakdown of democracy in all Europe will be a
disaster
to the people, but what can you do? At the present moment, more than
100 American corporations have subsidiaries here or cooperative
understandings. The Duponts have 3 allies in Germany that are aiding
in the armaments business. Their chief ally is the I.G. Faren Co., a
part of the government which gives 200,000 marks a year to one
propaganda organization operating on American opinion. Standard Oil
Company's, New York subcompany, sent $2 million here in Dec. 1933,
and
has made $500,000 a year helping Germans make ersatz gas for war
purposes; but Standars Oil cannot take any of it's earnings out of
the
country except in goods. They do little of this, report their
earnings
at home, but do not explain the facts. The International Harvester
Co.
President told me their business rose 33% a year; an arms
manufacturer, I believe, but they could take nothing out. Even our
airplanes' people have secret arrangements with the Krupps. General
Motors Co. and Ford do enormous business here through their
subsidiaries and take no profits out. I mention these facts because
they complicate things and add to war dangers." Well, Ambassador Dodd
was taking note of a phenomenon here which very few observers have
been able to take note of, or were willing to take note of since.
What
Dodd was basically taking note of was the fact that German National
Socialism, or Nazism, was produced by the manuvering of multinational
corporations, and American business interests played a central role-a
critical role-in this maneuvering.

Mark:
Long before that memo was written, the groundwork was laid for
American and international participation in the Third Reich. A lot of
people aren't aware of it but one of the earliest financial
contributors to fascism, and one of fascism's ideological pillars,
was
none other than the famous American industrialist Henry Ford,Sr. The
following selection is from a book called Who Financed Hitler?,
written by James and Suzanne Pool, published in 1978 by Dial Press.
"That Henry Ford, the famous automobile manufacturer, gave money to
the National Socialists, directly or indirectly, has never been
disputed, said Konrak Hayden, one of Hitler's first biographers."
Throughout the 20's there were numerous leaks of information about
Ford's financing of Hitler, but since then they have been suppressed
and forgotten. The Pools have an entire chapter in their book about
Ford and Hitler, and they attempt to lay down three conduits of money
through which they contend money, in all probability, did flow from
Ford to Hitler. Basically the three conduits were these:First,
through
the White Russian Czarist community in the US and Europe,
particularly
through one Boris Brasol (an assistant to Grand Duke Cyril
Vladimirovich, a member of the Romanov family, and one of the
probable
heirs to the Russian throne, if the monarchy had continued in
Russia).
Brasol, at the same that he wasworking for the Czarists was also a
writer for Henry Ford's private newspaper, The Dearborn Independent.
He made numerous trips to Europe during which he had plenty of
opportunity to convey money. The second conduit that the Pools talk
about was Ford's agent for the Ford Motor Co. in Germany:His name was
Warren C. "Fuzzy" Anderson, an ex-bicycle racer, who was summarily
recalled for no aparent reason from Germany in 1922, but who had
contacts with the Nazi party while he was in Germany. The third
conduit that the Pools mention was through the son and the
daughter-in-law of the famed opera composer and famed anti-Semite
Richard Wagner. Wagner's son and daughter-in-law came to the US with
Nazi party member Kurt Ludecke supposedly asking for funds for a
German music festival; however, they also had dinner with Henry Ford,
and according to Mrs. Wagner, Ford agreed to give them some money.
But
more important, even than Ford's role as a financier of fascism,
immediately following WWI, is his role as an ideological leader of
the
fascist movement. Henry Ford is known to have written a book entitled
The International Jew. It originally appeared as a series of
newspaper articles in Ford's newspaper. Speaking of The International
Jew, and Ford's gerneral status among fascists, the Pools write:"Not
only did Hitler specifically praise Henry Ford in Mein Kampf
(Hitler's
well-known book), but many of Hitler's ideas were also a direct
reflection of Ford's racist philosophy. There is a great similarity
between The International Jew and Hitler's Mein Kampf, and some
passages are so identical that it has been said Hitler copied
directly
from Ford's publication. Hitler also read Ford's autobiography My
Life
and Work, which was published in 1922, and was a best seller in
Germany, as well as Ford's book entitled Today and Tomorrow. There
can
be no doubt as to the influence of Henry Ford's ideas on Hitler. Not
only do Hitler's writings and practices reflect The International
Jew,
but one of hes closest associates, Dietrich Eckart, specifically
mentioned both The Protocols and The International Jew as inspiration
sources for the Nazi leader."

Dave:
The Protocols of the Elders of Zion is a very famous forgery that was
put together in 1905 by the Okhrana, that is, the Czarist secret
police in Russia. It, I believe, is a corruption of a satiric essay
by
one of the French enlightenment writers. What it puports to be is a
blueprint for the international Zionist conspiracy to dominate the
world, and it has been used by anti-Semetic and right-wing regimes
all
around the world over the years to justify their excesses against the
Jewish segment of the population, and others at time- as well, in
order to keep their subjects' minds off of their real problems.

Mark:
The International Jew borrowed heavily from this set of ideas and
elaborated on them further. The Pools continue:"If The International
Jew was the bible, then to the Nazis Henry Ford must have seemed a
God. His anti-Semitic publications led many Germans to become Nazis.
Balder Von Schirach, leader of the Hitler Youth Movement, stated at
the post-War Nuremberg War Crimes Trials that he had become an
anti-Semite at the age of 17 after reading The Eternal Jew(which was
The International Jew's title in its German edition)." You have no
idea what a great influence this book had on the thinking of German
Youth," von Schirach said,"The younger generation looked with envy to
the symbols of success and prosperity like Ford, and if he said the
Jews' were to blame, why naturally we believed him." One of Hitler's
lieutenants, Christian Weber, Boasted that Ford would be received
like
a king if her ever came to Munich. In 1923, when Hitler learned that
Ford might run for President of the US, he said, According to The
Chicago Tribune:"I wish that I could send some of my shock troops to
Chicago and other big American cities to help in the elections. We
look to Heinrich Ford as the leader of the growing fascist movement
in
America. We have just had his anti-Jewish aticles translated and
published, and the book is being circulated to millions throughout
Germany."

Dave:
It's important to note that it was Henry Ford's stature(his fame) as
an industrial leader that not only gave a great deal of distibution
to
Henry Ford Nazi ideology(in that they were able to achieve worldwide
distribution through this); but is also lent the Nazis (at that time
regarded as a lunitic fringe group) much of their earlier
respectability- this is an important point.

Mark:
"Henry Ford's reward from Hitler finally came in July 1938, when on
Ford's seventy-fifth birthday, he was awarded the Grand Cross of the
Supreme Order of the German Eagle. Ford was the first American and
the
fourth person in the world to receive this medal which was the
highest
decoration that could be given to any non-Germany citizen. Benito
Mussolini, another of Hitler's early backers, had been decorated with
the same honor earlier that year."

Dave:
Before moving on I would like to note an interesting coincidence, and
that is that Henry Ford's son, Edsel Ford, a member of the Board of
the Ford Motor Corporation, was appointed to the Board of Directors
of
American I.G.(I.G Farben's wholly-owned American subsidiary), and
this
is interesting because I.G. Farben was the company that produced the
gas used by Hitler in his "Final Solution to the Jewish problem."
Inerestingly enough, Karl Bosch, a Director of I.G. Farben, was
Chairman of the Board of German Ford; I.G. Farben Chemical Combine
owned 40% of German Ford stock. While Henry Ford was contributing to
the Nazis and helping them to formulate their ideological approaches,
events were taking place in Europe which were to help pave the social
and economic conditions leading to the rise of Hitler. American
industrialists and financiers played a key role in setting up these
conditions. In 1923, an impasse was reached between Germany and
France
over the cessation of coal deliveries from Germany to France under
terms of the Versailles Treaty. The French steelmaking industry of
Lorraine was dependent on shipments of German coal from the Ruhr in
order to keep functioning. The Genrmans were not meeting their quota
so the French sent troops in to occupy the coal-producing region of
thr Ruhr, the coal miners struck, and there was a deadlock.
Basically,
the French weren't getting their coal, the Germans wern't producing
any, and showed no signs of changing their stance. Into this gap
stepped a group of diplomats who were also key international
financiers, many of the most important of them were American. Their
solution to the problem of Germany reparations was to arrangefor a
series of foreign loan in order to enable Germany to continue their
reparations payments. These loans were set up under two different
programs: one was called the Dawes Plan of 1924; the other was called
the Young Plan, instituted in 1929. Between 1924 and 1931, under the
Dawes and Young Plans, Germany paid out a total of 36 billion marks
in
rparations. During that same period they borrowed 33 billion marks(of
course at great profit to the institutions lending them) so that the
net payment by Germany was only 3 billion marks over the seven year
period. What this had the effect of doing was to concentrate econmic
power because in the harsh conditions which the Dawes and Yong Plans
imposed, the business which best survived were those that had access
to American loans; it was a very effective device for eliminating
compition. In fact, some of the firms used their loans in order to to
buy out their compition an Germany by paying higher than market
prices. The chief result of the concentration of economic power,
which
stemmed from the conditions set up by the aforementioned Dawes and
Young Plans, was the formation of three giant cartels: one of them,
the I.G. Farben industry(the chemical concern); the second was
Vereinigen Stahlwerker (United Steel); the third was German General
Electric(30% owned by American G.E.). These three companies comprised
the backbone of German defense production. They essetially were
Hitler's tools for forging the Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe. It's also
important to note that these same industrial concerns played a key
role in financing Hitler's takeover in 1933. All three cartels were
generous contributors to the so-called National Trusteeship Fund,
administered by Rudolph Hess. That money was drawn upon by the Nazis
in order to affect their 1933 takeover. I.G. Farben, for example, as
a
company and with individual Directors, had basically contributed 45%
of the National Trusteeship Fund. Before we proceed, I like to try to
illustrate the mechanism by which all of the transactions that we've
discussed so far, and the ones we're going to be discussing in this
broadcast, were brought about. Rather than attemp to delineate for
you
all of the complicated corporate maneuvering, I'm going to give you
an
idea of the kinds of intersections which resulted in the cooperation
between U.S. business and Nazi Germany. I'd like to focus on the
fascinating set of connections of a man named Kurt Schroder. Schroder
was one of Hitler's most prominent backers and one his earliest
backers. One of his most important functions was his Directorship of
all the ITT companies in Germany. ITT played a leading role in
Germany; they were one of the dominant interests in the German
electrical industry along with German General Electric. They were
also
very heavily involved in German armaments production, most notably
the
Lorenz Company. Shortly before the outbreak of war, ITT purchased a
28% controlling interested in Folkerwolff Aircraft which throughout
the course of the war produced one of the top line German warplanes.
ITT also produced a great many parts for wireless and navigational
instruments and so forth. As I mentioned previously, Kurt Schroder
was
made the trustee of all ITT interests in Germany, and he and a man
named Emile Meyer sat on the Board of Directors of all the ITT
subsubsidiaries in Germany. Kurt Schroder was a member of a very
powerful trans-Atlantic banking family. TThe Schroder family had a
bank in london called the J. Henry Schroder Company. The J. Henry
Schroder Compnay of London acted as the exclusive agentfor all German
business which was being conducted in England before the war. Another
Schroder bank was the J.Henry Schroder Banking Corpoation of New
York.
The J.Henry Schroder Banking Corporation profited heavily from the
reparations loans which was described earlier, and the legal
negotiations for the Schroder reparation loans were handled in
Germany
by the law firm of Albert and Gerhard westrick were German spies in
the U.S. in both World Wars. The American end of Schroder reparations
loans was handledby the law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell. The senior
partners in Sullivan and Cromwell at that time were two names which
figure very prominently in American diplomacy and politics over the
course of the last half century: John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles.

Mark:
John Foster Dulles, being Secretary of State under Eisenhower; Allen
Dulles was the co-founder of the CIA and was also active in the OSS,
which was American intelligence before the CIA was created.

Dave:
Allen Dulles was a member of the Board of Directors of the Schroder
bank until 1944. Interestingly enough, Americanm I.G. (I.G. Farber's
wholly-owned subsidiary) did all of their banking with the Shroder
bank; Sullivan and Cromwell, Dulles' law firm handled all of the
legal
work for American I.G. Interestingly enough, in 1936, the investment
banking business of the J. Henry Schroder Corporation merged with
another very famous banking family. The J. Henry Schroder Corporation
became Schroder, Rockefeller and Company; and the Vice-President of
Schroder, Rockefeller and Co., was Avery Rockefeller who was the son
of Percy Rockefeller, brother of John D., the founder of the family
fortune, and father of Nelson and David Rockefeller. Perhaps the
single most interesting connection of the Schroder banking empire
concerned an account in one of their banks in Cologne, Germany. This
account was known as the Sonder Konto "S" (or special account "S").
Special account "S" was drawn upon by Heinrich Himmler for the
day-to-day operation of the SS (the ferocious nazi elite guards).
Kurt
Schroder's official title in Germany was Senior SS Group Leader. What
that meant was that he was the leader of a group of industrialists
who
deposited money in the Sonder Konto "S" (the special account in the
Stein Bank in Cologne which Himmler drew upon for the day-to-day
financing of the SS), and in return, the industrialists not only
received protection from the SS, but the main contributors--the
really
big ones--got first pick of the SS's slave labor pool, and were able
to avail themselves of that in their business concers. It is also
interesting to note that Sonder Konto "S" was contributed to by ITT,
The American-based multinational corporation. It was also contributed
to by the German-American Petroleum Company, 98% owned Standard Oil
subsidiary; and German General Electronic was an early contributor as
well.

Mark:
What we want to emphasize in closing this part of the discussion is
that this was not an aberration. We're just showing you one little
piece of the entire picture. In reality there was an incredibly
complexly woven network of multinational corporations and their
managers, executives, and major stockholders that actually predates
the First World War, and is international in scope and has been
around
for a long time.

Dave:
The trans-Atlantic financial 'axis' existence (that we've speaking
about) permitted the Germans to work out a marvelous and evil system
of economic warfare against all of the Allies by manipulating
international cartel agreements. They were not only able to obtain
valuable technology and raw materials for themselves, but they were
able to actually restrictwas production in their enemies and their
potential enemies. A superb and long out-of-print book entitled All
Honorable Men discusses this. All Honorable Men by James Stuart
Martin, Little, Brown & Co., 1950; hardcover McLellan Co. James
Stuart
Martin was Chief of the Economic Warfare Section of the U.S.
Department of Justice during the Second World War, and as such, one
of
his duties was to investigate potential production bottlenecks in
German industry which would offer the Air Force a good opportunity to
disrupt German wartime manufacturing. Of this search for bottlenecks,
and what he discovered through that, James Stuart Martin writes: "As
we worked on the search for bottlenecks in German production, we
began
to find a close relation between international business agreements
for
the restriction of production and the kinds of products which were
especially critical in wartime. The trouble was that these
international arrangements which pointed out the importancewhich
pointed out the importance of certain commodities in the German
economy had also resulted in restriction of production in the U.S.
Assistant Attorney-General Arnold Mannfound that one company, Rohm
and
Haas of Philadelphia, was not able itself to produce enough
transparent plastic sheets for bomber noses; but because Rohm and
Haas
of Philadelphia had DuPont under a special agreement as part of a
more
complex and wider four-way arrangement involving DuPont and two
German
firms, I.G. Farben Industry and Rohm and Haas of Darmstadt, DuPont
was
permitted to turn out only a limited quantity of the plastic sheets.
While government expiditers were tearing their hair over slow
deliveries, DuPont was writing to Rohm and Haas of Philadelphia that
they would have to tell the government about the agreement unless
Rohm
and Haas would lift the restriction. We discovered even more
spectacular complications, such as those in the three-way
arrangements
among the aircraft equipment firms Bendix of the U.S., Siemens of
Germany, and Zenith in England. Under one of those arrangements, the
American firm in 1941 had stood by an agreement with the Siemens firm
of Germany and forbade British Zenith to grant patent lisenses so
that
the British Air Ministry could expand production of aircraft
carburetors. Almost a year after Dunkirk, Zenith wrote to Bendix that
'The Ministry suggested that they would prefer to manufacture
carburetors themselves and asked us to waive all our rights in the
matter. We have told them plainly that we are not prepared under any
circumstances to agree to this or to alter one item of our contract
with you. You know that we have got to win the war if we are going to
survive, and its because we know we shall win and survive that we re
anxious that post-War business should not be complicated by departing
from the conditions of the contract in the meantime and under the
excuse of war conditions.' As the war went on, Senate Committees
probing production bottlenecks in the U.S. helped to compile and make
public the records of the staggering number of similar arrangements
differing in detail but having the same effect, They were widely
denounced but principally on the ground that they represented
'business as usual' during artime. Editorials solemnly pronounced
that
all such arrangements should be 'out for the duration.' These
business
arrangements operated at focal points where it was possible to turn
on
and off the main valves in economic pipelines. It was not long before
we found out that the arrangement of valves and pipelines was a
two-way affair. Our elation at the discovery that practically all of
Germany's fine optical glass came from one factory, the Shot Works at
Jena, was counteracted by the discovery that under the same working
arrangement, only one such factory of any importance existed in the
U.S. The pinpoint for bombing in Germany could be the blueprint for
sabotage in the U.S." He continues: "During the summer of 1942, The
Justice building in Washington played host to the trial of eight Nazi
saboteurs who had been landed by submarine to blow up some of the key
factories in the U.S. Morning and evening the black bands of the U.S.
Marshall trammeled the prisoners under our windows and all day long
the drawn blinds on a row of windows two stories up and across the
courtyard were a reminder that sabotage in the literal sense of the
term was not just a theoretical possibility. But sabotage in its
literal sense was not the point. As our piecemeal reports stacked up,
a picture began to emerge of an enemy that did not need the services
of trained professional spies and saboteurs. By agreement between
German and American producers of magnesium needed for aircraft,
production in the U.S. before the war was limited to no more than
5,000 tons per year. In contrast, Germany in 1939 alone used 13,500,
and during the next five years consumed magnesium at the rate of
33,000 tons per year."

Mark:
Six times the American production or more. "Here was a case where
American businesses' businessmen had knowingly or unknowingly helped
a
German firm to close some over here with far more effect than the
eight saboteurs could ever have achieved, even if they had been
allowed to do their utmost. Plants which have never been bombed. A
bomb plant may still live in its blueprint, and in teh trained labor
force that had been operating it. As the evidence piled up to show
German success in negotiating restrictive arrangements, the contrast
between the limited possibilites of cloak-and-dagger sabotage and the
greater possibilities of safely negotiated business arrangements
became more and more heavily underlined."

Dave:
I would like to point out that through these arrangements, the Nazis
were not only able to restrict production in the war economies of
their enemies, but they were also able to obtain a great deal of raw
material, technological knowhow; and as was mentioned by Ambassador
Dodd in the quote with which we began the program, many American
firms
had subsidiaries in Nazi Germany which were playing a critical role
in
German war manufactutring. One of the most notable of these was the
wholly-owned G.M. subsidiary of Adam Opal A.G. Opal, the wholly-owned
G.M. subsidiary, was Hitler's leading tank producer, and in 1936, the
Nazis had granted Opal tax-exempt status, and then Opal obligingly
reinveseted all of the profits in German armaments manufacturing.

[jum...@my-deja.com]

Mark:
I might interject at this point that the second largest tank prodcuer
in Germany was also an American-affiliated firm: Ford Logo

Dave:
Which is interesting because the people who are today making the
Cougars and Bobcats were some of the same people who were making the
Panthers and Tigers. Looking ahead we're not going to to be talking
about political developments in this country in the '50's, '60's, and
'70's at this time as much as concluding this sectionby illustrating
the continuum of fascism, not only in it's manifestation in Germany
under Hitler, but its potential manifestation, or to an actual so far
manifestation, in this country in our own time. Perhaps the single
most important contribution that an American firm made to the Nazi
war
effort would be technology transfer effected from Standard Oil in New
Jersey to the giant German chemical cartel of I.G. Farben. There's
three areas that we're going to focus on in our discussion. The first
concerned Standard-I.G. cooperation with regard to teh hydrogenation
process through which oil is derived or synthesized from coal. The
second concerns the transfer of iso-octane and tetra-ethyl lead
technology to teh Nazis; the third concerns the transfer of butyl
rubber technology to the Nazis. Each of these was essential for the
prosecution of modern warfare. Beginning with the hydrogenation
process: it's impotant to note that the blitzkrieg, (Hitler's
motorized columns and closely integrated air force units) obviosuly
demanded a lot of fuel. Germany has no domestic oil reserves to speak
of and as such the prosecuton of modern war by Germany was dependent
on the synthesizing from coal (Germany has very plentiful coal
reserves) was developed through cooperation between Standard Oil and
I.G. Farben in the 1926-1929 period. In 1929,Standard and I.G. formed
the so-called Standard I.G. Agreement which provided for the
formation
of the Standard-I.G. Company. This was a research company which was
80% owned by Standard Oil and 20% owned by I.G. What they both got
from this agreement that was important was the following: since
Standard was afraid that eventually I.G.'s synthetic oil might
threaten their worldwide preeminence in the oil markets, they sought
to eleiminate I.G. as a world competitor -- they did not want to have
to compete woth I.G. synthetic oil. I.G., by the same token, had sunk
so much capital into the development of the hydrogenation process
that
they were actually threatened by the amount of the investment. If
they
were not able to obtain capital, it is quite probable that I.G. as a
company might have had to dissolve, and this would have been
absolutely fatal for Hitler's warmaking effort. So what Standard
obtained from I.G. was an agreement that Standard would have the
rights for the worldwide marketing of oil synthesized under the
hydrogentaion process except in Germany, so that I.G. was still in
the
position to develop, manufacture and market synthetic oil in Germany.
This served Standard's purpose of eliminating I.G. and their
synthetic
oil as a competitor. In return, I.G. not only retained the rights to
manufacture synthetic oil for Germant, but more importantly they
received 2% of Standard Oil's stock. That was a total of $35 million
dollars and this piece of capital was absolutely essential for the
continued functioning of I.G. Farben. Without that capital it's quite
possible that I.G. Farben would have been dissolved. Had I.G. Farben
dissolved, The Third Reich would have dissolved and WWII would not
have happened. The second area in which standard oil provided I.G.
Farben with an absoltely critical element in war production concerned
the transfer of iso-octane and tetra-ethyl lead.

Mark:
Basically, the signifigance of that is that the information and the
patent involved in it enabled the Germans to make good quality gas
for
their road vehicles and most importantly for their airplanes.
Iso-octane is one of the substances that's used to test gasoline, and
it is from iso-octane that we derive the octane numbers that rate the
quality of gasoline that you see on the gas pump. Stndard taught I.G.
Farben and the Germans about iso-octane and about it's good anti-
knock
properties in engines. They also taught them how to make it and use
it
in testing gasoline. Thtra-ethyl lead, as many of you are probably
aware, is an effective anti-knock additive to gasoline. By putting
just a small amount for tetra-ethyl lead in gasoline, its tendency yo
knock in an engine is drastically reduced. That enables you to build
the engine with a higher compression ratio that makes the engine more
efficient. It makes more power from less fuel and it weighs less, and
takes up less room doing it. Translating that to an airplane, it
means
that you need good high-octane gasoline to build a competively fast
high-flying long-range airplane; in other words, without this
technology.

Dave:
Tetra-ehyl lead was developed in the U.S. by the Ethyl Gasoline
Corporation that was jointly owned by both Standard Oil and General
Motors (50% ownership by each firm). I.G. farben requested the Ethyl
Gasoline Corporation to provide them with the patent technology and
the technical knowhow to enable them to manufacture their own
tetra-ethyl lead. The War Department got wind of the negotiations
between Ethyl Gasoline and I.G. and wrote a letter to Mr. Webb, the
Geenral Motors official who was President of the Eyhyl Gasoline
Corporation, and pointed out that providing Germany with tetra-ethyl
technology would be giving them an absolutely essential war-making
item, an absolutely vital war commodity, and that they should not do
so under any circumstances, because obviosuly this would have grave
implications for the U.S. and its Allies orpotential Allies. So Mr.
Webb then wrote to the Defense Department and said "Don't worrym we
won't do that," and then turned right around and provided I.G. with
tetra-ethyl lead. The granting of the tetra-ethyl license to I.G. -
and this is important - was the first time that such a license was
granted to any competitor under the U.S. It's also interesting to
note
that I.G. was not able to manufacture enough tetra-ethyl lead from
their plants in order to meet Hitler's timetable for the invasion of
Poland; so instead, the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation loaned them 500
tons of tetra-ethyl lead so that they could proceed with the invasion
of Poland (and Standard sold them $20 million worth if aviation
gasoline (containing tetra-ethyl lead) and so as a result, Hitler's
timetable was not disrupted. Interestingly enough the collateral for
this loan which was fofeited by I.G., was arranged through Brown
Brothers-Harriman & Co., a firm involving the Harrimen brothers (W.
Avril Harrimen), but more importantly his younger brother (E. Roland
Harrimen). The providing of iso-octane by Satnadard to I.G. was the
first time that an iso-octane license had been granted outside the
U.S. as well.

Mark:
One point I would like to interject, again, relating this to the
present. This Ethyl Gasoline Corporation that sold this tetra-ethyl
lead was a joint venture half owned by General Motors, half owned by
Standard Oil. With this, plus Brown Brothers-Harrimon- that arranged
the financing - created an interlocking network of corporate power
and
corporation-owner power that exists to this day and still functions
throughout the world.

Dave:
A third aread in which Standard Oil provided Nazi Germany through
I.G.
Farben with an essential war component concerned the transfer for the
technology for making butyl rubber.

Mark:
Butyl rubber is a common ingredient in tires, but until the late
30's,
it wasn't known. Butyl rubber, apart from the fact that you don't
have
to have access to rubber trees in order to obtain it, is also a
nonporius rubber. Most rubber has little pores in it, and if you make
an inner tube or a rubber raft out of normal rubber, natural rubber,
or most kinds of synthetic rubber, the air will leak out after a
while, even if there are no ruptures or holes in the part of that you
made; however, butyl rubber is exceptionally good for sealing. So
it's
a common choice for inner tubes, tires, life rafts, lots of things,
anything that has to contain air. There was also another kind of
rubber involved in this which was Buna rubber, which is still
available in the U.S. Buna is actually a trademark; the name of that
kind of rubber is nitrile rubber lacrylonitrilebutadieno copolymer
(Buna). Neoprene, which you may have on the soles of your shoes, is
realted to that. Also, the main important property of Buna rubber is
its resistance to petroleum and petroleum-related chemicals, so it's
very importnat for fuel bladders and airplanes, gaskets, seals,
hoses,
anything that has to resist anythingthat's made out of oil. What
happened with the Buna process is that the Germans developed it, and
while the Germans got access to the American butyl process, the
Americans did not get access to the German Buna process.

Dave:
How this worked out was that in 1930, Standard and I.G. arrived at
the
so-called Jasco Agreement, refering to the Joint American Study
Corporation. Jasco was owned 50% by I.G., 50% by Standard Oil. It was
basically a cartel agreement which assured that Standard ould not
interfere with I.G.'s exclusive province, which was chemicals, and
that I.G. in turn would not interfere with Standard Oil's oil
business. Under the terms of teh Jasco Agreement in 1938, Standard
Oil
provided the Nazisd through I.G. Farben with all the butyl patents
and
technical knowhow; they requested the Buna patents and knowhow in
return. Finally, after the outbreak of war in Europe, they received
rthe Buna patents; but they never received the Buna techincal knowhow
without which the patents were really not that effective - so it was
a
clear case of where Standard restricted the development of an
essential component of modern warfare in this country, and provided
the Nazis with an equally essential element under the terms of that
same agreement. In all of the reading that I've done about the
industrial cooperation between this country and Hitler's Third Reich,
I think the most shocking and astounding things I came across was a
method whereby American insurance companies cooperated with the
Germans in such a way as to provide them with astounding amounts of
intelligence concerning not only U.S. plants, but also U.S. shipping.
Remember that the battle of the North Atlantic was absoltuely
critical
to the eventual success of teh Allies. Bear in mind that during the
battle of the North Atlantic, the losses among allied merchant seamen
were roughly 1 in 3, a third of all seamen sailing that route lost
their lives. Keep that in mind during the following passage from All
Honorable Men, by James Stuart Martin, the Chief of the Economic
Warfare Section of the Department of Justice, as Martin was preparing
to go to Germany in 1945 to work behind the advancing Allied Armies
in
order to begin investigating German war production. Martin begins to
reminssce, and writes:"On a bleak night in February 1945, I found
myself standing with my small party of investigators in the mist at
the Washington airport waiting to take off. As I stood in the gloom
observing all the security measures that shrouded our routine
departure - the blackout of the field, and the plane, the silence,
the
sudden orders - I remembered our discovery early in the war of how
easily the 'secrecy' of ship sailings had been penetrated by the
Germans. In 1940, '41 and '42, ships leaving American seaports had
teh
same security measures to protect their departure, yet many of their
broken hulls and water-soaked cargoes had washed up onto the beaches
in New Jersey, Virginia, and the Carolinas where German submarines
had
spotted them within sight of shore. In case after case, every man on
board, had been marked before the Captain opened his orders, though
they may not have known it. The cargoes they carried were reinsured
with Munich. The routine system of placing insurance had put precise
information on their sailing date and destination in the hands of the
Germans before the ship left port. In the summer of 1941, before
there
was any Economic Warfare Section, several 'trsut-busters' discovered
that while the American public was looking more and more askance
about
their foreign commitments. Insurers of such doubts about their
foreign
commitments. Insurers of large risks, such as ships, cargoes and
industrial plants, customarily spread the risk among other companies
willing to take fractional shares. The big insurance and reinsurance
companies in the U.S., which handled the largest risk, have such
treaties on an international basis through arrangements with the
Lloyd's group in England or with the Zurich group in Switzerland. It
had long been the custom of the American companies to place the
reinsurance on ships and cargoes with the Zurich group by cabling
inforamtion to them so that they could accept responsibility for a
share of the American insurer's risk. The information cabled would
include the name of the shiip, the sailing date, the cargo carried,
the destination, and the value of the insured property. One detail
that should have raised someone's eyebrow, but did not until the
government stepped in, was that fact that the Zurich group in turn
had
a reinsurance treaty with the Munich reinsurance pool in Germany. The
result was that during 1940 and warly 1941, by the time a ship had
cleard New York or Baltimore harbor headed for a European port, the
German intelligence service already had the sailing data in hand.
When
men from the Department of Justice called a conference of insurance
representatives, the companies agreed to stop sending such
information
by cable; but even then, no one realized what an efficient pipeline
the Germans had set up. It appeared later that everyone concerned,
both government officials and insurance men, assumed that sending the
information by mail to Switzerland would be perfectly alright.
Nothing
was said about stopping completely the transmission of reinsurance
inforamtion. In the spring of 1942, after we had started to set up
the
Economic Warfare Section, we found that reinsurance information
sheets, or borderaux, were still going to Switzerland by mail. We
also
discovered that the reinsurance business, far from being confined
from
ships and cargoes, also covered industrial plants, and more
especially
those very large new plants being built for war prodution - the ones
with security guards at the gates to see that no unauthorized eyes
got
inside. In the case of industrial plants, we found that the
reinsurance borderaux did not account for the full extent of the
leakage. The usual reinsurance treaty on such risks provides that the
reinsurance group has the right to demand copies of a full report by
the insurance inspector. This report includes blueprints of the
installation, description of the fire hazards and risks, and
inventory
of the contents of the buildings room by room. We found that before
1938 the Zurich group had asked for the full insurance inspector's
report in only 5 or 6% of the cases; after 1938 the full report was
requested with increasing frequency until the peercentage was closer
to 90%. It had seemed obvious to us that the government ought to stop
this trnasmission of shipping and industrial inforamtion through
Switzerland to the Reich. Unlike the U.S., the German government, as
early as 1936, had closed off such information about Germany. As soon
as the Germans occupied France, Belgium, and Holland in 1940, they
put
a stop to all such transmissions from those countries. We proposed to
have the Attorney-General send a letter to each company warning the
transmission of marine and industrial plant information of this type
came within the scope of the Espionage Act. Issuance of such a letter
on the name of the Attorney-General however required approval by the
Solicitor-General Charles Fahey. Mfr. fahey would not take this
responsibility without consulting the other interested departments of
the government. At first, no one could believe that Americans were
handing the German intelligence service information on a silver
platter. In one of Mr. Fahey's interdepartmental meetings, Joseph
Borkin, then of the Anti-Trust Division, slaps down on the table a
stack of insurance inspector's resports on various prominent
buildings. He had purchased these from sources open to anyone in the
insurance businessess without any special security clearance. For 55
[cents] he had the plans of the White House, showing the location of
the fire extiguishers and other protective apparatuses. For 75
[cents]
he had plans of a large new magnesium plant. One of the blueprints
had
an arrow pointing at a valve with a legend that read: Under no
circumstances must this valve be closed while the plant is in
operation as an explosion would result."

Dave:
Very briefly I would like to read you a letter. You'll remember we
were talking a while ago about the transfer of tetra-ethyl technology
by the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation(the joint Standard Oil-General
Motors Company to I.G.). The following is the text of the actual
letter written by the War Department to the Ethyl Gasoline
Corporation. This is a letter from the U.S. War department to Ethyl
Corporation, December 15, 1934, exhibit No. 144. Mr. Webb sent copies
to other Directors. There's a copy to Mr. Albert P. Sloane, Jr.,
General Motors Corporation, New York City; Mr. Donaldson Brown,
General Motors Corporation, New York City. "Mr. E. W. Webb,
President,
Ethyl Gasoline Corporation, 135 E 42 Street, New York City. Dear Mr.
Webb: I learned, through our organic chemicals division today, that
the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation has in mind forming a German company
with the I.G. to manufacture ethyl lead in that country. I have just
had two weeks in Washington, no in considerable part of which was
devoted to criticizing the interchange with foreign companies of
chemical knowledge which might have a military value. Such giving of
information by an industrial company might have the gravest
repercussions on it. The Ethyl Gasoline Corporation would be no
exception, in fact would probably be singled out for special attack
becasue of the ownership of its stock. It should seem on the face of
it that the quantity of ethyl lead used for commercial purposes in
Germany would be too small to go after. It has been claimed that
Germany is secrety arming. Ethyl lead would doubtless be a valuable
aid to military airplanes. I am writing you this to say that in my
opinion, under no condition should you or the Board of Directors of
the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation disclose any secrets or knowhow in
connection with the manufacture of tetra-ethyl lead to Germany. I am
informed that you will be advised through the Dyestuffs Division of
the necessity of disclosing the information which you have received
from Germany to apporpriate War Department Officials." So obviously
the War Department did not want them to sell the tetra-ethyl
technology. They went ahead and did it, and eventually the War
Department agreed with it. What I think this points out is the
ability
of private interests to determine what the government's attitude is
going to be. Not only that, but all of the European subsidiaries of
the Ford Motor Company were centralized while still under the nominal
ownership of the Dearborn Corporation; they were centralized under
the
command of the Ford A.G.(German Ford), and were put to work making
trucks for the Reich. Eatch firm had a quota of about 20 trucks a day
for the Third Reich. As we mentioned, the two largest tank producers
for Hitler were G.M.'s wholly-owned susdiary of Opal, and Ford of
Germany was the second largest tank producer. Earlier in the
broadcast
we mentioned that an ITT subsidiary, the Lorenz Company, owned a 28%
controlling interest in Folkkerwolff Aircraft, which the bought just
prior to the invasion of Poland.

Mark:
One particularly shocking episode concerning Ford's role deals with
the French Ford plant at Poissy which was bombed by he Royal Air
Force(the British) and Ford protested this and received the very
substantial payment from the Vichy Government in compensation for the
damages done to the Ford plant while it was producing trucks for the
Germans.

Dave:
There were a lot of really strange patterns concering the U.S.
bombing
during WWII. It is very curious that a lot of plants which were owned
by U.S. affiliated firms were not touched despite the fact that they
were making weapons for Hitler and also were producing vital raw
materials. In All Honorable Men, James Stuart Martin relates an
incident where he was approaching the bombed-out city of Cologne.
Martin writes:"There was the jeep driver from East Baltimore. Shortly
after the armies reached the Rhine at Cologne, we were driving along
the west bank within sight of the undamaged I.G. Farben plant at
Leverkuson across the river. Without knowing anything about me or my
business, he began to give me a lecture about I.G. Farben and to
point
at the contrast between the bombed-out city of Cologne and the trio
of
untouched plants on the fringe: The Ford WOrks and United Rayon Works
on the west bank, and the Farben Works on the east bank. There was
Major-General Malloney, commanding the 94th Infantry Division, who
seemed to know as much about the problem as the Senate Committees
that
investigated patents and cartels during the war. So it had been up
and
down the line until now. It was as though being in combat had
produced
a sharpened awareness that was suddenly missing as the rear echelons
moved up." Before we wind up here, I'd like to mention one more book
in addition to Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler and Who Financed
Hitler? which is commonly available. One of James Stuart Martin's
co-workers in the Economic Warfare Section of the Department of
Justice, Joseph Borkin, wrote a superb book entitled The Crime and
Punishment of I.G. Farben, published by Pocket Books in 1979. So
that's another book that you can consult in order to try and learn a
little more about the events that we've been talking about. One of
the
reasons why people as a whole have not learned very much about these
events is that U.S. industrial cooperation with Hitler's Third Reich
was systematically covered-up. It got 'Watergated', it got
stonewalled, it got buried; and the way in which it was buried was by
appointing representatives - of the very same interests which had
financed Hitler and built-up his war industry in the first place - to
the allied bodies charged with the responsibility of investigating
the
German war economy. James Stuart Martin writes about the frustrations
which his group met in attempting to evaluate the German war-making
industry and the causes of those frustrations. "We settled down out
of
the sky over England into a fog-covered beehive called Bushy Park,
headquarters for the future military government of Germany, then
known
as the U.S. Group Control Counsel. Brigadier General Cornelius W.
Wickersham was in command and it was on our way to report to him that
we got our first forewarning of opposition to come. Together with
Norman Bersler and Alexander Sachd, I was walking through the hall of
a temporary wooden office building when Alex pointed to the name of
Colonel Graham R. Howard over the office door of the Director of the
Economics Division. Howard was the author of a book written in 1940
before the U.S. entered the war called America & A New World Order,
an
apologia for the Nazi economic system that might just have well have
been titled You Can Do Business With Hitler. Now it looked as though
we would be working with him and others like him in a effort to
reconstitute Germany on a new pattern. Colonel Howard was only the
first of many who turned up riding into Germany with the future
military government, helping to deflect the policy back into the old
grooves. Colonel Howard, it is true, was straight away relieved of
his
duties before we left Bushy Park for the continent, in fact just
after
General Wickersham received a copy of his book from the Intelligence
Division - the trick penny is the same on both sides. The position of
Economic Director was filled by the assignment from Washington as
Brigadier General WIlliam Draper, Jr., on military leave from his
position as Secretary-Treasurer of Dillon, Reid & Co. This investment
banking firm after WWI had taken the lead in floating the German
bonds
which put German industry in a position to fight another war. The men
with whom Colonel Howard had already staffed the Economics Division
clearly wanted to occupation of Germany to be carried out along quite
different lines from those decided upon by the government departments
at Washington. Coordination between the plans of the Economics
Division and the policies laid down by Washington became more and
more
difficult. The constant carping and mounting criticism of the
official
policies became so open that General Wickersham finally found it
necessary to issue a formal order to all officers under his command
requiring them to stop their criticism and to support and advocate
the
policies laid down in the Joint Chiefs of Staff Directive. Our
special
team was assigned to work in the Finance Division with Captain
Norbert
A. Bogdon, a charming fellow who had been a Vice President of the J.
Henry Schroeder Banking Corporation, the firm in whose files the Nazi
banking affiliations were still warm when the U.S. went to war."
Anthony C. Sutton, in the book Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler,
further discusses the makeup of the U.S. Group Control Counsel,
developing further upon what James Stuart Martin said. He quotes from
a memo written by Treasury Secretary Morgenthau to President Truman
on
May 29, 1945. Sutton writes: "Louis Douglas, [Ed's note: who General
Clay described as 'my personal adviser' on economical, financial, and
governmental matters], resigned as Director of the Budget in 1934 and
for the following eight years he attacked the government's fiscal
policies. Since 1940, Douglas has been President of the Mutual Life
Insurance Co., and since December 1944, he has been a Director of the
General Motors Coproration. Edward S. Zidonkey is to supervise the
Engineering Section. Prior to the War, Mr. Zidonkey was head of
General Motors and Antwerp. "Phillip Gepke is to be in charge of
mining operations. Gepke was formerly connected with Anaconda Copper,
and was manager of its smelters and mines in Upper Silesia before the
War. Philip B. Clover is to be in charge of handling oil matters. He
was formerly a representative of the Siccone Vacuum Oil company in
Germany. Peter Hoagland is to deal with industrial production
problems. Hoagland is on leave from General Motors, and is said to be
an expert on German production." The memo conclued with some
information which further develops the background of Graham K.
Howard,
author of America and New World Order. Secretarty Morgenthau writes:
"One of the men who helped General Draper in the selection of
personnel for the Economics Division was Colonel Graham Hoard, a
Vice-President of General Motors who was in charge of their overseas
business and who was a leading representative of General Motors in
Germany prior to the war. Howard is the author of a book in which he
praises totalitarian practices, justifies German aggression, and the
Munich policy of appeasement, and blames Roosevelt for precipitating
the war." Well, as you might well imagine, the presence of these
interests on the U.S. Group Control Council, enabled the American
financial and industrial concerns that had worked with Nazi Germany
to
hide their involvement. Interestingly enough, it also guaranteed that
their German associates would be returned to important positions in
the post-War reconstruction of Germany, as they were; because if the
victors had dealt too harshly with the vanquished, their own role in
the creation of the conflict would have been revealed, so they
covered
it up. In evaluation the forces that had led to the defeat of his
Group's efforts to bring about Germany's reform, James Stuart Martin
feared two things. First, he was afraid that the return to power of
Hitler's industrialist would lead to a resurgence of the Nazism in
Germany. More importantly, Martin noted that the same pattern of
economic concentration that led to the ascendence of Hitler in
Germany
was already evident in the U.S. in 1950, and he expressed his fear
that this concentration of power might lead to the rise of Nazism in
this country. Martin concludes All Honorable Men by discussing the
economics of fascism, and his fears for both Germany and the U.S. The
following passage is from the conclusion of of James Martin's All
Honorable Men. (First though, we'd like to remind you that this
material was written in 1950, and some of Martin's references to
German reconstruction dates this text; however, we both feel taht
Martin's message about the dangers inherent in economic concentration
is still as vaid as ever). James Stuart Martin writes: "After two and
a half years, I come back from Germany, quite well aware that I had
been wrestling with a buzzsaw. We had not been stopped in Germany by
German business; we had been stopped in Germany by American
business -
the forces that had stopped us had operated from the U.S., but had
not
operated in the open. We were not stopped by a law of congress, by an
executive order of the President, or even by a change of policy
approved by the President or any member of his Cabinet; in short
whatver it was that had stopped us was not the Government; but it
clearly had commands of channels through wihich the Government
normally operates. The reletave powerlessness of Governments in the
face of growing economic power is of course not new. Between the two
World Wars, the outstanding development in world economics was the
division of territories and markets, by procate agreement among the
largest corporations of Britain, Germany, and the U.S., with minor
participation by their counterparts in France, Italy, and Japan.
National governments stood on the sidelines while bigger operators
arranged the world's affairs. We have the same difficulty today. What
we need is to be able to have a government that controls econnomic
power instead of becoming its tool. Since power is a public trust,
including economic power, the first job of the government is to see
that the power is used in the public interest and not against it. By
chartering a private corporation a government delegates to the
corporate body some of its own power to regular commerce. Strictly
speaking, this is an abdication by the government. It is time to
review the results of this abdication by constitutional government in
favor of private governments. The occupation of Germany has already
provided a good laboratory in which we could study the activities of
self-centered corportions and the activities of a German national
government in which these corporate combines had a dominant
influence.
The economic-political masters of Germany boosted Hitler and his
program into the driver's seat, at a time when the tide between the
political fight between the Nazis and the supporters of the Weimar
Republic were swinging against the Nazis All of the men who mattered
in banking and industrial circles could quickly agree on one program
and throw their financial weight behind it. Their support won the
election for the Nazis. We must assume that the same thing is not yet
true in the U.S. We do not have economic power so concentrated that
it
would lie in the power of not more than 100 men, if they could agree
among themeselves, to throw the same kind of combined economic weight
behind a single program. They have not agreed yet. There are still
enough divisions among the Republican Party, and enough minor
differences between Republicans and Democrats to indicate that on
some
fundamental economic questions there are different points of view,
each one championed by a different faction inside the financial and
industrial community itself. If the U.S. should run into serious
economic difficulties conditions however, most of the conditions for
a
re-enactment of the German drama would already exist on the American
stage. The slight differences within the fraternity - they may be the
only real barrier to the kind of integration, the financial and
industrial community behind the single repressive program like that
which the financiers and industrialists of Germany executed through
Hitler. Are we safe in assuming that it would take a grave economic
crisis to precip[ate the dangers inherent in economic concentration?
The basic integration of the financial and industrial groups in the
U.S. is evident when we look at the increase in concentration in the
past few years. Our job now then is to prepare for a future crisis
before it happens. This means that in Germanywe must have a double
objective. The occupation of Germany must be put back on the track,
but more than that we have to reassert public goals in the U.S. which
will prevent the already apparent concentration of economic power in
our own country from reaching the end it did in Germany. We can not
hope to deal with the concentration of economic power in Germany
until
we are able to deal with the concentration of economic power in the
U.S. This brings the German problem home with an urgency that has
been
missing in most post-War discussions about Germany. The need to treat
Germany as an American problem was not felt in this country after WWI
despite warnings from men whose experiences with the German
occupation
had convinced them that we were entering a period of armed truce and
not peace. Business arrangements went ahead unchecked to rebuild a
germany that could not be expected to be anything but a steamroller.
Now, with all that experience and warning behind us, and in spite of
strong popular support for the reform of germany, we have had to
watch
the same errors being repeated as if nothing else were possible. The
moral of this is not that Germany is an inevitable menace, but that
there are forces in our own country which can make Germany a menace;
and more importantly those forces could create a menace of their own
here at home, not through a deliberate plot to bring about a
political
catastrophe but as a calm judgement of business necessity. The men
who
might do this are not Nazis - but businessmen; not criminal - but
'honorable men.'"

_________________________________________________________________

Don't support Big Business!

The following entry brought to you by Sluggo

Well, what can I say? I found this article and the information
contained within it very disturbing. It shows you what lengths big
business in America will go to make a quick buck. It shows how sick
people really are. Corporate America does not give a shit about
anything or anyone but themselves and the quick cash they can make.
How can a government that is supposed to defend us sell us out. It's
simple, because the corporations that were making the deals with nazi
Germany, were the ones that put the politicians where they are. It's
all about money. Where did these corporations get the money to do
things like this? They got it from us. With out us, these companies
would not survive. Because of their need for us for them to survive,
we can change their views and politics. Do not support big
businesses,
support the smaller companies that really need your support (i.e.
joe's fishing poles rather than WalMart). Stop the big corporations
from fucking up our world more than it already is. Make a stand, and
change the way these fuckers work. If you want change, you must take
a
stand now and support the cause until the day you die.

I hope you learned something from this issue. We need your help to
stand up against bullshit like this that goes on in our world. If you
don't want to help, then I consider you a nazi. More important, I
think that all nazis should follow in Hitler's footsteps, and KILL
THEMSELVES.

_________________________________________________________________

KY24 OUT LATE, LATE APRIL! Zines Homepage

[jum...@my-deja.com]

Linkname: Salon 21st | The god of the information age is a trickster
http://www.salonmagazine.com/21st/feature/1998/11/cov_06feature.html

____the god
OF THE INFORMATION AGE IS A TRICKSTER

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
"TechGnosis" author Erik Davis talks about technology's habit of
hoodwinking us.

BY R.U. SIRIUS | I first noticed Erik Davis in the early '90s when I
read a piece he'd written about UFO literature for the Village Voice.
It was the first uncynical yet smart piece about this phenomenon I'd
encountered since I'd stumbled across Jung's writings on the subject
many years before, and his poetic use of language in the expository form
was nothing short of exquisite. Since then, Davis has kept his sharp yet
expansive intelligence focused on the various flavors of millennial
strangeness that permeate our digitized era.

His new book, "TechGnosis," casts a wide net, elucidating both the
historical context and the meaning behind digital Gnosticism,
technopaganism, William Gibson's voodoo-haunted visions of cyberspace,
the Extropians' dreams of disembodied immortality, cyberdelia and most
of the other odd phantoms of mind and spirit that seem to turn on the
strange tribes at the edges of technoculture. This territory has been
explored before by the likes of Douglas Rushkoff and Mark Dery, but it
has never been so eloquently explained. Last month I sat down with Davis
to talk about his work.

On the fringes of technoculture, there's always been a link between
digital technology and spirituality, or mysticism. Most commentators
have written it off as mere eccentricity, but your book manages to make
it all sound rather reasonable. Still, if you had to explain what that
link is briefly, what would you say?

"TechGnosis" sets out to prove that technology and spirituality don't
exist in totally separate regions of human culture. That's just not
true. Modern technology is built on premodern dreams -- whether
Christian hopes for the New Jerusalem or animist ideas about electricity
and the life force. Those dreams now lurk in the margins, in what I call
the technological unconscious, but they continue to inform the
fantasies, expectations and ideas that surround technology. For
example, modern advertising is essentially a magical system of
inducements deployed through technology. And it's not simply an accident
that occult material, however hackneyed, figures so predominantly in
computer games.

You're talking here primarily about technology emerging from
spirituality. What about the reverse of that? Over the last century or
so, human beings have taken flight, projected their voices and images
across space and time and done a whole host of other things that earlier
humans would have found (in the words of Arthur C. Clarke)
"indistinguishable from magic." And these things have stirred the
transcendental hopes and imaginings of moderns as well. But are they
actually magic?

Well, that's a tricky question. It depends what you mean by magic. Ioan
Couliano, the religious scholar who was Mircea Eliade's greatest
student, made the point that modern technology realizes dreams first
imagined by earlier generations of magicians. That's one way of
interpreting Clarke's famous quip. The fact that these things came about
through the rational exploitation of natural law may be less important
than we tend to think, because the social and cultural effects of
technologies are often quite irrational, even mythical. One of the main
aims of my book is to illustrate this. On the other hand, even if 20th
century technology mobilizes these transcendental imaginings,
subconsciously or not, they are also simultaneously "profane" and
utterly removed from the sacred in any traditional sense. That's the
Promethean irony, the dark parody, of technomysticism. Jacques Ellul
made this point as well: The machine generates ecstasy, but mechanizes
it as well.

On the other hand, if combinations of digital technology, biotech,
nanotech and other technoscientific forces are modifying who or what we
are, what is sacred or profane might be up for grabs. Also, from the
point of view of the jester or prankster -- whose spirit you frequently
cite -- the profane is frequently sacred because it punctures the
pomposity that gets attached to sacredness.

Well, you're of course plugged into the playful animating spirit of
"TechGnosis." The archetypes that dominate technological culture today
are either angelic or demonic -- the New Jerusalem of the technoutopians
or the evil Faustian Frankenstein monsters of the Neo-Luddites. But in
my view, technology is more like a trickster: It scrambles established
codes, overturns truths and constantly hoodwinks us with unintended
consequences. And that's especially true of communication technology.
Remember, Hermes, the Greek god of messages, is both a trickster and a
magician.

All the technological developments you name are pointing towards a
future where mind -- whatever that is, and we shouldn't think for a
moment that the cognitive scientists have any more of a clue than you do
-- can manifest itself in matter with greater and greater ease.
Obviously this means values are up for grabs. But I suspect that some
basic human questions, common to both practical spirituality and modern
humanism, will still play a vital role in guiding our increasingly
technological society. The trickster is not the only god around.

What questions, what practices, and what gods are most likely to emerge
in a technoculture?

We know that information technology is changing consciousness. But the
way it's coupled with the current climate of late capitalism, it's
happening in a mostly banal way. We find ourselves living with a more
multitasking, scattered, data-rich and high-velocity mind. We need to
work with that mind, but also to recognize its profound limitations.
Attention is the key, and any practices that refine attention will
become valued in a technoculture like ours.

Now, to put on my pointed prophet's hat for a brief moment, I'd say that
fringe groups like Heaven's Gate and Aum Shinrikyo will continue to mix
up apocalyptic expectations and technology. The possibilities of
artificial life and machine consciousness will also stir up all sorts of
fears, fantasies and polytheistic projections, as we become more and
more seduced into anthropomorphizing our increasingly animated machines.
But the real questions will be raised by biotechnology and genetic
engineering. We really are becoming "post-human," and I can't see how we
can face the extraordinary turbulence and terror of this moment without
asking fundamental questions about what the hell we are here for in the
first place. Hardheaded humanists want those questions answered in
utterly utilitarian and scientific terms; my book suggests that this
rationalist fantasy may be the biggest myth of all.

Do you have a personal technospiritual practice?

Well, as I explain in my book, I think one modern idea of spiritual
practice -- techniques as opposed to beliefs or religious dogma --
emerges partly from our experience as people deeply influenced by the
pragmatic and do-it-yourself spirit of technology. We are bricoleurs of
the spirit. Even the Buddha talked about his path as a kind of raft
provisionally lashed together from flotsam and weeds, only to be
abandoned on the other side. I just think we never get to the other
side, and that our raft is constantly leaking. And so I'm interested in
studying anything that helps me understand how "I" come to be:
neuroscience, evolutionary psychology, cultural history, even
advertising.

I think we're only just beginning to explore the kinds of technologies
-- like groupware, VR and advanced biofeedback -- that will really build
interesting "platforms" for consciousness. Personally I'm no longer
quite as interested in brain machines ... or even neurotropics.

Say it ain't so! (laughter)

Well, who knows what tomorrow will bring? I certainly haven't hung up
the sword of psychedelia. But right now I'm really into more basic
techniques that awaken and alter our immediate experience: meditation,
breathwork and mindfulness of the feedback loops between body and mind.
That kind of moment-to-moment attention to perception and experience
applies to every aspect of life, including our deeply strange
relationships with technology and media. I see the Web as a Rorschach
blot, automobiles as surrogate selves. E-mail lists are amazing places
to watch yourself: Why do you post? Who do you think you're responding
to? Why is bug-eyed anger so close to the surface of digital disputes?
Everything is grist for the mill. Even "South Park." Ummm ... scratch
that. Especially "South Park."

SALON | Nov. 6, 1998

Freelance writer and cyber-iconoclast R.U. Sirius will be the
presidential candidate for the new political party The Revolution in the
year 2000.

===============================================================

Gone with the windbags

-----THE ELECTION TOOK SOME OF THE STEAM OUT OF THE
-----WASHINGTON PUNDITOCRACY'S HOT AIR BALLOON.

news image BY GARY KAMIYA | The people have spoken. And the sound that
emanated from their collective lips on Tuesday was a resonant,
whoopee-cushion-like effusion aimed directly into the ears not only of
the Bible-thumping wing of the Republican Party but of the punditocracy
-- the pay-by-the-hour windbags, moralists for hire, Op-Ed Savonarolas
and assorted other dispensers of reddi-whipped political wisdom and
congealed ethical instruction. If they did nothing else, the midterm
election results laid to rest once and for all the notion that the
chattering classes speak for and to anybody but themselves.

The pundits have been so wrong about so many things and with such
glorious consistency that their record almost inspires awe. Cast your
mind back to last winter, when reports of a Clinton dalliance first
switched the pundit Outrage-O-Meter onto permanent autopilot. There was
ABC's Sam Donaldson, intoning to his cronies that "if he's not telling
the truth, I think his presidency is numbered in days." There was
Donaldson's newbie colleague George Stephanopoulos on the same show,
following in the footsteps of his Beltway Media Club elders with the
same cluck-clucking line. There was right-wing pinup girl Ann Coulter,
arguing for impeachment on the talk shows at the same time that she was
assisting the actual impeachment effort. There was the New York Times
editorial page, piously donning its black executioner's hood and
mournfully sharpening its ax in preparation for the bloody, yet
necessary, civic task a Newspaper of Record must sometimes undertake.
There was Times columnist William Safire, pulling off the admirable feat
of being paid by the newspaper for writing what read like internal GOP
strategy memos. There was the credulous Washington press corps, chasing
after every Starr handout with visions of Watergate glory dancing like
sugarplums in their heads. And there was the nation's self-appointed
Scolder-in-Chief William Bennett, elbowing his way to the front of the
Bully Pulpit and exhorting us all to be more outraged.

But not many of us were outraged. In fact, outside of the pathological
cabal of Clinton-haters, that weird group who are single-handedly
carrying on the paranoid tradition of American politics, few Americans
even cared. The gigantic Wagnerian gesamtkunstwerk, in which TV,
newspapers, magazines and tabloids all contributed their unique voices
to a cacophony of moral pomposity and dead-wrong political predictions,
was completely ignored by the public at large.

This only made things worse. With each new leaked "development," the
weird, self-obsessed dance going on inside the media's opulent little
glass house grew more frenzied. The tapes! The dress! The video! The
cigar! Men in power ties hurled themselves weirdly through the air.
Smoke rose out of John Gibson's bushy hair. Staid producers gyrated like
Bacchantes, spinmeisters howled in heat. Outside, people were banging on
the walls, screaming at the crazed masquers to stop it and let our
elected leaders get back to work, but they might as well have been
scruffy transients banging on the hood of a speeding Lexus.

Finally, the mad fit ended. After the videotape was released and
Clinton's approval ratings went up, the whole thing deflated like
yesterday's party balloon. The New York Times, which had been calling on
Clinton to admit he lied under oath (a weirdly vengeful and gratuitous
demand, reminiscent of Maoist "constructive self-criticism" followed by
the firing squad), began easing surreptitiously toward the exit, even
hinting that they might find Kenneth Starr objectionable for something
more serious than just his poor PR skills. Maureen Dowd turned her evil
eye away from Monica and upon the independent counsel. The talking
heads and editorialists suddenly embraced a new sobriety, a note of
measured and self-satisfied civic centrism in which the Voice of the
People, once portrayed as appallingly shallow and materialistic, now
rippled through the wheat fields like a Carl Sandburg oration. And since
no one was taping the pundits' earlier idiotic utterances, no one
accused them of the journalistic equivalent of malpractice. By the end
of election night, the whole unseemly episode had been so cleaned up, so
sanitized, that it might as well never have existed.

And so lo and behold, on "Nightline" last night who should turn up but
George Stephanopoulos, practically choking up as he fed Ted Koppel some
heartwarming inside dish about how the president spent the evening
"camped out in White House Chief of Staff John Podesta's office hunched
over that computer, pulling up the results one by one by one in loving
fashion and then calling the victors on the telephone. It's been an
amazing night for the president." Did Koppel ask Stephanopoulos why he
had suddenly become so warm and fuzzy about the man he had denounced
weeks ago as unfit for office? Of course not. Because this is Pundit
Land, where colleagues don't step on each other's toes and yesterday's
moral outrage magically morphs into today's "clear-eyed assessment."

Of course, not being on the same page as the people does not necessarily
make journalists wrong: The people are not always right. But the
Lewinsky episode was no case of voices crying in the wilderness, of
lonely press guardians of our civic virtue trying to wake up a
slumbering citizenry. The facts of the case were never substantially in
dispute, after all -- it was all a matter of interpretation, of
judgment. But on matters of judgment pertaining to the civic good, in a
spectacle-drenched age in which the elite media have enormous power, one
would hope that at least some of those judgments would reflect what real
people actually believe. And here the pundits completely failed. It is
now clear that from the very beginning, at least as many people believed
that the Starr investigation was a political witch hunt as that Clinton
should be thrown out -- but until recently, the mainstream media
completely ignored Starr.

How has the elite media fallen so completely out of touch with the
American people? There are several reasons.

First, there is the media's well-chronicled ideological imbalance -- the
McLaughlin Group syndrome, in which talk shows are loaded up with
right-wing commentators and one or two hapless centrists posing as
liberals. Until the media, particularly the TV media, more accurately
reflect the actual spectrum of opinion in this country (to balance
right-wing ideologues like George Will, Fred Barnes, William Kristol,
etc., you'd have to exhume the Fabians), humiliating debacles like the
Lewinsky story will happen again.

Second, there's the structural explanation: money. Monica Lewinsky was
good for ratings; she sold papers, moved magazines, built Web traffic.
Like O.J., the scandal launched entire shows -- and created, in Keith
Olbermann, the world's first postmodern anchor. You expected Olbermann's
face to come equipped with Derridean footnotes, so infinitely ironic
were his expressions -- and so futile, as the profitable circus raged on
around him.

Third, there is the pundits' peculiarly American obeisance to
puritanism. In fact, I believe that most pundits do see themselves as
speaking in some way for "the people" -- we are to believe that their
Olympian pronouncements are channeled from Everyman. But this actually
led them to pretend to be more sanctimonious, more morally censorious,
than they really were. They got all dressed up, morally speaking, for
their "official" pronouncements. Fearing that it would be suicidal for
them to appear as if they were pooh-poohing presidential adultery, they
were led into a fatal pomposity. (Of course, some talking heads'
pomposity seems entirely genuine, as in the case of Cokie Roberts.)
Their priggishness made them look like guidance counselors at an
all-night rave. The country is simply hipper than they thought.

Which leads to the related fourth point: Due to income, lifestyle,
political beliefs and various professional deformations, the pundit
class is increasingly out of touch with ordinary Americans. The worst
sins of a highly specialized professional group were exposed in the
scandal coverage: the incestuous insularity, group-think and delusions
of phony "expertise." Lavishly compensated and ego-inflated, the Tim
Russerts and George Willses of Pundit Land are unbuffeted by the
thousand trials and tribulations that less pampered people experience,
trials that teach them tolerance and humor. This explains the pundits'
bizarre moral arrogance, their rigid naiveti, their laughable -- and
often hypocritical -- shock, shock,at discovering that a president had
engaged in the oldest sin in the book. And it also explains some of the
visceral antipathy -- even hatred -- more and more Americans feel for
the media.

Finally, there is just plain old bad journalism. The real story of the
scandal coverage is the failure of the media to make sophisticated
discriminations, to ask larger questions. It's as if Washington
reporters had decided that to place the scandal story in a bigger
context (asking, for instance, why Starr should be extending his
Whitewater probe into the president's private life) would be a violation
of journalistic etiquette that would land them outside the clubby
comforts of the Beltway consensus. At a more mundane level, reporters
often just can't see the forest for the trees. As Washington Post media
columnist Howard Kurtz portrays them in "Spin Cycle," Beltway
journalists are suspicious in the wrong way -- incapable of
distinguishing between an irrelevant "gotcha" story that will advance
their career and one that has actual significance.

Has the punditocracy learned its lesson? We can probably expect a little
less shrillness in the upcoming impeachment farce, a little less
harrumphing sanctimony. But nothing is likely to really change. In an
age in which politics, journalism and show business have begun to merge,
pundits have increasingly become performers, and performers posture and
declaim -- that's what they do. As long as political commentators, like
sports-radio jocks, are hired on the basis of who has the loudest, most
obnoxiously nasal voice, we'll be forced to endure their sermons. And as
long as those commentators remain drawn from a stagnant, inbred pool,
those sermons will be inane.

SALON | Nov. 5, 1998

==============================================================

Law professors tell Congress that impeachment is unwarranted
Over 430 legal scholars sign statement, fearing impeachment process
will "dangerously weaken" presidency.

In a statement delivered to Congress today, a group of over 430 law
professors declared that Kenneth Starr's charges against President
Clinton "do not cross the threshold" of high crimes and misdemeanors
warranting impeachment. The group of professors, which described itself
as non-partisan, includes legal scholars from law schools across the
country, including Harvard, Yale, Georgetown, University of Chicago,
Stanford and UCLA. "Our conclusion," wrote Yale Law School's Jed
Rubenfeld, a leading constitutional scholar, in an accompanying letter,
"is that impeachment, to be constitutionally justified, demands either
grossly heinous criminality or grossly derelict misuse of official
power. And in our judgment, the Starr Report just doesn't contain
evidence of this sort." Another signatory, Susan Low Bloch of the
Georgetown University Law Center, said the disparate group of professors
took the unusual step of jointly drafting the letter because they were
concerned that the impeachment process would damage the office of the
presidency: "We fear that if the House decides to impeach President
Clinton for the conduct alleged in the Starr Referral, it will lower the
bar for what warrants impeachment, will make future presidents too
beholden to the Congress, will move us precariously, and
unconstitutionally, toward a parliamentary system, and will dangerously
weaken the office of the presidency for the foreseeable future."

The law professors' statement follows a similar declaration that was
signed by over 400 distinguished American historians.

The text of the law professors' statement follows:

The Honorable Newt Gingrich, Richard Gephardt, Henry Hyde and John
Conyers; Speaker of the House, Minority Leader, Chair of the
Judiciary
Committee, Ranking Member of the House Judiciary Committee United
States House of Representatives Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Speaker, Mr. Gephardt, Mr. Hyde and Mr. Conyers:

Did President Clinton commit "high Crimes and Misdemeanors" warranting
impeachment under the Constitution? We, the undersigned professors of
law, believe that the misconduct alleged in the report of the
Independent Counsel, and in the statement of Investigative Counsel David
Schippers, does not cross that threshold.

We write neither as Democrats nor as Republicans. Some of us believe
that the President has acted disgracefully, some that the Independent
Counsel has. This letter has nothing to do with any such judgments.
Rather, it expresses the one judgment on which we all agree: that the
allegations detailed in the Independent Counsel's referral and
summarized in Counsel Schipper's statement do not justify presidential
impeachment under the Constitution.

No existing judicial precedents bind Congress's determination of the
meaning of "high Crimes and Misdemeanors." But it is clear that Members
of Congress would violate their constitutional responsibilities if they
sought to impeach and remove the President for misconduct, even criminal
misconduct, that fell short of the high constitutional standard required
for impeachment.

The President's independence from Congress is fundamental to the
American structure of government. It is essential to the separation of
powers. It is essential to the President's ability to discharge such
constitutional duties as vetoing legislation that he considers contrary
to the nation's interests. And it is essential to governance whenever
the White House belongs to a party different from that which controls
the Capitol. The lower the threshold for impeachment, the weaker the
President. If the President could be removed for any conduct of which
Congress disapproved, this fundamental element of our democracy -- the
President's independence from Congress -- would be destroyed. It is not
enough, therefore, that Congress strongly disapprove of the President's
conduct. Under the Constitution, the President cannot be impeached
unless he has committed "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and
Misdemeanors."

Some of the charges raised against the President fall so far short of
this high standard that they strain good sense: for example, the charge
that the President repeatedly declined to testify voluntarily or pressed
a debatable privilege claim that was later judicially rejected. Such
litigation "offenses" are not remotely impeachable. With respect,
however, to other allegations, careful consideration must be given to
the kind of misconduct that renders a President constitutionally unfit
to remain in office.

Neither history nor legal definitions provide a precise list of high
crimes and misdemeanors. Reasonable people have differed in interpreting
these words. We believe that the proper interpretation of the
Impeachment Clause must begin by recognizing treason and bribery as core
or paradigmatic instances, from which the meaning of "other high Crimes
and Misdemeanors" is to be extrapolated. The constitutional standard for
impeachment would be very different if different offenses had been
specified. The clause does not read, "Treason, Felony and other Crime"
(as does Article IV, Section 2 of the Constitution), so that any
violation of a criminal statute would be impeachable. Nor does it read,
"Adultery, Fornication or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors," implying
that any conduct deemed to reveal serious moral lapses might be an
impeachable offense.

When a President commits treason, he exercises his executive powers, or
uses information obtained by virtue of his executive powers,
deliberately to aid an enemy. When a President is bribed, he exercises
or offers to exercise his executive powers in exchange for corrupt gain.
Both acts involve the criminal exercise of presidential powers,
converting those awful powers into an instrument either of enemy
interests or of purely personal gain. We believe that the critical,
distinctive feature of treason and bribery is grossly derelict exercise
of official power (or, in the case of bribery to obtain or retain
office, gross criminality in the pursuit of official power).
Non-indictable conduct might rise to this level. For example, a
President might be properly impeached if, as a result of drunkenness, he
recklessly and repeatedly misused executive authority.

Much of the misconduct of which the President is accused does not
involve the exercise of executive powers at all. If the President
committed perjury regarding his sexual conduct, this perjury involved no
exercise of presidential power as such. If he concealed evidence, this
misdeed too involved no exercise of executive authority. By contrast, if
he sought wrongfully to place someone in a job at the Pentagon, or lied
to subordinates hoping they would repeat his false statements, these
acts could have involved a wrongful use of presidential influence, but
we cannot believe that the President's alleged conduct of this nature
amounts to the grossly derelict exercise of executive power sufficient
for impeachment.

Perjury and obstruction of justice can without doubt be impeachable
offenses. A President who corruptly used the Federal Bureau of
Investigation to obstruct an investigation would have criminally
exercised his presidential powers. Moreover, covering up a crime
furthers or aids the underlying crime. Thus a President who committed
perjury to cover up his subordinates' criminal exercise of executive
authority would also have committed an impeachable offense. But making
false statements about sexual improprieties is not a sufficient
constitutional basis to justify the trial and removal from office of the
President of the United States.

It goes without saying that lying under oath is a very serious offense.
But even if the House of Representatives had the constitutional
authority to impeach for any instance of perjury or obstruction of
justice, a responsible House would not exercise this awesome power on
the facts alleged in this case. The House's power to impeach, like the
prosecutor's power to indict, is discretionary. This power must be
exercised not for partisan advantage, but only when circumstances
genuinely justify the enormous price the nation will pay in governance
and stature if its President is put through a long, public, voyeuristic
trial. The American people understand this price. They demonstrate the
political wisdom that has held the Constitution in place for two
centuries when, even after the publication of Mr. Starr's report, with
all its extraordinary revelations, they oppose impeachment for the
offenses alleged therein.

We do not say that a "private" crime could never be so heinous as to
warrant impeachment. Congress might responsibly take the position that
an individual who by the law of the land cannot be permitted to remain
at large, need not be permitted to remain President. But if certain
crimes such as murder warrant removal of a President from office because
of their unspeakable heinousness, the offenses alleged in the
Independent Counsel's report or the Investigative Counsel's statement
are not among them. Short of heinous criminality, impeachment demands
convincing evidence of grossly derelict exercise of official authority.
In our judgment, Mr. Starr's report contains no such evidence.

SALON | Nov. 6, 1998

===============================================

[jum...@my-deja.com]

"Historians in Defense of the Constitution"
---
------Original text of a statement signed by more than 400
------historians criticising efforts to impeach President Clinton

As historians as well as citizens, we deplore the present drive to
impeach the President. We believe that this drive, if successful, will
have the most serious implications for our constitutional order.

Under our Constitution, impeachment of the President is a grave and
momentous step. The Framers explicitly reserved that step for high
crimes and misdemeanors in the exercise of executive power. Impeachment
for anything else would, according to James Madison, leave the President
to serve "during pleasure of the Senate," thereby mangling the system of
checks and balances that is our chief safeguard against abuses of public
power.

Although we do not condone President Clintonms private behavior or his
subsequent attempts to deceive, the current charges against him depart
from what the Framers saw as grounds for impeachment. The vote of the
House of Representatives to conduct an open-ended inquiry creates a
novel, all-purpose search for any offense by which to remove a President
from office.

The theory of impeachment underlying these efforts is unprecedented in
our history. The new processes are extremely ominous for the future of
our political institutions. If carried forward, they will leave the
Presidency permanently disfigured and diminished, at the mercy as never
before of the caprices of any Congress. The Presidency, historically the
center of leadership during our great national ordeals, will be crippled
in meeting the inevitable challenges of the future.

We face a choice between preserving or undermining our Constitution. Do
we want to establish a precedent for the future harassment of presidents
and to tie up our government with a protracted national agony of search
and accusation? Or do we want to protect the Constitution and get back
to the public business?

We urge you, whether you are a Republican, a Democrat, or an
Independent, to oppose the dangerous new theory of impeachment, and to
demand the restoration of the normal operations of our federal
government.

Co-Sponsors:
Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., City University of New York
Sean Wilentz, Princeton University
C. Vann Wodward, Yale University
Signatories:
Richard M. Abrams, University of California, Berkeley
Robert H. Abzug, University of Texas, Austin
Jean-Christophe Agnew, Yale University
John M Allswang, California State University, Los Angeles
John Andrew, Franklin & Marshall College
Dee E. Andrews, California State University, Hayward
Ronald R, Atkinson, University of South Carolina
Edward L. Ayres, University of Virginia
Holly Baggett, Southwest Missouri State University
Beth Bailey, University of New Mexico
Jean H. Baker, Goucher College
Francisco E. Balderrama, California State University, Los Angeles
Brian H. Balogh, University of Virginia
Charles Banner-Haley, Colgate University
Lucy Barber, University of California, Davis
Peter Bardaglio, Goucher College
Ava Baron, Rider University
Beatrice S. Bartlett, Yale University
Norma Basch, Rutgers University, Newark
Gail Bederman, University of Notre Dame
F. E. Beemon, Middle Tennessee State University
Samuel H. Beer, Harvard University
Thomas Bender, New York University
Carol Berkin, Baruch College
Gordon M. Berger, University of Southern California
Ira Berlin, University of Maryland
Iver Bernstein, Washington University
Michael A. Bernstein, University of California, San Diego
Chad Berry, Maryville College
Lindy Biggs, Auburn University
Casey Blake, Washington University
David W. Blight, Amherst College
John Morton Blum, Yale University
Stuart Blumin, Cornell University
Rebecca Boehling, University of Maryland, Baltimore County
Julian Bond, University of Virginia
Robert Bonner, Carleton College
Eileen Boris, University of Virginia
Jeanne Boydston, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Taylor Branch, Goucher College
Ann Braude, Harvard Divinity School
Richard Breitman, American University
Alan Brinkley, Columbia University
Douglas Brinkley, University of New Orleans
Joshua Brown, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Kathleen M. Brown, University of Pennsylvania
W. Elliott Brownlee, University of California, Santa Barbara
Rowland Brucken, Northern Kentucky University
Joan Jacobs Brumberg, Cornell University
Mari Jo Buhle, Brown University
James MacGregor Burns, University of Maryland
Vernon Burton, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Jon Butler, Yale University
Albert Camarillo, Stanford University
Charles Capper, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Andrew R. L. Cayton, Miami University of Ohio
Marty Kupiec Cayton, Miami University of Ohio
Jane Turner Censer, George Mason University
Gordon H. Chang, Stanford University
Herrick Chapman, New York University
George Chauncey, University of Chicago
Robert W. Cherny, San Francisco State University
Clifford E. Clark, Jr., Carleton College
Geoffrey Clark, Emory University
Kendrick Clements, University of South Carolina
Lizabeth Cohen, Harvard University
Miriam Cohen, Vassar College
Jerald A. Combs, San Francisco State University
Rebecca Conard, Middle Tennessee State University
Steven Conn, Ohio State University
Carolyn C. Cooper, Yale University
John Milton Cooper, University of Wisconsin, Madison
George Cotkin, California Polytechnic State University
Nancy F. Cott, Yale University
Francis G. Couvares, Amherst College
George Craft, California State University, Sacramento
Paul Jerome Croce, Stetson University
Robert D. Cross, University of Virginia
Anthony D&#0146;Agostino, San Francisco State University
Jane Dailey, Rice University
Robert Dallek, Boston University
Kathleen Dalton, Harvard University
David Brion Davis, Yale University
Alan Dawley, The College of New Jersey
Gary B. Deason, St. Olaf College
Arif Dirlik, Duke University
Colleen A. Dunlavy, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Victoria de Grazia, Columbia University
Carl N. Degler, Stanford University
Jane S. DeHart, University of California, Santa Barbara
John A. D&#0146;Emilio, Guggenheim Fellow
Matthew Dennis, University of Oregon
Sarah Deutsch, Clark University
David H. Donald, Harvard University
Bruce Dorsey, Swarthmore College
Richard Drayton, University of Virginia
Philip Dreyfus, San Francisco State University
Thomas Dublin, State University of New York, Binghamton
Ellen C. Du Bois, University of California, Los Angeles
Faye Dudden, Colgate University
David V. DuFault, San Diego State University
Mary Maples Dunn, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College
Marty L. Dudziak, University of Southern California
Ellen Dwyer, Indiana University
Jonathan Earle, University of Kansas
Laura F. Edwards, University of California, Los Angeles
Rebecca Edwards, Vassar College
Abraham Eisenstadt, Brooklyn College
Joseph J. Ellis, Mount Holyoke College
Mustafa Emirbayer, New School for Social Research
James Epstein, Vanderbilt University
Philip J. Ethington, University of Southern California
Harold Evans
Sara M. Evans, University of Minnesota
Bret Eynon, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Ann Fabian, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Alice Fahs, University of California, Irvine
John Mack Faragher, Yale University
David Farber, University of New Mexico
James J. Farrell, St. Olaf College
Drew Gilpin Faust, University of Pennsylvania
Paul H. Fagette, Jr., Arkansas State University
Heide Fehrenbach, Emory University
Daniel Feller, University of New Mexico
Peter G. Filene, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Lisa M. Fine, Michigan State University
William Forbath, University of Texas, Austin
.Maureen A. Flanagan, Michigan State University
Stephen Fox, Humboldt State University
Jimmie Franklin, Vanderbilt University
John Hope Franklin, Duke University
George M. Fredrickson, Stanford University
Kari A. Fredrickson, University of Central Florida
Estelle Freedman, Stanford University
Jean E. Friedman, University of Georgia
Sylvia Frey, Tulane University
Jennifer Frost, University of Northern Colorado
Kevin Gaines, University of Texas, Austin
Brett Gary, Drew University
Paul Gaston, University of Virginia
Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Harvard University
Rochelle Gatlin, City College of San Francisco
Edith Gelles, Stanford University
Gary Gerstle, Catholic University of America
James B. Gilbert, University of Maryland
John S. Gilkeson, Arizona State University, West
Glenda Gilmore, Yale University
Todd Gitlin, New York University
Susan Glenn, University of Washington
Thavolia Glymph, Penn State University
Marie Helene Gold, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College
Michael Lewis Goldberg, University of Washington, Bothell
Jan Goldstein, University of Chicago
Margaret Goodart, California State University, Sacramento
James Goodman, Rutgers University
Doris Kearns Goodwin
Linda Gordon, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Robert W. Gordon, Yale University
Frances Gouda, American University
Kelley Gove, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College
Hugh Davis Graham, Vanderbilt University
Susan Gray, Arizona State University
Amy Greenberg, Penn State University
Mott T. Greene, University of Puget Sound
James N. Gregory, University of Washington
Katherine Grier, University of South Carolina
Carol Groneman, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Ariela Gross, University of Southern California
James Grossman, The Newberry Library
Joan R. Gunderson, Elon College
Melanie Gustafson, University of Vermont
Ramon Gutierrez, University of California, San Diego
Malachi Hacohen, Duke University
Sheldon Hackney, University of Pennsylvania
Timothy Haggerty, Middle Tennessee State University
Jacquelyn D. Hall, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
William H. Harbaugh, University of Virginia
Leslie M. Harris, Emory University
Cynthia Harrison, George Washington University
Hendrik Hartog, Princeton University
Robert Haskett, University of Oregon
Robert J. Haws, University of Mississippi
Jeffrey Herf, Ohio University
Ellen Herman, University of Oregon
William B. Hixson, Jr., Michigan State University
Martha Hodes, New York University
Graham R. Hodges, Colgate University
David A. Hollinger, University of California, Berkeley
Thomas C. Holt, University of Chicago
Ari Hoogenboom, Brooklyn College
June Hopkins, Armstrong Atlantic State University
James Oliver Horton, George Washington University Lois E. Horton,
George Washington University
Pamela Hronek, Arkansas State University
Margaret Humphreys, Duke University
Norris Hundley, University of California, Los Angeles
Alaine S. Hutson, Southwest Missouri State University
Harold M. Hyman, Rice University
Paula E. Hyman, Yale University
Joseph Illick, San Francisco State University
Stephen Innes, University of Virginia
William Issel, San Francisco State University
Maurice Isserman, Hamilton College
Julie Roy Jeffrey, Goucher College
George Juergens, Indiana University
Paul E. Johnson, University of South Carolina
Winthrop D. Jordan, University of Mississippi
Richard John, University of Illinois, Chicago
John B. Judis, The New Republic
Jane Kamensky, Brandeis University
Alan Karras, University of California at Berkeley
John F. Kasson, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Stanley N. Katz, Princeton University
Ira Katznelson, Columbia University
Michael Kammen, Cornell University
Michael Kazin, American University
Frances Richardson Keller, San Francisco State University
David M. Kennedy, Stanford University
Ross A. Kennedy, San Francisco State University
Linda K. Kerber, University of Iowa
Alice Kessler-Harris, Rutgers University
Jane A. Kimball, University of California, Davis
Wilma King, Michigan State University
W. Dean Kinzley, University of South Carolina
Richard S. Kirkendall, University of Washington
Rachel Klein, University of California, San Diego
Jane Knowles, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College
Peter Kolchin, University of Delaware
Jessica Kross, University of South Carolina
Bruce Kuklick, University of Pennsylvania
Howard I. Kushner, San Diego State University
Ann J. Lane, University of Virginia
Perry Leavell, Drew University
Janice M. Leone, Middle Tennesse State University
Jill Lepore, Boston University
Gerda Lerner, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Paul Lerner, University of Southern California
Lawrence W. Levine, George Mason University
Jan Lewis, Rutgers University, Newark
Patricia Nelson Limerick, University of Colorado, Boulder
Kriste Lindenmeyer, Tennessee Technological University
Kenneth Lipartito, Florida International University
Laura Lovett, University of Tennessee, Chattanooga
David M. Luebke, University of Oregon
Elizabeth Lunbeck, Princeton University
Pauline Maier, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Barbara Malony, Santa Clara University
Patrick J. Maney, University of South Carolina
Jo Burr Margadant, Santa Clara University
Ted W. Margadant, University of California, Davis
Elaine Tyler May, University of Minnesota
Lary May, University of Minnesota
Glenna Matthews, University of California, Berkeley
Woodford McClellan, University of Virginia
Rowena McClinton, Middle Tennessee State University
Arthur F. McEvoy, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Michael McGerr, Indiana University
James M. McPherson, Princeton University
Samuel T. McSeveney, Vanderbilt University
Seymour H. Mauskopf, Duke University
Peter Mellini, Sonoma State University
Michael Meranze, University of California, San Diego
John Merriman, Yale University
Sonya Michel, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Judith A. Miller, Emory University
Sally M. Miller, University of the Pacific
Arwen P. Mohun, University of Delaware
Eric Monkkonen, University of California, Los Angeles
Edmund S. Morgan, Yale University
Francesca Morgan, University of North Texas
Marilyn Morris, University of North Texas
Eva Moseley, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College
Timothy Moy, University of New Mexico
Edward Muir, Northwestern University
Robyn Muncy, University of Maryland
Paul Murphy, Washington University
Teresa Murphy, George Washington University
John M. Murrin, Princeton University
Norman Naimark, Stanford University
David Nasaw, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Sydney Nathans, Duke University
Louise Newman, University of Florida
May M. Ngai, University of Chicago
Mary Beth Norton, Cornell University
Walter Nugent, University of Notre Dame
James Oakes, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Barbara Oberg, Yale University
Louis A. Okin, Humboldt State University
Richard J. Orsi, California State University, Hayward
Kenneth N. Owens, California State University, Sacramento
Brian Owensby, University of Virginia
Phyllis Palmer, George Washington University
Orlando Patterson, Harvard University
Elisabeth Israels Perry
Lewis C. Perry, Vanderbilt University
John Pettegrew, Lehigh University
Richard Pierce, University of Notre Dame
Jerry Podair, Lawrence University
Phyllis P. Pobst, Arkansas State University
Jonathan Porter, University of New Mexico
William C. Pratt, University of Nebraska, Omaha
David Prochaska, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Candace Pryor, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Anson G. Rabinbach, Princeton University
Jack N. Rakove, Stanford University
Linda Reed, University of Houston
William J. Reese, University of Wisconsin at Madison
Henry Reichman, California State University, Hayward
David M. Reimers, New York University
Julie Reuben, Harvard University
Moses Rischin, San Francisco State University
Howard O. Robinson, Armstrong Atlantic State University
Thomas Robisheaux, Duke University
Daniel T. Rodgers, Princeton University
Aron Rodrigue, Stanford University
Sonya O. Rose, University of Michigan
Ruth Rosen, University of California, Davis
Charles Rosenberg, University of Pennsylvania
Barbara Rosenkrantz, Harvard University
Roy Rosenzweig, George Mason University
David Rosner, Columbia University
Mary Logan Rothschild, Arizona State University
Andrew J. Rotter, Colgate University
E. Anthony Rotundo, Phillips Academy, Andover
Leslie S. Rowland, University of Maryland
Steven Ruggles, University of Minnesota
Vicki Ruiz, Arizona State University
Margaret Rung, Roosevelt University
Leila J. Rupp, Ohio State University
Nancy E. Rupprecht, Middle Tennessee State University
Cynthia Russett, Yale University
Julie Saville, University of Chicago
Virginia Scharff, University of New Mexico
Kenneth A. Scherzer, Middle Tennessee State University
Eric Schneider, University of Pennsylvania
Constance B. Schulz, University of South Carolina
Gus L. Seligmann, University of North Texas
Rachel F. Seidman, Carleton College
David Shearer, University of Delaware
Barbara Sicherman, Trinity College
David Sicilia, University of Maryland
Sharon Sievers, California State University, Long Beach
Peter Sigal, California State University, Los Angeles
Eric Singer, Goucher College
Henry Silverman, Michigan State University
Sheila Skemp, University of Mississippi
David E. Skinner, Santa Clara University
Kathryn Kish Sklar, State University of New York, Binghamton
Susan Sleeper-Smith, Michigan State University
Judith Smith, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Thaddeus Smith, Middle Tennessee State University
Mitchell Snay, Denison University
Ricki Solinger
Margaret R. Somers, University of Michigan
Diane Sommerville, Lafayette College
Allan H. Spear, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Thomas Spear, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Denise S. Spooner, California State University, Northridge
Amy Gilman Srebnick, Montclair State University
Amy Dru Stanley, University of Chicago
Judith M. Stanley, California State University, Hayward
Christine Stansell, Princeton University
Amy L. S. Staples, Middle Tennessee State University
Carolyn J. Stefanco, California Polytechnic State University
Judith Stein, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Allen Steinberg, University of Iowa
Steven J. Stern, University of Wisconsin, Madison
James Brewer Stewart, Macalester College
Marla Stone, Occidental College
Thomas J. Sugrue, University of Pennsylvania
Emily Zack Tabuteau, Michigan State University
Paul M. Taillon, University of Northern Colorado
Lillian Taiz, California State University, Los Angeles
Alan Taylor, University of California, Davis
Stephen Taylor, Middle Tennessee State University
Tommy R. Thompson, University of Nebraska, Omaha
J. L. Tobey, California State University, Sacramento
Hans Trefousse, Brooklyn College
James C. Turner, University of Notre Dame
Nancy C. Unger, Santa Clara University
Daniel H. Usner, Jr., Cornell University
Philip VanderMeer, Arizona State University
Bruce A. VanSledright, University of Maryland
Clarence L. Ver Steeg, Northwestern University
Penny Von Eschen, University of Texas, Austin
Helena M. Wall, Pomona College
Wendy Wall, Duke University
David W. Walker, Michigan State University
Ronald Walters, The Johns Hopkins University
Geoffrey C. Ward
Richard White, University of Washington
Eric D. Weitz, St. Olaf College
Carl D. Weiner, Carleton College
Lynn Y. Weiner, Roosevelt University
Robert M. Weir, University of South Carolina
Robert R. Weyeneth, University of South Carolina
Deborah Gray White, Rutgers University
Jonathan M. Wiener, University of California, Irvine
Harry McKinley Williams, Carleton College
Michael Willrich, Rice University
Garry Wills, Northwestern University
Allan M. Winkler, Miami University of Ohio
Barbara Winslow, Brooklyn College
Gwendolyn Wright, Columbia University
Peter H. Wood, Duke University
Sharon Wood, University of Nebraska, Omaha
C. Vann Woodward, Yale University
J. William T. Youngs, Eastern Washington University
Rosemarie Zagarri, George Mason University
Jonathan Zeitlin, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Olivier Zunz, University of Virginia

SALON | Oct. 30, 1998

-----------------

[jum...@my-deja.com]

http://www.users.bigpond.com/wattyler/19990521intropsychowar.htm
----------------------------------------------------------------

An Introduction to Psychological Warfare and Propaganda
--------------------------------------------------------------------
John Gardener
--------------------------------------------------------------------
Polemic
Vol. 1, No. 7
January, 1990
--------------------------------------------------------------------
Return to NATO Yugoslavian War: Internet Resources.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
The political use and misuse of information has existed for many
thousands of years. However, this century-which has seen the
proletariat and working class throw off the chains of capitalist
exploitation in many countries throughout the world-has seen the
bourgeoisie, in the remaining capitalist countries, forced into
information control on a scale undreamt in the 19th Century. The
information control capability contained within the regulated
capitalist state has never been greater.

The basis of this information control has, as one of it's essential
needs, the requirement that the real machinery of control remains
hidden, and out of political sight. Control is only possible when the
control machinery remains invisible to the proletariat and the working
class, when the political method of dissemination does not represent a
political element of the information disseminated. Once this element of
the control machinery becomes visible, then the information it
disseminates is increasingly questioned, and the social control ability
is lost. It is only possible to lie and be believed when the listener
is unaware that the speaker is a liar.

Many of the means of information control were not even in existence in
the 19th century. The technological development of these means of class
domination has in itself been driven by this international clash
between classes: the processes of information control have been
revolutionised several times, just this century. Cinema, invented only
late in the 19th century, was widely superseded by the international
growth of radio transmission and ownership of radio receivers; radio
was then gradually superseded by television. All of these technological
revolutions have-under Imperialism and finance-capital-been primarily
grasped and used as a method of controlling the proletariat and working
classes. They are merely means of indoctrinating their audience with
the ideology and in the political interests of Imperialism and
finance-capital. The capitalist ownership of the means of information
dissemination means that all information is censored to protect the
class rule of the exploiting classes. Capitalist control attempts-at
every opportunity-to prevent the working classes from realising their
own interests. However, there are many other elements to the means of
bourgeois information control as well, many of which have been in
existence for centuries.

The education system, for example: one of the primary goals of the
education system-apart from conditioning and educating the proletariat
and working classes for it's role in the capitalist production
process-is the political aim of breaking down class relationships and
smashing class interests. Capitalism prepares it's wage-slaves well: it
indoctrinates a bourgeois curriculum and ideology designed and
engineered to isolate children from their parents, from their class,
from their peers and from their own best interests. As much as
possible, it attempts to induce a passive consciousness into the new
proletarians, by divorcing them from reality and truth, and by
separating them from their peers by competitive means: by dividing the
potential proletariat, by attempting to dissipate their class
consciousness, a passive consciousness is indoctrinated.

As well, there have been marked 'scientific advances' in the use of
information as a weapon of war: psychological warfare. It must be
acknowledged that the U.S.A. is the current world leader in such
military use, and has conducted an enormous amount of research in
differing areas of psychological warfare. However, psychological
warfare is not specifically limited only to a military application, and
much of the research has found use in other areas, in other segments of
the capitalist propaganda and social control machinery.

The increasing non-military use of psychological warfare techniques has
become commonplace: the barrage of psychological warfare tricks
advertising and media corporations use to beguile the naive and the
susceptible are only one element. The use of legal and illegal drugs as
a method of political control, exhaustively investigated during
clinical or military research,1 is increasing, and there is ample
evidence that Imperialist countries directly play a covert or overt
role in either their manufacture and distribution.2

The use of many of these control techniques-some originally intended
purely for military application-essentially means that the proletariat
and working classes exist in the modern capitalist State under a
constant psychological assault. This state of perennial class warfare
is directed, and consciously aimed by those in control of capitalism,
at preventing any class opposition to the dictatorship of capital and
exploiter relations, both within national boundaries and externally.
--------------------------------------------------------------------

What is Psychological Warfare?

Psychological warfare is the use of information as a weapon of war.

It has been used as far back as the time of Ancient Greece and Ancient
Rome. Even the Bible contains many historical references. The Book of
Joshua in the Old Testament contains an instructive example: Joshua
effectively used naive psychological warfare techniques to break down
the resistance of the besieged inhabitants of Jericho, many thousands
of years ago. He instructed priests equipped with trumpets made from
ram's horn to walk around the city for several days, blowing loudly on
the trumpets. The ensuing din was apparently enough to wreak havoc on
the inhabitants will to resist because, as legend has it, the walls of
Jericho were finally smashed by Joshua's army and it consequently
slaughtered everything-every man, woman, child and animal, every living
thing-in the city.

Ghengis Khan was-and has remained-justifiably quite infamous for his
astute political use of psychological warfare. Khan's tactics were
elementary but effective: he sent 5th columnists ahead of his advancing
troops, who encouraged rumours and spread disinformation amongst the
local people, convincing them of the invincibility of his army. The
talk and rumours spread by the advance agents normally propagandised
that Khan and his troops gave lenient treatment to those who
surrendered but killed those who resisted. The tactics were undoubtedly
successful, as Khan's armies conquered large areas of the world.3

One historian, in The Psychological War, gave an historical example of
the use of such warfare techniques when he noted that '...Plutarch's
writings contain this very instructive historical episode. When the
news reached Rome that the Etruscan king was harbouring an attack on
the Romans, the latter sent a patrician, Mucius Scaevola, to the
Etruscans. He tried hard to dissuade the Etruscans from making war on
Rome, and promised to bring gifts to the warlike enemy. But the
Etruscan king was unmoved: "Rome must fall!" he said over and over
again. Thereupon Mucius Scaevola, seeing that he had exhausted all his
arguments, stretched out his arm over the bonfire and burned it off in
cold blood. The Etruscan king was so astounded by the strength of will
of the Roman messenger that his resolve to attack Rome was shaken: he
himself had seen how strong of spirit and how courageous were those
whom he wanted to attack...'4

Many battles between the Athenians and the Hellenes were notable for
their use of psychological manipulation; there are surviving
manuscripts that adequately describe the use of disinformation and
psychological warfare during various wars of their times.5 Alexander
the Great fully understood the use of psychological warfare techniques:
he often attempted to kill or capture the enemy king as quickly as
possible, and this strategy underlined his military tactics. By quickly
capturing or killing the enemy king he weakened the leadership and
morale of the enemy troops, and thus shortened the overall length of
the campaign.6

Julius Caesar had also fully grasped the principles of psychological
warfare. In Civil Wars, a work that was one of the mainstays of the
high school Latin curriculum for many years, he gave an interesting
example of the use of psychological warfare. He wrote of a
disinformation campaign by his political rival, Pompeius, that nearly
succeeded in eradicating his political support after a military loss at
the battle of Dyrrachium: '...letters...(were)...sent by Pompeius
through all the provinces and communities after the battle at
Dyrrachium, couched in a more exaggerated and inflated style than the
facts warranted, a report had spread abroad that Caesar had been beaten
and was in flight with the loss of nearly all his forces. This rumour
had made the routes full of danger, and was drawing off some of the
communities from their friendship with him...(In one town,
Thessaly)...a few months before, the people had voluntarily sent envoys
to Caesar bidding him use (of) all their resources, and had asked him
for a garrison of troops. But the rumour...about the battle at
Dyrrachium, which it had considerably exaggerated, had already
outstripped him. And so...(Thessaly preferred)...to share the victory
of Pompeius rather than be associated with Caesar in adversity...'7

The Catholic Church was also no stranger to the use of disinformation
and the suppression of information. Thousands were executed and
tortured during the period of the Holy Inquisition, for questioning
church proclamations. Many scientists were excommunicated or murdered
for attempting to find objective, scientific truth. The Church's
control over information was very, very thorough; so thorough, in fact,
that it impeded human development and progress-in some areas of
political, medical and scientific research-for centuries. This was
almost entirely due to the effects of disinformation and thought
control, which in some countries was controlled or influenced-almost
exclusively-by the Church. Engels wrote of the period that '...the
clergy was the only educated class. It was therefore natural that
Church dogma was the starting point and basis of all thought.
Jurisprudence, natural science, philosophy, everything was dealt with
according to whether it's content agreed or disagreed with the doctrine
of the Church...'8

However, it must be noted that Catholicism was not alone in it's
attempts to politically control information. Oliver Cromwell was
certainly no stranger to information control and psychological warfare
techniques, as he quite ably demonstrated during England's forced
expropriation of Ireland. Neither, for that matter, were Calvin nor
Luther.
--------------------------------------------------------------------

Psychological Warfare and Propaganda during the First World War

During the First World War, capitalist propaganda and psychological
warfare techniques were honed to a fine edge. Propaganda was needed to
continue the enlistment of machine-gun fodder into the armed services,
while psychological warfare was needed to sap the fighting will of the
opposite side.

In England, several weeks after the start of the war, State propaganda
organisations were already in existence and churning out anti-German
newspaper articles, photographs, cartoons and interviews. Many of the
horrific tales of the atrocities committed by German soldiers and their
inherent barbarism were completely fabricated, or were actual events
that had been falsified completely beyond recognition.9 The working
classes and the proletariat in England, as in most countries, were
initially susceptible to much of the horrific propaganda, as they had
not previously been exposed to propaganda of such magnitude.

However, this innocence was gradually dispelled as proletarians became
aware of the horrific conditions under which trench warfare was being
waged. In England, despite the extraordinary State propaganda campaign,
falling enlistment figures forced the State to act: compulsory military
service was introduced in 1916. However, it is very clear that the
skilful propaganda was successful for several years in condemning
millions to death so that British Imperialism could increase the size
of it's foreign markets.

In Australia, the initial period of the State and Capital's combined
propaganda campaign-to increase the number of proletarians and workers
enlisting in the army-was very successful. Much of the propaganda used
in Australia arrived in relatively completed form from the Propaganda
Bureau, situated in London. Other propaganda measures were also needed:
State censorship of all newspapers and news services was commenced
relatively early, with socialist and proletarian newspapers being
targetted and especially vulnerable; the censorship attempted to
constrain and minimise any public criticism of the 'war effort'.10

State censorship of mail was also needed, to prevent any private
criticism: the mail of both servicemen and a large number of civilians
was censored.11 However, as war casualties mounted, anti-war and
proletarian consciousness grew correspondingly and the State measures
were increasingly ineffective at maintaining the necessary number of
recruits and the necessary level of war hysteria: by 1916 enlistment
figures were only a percentage of the comparative late 1914-early 1915
figures.

State attempts to introduce conscription were beaten twice, due to
effective socialist and proletarian agitation and the rise in
proletarian consciousness: this was despite Billy Hughes using all the
political means of propaganda and censorship at his disposal to
minimise the No vote.12 Hughes even suppressed the publication of
referendum results of soldiers fighting in France: in the first of the
conscription referenda, around 45% of soldiers had voted No.13
--------------------------------------------------------------------

Between Wars

Immediately after the First World War and following the October
Revolution, Australian capital had a ready use to put the propaganda
experience it had gained during the war years. The capitalist
media-it's aims and interests identical with those interests threatened
by Marxist-Leninism-quickly rushed to fill the void: the techniques of
anti-German propaganda it had learnt were quickly transferred to Lenin,
the USSR and Australian socialists and communists.

During the Soviet Intervention, in the capitalist media Soviet
communists were often portrayed as thieves and murderers; Humphrey
McQueen quotes an article from the period that describes Trotsky as
'Dirty, unkempt, with coal-black nails, a ragged collar, and hair which
suggested that it had not been combed for a year'.14

Lenin, of course, was scathing in his criticism of anti-Soviet
propaganda, which was similar in tone in practically every capitalist
country. One acerbic, astute comment he made of the anti-Soviet
propaganda of the time: '...one chorus, one orchestra. It is true that
such orchestras are not conducted by one man with a score.
International capital uses less conspicuous means than a conductor's
baton, but that it is one orchestra should be clear...'15 is as true
today as it was then.

In other parts of the capitalist world, capitalist propaganda
organisations were built to combat the increase in trade unionism and
the growing proletarian aspirations for freedom. In the USA in the
early 1920's, a large corporate propaganda organisation was devoted to
protecting the interests of huge corporations 'against the threat of
increased public regulation or ownership'. The organisation targetted
kindergartens, schools, farmers' organisations and women's clubs with
pro-corporate propaganda designed with the relevant groups in mind.16
The prime instigator behind the campaign was himself as could be
expected the owner of a corporate empire, and he had simply adopted and
used lock, stock and barrel the State propaganda techniques developed
and used during the first war years.17

Between the wars, capitalist propaganda concentrated on it's new enemy:
communism and the USSR. The anti-communist propaganda was disseminated
from every possible area: newspapers, films, the pulpit and, of course,
radio-naturally, once it began widespread transmission. It would not be
an exaggeration to say that the USSR and Joseph Stalin are the two most
maligned subjects in history this century. Much of the anti-Soviet
propaganda that was splattered around like diarrhoea during the 1920's
and 1930's is not worth quoting or repeating, for the simple reason
that few people today would believe that people could write or believe
such palpable nonsense: some of it must have strained the credulity of
even the most gullible reader or listener. There were actually reports
during the 1930's-unbelievable as it sounds today-claiming that
everyone over the age of 75 was being put to death in the USSR!

However, the anti-Soviet propaganda barrage served capital in two
primary ways: it not only acted as anti-communist and anti-Soviet
propaganda, it also attacked proletarian living standards and increased
the exploitation rate.
----------------------------------------------------------------------

The Second World War

The Second World War saw the use of propaganda and psychological
warfare on a scale unimaginable in the previous world conflict. Britain
and the US-as did the Nazis prior to and during the war-erected huge
propaganda and psychological warfare organisations, and also redirected
the political aims of existing capitalist propaganda institutions. The
war propaganda tactics also varied from that of the first world war,
with increased and more effective use of cinema as a war propaganda
medium and also the use of radio, which had not been in use during the
first war.

In the US, following Pearl Harbour, 'Hollywood went to war'. During the
period of American involvement in the war, over 550 feature films were
made with actors appearing in uniform, or having the war as a featured
element of the plot; the actors Clarke Gable, Tyrone Power, Jimmy
Stewart and Ronald Reagan, among many, many others, appeared in
propaganda films or were photographed in uniform for propaganda
purposes.

The American music industry also churned out a constant stream of
pro-war propaganda.18 It must be noted, though, that until the attack
on Peal Harbour, the American corporate propaganda machine had remained
relatively anti-war, and a great many propaganda films had been
tempered with vicious anti-communism.19 The American music and film
industry was also the most influential in the world at that time, and
American corporate propaganda was regularly seen and heard in
practically every corner of the world.

In Britain at the start of the second war, the Ministry of Information
(MOI) was established, which oversaw censorship of all newspapers and
radio broadcasts and supervised propaganda. One of it's early
propaganda posters, however, was an abysmal failure: the poster, which
read 'Your Courage, Your Cheerfulness, Your Resolution, Will Bring Us
Victory' (sic) was interpreted rather differently by it's proletarian
readers than State propaganda writers had intended.20 Many well known
British actors, artists, and authors were actively engaged in war
propaganda work: Laurence Olivier and George Orwell were two prominent
examples.21

Some have argued that George Orwell based Nineteen Eighty-Four on his
experiences as a State propagandist at the BBC during the war years,
with the Ministry of Information thinly disguised as the Ministry of
Truth and Brendan Bracken (BB) the then Minister of Information being
depicted in the novel as Big Brother.22

The BBC and it's world-wide audience became an instrument of British
military and foreign policy, under the direct control of the MOI. One
wartime member of the British political warfare units later remembered
the close links between the BBC and the warfare units; he wrote
'...Each day I assiduously read the intelligence reports on Nazi
Germany...(and then)...I walked two floors down from our office in Bush
House to join in the work of the BBC's broadcasts to Nazi Germany...'23

The 'V' campaign where BBC broadcasts encouraged European listeners to
write the letter 'V' on walls, factories, schools etc-was started under
the guidance of the political warfare units, and caused BBC bureaucrats
to announce radio as a 'new weapon of war'.24 One writer noted that
'...When the British government gives the word, the BBC will cause
riots and demonstrations in every city in Europe...The above gives a
quite inadequate description of what can be done with this unique
weapon if it is properly developed...'25 However, the campaign was
unsuccessful: on the date designated for civil disturbances to occur in
Nazi-occupied Europe, nothing happened, and the '...whole thing
collapsed like a pricked balloon...'26 as one psychological warfare
expert later remembered.

The British Political Warfare units had arisen from similar units
existing within British military and intelligence organisations,
although the 'enemy' had changed somewhat: before 1938-39, most of
these organisations had been waging psychological warfare on
Marxist-Leninism and the USSR.

The political warfare units were supplemented with people from other
organisations as well: some members were recruited from a
crypto-fascist group, Section D, which was an '...entirely private
organisation of many years standing...(that was)... a group of men and
women dedicated to fighting Communism...'27 The experience in
disinformation and deception which organisations like these had learnt
from years of attempting to destroy Marxist-Leninism and the USSR was
well used in the political warfare units. The psychological warfare
units were riddled with former Nazi and fascist sympathisers.

Many later prominent people were introduced to psychological warfare in
the British political warfare units: for example, Richard
Crossman-later to become a minister in Harold Wilson's government;
Patrick Gordon-Walker-another who became a Labour government minister;
Alexander McKendrick-later a prominent British film director; Tosco
Fyvel-later a well-known British journalist, editor and broadcaster.28
Hugh Greene, later to become Director General of the BBC, also worked
in the political warfare units and liaised with the BBC: before being
made Director General, however, he had been prominent in psychological
warfare operations against communists in the long Malaysian
insurrection!29 The disinformation skills these people learnt during
their period in the psychological warfare units were well used after
the war ended, when capital's enemy reverted once again to
Marxist-Leninism and when capitalism required the destruction of the
proletariat's aspirations of freedom from capitalist slavery.

One member of the units later wrote: '...As the war came to an end many
of those who had been responsible for launching the Big Lie...returned
to civilian life. Some went back to Fleet Street and it's counterparts
in New York, Washington and Chicago. Some went into Parliament, others
back to the Temple or the Foreign Office. Some stayed with the BBC
services and are still with them today...'30
--------------------------------------------------------------------

The Nazi Propaganda and Psychological Warfare Machine

The Nazis built one of the largest propaganda machines in the
capitalist world after they came to power in the early 1930's; both
Hitler and Goebbels had fully realised the political importance of
propaganda in fulfilling their psychopathic ambitions. After dissolving
parliament by way of the 'Enabling Act' and declaring Hitler an
unchallenged dictator for four years, Goebbels was made 'Minister of
Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda'. Hitler and the Nazis then
completed the task of erecting an extraordinary propaganda machine,
that was highly centralised and under complete political control.
Goebbels, a failed author, later came to consider himself '...one of
the greatest propagandists of all time...'31

The Nazis task of creating a national system of propaganda newspapers
and magazines was relatively easily achieved given the legislative and
dictatorial powers that the Nazis then possessed. The Nazis publishing
company, Eher Verlag, was normally the only bidder for any newspapers
that the Nazis had suppressed, and most suppressed newspapers were
purchased for next to nothing. The Nazis thus picked up a huge printed
propaganda organisation for a tiny sum. By the early-1940's, Eher
Verlag controlled almost 70% of the German press.32 However, even given
a virtual monopoly on newspapers was not enough: the Nazis propaganda
line was enforced by a strict system of censorship acting on any
remaining 'independent' newspapers as well.33

The control of radio broadcasting was made easier for the Nazis, by
virtue of all radio in Germany already being a State-owned monopoly.
The Nazis automatically gained control of the State-owned radio when
they had seized power. However, the general interests and purposes to
which it was aimed were altered once the Nazis gained control: it was
extensively used as an instrument of Nazi propaganda. Goebbels, in
1933, noted that the radio offered the Nazis extensive propaganda
opportunities when he said '...What the press was for the nineteenth
century, the radio will be for the twentieth...'34 Some bourgeois
academics have argued that '...There can be no doubt that broadcasting
played the decisive role in the success of the National Socialist
campaign...'35

The Nazis had introduced a relatively inexpensive radio the
Volksempfanger which was widely owned.36 By 1939, it was estimated that
70% of German households owned a radio.37 The widespread ownership of
these radios gave the Nazis a direct propaganda line into many German
homes. However, as the war progressed, some elements of the Nazis radio
propaganda backfired, and were counter-productive.

For example, following the Soviet victory at Stalingrad, most Nazi
radio commentators were expected to 'downplay' it's significance: the
fighting at Stalingrad ceased to be propagandised, and Stalingrad,
after a short period, was rarely mentioned. Those Germans who were
interested in the events at Stalingrad-those who had friends, sons,
fathers or husbands fighting there-had to turn elsewhere for their
information.

The Soviet radio, as it had before and throughout the war, truthfully
reported the news, and broadcast both Soviet victories and defeats:
many, many Germans tuned in to Soviet radio to hear of the real
conditions under which their soldiers were actually fighting. Goebbels
wrote in his diary that '...There are reports...that many people are
listening to foreign radio broadcasts. The reason for this...is our
totally obscure news policy which which no longer gives any insight
into the war situation. Also, our reticence regarding Stalingrad and
the fate of our missing soldiers there naturally leads the families to
listen to Bolshevik radio stations, as these always broadcast the names
of German soldiers reported as prisoners...'38

The number of Germans listening to foreign radio stations Soviet,
British or Swiss became a serious problem for the Nazis very early: in
1939, Hitler enacted an ordinance outlawing unauthorised listening to
foreign radio broadcasts. However, in practice, the law was virtually
impossible to police effectively. The illegal listening was widespread:
some have argued that spare parts for broken radio receivers were
withheld in areas where the Nazis suspected many broke the foreign
radio laws.39 Some have argued that the British propaganda stations
were exceptionally effective in creating social unrest, especially
amongst Nazi U-boat crews, who often listened to British propaganda
stations out of preference.40

The British propaganda stations also developed the technique of cutting
in on the same wavelength as German radio stations during bombing
operations: the Nazi stations had to stop broadcasting when bombers
were in the vicinity to prevent their radio signals being used as
direction finding beacons by British or American aircraft. The British
propaganda stations were able to create great unrest, with German
listeners often completely unable to tell whether they were listening
to legitimate broadcasts: the British propagandists would countermand
previous instructions and create other deceptions and diversions, that
in some cases created absolute chaos.41

Film was also extensively used as a means of Nazi indoctrination. The
German cinema underwent a boom period from the time Hitler came to
power until the early 1940's, when war damage and production took it's
toll on film stock, equipment and technical staff.

Goebbels was instrumental in establishing the 'Reich Film Chamber' very
early in his role of propaganda minister, and he remained in control
until the end of the war. Goebbels took an extensive interest in film
production, and one of his homes was equipped with it's own cinema, on
which he used to view-before it's public release-almost every film
produced in Germany at the time. He even dictated lines to be scripted
into certain films. After the outbreak of war, no film was made in
Germany until the script had been approved by the propaganda division
and the film office censors. He was also in complete control of the
film censorship board, which examined every film released in Germany.42
Most of the themes contained in films from this period reflected Nazi
ideology and political aims.

For example, the film, Jud Suss ( The Jew Suss), which was directed by
and featured some of the best known names then working in German
cinema, is rated by some as the most extreme piece of racist propaganda
ever made.43 This film and Der Ewige Jude (The Eternal Jew), were two
of the films that politically prepared it's audience for the
'Jewish-Bolshevik' final solution that was to follow.

The propaganda methods the Nazis used followed closely in the
propaganda tactics devised by Hitler, who had written in Mein Kampf
that '...The success of any advertisement, whether in business or
politics, is due to the continuity and consistency with which it is
employed...'44 This tactical consideration ran throughout all elements
of Nazi propaganda: if you tell a lie loudly and often enough,
eventually it becomes accepted as truth.

The initial period of Nazi propaganda saw the Nazis repeating and
politically emphasising not only rabid anti-semitism and anti-communism
but also the 'socialism' contained in their 'doctrine' of 'national
socialism'. This, as could be expected, was an attempt to brutally
divert political support from German social-democratic and communist
parties, and arguing for some socialist policies did eventually gain
the Nazis a tiny degree of support from extremely gullible sections of
the German proletariat. During 1927-28, for example, they emphasised
the Nazis' newspapers as the 'voice of the persecuted'.45

Of course, the talk of socialism was merely a particularly blatant lie
designed to fool the naive and the uneducated: the fledgeling Nazi
Party had received both financial and logistical support from members
of the German military, of whom Hitler had been a member.46

Before his criminal rise to dictator began, he had been employed within
the Political Department of the German Army's Press and News Bureau,
and was actually acting on official orders when he attended his first
meeting of the German Worker's Party, later to become the Nazis: he was
on the army's pay-roll as a political agent.47 The Nazis financial
support from the wealthiest strata of German and international finance
capitalists also began fairly early; the rich saw the Nazis as a
bulwark against communism, and their support in capitalist newspapers
and the media paved the way for Hitler's eventual takeover.48

Naturally, the 'socialist' propaganda period abruptly ended once the
Nazis had attained dictatorship: it must be remembered that in the
final election held in pre-Nazi Germany, the Nazis only held around
44.5% of Reichstag seats; 55.5% of German politicians weren't members
of the Nazi party.

Another propaganda theme then emerged: alongside Hitler and the Nazis'
brutal anti-communist and anti-Jewish diatribes, this new theme
emphasised the 'peaceful aims' of the Nazis, obviously intending to
persuade the international bourgeoisie that the Nazis weapons were only
aimed at the USSR and the proletariat. This, naturally, was nothing
more than a another particularly blatant hoax, that was continually
repeated from the time Hitler gained the Chancellry, throughout the
expansionism of the 1930's until the invasion of the USSR.49 The Nazis
propaganda organs and diplomatic organisations continually repeated the
basic propaganda line that 'Hitler is a man of peace'.

This empty lie was believed by many sections of the criminally insane
international bourgeoisie: for example, King Edward VIII, one of
Hitler's best known political supporters, was forced to abdicate the
British throne by sections of the British bourgeoisie because of his
pro-Nazi and anti-proletariat views;50 even R.G.Menzies was known to
publicly comment quite favourably-on the state of Hitler's Germany.51
However, the Nazis propaganda wasn't swallowed by many proletarians
internationally, especially after the Spanish Civil War when the Nazis
and the international bourgeoisie rallied to the aid of Franco's
murderous fascists.

This period also saw the emergence of a large Nazi organisation
specialising in one area of propaganda, devoted exclusively to
'fighting' Marxist-Leninism, both in the USSR and elsewhere. This
organisation, the Antikomintern, the Union of German Anti-Communist
Societies, began in 1933, a brainchild of Goebbels.52 This organisation
differed in it's role from most of the Nazi propaganda organisations,
as '...it was intended to generate propaganda about the Soviet Union,
not to it...'53

The Antikomintern included a very large research department, studying
in close detail Soviet society, the Comintern and Marxist-Leninism.
However, the organisation was little more than a thinly disguised arm
of the Nazi Party, at one stage during the Spanish civil war even
propagandising a situation that had no relation to reality, arguing
that '...Franco...had not attempted a Fascist coup against the legal
government: the Soviet Union had invaded the country...'!54 In 1936,
the Nazis launched a propaganda assault on other capitalist countries
in Europe, that was based, essentially, on the 'threat of communism',
and was designed to '...create an anti-Communist psychosis in Europe in
the same way it had created one inside Germany in the years 1932 and
1933...'55

The third period of Nazi propaganda emerged after these years: this was
psychological warfare aimed at destroying the will to resist Nazi
aggression, and to create internal dissension and unrest.

Nazi radio broadcasts played a special, tactical role during the phoney
war and the invasion of France, when the Nazis were aided in their task
by many pro-Nazi sympathisers present in French government, business
and military circles. The Nazis had several radio transmitters in
France operating, attempting to start rumours and create internal
unrest.56 One radio broadcast that the advancing Nazis were
confiscating all the cash they could find, and the result of this was a
run on banks in several pro-fascist areas where many people listened in
to the Nazi propaganda stations: the announcements created economic
chaos for several days.57 Following the invasion of France where many
fascist politicians and military officers acted in collusion with the
Nazis the Nazis then turned to psychological warfare against Britain,
in an attempt to lull it's real military target, the USSR, into a state
of false security.

The English blackshirt William Joyce, known as Lord Haw-Haw, was
recruited and delivered a stream of anti-Churchill propaganda across
the English Channel from a transmitter located in France. Joyce, and a
group of British prisoners of war released from POW camps for the
purpose, maintained a constant stream of pro-Nazi propaganda. However,
there were other radio broadcasts as well.58

Writing of the period, George Orwell noted that the Nazi radio
broadcasts aimed at Britain during the war consisted of propaganda that
was selectively bracketed at different political groups: '...What is
interesting is that every section of anti-war opinion has one section
of German radio propaganda...assigned to it. Since the outbreak of war
the Germans have done hardly any direct propaganda in England otherwise
than by wireless. The best known of their broadcasts...are by William
Joyce...But in addition the Germans maintain four spurious 'freedom'
stations, actually operating on the continent but pretending to be
operating illegally in England. The best known of these is the New
British Broadcasting Station...The general line of these broadcasts is
'uncensored news' or 'what the Government is hiding from you'. They
affect a pessimistic, well informed manner, as of someone who is on the
inside of the inside, and go in for enormous figures of shipping
losses...More interesting...is the Workers' Challenge Station. This
goes in for a line of red-hot revolutionary talks under such titles as
'Kick Churchill Out', delivered by an authentic British working man who
uses plenty of unprintable words. We are to overthrow the corrupt
capitalist government which is selling us to the enemy, and set up a
real Socialist government which will come to the rescue of our heroic
comrades of the Red Army and give us victory over fascism. (The German
station does not hesitate to talk about 'the menace of Nazism', 'the
horrors of the Gestapo' etc.)...The other two 'freedom' stations are
the Christian Peace Movement (pacifism) and Radio Caledonia (Scottish
Nationalism)...'59

The Nazis' propaganda was designed to create internal dissension, and
attempted to do so in a particularly subtle way. It attempted to
realign those interests hostile to British Imperialism, and firmly
place them in the service of the Nazis' own political and military
ends. This was a standard Nazi psychological warfare tactic: by
emphasising the conflicting interests of some political groups, the
Nazis attempted to split any united opposition.

Closely following the invasion of the USSR, the Nazis began radio
transmissions into Soviet territory. This and other subversive
propaganda was delivered by specialist psychological warfare units, and
again attempted to foster internal dissent. The methods it used were
interesting.

One bourgeois historian noted that the Nazis propagandists had '...two
broad choices before them. They could identify the Soviet regime with
the peoples over which it ruled, and declare a ruthless fight on them.
They could work, on the other hand, for the creation of a system of
selective alliances with certain social groups and nationalities, and
devote their energies to driving a wedge between Stalin...and the
people of Russia...'60 The Nazis decided on the second path.

The actual method was quite simple: '...Goebbels set up a secret
station that specialised in broadcasting to Russia. It was run by
Albrecht, a Russian of German extraction who was a Soviet
Vice-Commissar...before fleeing to Germany...'61 The station aimed it's
propaganda at three separate political groups, and attempted to create
loose alliances with them: '...One of them was based on a general
opposition programme, another expounded a Trotskyist line, and
another...conducted a 'national Bolshevik' policy. It maintained that
Stalin, the slave of the capitalists, had sold the socialist fatherland
to the plutocrats...'62
--------------------------------------------------------------------

[jum...@my-deja.com]

Radio Australia in the Second World War and after

In Australia, propaganda preparations were fairly quickly begun, almost
immediately following the outbreak of war. The Department of
Information, based loosely on the British Ministry of Information, came
into being on the 4th September, 1939.63

One of it's first official acts was to begin preparations to commence
official State shortwave propaganda broadcasts throughout the South
Pacific region: this was only done, though, after requests from British
Imperialism. The Australian propaganda station was meant to blend with
and counter-point standard BBC propaganda, to assist the propaganda
broadcasts of British Imperialism by acting as an alternate voice.

The only major overseas shortwave broadcasts had been experimental
overseas transmissions by AWA, starting around 1927, which could be
received in Europe, North and South America and the Asian and Pacific
regions. Their 'laughing Kookaburra' station call-sign was quite well
known in many parts of the world among shortwave listeners. Apart from
the ABC broadcasts to Papua-New Guinea and a few other Pacific
areas-which were primarily in English with very limited 'native
language' broadcasts-there had been no State foreign-language
propaganda broadcasts.

W. MacMahon Ball, then a well known bourgeois academic, was made the
head of the new shortwave propaganda section: he was also well known
for his regular news commentaries broadcast on the ABC during the
1930's.64 He was influential in establishing the original aims and
propaganda norms of the station: the station attempted to transmit
propaganda on an academic, scholarly level as could be expected, with
an emphasis on 'truth'. Ball maintained that credible propaganda
explored different points of view, to '...enhance the station's
credibility in the eyes of the enemy...'65

These views were in line with his pronounced bourgeois-liberalism: he
had been involved with anti-censorship activities in the 1930's, and
extensively lobbied Menzies to remove the political bans on the
importation of books by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. He had also
been involved in the creation of the first independent news gathering
service for the ABC, which had previously been forced to rely on the
'news-gathering capabilities' of the capitalist newspapers: ABC
newsreaders normally read extracts and articles from capitalist
newspapers over the air. This gave selected finance-capitalists direct
propaganda control over much of the propaganda broadcast on the ABC!66

By early 1940, the shortwave propaganda station was broadcasting in
several languages French, German, Dutch, Spanish and Afrikaans to
different areas of the world the Philippines, Europe, North and South
America, India, South Africa and Indonesia.67 However, the station was
seriously undercapitalised, and was in need of larger transmitters, as
some of the propaganda could only be picked up in some areas under
selected atmospheric conditions.68

Ball, at that stage, had virtually complete control of the station. He
arranged, within the Shortwave Department, the creation of a listening
post section, designed to monitor all overseas shortwave transmissions:
this was to give the station the capability of countering German and
Japanese propaganda broadcasts. However, the listening post had some
other serious problems, apart from it's transmission strength, as well:
there were only a handful of people in the entire country whose
Japanese language skills were up to the task of monitoring and
translating Japanese radio broadcasts into English or broadcasting in
Japanese.69 The shortage was so acute that some Japanese-speaking
soldiers were later transferred from the US Army, to work in the
listening post or as broadcasters.70

The Shortwave Division was transferred to the ABC in early 1942. More
Asian languages were added to it's transmissions-Malay, and Chinese-and
broadcasts increased to these countries.71 Also, Japanese transmissions
were included, for the first time. However, with Caldwell's ministerial
ascension to the Department of Information in 1943, the station
reverted to the control of the department, giving Caldwell enormous
control over the station that he maintained until the ALP lost office,
when Menzies transferred it back to the ABC. The transmission strength
was increased by 1944, and it improved it's signal reception in the
Pacific region.

After the war ended, the shortwave service was used in it's propaganda
role for Australian and American Imperialism. It received it's post-war
baptism of fire during the Indonesian struggle for independence.

The station supported the Indonesian nationalists-Sukarno, Hatta, et
al.-against Dutch rule, which attempted to maintain the colonialist
control it had before the 2nd war. The shortwave station, it's signal
audible throughout much of Indonesia, was conspicuously critical of the
Dutch colonial administration, and supportive of the nationalist
rebels. This, naturally, was an attempt by Australian and US
Imperialism to rid themselves of a trade competitor: Australian and
American Imperialist involvement gradually increased in Indonesia after
this time.

However, the station's propaganda stance was publicly censured by some
bourgeois politicians, who assessed that Australian support for the
Dutch was necessary;72 but most bourgeois-liberals including Chifley
supported either publicly or privately the nationalists, who realised
the political gains that were to be had from an end to Dutch rule.
However, the station's propaganda stance was criticised by many
conservatives, although the voices raised against the station were
quickly silenced once Menzies gained office.

The station was returned to the ABC after Menzies abolished the entire
Department of Information.73 P.C.Spender, a minister in charge of the
station during the early years of the Menzies government, realised the
propaganda potential that Radio Australia represented for Australian
capital. He placed Radio Australia under increased State control by
increasing links between the station and the Department of External
Affairs.74

Radio Australia's propaganda line toward Indonesia gradually reversed
180 degrees between the early post-war years and 1964-66, in line with
Australia's requirements that Indonesia didn't 'fall to the communists'
and lose Australian capitalists a growing market, naturally. Some of
the station's long-term propaganda tactics were similar to those used
by many other imperialists. From the early 1960's, the station
transmitted English language lessons for Indonesians: accompanying
booklets were distributed by the Australian embassy in Djakarta.75

The station itself was more popular in Indonesia than many others,
including the Voice of America, Radio Nederland, Deutsche Welle or the
BBC. This gives an indication of it's propaganda potential, which was
used to maximum effect by the State and US Imperialism during the
Generals' 1965 coup and the military's consequent mass slaughter of
communists.

Philip Koch-then Radio Australia's Indonesian correspondent-was quite
prominent during the events. He was one of the few journalists still in
Indonesia at the time, as most American and British journalists had
previously been expelled by Sukarno. He was later rewarded for his
support for the Indonesian generals by being one of the first western
journalists granted a major interview with Suharto, after the bestial
mass-murder of Indonesian communists had occurred. He was later
immortalised for his role in the book 'The Year of Living Dangerously',
in which he is blinded in one eye by the Indonesian military; the State
later promoted him to Director of Overseas Services.76

Currently, there are many propaganda moves afoot to increase Radio
Australia's transmission strength, and to increase the degree of
Foreign Affairs control. As usual, various sections of capital have
differing views on both these points. Some bourgeois liberals decry the
'increasing State interference', but appear to maintain the fiction
that the station was previously free of State interference! The station
has always been closely controlled by the State: the fact that the
station was critical of the East Timor invasion-against what some
considered the State's 'line' on East Timor-is not proof otherwise,
contrary to what a few bourgeois-liberals appear to think.

The station's critical stance on East Timor merely represented a
propaganda ruse, a rather blatant attempt to bolster Australian
Imperialist influence in Indonesia: supporting the people of another
country against their government is a fairly typical propaganda ploy
that was even used by the Nazis. However, it must be stressed there
appear to be conflicts on Radio Australia's role: other sections of
capital support increasing the size of the transmitters and upgrading
the station's political visibility, claiming it's current state is a
'national disgrace'.77 This appears to be in line with current
Imperialist attempts to 'constrain' socialism.
--------------------------------------------------------------------

US Propaganda and Psychological Warfare after WW2

At the end of the 2nd war, American Imperialism emerged in a stronger
economic position than it had been at the start. The war had
necessitated a massive increase in production capacity, and this excess
capacity required increased markets. The end of the war had supplied
them: increased markets were available in Britain, capitalist Germany,
Japan, Australia, France, Italy, Canada, the South Pacific and China,
as the Americans had planned. However, there were several other factors
that the Americans had to contend with before these new markets could
be exploited to the degree they thought necessary.

The growth of proletarian consciousness, both in the US and externally,
had to be combatted, as Stalin and the USSR had emerged from the war
with an incredible degree of international proletarian support. Also,
US Imperialism had to give a veneer of respectability to it's continued
military occupation of much of the world. Both of these factors steered
the US towards a Nazi propaganda solution: the creation of an
'anti-communist psychosis', exactly as Hitler and the Nazis had
attempted a decade earlier.

The tactics represented two facets of Imperialism: one facet, was the
propaganda marked direct anti-communist aggression, while the other
facet gave respectability to the continuing American military
occupation of the world. The diversionary tactics were relatively
successful, exactly as they had earlier been for the Nazis. Writing of
the period, one American bourgeois academic noted: '...A spectacular
excursion into mind management...was the successful effort in 1945 to
convince the American people that their daily existence was threatened
by the war-devastated and totally drained Russian economy...'78

The Soviet war losses were indeed immense: around 10% of the total
population had died during the Nazi invasion, and much of the country
lay in ruins. The impossibility of any Soviet military threat was
obvious to all, excepting lunatics from the extreme right, naturally.
However, the facts were brushed aside by US Imperialism, and aided at
almost every step by Britain and France: in every capitalist country in
the world, communists were again used as scapegoats in an attempt to
whitewash Imperialist policies.

This went hand-in-hand with attempts to reconstruct much of the Nazi
and Fascist anti-communist forces. In post-war capitalist Germany,
American intelligence agencies recruited Reinhard Gehlen, a former Nazi
intelligence officer. Gehlen had headed the Fremde Heere Ost, an
anti-Soviet intelligence group operating within the Nazi armed forces.
Under American patronage, he established his own private intelligence
organisation, the Gehlen Organisation, which was later taken over by
the capitalist German government and became the Bundesnachrichtendienst
(the BND), which became one of the mainstays of European
anti-communism. Gehlen remained in control until his retirement in
1968.79 Similar events occurred in several other occupied countries,
where Americans placed former militarists, fascists and fascists
sympathisers in control of revamped anti-communist organisations.80

The rebuilding of the Nazi propaganda radio stations also quickly
occurred, under US, French and British guidance: as one participant
noted in the case of Radio Hamburg, which transmitted in several
languages, '...the interval between the last Nazi-controlled and the
first British-controlled broadcast was barely twenty-four hours...'81
While the ownership of the stations had changed, the propaganda targets
of the stations fairly quickly changed from communism-under the
Nazis-to the Nazis-when initially under Allied control-and then back to
communism and the USSR! The change occurred quickly after Truman and
Churchill's post-war anti-communist diatribes.

The anti-communist psychosis Imperialism attempted to impose on the
world almost immediately paid off: global attention was elsewhere
during major Imperialist overt and covert interventions in various
parts of the world. After 1945, the US, Britain and France backed
reactionaries or sent troops to Albania, Algeria, Burma, China,
Colombia, Cuba, Cyprus, Greece, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Kenya,
Korea, Malaya, Morocco, Palestine, the Philippines and Vietnam, and
many other countries. By 1949, the Americans had so successfully picked
up where the Nazis had stopped that the USA took the liberty of
actually drawing up plans for a pre-emptive nuclear strike on the USSR.
--------------------------------------------------------------------

Propaganda and Psychological Warfare from the 1960s

During the 1960's, Imperialist psychological warfare was increasingly
applied in nearly every country in the world. American Imperialists
increased the amount of propaganda directed at Cuba, for example, and
even went so far as to actually conduct information surveys in Cuba
prior to the attempted Bay of Pigs invasion!82

During the build-up to the Vietnam war, American disinformation experts
began preparations to prepare the American public for the American
intervention in Vietnam.83 The Gulf of Tonkin incident, where US
Imperialism completely fabricated acts of communist aggression against
the US, saw the propaganda preparations gaining strength.84

The war's accompanying propaganda fanfare suffered quite a few setbacks
along the way: just before the Tet offensive, Imperialist propagandists
were proclaiming that the war was virtually won, but the heroic
communist offensive during 1968 the Tet offensive destroyed any
political credibility American propagandists had remaining.85

Vietnam and Cuba were not the only anti-communist targets: the USSR
remained a constant psychological warfare target throughout the 1960's.
Before he became Director-General of the BBC, Hugh Greene-then a
psychological warfare expert-gave a speech at a NATO Defence College in
Paris, where he spoke of the general aims of anti-Soviet propaganda,
and where he almost mimicked Nazi propaganda strategies.

He noted the general tactics he would later use when he was in control
of the BBC when he said '...If propaganda is to give proper support to
policy it seems very important at the present stage to exclude from
broadcasts to Russia any trace of the cold war mentality and any talk
of 'liberation'. This does not mean that one should not take account
of, and carefully exploit, the existence of certain categories of
people in the Soviet Union who tend to be to some extent disaffected:
for instance people who have been in forced labour camps, 'Teddy Boys'
(Stilyagi) and adventurous young people generally, the lowest paid
workers who resent the wage and class differences, and people who are
against the regime from personal conviction either because they
disapprove of Communism or because they think the regime has betrayed
Communism. All these people will tend to be receptive and attracted in
different ways by the freedoms of the West. They and other listeners to
our broadcasts can help to form a Soviet public opinion not unfriendly
to the West and there are some signs now that such a public opinion is
being formed...'86

While psychological warfare has been in existence for thousands of
years, it must be acknowledged that the US is the current world leader
in psychological warfare techniques. There has been large scale Defence
department research into psycho-war techniques conducted at many US
universities and 'brain trusts'.

The research was conducted with financial backing from the US
government, military and private sponsors. Many donations to these
'research institutes' are tax deductible and private sponsorship has
been easily found. The three 'scientific' organisations leading the
research were the Hoover Institute of Stanford University, the Rand
Corporation of Santa Monica, California and the Research Institute of
Communist Affairs, at Columbia University.

Hypnotic states, effects of psychotropic drugs on consciousness and
qualitative techniques of social manipulation have all been examined
and researched at great depth over the preceding decades. Many talented
'social scientists' were drawn to the research by a combination of
factors, notably, engaging in 'patriotic research work in the national
interest' and the extremely high salaries offered. The long-term
results of the research were distributed to intelligence agencies, the
White House, pharmaceutical companies, the Pentagon and manufacturers
of defence equipment.

Action was taken by US intelligence agencies and the military on the
strength of the research. The US Army's Psychological Warfare units
were strengthened and given increased logistical support. The 1st
Special Operations Command, which is a specialist unit concentrating on
psychological warfare operations, was set up at Fort Bragg in the US.
It operates a training school, the John F. Kennedy Special Warfare
Centre, which specialises in training US army personnel in the new
psycho-war techniques. The army unit acts as an operations centre and
has direct information and communication links with other US government
agencies involved in psychological warfare, the USIA, the CIA, the
Pentagon and NATO Supreme Headquarters.87

There are other elements to the Imperialists psychological warfare
strategy as well: during President Carter's term in office, he
advocated over US$25m to increasing the transmitter power of the Voice
of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty (RFE-RL).88

These propaganda stations, relayed and broadcasting into socialist and
developing countries, are intended purely as the propaganda arm of US
Imperialism, and to attack any country which does not allow US
corporations untrammelled freedom to rape it's economy.89 As Herbert
Schiller, the well-known American academic has noted, '...Wherever
significant social change has occurred or may occur around the world,
American transmitters are busy raising doubts about the new social
forms and glorifying the acquisitive-consumerist system...'90

The amount of Imperialist interference in Warsaw Pact countries is
quite extraordinary. Radio Liberty-Radio Free Europe broadcasts 24
hours a day, 7 days a week, into the USSR in Russian language
programmes; over 20 hours daily in the Czech and Slovak languages; 19
hours a day in Polish; 13 hours daily in Romanian; and 8 hours daily in
Bulgarian.91 Both RFE-RL were financially linked to the CIA, by no less
than a bourgeois-liberal American Senator, William J. Fulbright in
1970-71.92 Fulbright could not in any way be considered a communist
sympathiser.

The Voice of America also broadcasts into Comecon countries. The main
VOA transmitters are located in the USA but to ensure the signal is
received in other countries it has relay transmitters located in
capitalist Germany, the UK, Greece, Liberia, the Philippines and Sri
Lanka. There is a subtle propaganda difference between the the VOA and
Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty: RFE-RL transmissions are more openly
propagandist and anti-communist than those from the VOA, which normally
masquerades as 'objective truth'. The openly propagandist nature of the
RFE-RL attempts to reinforce the fiction that the VOA is not a
propaganda station, but is merely reporting factual information.

Other Imperialists also broadcast across the world, from relay
transmitters located in other countries: for example, the BBC-apart
from it's main transmitters located in Britain-has relay stations in
Antigua, Ascension, Canada, Cyprus, Oman and Singapore.93 However, even
this is not the full extent of Imperialist international broadcasting:
there are many other radio stations operating from American soil,
spreading Imperialist philosophy and political and ideological values.
Three of these are 'Christian radio stations', KGEI, WYFR and WINB
which broadcast from North America.94 The Christian radio broadcasters
are also established throughout Europe, as well: for one example, Trans
World Radio, another 'Christian' radio station. This station operates
in Monte Carlo from premises originally built by the Nazis to house
transmitters for Goebbels' Nazi radio propaganda!95

American Imperialists also established an anti-socialist,
Spanish-speaking radio station on mainland America to broadcast into
Cuba, in an attempt to destabilise the country. The radio station,
Radio Marti, is named after the late 19th century anti-Imperialist
leader, Jose Marti, a legendary figure in Cuban history. As could be
expected, the station broadcasts a constant stream of anti-Castro and
anti-socialist propaganda into Cuban sovereign territory, in an attempt
to create internal instability.

However, the attempts have so far failed, for the simple reason that
Cuba is so close to American soil that many Cubans are able to listen
to mainland American radio stations and watch American television:
Cubans are well aware of the constant stream of rubbish and
disinformation that the American proletariat are exposed to, and Radio
Marti has failed in it's mission. However, the Americans are not
particularly perturbed by it's ineffectiveness: not content with merely
using radio to destabilise Cuba, they have begun preparations to begin
anti-socialist television broadcasts as well.

Some left organisations appear to have developed selective amnesia on
the question of Imperialist propaganda: for example, the Democratic
Socialist Party-formerly the Socialist Workers Party-supports Cuba
against American propaganda interference,96 but is able to completely
ignore much greater Imperialist interference in the internal affairs of
socialist Germany!97 In one recent major article, there was not one
mention of the propaganda blockade socialist Germany was subject to
during the recent crisis period!98

The contradiction is quite startling: American interference in Cuba is
'bad', while American and British, French and capitalist
German-interference in socialist Germany is apparently not 'bad'.
Despite the DSP's claims that 'the Western media are having terrible
trouble' in their description of the recent events in socialist
Germany,99 this is far from the actual case, as anyone reading the
capitalist media recently would realise.

If this is the capitalist media having terrible trouble attacking a
socialist country, I - for one - would hate to see them not having
trouble.
--------------------------------------------------------------------

1.Aldous Huxley, the bourgeois British writer, in 1936 described
research with drugs and hypno-suggestion. see p38-9 in Moksha-Writings
on Psychedelics and the Visionary Experience, Horowitz and Palmer,
Penguin Books 1983.

2.One of the latest revelations concerning CIA involvement in the
international drug market was reported in The Sun-Herald, 5-11-89. p9

3.D.Owen, Battle of Wits- a history of psychology and deception in
modern warfare, Leo Cooper ltd 1978. pxi

4.D.Volkogonov, The Psychological War, Progress Publishers Moscow 1986.
p62.

5.ibid. p63

6.Battle of Wits. px

7.Julius Caesar, Civil Wars, edited by G.P.Goold, William
Heinemann_Harvard University Press 1979. p306-8

8.K.Marx-F.Engels, On Religion, Progress Publishers Moscow, 1976. p235

9.for what seems to be a fairly typical bourgeois view of the British
fabrication of German atrocities, see The Campaign of Hate in The
Marsahll Cavendish Illustrated History of World War 1, Vol.3. p789-799

10.see Robert Pullan's Guilty Secrets-Free Speech in Australia, Methuen
Australia 1984. p151-154, also see Ian Turner, Sydney's Burning, Alpha
Books 1969.

11.Frank Cain, The Origins of Political Surveillance in Australia,
Angus & Robertson, 1983. p109-111

12.Guilty Secrets-Free Speech in Australia. p149-158, also The Origins
of Political Surveillance in Australia. p111-123

13.The Origins of Political Surveillance in Australia. p115

14.Wheelright, Buckley (eds), The Political Economy of Australian
Capitalism , vol.2, ANZ Book Co 1978. p191

15.Kronstadt, Monad Press New York, 1979. p55

16.T.Wheelright and K.Buckley (eds) Communications and the Media in
Australia, Allen and Unwin Australia, 1987. p159-160

17.Ken Coghill (ed) The New Right's Australian Fantasy, McPhee Gribble
Penguin, 1987. p5

18.Life, Spring-Summer 1985, Vol.8, No.6. p88-94

19.There were a few exceptions to this. For example, Charlie Chaplin's
The Great Dictator is notable.

20.B. Liddle Hart (chief editor), World War Two, The Illustrated
History, Vol. 1, Parnell Reference Books 1977. p64

21.George Orwell's writings during his time at the BBC are printed in
George Orwell: The War Broadcasts and George Orwell: The War
Commentaries, both edited by W.J. West and published by Penguin Books.

22.W.J.West (ed), George Orwell: THe War Broadcasts, Penguin Books
1987. p64-65

23.T.R.Fyvel, George Orwell-A personal memoir, Weidenfeld and Nicholson
Ltd, 1982. p119

24.C. Cruickshank in The Fourth Arm- Psychological Warfare 1938-45,
Oxford University Press 1981. p121-8

25.quoted in The Fourth Arm. p122

26.Sir Hugh Greene, The Third Floor Front-A View of Broadcasting in the
Sixties, The Bodley Head 1969. p30

27.John Baker White, The Big Lie- The Inside Story of Psychological
Warfare, George Mann Ltd, 1973. p13

28.George Orwell. p118-127

29.The Third Floor Front.

30.The Big Lie. p233

31.R.E.Herzstein, The War That Hitler Won- the most infamous propaganda
campaign in history, Hamish Hamilton Ltd, 1979. p47

32.ibid. p170-6

33.ibid. p171-5

34.ibid. p176

35.Z.A.B. Zeman, Nazi Propaganda, Oxford University Press 1973. p53

36.The War That Hitler Won. p404

37.Nazi Propaganda. p49

38.ibid. p169

39.The War That Hitler Won. p404

40.see The Radio War p69-92 in Battle of Wits.

41.ibid. p69-92

42.The War That Hitler Won. p259-61

43.ibid. p310-14

44.quoted in The Big Lie. p14

45.The War That Hitler Won. p49

46.J.Poole, S.Poole, Who Financed Hitler- The secret funding of
Hitler's rise to power 1919-1933, The Dial Press 1979. p4-39

47.W.L.Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, Pan Books 1981.
p51-57

48.Who Financed Hitler.

49.for a crypto-fascists view of this period see The Big Lie. p12-27

50.Who Financed Hitler. p317-9

51.Humphrey McQueen, Gallipoli to Petrov-Arguing with Australian
History, Allen & Unwin 1984. p167-9

52.Nazi Propaganda. p95-9

53.ibid. p96

54.ibid. p101

55.ibid. p102

56.Battle of Wits. p69-73

57.ibid. p71

58.ibid. p71-4

59.S.Orwell, I.Angus (eds), The Collected Essays, Journalism and
Letters of George Orwell, Vol.2, Penguin Books 1984. p212-213

60.Nazi Propaganda. p159

61.ibid. p159

62.ibid. p159

63.John Hilvert, Blue Pencil Warriors-Censorship and Propaganda in
World War 2, UQP 1984. p17-33

64.ibid. p36-39

65.ibid. p199

66.Communications and the Media in Australia. p62-70

67.Blue Pencil Warriors. p39

68.A.Thomas, Broadcast and Be Damned-The ABC's First Two Decades, MUP
1980. p116-7

69.K.S.Inglis, This is the ABC-The Australian Broadcasting Commission
1932-1983, MUP 1983. p97

70.Broadcast and Be Damned. p116

71.Blue Pencil Warriors. p133-36

72.Broadcast and Be Damned. p163

73.This is the ABC. p156

74.ibid. p156-7

75.C.Semmler, The ABC-Aunt Sally and Sacred Cow, MUP 1981. p166

76.This is the ABC. p368

77.The Good Weekend, The Sydney Morning Herald, 11-11-89. p85-90

78.H.Schiller, The Mind Managers, Beacon Press 1974. p6

79.A.Wilson, The Disarmer's Handbook of Military Technology and
Organisation, Penguin Books 1983. p160-1

80.some of these are mentioned in Noam Chomsky's article The Evil
Empire in New Socialist, January 1986. p11-5

81.The Third Floor Front. p43

82.The Mind Managers. p109

83.E.Herman and N. Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent-The Political Economy
of the Mass Media, Pantheon Books 1988. p186-93

84.ibid. p206-10

85.ibid. p211-28

86.The Third Floor Front. p32

87.most of this section came fromThe Psychological War. p153-87

88.P.Lendvai, The Bureaucracy of Truth, Burnett Books 1981. p141

89.The Mind Managers. p44-7

90.ibid. p47

91.The Bureaucracy of Truth. p149

92.ibid. p152

93.J.M.Frost (ed), World Radio TV Handbook, Billboard Publications
1979. p274

94.ibid. p71

95.ibid. p72

96.Direct Action, 3-10-89. p5

97.Direct Action, 17-10-89. p11

98.Direct Action, 14-11-89. p8-9

99.Direct Action, 17-10-89. p11

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This piece was abridged from the original.

[jum...@my-deja.com]

at: http://www.slonet.org/~ied/kenem33x.html
----------------------------------------------

Chapter titles alone expose an amazing hidden history
Last modified : Sunday, 04-Oct-1998

Credits and Footnotes

* The priests still came from the ranks of the common people, but there
was little they could do to protect the masses, as the power and
financial rewards lay with supporting the First and Second Estate

* The world will never know the true number slaughtered. Some authors
claim reliable estimates of between 200,000 and 1 million burned at the
stake in the witch craze of the 16th and 17th centuries alone. Others
claim 500,000 burned at the stake over a period of 400 years before the
witchcraft craze started. There had to be as many or more killed in the
sweeps of military forces organized specifically to slaughter entire
communities of Cathars, Waldensians, and Muslims. And Templar and
Hospitalier knights gained much of their land through local Christian
feudal lords giving them free rein to slaughter non-Christian
populations and sharing with them the spoils.

* Pictures of crusading knights, each with a large cross emblazoned on
his dress, depict Templars or their contemporaries, the Teutonic
Knights, or Hospitallers.

* Charles G. Addison, The Knights Templar (London: Longman, Brown,
Green, and Longman, 1842), pp. 194-203, especially p. 203. The pope
certainly did not want to do away with such valuable protection as the
Templars. But the Inquisition had already been in force for two hundred
years and King Philip simply guided it to do his bidding. The evidence
of other heresies was just as implausible and, once attacked as a
heresy, the pope could hardly ignore it, he too would be subject to
being swept aside (Edward Burman, The Inquisition: Hammer of Heresy
[New York: Dorset Press, 1992], pp. 95-99).

Burman, Inquisition, pp. 95-99. Some scholars have concluded that the
Templars evolved into the Masonic lodge when they went underground
(John J. Robinson, Born in Blood [New York: M. Evans & Company, 1989]).

The First Estate was the church, The Second Estate was nobility, and
the Third Estate was the common people. These three were represented in
the French Estates General. The Fourth Estate is the press.

* In America, those rights originally did not extend to women,
minorities, or those without property. The rights gained from the
French Revolution were far more extensive but did not survive long
enough to enforce, and develop the custom of, those rights (Georges
Lefebvre, The Coming of the French Revolution [Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1967]).

The American and French Revolutions shook the very foundation of the
Europe's centuries-old power structure. To protect their power, the
First and Second Estates had been suppressing such democratic outbreaks
for centuries. Though necessary to understand history, this political
story is too big to include within this economic treatise. To
understand much of that little-addressed history, read Edward Burman's
The Inquisition: Hammer of Heresy.

That suppression of rights and its erasure from social memory was an
essential function of the inquisitions. Any who were a threat were
easily targeted as an enemy and burned at the stake (Burman, The
Inquisition: The Hammer of Heresy).

* As they had never known democracy and freedom, Napoleon's placing of
relatives and friends as kings of the countries defeated was very
likely necessary; this was the only government these people understood
and the First and Second Estates, both internally and externally, stood
ready to spend any amount of blood and treasure to reclaim those
territories. After all, they considered themselves the rightful owners
and rulers of that land.

Although we are outlining in this treatise how control of trade was the
cause of most wars, aristocracy's efforts to retain and reclaim their
privileges were deeply involved. Those privileges were nothing more
than a method of controlling people and intercepting the production of
their labors. Thus their intrigues leading to war are still over
society's trade. World Wars I and II were the results of the efforts of
both aristocracy and the newly wealthy bourgeois to retain or reclaim
their control over people and resources (trade).

The so-called Spanish Civil War was the taking back of Spain by the
reactionary First and Second Estates after a successful revolution by
the vote (Seldes, Gods Can't Change History, part 2, chapter 3). And
these powers never ceased their efforts to regain power in the East
after the Russian Revolution (Boorstin, "Holy Alliance," p. 28-35).

The wrongly-titled Spanish Revolution is a textbook study on how the
battle cry of communism has been used to motivate populations to
support the overthrow of some of the world's most democratic elections.
The competing parties in Spain's election "consisted of two Republican
parties with 126 representatives in the Cortez, 99 socialists, 35
Catalan Separatists, and Just 17 Communists. (George Seldes, "The Roman
Church and Franco," The Human Quest [March-April, 1994]: pp. 16-18.
Also see Seldes, Gods Can't Change History, part 2, chapter 3.)
Whenever loss of control was imminent, communism became the standard
war cry. Due to that elite-protective social control propaganda, very
few Americans realized the successfully overturned 1984 Nicaraguan
election that legitimized the Sandinista government was a replay of the
overthrow of the Spanish election; there were fourteen political
parties in the Nicaraguan election and the communist party was one of
the smallest.

Ellen W. Schrecker, in her masterly work No Ivory Tower (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1986), especially p. 341, explains how
academics were fully aware that the Cold War was being engineered from
this side and tried to warn the people, but were silenced. To create a
social control paradigm to protect a power structure, it is necessary
to silence other voices and McCarthyism silenced academics and the
media. Operation Cointelpro was specifically to destabilize potential
political associations among minorities and poor (Ward Chuchill & Jem
Vander, The Cointelpro Papers (Boston: South End Press, 1990); Nelson
Blackstock, Cointelpro: The FBI's Secret War On Politidal Freedom (New
York: Anchor Foundation, 1988). For a fuller description of how this
has happened throughout history, read Caute, The Great Fear, especially
pp. 18-19; John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard (Boston: South End
Press, 1991); Milton Mayer, They Thought They Were Free (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1955); John Loftus, The Belarus Secret
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982); I.F. Stone, The Hidden History of
the Korean War (Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1952); William Blum's
CIA: A Forgotten History (New Jersey: Zed Books, 1986) and its update
Killing Hope (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995); Edward and
Regula Boorstein, Counter Revolution (New York: International
Publishers, 1990); John Ranelagh, The Agency: The Rise and Decline of
the CIA (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986); Earnest Volkman and
Blaine Baggett, Secret Intelligence (New York: Doubleday, 1989); David
Leigh, The Wilson Plot (New York: Pantheon, 1988); Frank J. Donner, The
Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America's Political
Intelligence System [New York: Random House, 1981]); Jonathan Kwitny,
Endless Enemies (New York: Penguin Books, 1986); Robert J. Groden and
Harrison E. Livingston, High Treason (New York: Berkeley Books, 1990);
Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins (New York: Sheridan Square
Press, 1988); Jim Marrs, Crossfire (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1989);
Anthony Summers, Conspiracy (New York: Paragon House, 1989); Mark Lane,
Plausible Denial: Was the CIA Involved in the Assassination of JFK?
(New York: Thunder Mountain Press, 1991); Lawrence Wittner, American
Intervention in Greece (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982),
especially pp. 162, 165, 283; Kati Marton, The Polk Conspiracy: Murder
and Cover-up in the Case of Correspondent George Polk (New York:
Farrar, Staus & Giroux, 1990); Blum, CIA, pp. 31-36, 243-50;
Manchester, Glory, pp. 433-43; Leigh, Wilson, pp. 17-18; C.M.
Woodhouse, The Rise and Fall of the Greek Colonels (New York: Franklin
Watts, 1985); Stephan Rosskamm Shalom, Imperial Alibis, (Boston: South
End Press, 1993), pp. 25-26; McClintock, Statecraft, pp. 11-17.

The Chronicle of Higher Learning, The Journal of Diplomatic History,
and The Economist featured a resurgence of academic thought on the
origins of the Cold War (Karen J. Winkler, "Scholars Refight the Cold
War," Chronicle of Higher Learning [March 2, 1994]: p. A8).

The title alone of the memoirs of one of the prime architects of the
Cold War, Present at the Creation (New York: W.W. Norton, 1987) by Dean
Acheson, tells its own story. But, if one has any doubt, read page 377.
Two months before the Korean War, National Security Council Directive
68 (NSC-68), the paper that officially launched-and was the master plan
for-the Cold War, directed that the military be increased 350 percent,
from $13.5 billion to $50 billion. With the eruption of the Korean War,
the military budget tripled to $44 billion (Agee, "Tracking Covert
Actions," p. 4.) and eventually reached that $50 billion in 1950
dollars ($300 billion in 1990 dollars), and the East did collapse.
Acheson acknowledged that without a war there was no way the American
people could be sold an increase in military spending. And he tells
about conservative Senators Brien McMahon and Millard Tydings urging a
$50 billion Marshall Plan for the world ($300 billion in 1990 dollars).
As this book demonstrates, that Marshall Plan for the world could have
eliminated world poverty. Instead, the decision was made to control the
world by armed might. The militarists simply had their way and the
chance for peace-by creating loyalty to free enterprise capital by
developing the world-was lost.

* Zaire, Indonesia, El Salvador and Guatemala are countries where the
slaughter-the result of successful efforts to prevent ballot box
revolutions--has been relatively more bloody than the slaughter of the
Templars or the Inquisition. Other countries like Vietnam, Angola, and
Mozambique, were able to keep their revolutionary governments, but
their economic infrastructure was so shattered they could not be an
example for others to follow, they were essentially defeated and are
being incorporated into the dependency sector of the world economy
through IMF/World Bank Structural Adjustment Loans. William Blum's CIA:
A Forgotten History, or its update Killing Hope, are the most condensed
analysis we know. Cuba and North Vietnam are still on the list of very
dangerous enemies, are under heavy embargoes, and are moving towards
accommodation. Here one should note that the only possible danger these
countries could represent is ideological. They cannot be permitted to
successfully organize outside the current world trade system and
provide for their citizens. If they did, there would be an example for
all the world to see and the world may again take the rhetoric of
democracy seriously.

* Chip Berlet points out that "political repression telegraphs its
punches." Of course, what Mr. Berlet is describing are elite-protective
social control paradigms in action. Whenever someone, some group, or
some country is going to be attacked, the public must be conditioned
first (Chip Berlet, "Re-Framing Dissent as Criminal Subversion," Covert
Action Bulletin [Summer 1992]: pp. 35-41).

Fromkin, Peace To End All Peace, pp. 468-69; Michael Kettle, The
Allies and the Russian Collapse (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota
Press, 1981), p. 17. For how the Protocols evolved further to support
fascism in Europe read F.L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1982), pp. 24, 29, 118, 184. The Thule
Society's efforts to promote anti-Semitism through Hitler would likely
have not had much effect on the world except for Henry Ford, through
his Dearborn Independent newspaper, spreading those Protocols to every
corner of the world, and imprinting anti-Semitism into the world's mind
(Pool and Pool, Who Financed Hitler, pp. 3, 23, chapter 3).

The United States is not exempt. Even as U.S. academics were being
silenced by McCarthyism, so the other side could not be told by
professors or through literature, the CIA was planting stories in
newspapers and magazines around the world (called "black ops"), and
financing the writing of twenty-five to thirty books per year that
thoroughly branded the other side as an enemy. (Stockwell, Praetorian
Guard, pp. 34, 101). This was exposed in the 1976 hearings held by the
Church Committee (U.S. Senator Frank Church) hearings.

* Pool and Pool, Who Financed Hitler? pp. 7-8, 19-21. On June 30, 1934
(the "night of the long knives"), Hitler's security guards (the SS)
rounded up people with influence who were considered a threat to
Hitler's power and assassinated them. This removed all but their voices
and left the most violent in positions of authority (Carsten, Rise of
Fascism, p.158).

The Gospel of John 8: 42-44; Matthew 27: 24-25. The classics that
explain this are Barnet Litvinoff's The Burning Bush (New York: E.P.
Dutton, 1988); Richard L. Rubenstein, Approaches to Auschwitz; The
Holocaust and Its Legacy (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1987); Dennis
Prager, Why the Jews: The Reason for Antisemitism (New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1983); Rosemary Ruether, Faith and Fratricide: The
Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism (New York: Seabury Press, 1974);
Peter De Rosa, Vicars of Christ: The Dark Side of the Papacy (New York:
Crown Publishers, 1988); Hal Lindsey, The Road to the Holocaust (New
York: Bantam Books, 1989); Charles Patterson, Anti-Semitism: The Road
to the Holocaust and Beyond (New York: Walker, 1982); Edward A. Synan,
The Pope and the Jews in the Middle Ages (New York: Macmillan, 1965);
Abram L. Sachar, A History of the Jews (New York: Knopf, 1965); Shlomo
Hizak, Building or Breaking: What Does a Jew Think When A Christian
Says "I Love You"? (San Diego: Jerusalem Center for Biblical Studies
and Research, 1985); Lewis Browne, Stranger Than Fiction: A Short
History of the Jews (New York: Macmillan, 1925); Oberman, The Roots of
Anti-Semitism; Paul E. Grosser and Edwin G. Halperin, Anti-Semitism:
Causes and Effects (New York: Philosophical Library, 1983). See also
Caute, Great Fear; Daraul, A History of Secret Societies; and Pool and
Pool, Who Financed Hitler, p. 23, chapter 3. We have covered some of
the aspects of pogroms to take over Jewish wealth. Immanuel
Wallerstein, The Modern World System, vol. 1 (New York: Academic Press,
Inc., 1974), pp. 147-56, explains the theft of Jewish wealth and their
expulsion from Western Europe. This is how Jews happened to be
concentrated in Eastern Europe before World War II.

* This is a standard method of preventing democracy from functioning.
In the 1980s, the leaders of West Germany, Turkey, and Belgium sensed
their control was slipping. They created a rhetoric of "enemies" (a
social control paradigm to protect their power structure) and rounded
up dissidents in much the same fashion as America's Palmer Raids in the
1920s, and the McCarthy scare of the 1950s (Edward S. Herman and Gerry
O'Sullivan, The Terrorism Industry [New York: Pantheon Books, 1989],
pp. 221-22, 224-28). When the Cold War began, in step with America and
Europe, Japanese power brokers launched an assault on opponents too far
to the left of them politically who might gain a following (R. Taggart
Murphy, The Weight of The Yen [New York: WW Norton, 1996], pp. 108,
236, 277-78).

NBC News (Feb. 16, 1987), discussed the twelve thousand troops from
Washington and Michigan that went into the Soviet Union through
Vladivostok. D. F. Fleming, The Cold War and its Origins (New York:
Doubleday & Company, 1961), pp. 26 and 1038, mentions the fifty-five
hundred from Montana who landed at Archangel and Murmansk. See also:
Lloyd C. Gardner, Safe for Democracy (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1984), pp. 197-98; Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika (New York:
Harper and Row, 1987), p. 33, ref. 2; Edmond Taylor, Fall of the
Dynasties (New York: Dorset Press, 1989), p. 359. Perhaps the best
sources are Philip Knightley, The First Casualty (New York: Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich, Publishers, 1975), chapter 7, especially p. 138,
addressing the revolts; Blum, CIA, p. 1; and Earnest Volkman and Blaine
Baggett, Secret Intelligence (New York: Doubleday, 1989), chapter 1.
Many of the interventionist troops revolted and shot their officers.
General William S. Graves was in charge of the U.S. contingent sent to
Siberia under the cover of protecting the Siberian Railway but with the
actual purpose of cutting Siberia off from the Soviet Union. General
Graves thought the entire project idiotic and interpreted his orders
strictly, guarding the railroad, not backing the local warlords to
create another country (see above sources). It is interesting to note
that when Graves returned to America he was under FBI surveillance. It
can be safely assumed that the instructions to intervene in the
Bolshevik Revolution came from the same powers that instituted the
Palmer Raids.

* William Blum, in The CIA: A forgotten History, p. 124, claims that
the U-2 flights were canceled after Francis Gary Powers was shot down
but not the flights of other spy planes.

Michael Ross, "Yeltsin: POWs 'Summarily Executed'," The Spokesman
Review (Nov. 12, 1992): p. B1 & A10. The Cold War was on long before
its was announced to the American people. In 1946 and 1947 alone,
thirty such planes were shot down, and twenty U.S. airmen were captured
alive, never acknowledged by their government, and finished out their
lives in Soviet prisons (Volkman and Baggett, Secret Intelligence p.
187. See also Loftus, Belarus Secret, especially chapters 5-8 and pp.
109-10; Blum, The CIA, chapters 6, 7, 8, 15, and 17. In later
documentaries and feature articles the admission to over 730 airmen
lost over the Soviet Union was downgraded to 130, but, knowing they had
been deceived once, they noted there may have been many more. To
control these social control paradigms, intelligence services control
the writing of history, witness those 25 to 30 fraudulent books per
year and tens of thousands of articles planted around the world by the
CIA and all major nations were doing the same thing. Much effort went
into "damage control" toning down that explosive story. We watched a
documentary on the subject of these downed pilots that showed their
routes over the Baltic Sea and claimed that all planes veered off
before going over Soviet territory. That falsification of history
required both a careful sifting of facts from the Pentagon and a
cooperative producer.

Between East and West Germany thousands of saboteurs simply walked
across the border and far fewer of these were captured.

*Besides those with ethnic ties to the West who betrayed their new
country by joining forces with the Nazi invaders (such as Vlasov's army
and Byelorussian, Ukrainian, and Polish volunteers for the mobile death
squads [Einsatzgruppen], twenty thousand were volunteers; the rest were
conscripts who were granted amnesty], many of those executed had been
contacted by trained saboteurs who were parachuted into the Eastern
European countries (or infiltrated across the border) all the way to
Byelorussia (Prados, The Presidents' Secret Wars, chapters 2-3; Loftus,
Belarus Secret, chapters 1-3, pp. 51-53, 49, 102-03, especially p. 43;
Ranelagh, The Agency, p. 156). In comparison, the French Revolution
gained quasi-political freedom for the French for only ten years and
was far bloodier than the Russian Revolution. But due to the First and
Second Estates-both internally and externally-being determined to
regain control, there was no real political freedom. As members of the
First and Second Estates were the only ones with education or wealth,
internal intrigues in cooperation with external powers gave the new
government no peace (Petr Kropotkin's The Great French Revolution (New
York: Black Rose Books, trans. 1989). In contrast, the American
Revolution was only a few skirmishes. The largest battle involved only
about 7,500 American soldiers and-because the balance of power between
France, Spain, and England did not permit either internal or external
subversion-America's political freedom was real. With this obvious
break to freedom, there was still a large population loyal to Britain;
100,000 fled or were killed and some of those who remained were
dispossessed of their property. The Soviets faced far more serious
problems of internal disloyalty and external subversion than did
America.

In 1990, on, we watched a Soviet defector say, with a straight face,
that estimates vary between thirty million and seventy million killed.
Many such people were spirited over here by the CIA, given financial
support by them, assigned a writer, coached on what to write, and then
paraded around the country to lecture. As of the 1975-76 Church
Committee hearings which exposed it, over nine hundred such fraudulent
books (many in foreign languages) had been published, and today there
must be over twelve hundred; that is twenty-five to thirty such books
printed per year (Stockwell, Praetorian, pp. 34, 101; Peter Coleman,
Liberal Conspiracy [London: Collier Macmillan, 1989], especially
Appendix D, lists almost two hundred of these books). The CIA secretly
owned its own wire service and, among others around the world, financed
the largest news conglomerate in Germany. Canned editorials were also
prepared and sent to newspapers all over the world. They were available
for any editor to use as his or her own and virtually tens of thousands
of CIA articles based on, and which in turn supported, these fraudulent
books were planted in the media around the world. These gross
fabrications and crafted propaganda are now a part of Western
literature and history and provide a firm foundation of its enemy
belief system. This, and much more, is the creation of enemies/social
control paradigm in action. It is to the credit of academics that they
tried to stand up and tell the American people the truth, but they were
quickly silenced by McCarthyism and the House Un-American Activities
Committee. British MI6 was teaching the forerunner of the CIA (OSS) how
to direct the writing and publication of those fraudulent books as
early as 1946 (Blum, CIA, pp. 127-28, 131, 185; Victor Marchetti and
John D. Marks, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence [New York: Dell
Publishing Co., 1980], chapter 6, especially pp. 152-56; Philip Agee,
Inside the Company [New York: Bantam Books, 1975], especially pp.
53-54, 62-63, 541-42; Stockwell, Praetorian, pp. 100-01; Ralph W.
McGehee, Deadly Deceits [New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1983],
especially pp. 30, 58, 62, 189; Philip Agee and Louis Wolf, Dirty Work
[London: Zed Press, 1978], especially p. 262; David Wise and Thomas B.
Ross, The Espionage Establishment [New York: Bantam Books, 1978], pp.
256, 257; Ellen Schrecker, No Ivory Tower; and especially Frank J.
Donner, The Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America's
Political Intelligence System [New York: Random House, 1981]). When it
was learned that the CIA had supported the printing of these thousands
of book, sincere academics sued for the titles to be revealed. But the
Supreme Court ruled that this would expose CIA methods and endanger the
national security. A few such books that have become known are The
Penkovsky Papers, The Dynamics of Soviet Society by Walt Rostow; The
New Class by Milovan Djilas; Concise History of the Communist Party by
Robert A. Burton, The Foreign Aid Programs of the Soviet Bloc and
Communist China by Kurt Muller; In Pursuit of World Order by Richard N.
Gardner; Peking and the People's Wars by Major General Sam Griffith; a
parody of the quotations of Mao, entitled Quotations from Chairman Liu,
The Politics of Struggle: The Communist Front and Political Warfare by
James D. Atkinson; From Colonialism to Communism by Hoang Van Chi; Why
Vietnam by Frank Trager, Terror in Vietnam by Jay Mallin; and
Indonesia-1965: The Coup that Backfired (Peter Coleman, Liberal
Conspiracy [London: Collier Macmillan, 1989], especially Appendix D,
lists almost 200 more).

* Don't count on this becoming well known in the West, and be prepared
for further misinformation. A successful social control paradigm
protecting a power structure requires the writing of history. Expect
books and studies that will totally destroy the reputations of the
primary intellectuals and leaders of the defeated ideology To leave the
reputation of these foundation philosophers and leaders intact is to
leave their work open for inspection and acceptance by future
philosophers. But with a destroyed reputation, their concepts will
seldom be looked at and the few who do study them with an open mind
will find no followers. Destroying a reputation is not hard to do. Like
the twenty five to thirty fraudulent books written, published and
distributed per year during the Cold War, it is only necessary to put a
little money behind already ideologically committed historians, pick
and choose statements among millions of files, and if necessary place a
few counterfeits among those files. Such control of history is
absolutely crucial to creating social control paradigms so corrupt
power structures can maintain their power.

* There will be a few scholarly works which will tell parts of the
story. But it will be difficult for scholars to put it all together,
and besides, there will be massive volumes of the history the power
brokers want told. Future masses will be in the dark and, so long as
their living standards do not collapse, they will not, as a group,
become aware. Only if those living standards totally collapse can
philosophers point to those earlier revolutions, tell the whole story,
and gain an audience.

Even though full rights were still not accorded in those free cities,
the basic format was there in the guilds and folkmotes (community
councils) organized under the principles of mutual support and equality
for all.

* Milton Mayer fled ahead of the Jewish Holocaust and returned to
Germany after the war to find out how the German population had been
guided to commit mass murder. The ten Germans he interviewed over a
period of two years informed him they thought they were free. They were
not being persecuted; it was those communists and Jews who were a
threat. Mayer concluded it was all done with a cold war social control
paradigm identical to the one being waged in the United States ever
since World War II. Mayer thus titled his book, They Thought They Were
Free.

As the last chapter demonstrated, it was attempts to break the British
stranglehold on trade that led to World War I. Thus, to gain the
allegiance of its citizens and allies, the battle between Britain and
the emerging economic power of Germany also featured a cold war on each
side. Prior to World War II, the self-protective social control
paradigm rhetoric on each side was escalated and enemies were the
crucial element of that rhetoric. Part of this propaganda effort was to
gain support of outside powers. Before and at the beginning of both
World War I and World War II, Britain used all these deceptions to get
the United States into the war on their side. When France and Britain
were battling for domination of the world, their secret services
practiced this same destruction of each others' reputation. Earlier,
the reputation of Spain had been effectively destroyed by British and
French writing of history.

We are not suggesting that the leaders of the Soviet Union were
blameless of such actions themselves. They had their own goals,
internally and externally, and sought to gain power by motivating their
citizens to unite against a "common enemy": the United States. But over
the years we have been told so much about the use of such "unfair"
tactics and "brainwashing" that we felt it was essential to demonstrate
that this happens in the United States and other major Western
countries as well.

1 Edward Burman, The Inquisition: Hammer of Heresy (New York: Dorset
Press, 1992), pp. 213-14.

2 James Burnes, The Knights Templar, 2d ed. (London: Paybe and Foss,
1840), pp. 12-14. See also Stephen Howarth's Knights Templar (New York:
Dorset Press, 1982).

3 David Caute, The Great Fear (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978), pp.
18-19; Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), pp. 10-11; Arkon Daraul,
A History of Secret Societies (Secaucus, NJ: Citadel Press, 1961);
James and Suzanne Pool, Who Financed Hitler? (New York: Dial Press,
1978); Barnet Litvinoff, The Burning Bush (New York: E.P. Dutton,
1988); Heiko Oberman, The Roots of Anti-Semitism (Philadelphia:
Fortress Press, 1984); and David H. Bennet, The Party of Fear (London:
University of North Carolina Press, 1988), pp. 23-26, 205-06.

4 Daniel J. Boorstin, "History's Hidden Turning Points," U.S. News &
World Report (Apr. 22, 1991): cover story.

5 Boorstin, "History's Hidden Turning Points," p. 61.

6 Caute, Great Fear, pp. 18-19.

7 Bennet, The Party of Fear, pp. 191-98, 205-06.

8 R Taggart Murphy, The Weight of The Yen (New York: WW Norton, 1996),
pp. 108, 236, 277-78.

9 Burman, The Inquisition; Henry Charles Lea, The Inquisition of the
Middle Ages (New York: Citadel Press, 1954), a condensation of his 1887
three volume monumental work, A History of the Inquisition of the
Middle Ages.

10 G.J.A. O'Toole, Honorable Treachery (New York: Atlantic Monthly
Press, 1991), pp. 402-71.

11 Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1944),
pp. 237-241; see also F. L. Carsten, Britain and the Weimar Republic
(New York: Schocken Books, 1984), esp. ch. 8, and Carsten's The Rise of
Fascism.

12 Carsten, Rise of Fascism, pp. 150-55.

13 Carsten, Weimar Republic, esp. ch. 8; also Michael N. Dobbowski and
Isodor Wallimann, Radical Perspectives on the Rise of Fascism in
Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press 1989), esp. pp. 194-209.

14 J. Noakes and G. Pridham, Editors, Nazism 1919 - 1945, vol. 2 (New
York: Schocken Books, 1988), p. 626.

15 J. Noakes and G. Pridham, Editors, Nazism 1919 - 1945, vol. 2 (New
York: Schocken Books, 1988), p. 626.

16 Carl Bernstein, "The Holy Alliance," Time Magazine (Feb. 24, 1992).

17 J.M. Roberts, The Triumph of the West (London: British Broadcasting
Company, 1985) is largely the story of this process.

18 John Prados, The Presidents' Secret Wars (New York: William Morrow,
1986), chs. 2 and 3; Loftus, Belarus Secret, chs. 1 through 3, pp. 43,
49, 51-53, 102-03; John Ranelagh, The Agency: The Rise and Decline of
the CIA (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986), p. 156.

19 Claude Halstead Van Type, The Loyalists and the American Revolution
(New York: Burt Franklin, 1929), p. vii.

20 Richard Barnet, The Rockets' Red Glare: War, Politics and the
American Presidency (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), p. 25, 59.

21 Alexander Cockburn, "Beat the Devil," The Nation (Mar. 6. 1989): p.
294; David Corn and Jefferson Morley, "Beltway Bandits," The Nation
(Apr. 9, 1988): p. 488. An interesting appraisal of Stalinist terror is
made by Soviet dissident Roy Medvedev, "Parallels Inappropriate," New
Times (July 1989): pp. 46-47. See also Volkman and Baggett, Secret
Intelligence, p. 187; Loftus, Belarus Secret, esp. chs. 5-8 and pp.
109-10; and Blum, CIA, chs. 6, 7, 8, 15, and 17.

22 Donald Cameron Watt, How War Came: The Immediate Origins of the
Second World War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), p. 45.

23 Blum, CIA: A Forgotten History, ch. 7.

24 Volkman and Baggett, Secret Intelligence, p. 9. [PREVIOUS PAGE]

[jum...@my-deja.com]

http://www.kfjc.org/emory/booklist.html
---------------------------------------

<Picture: David Emory : One Step Beyond>

A "Top Ten" reading list recommended by David Emory

I. American and German Industrialists, 1920-1950

Treason's Peace: German Dies And American Dupes
Howard Watson Ambruster, 1947 The Beachhurst Press New York

The Plot to Seize the White House
Jules Archer, 1973 Hawthorne Books

The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben

Joseph Borkin, 1979 Pocket Books New York

Trading With The Enemy
Charles Higham, 1983 Dell Books SC / 1983 Delacorte Press HC

All Honorable Men
James Stuart Martin, 1950 Little & Brown, New York HC

Who Financed Hitler?
James & Suzanne Pool, 1978 Dial Press New York HC

The Great Conspiracy
Michael Sayers & Albert E. Kahn, 1946 Little & Brown HC
1947 Boni & Gehr paperback reissue Proletarian Publishers SF, circa
1973.

III. The SS, Gestapo and Interpol, 1933-1945

The Order of the Death's Head
Heinz Hohne, 1966 Ballantine Books New York SC

Gestapo
Roger Manvell 1969 Ballantine Books New York
Illustrated History of World War II series

The Interpol Connection
Vaughn Young & Trevor Meldal-Johnsen, 1979 Dial Press

IV. Everyday Life and Politics in Weimar and Nazi Germany

Paramilitary Politics in Weimar Germany
James M. Diehl, 1977 Indiana University Press

The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals
Richard Plant, 1986 Henry Holt & Co.

Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis
Robert N. Proctor, 1988/89 Harvard University Press

The Men Behind Hitler
Bernhard Schreiber, 1983 Section Five Books

V. Japanese Fascism

Government by Assassination
Hugh Byas, 1942 Alfred A. Knopf New York

The Kempeitai
Richard Deacon, 1983 Berkeley Books
British hardcover edition published as A History of the Japanese Secret
Service 1982 Frederick Muller Ltd., London

The Militarists
Edwin P. Hoyt, 1985 Donald I. Fine & Co. New York

VI. Reinhard Gehlen and his Organization:

Gehlen: Spy of the Century
E.H. Cookridge, 1971 Random House HC / 1973 Pyramid Books SC

The General Was A Spy
Heinz Hohne & Herman Zolling, 1972 Coward, McCann & Geogheagan NY
British HC edition published as Network 1972 Martin Secker & Warburg
Ltd.

VII. The Truman Doctrine and Western Allied Intervention in Greece

The Kapetanios
Dominique Eudes, 1972 Monthly Review Press NY,
1972 New Left Books London

The Dulles
Leonard Mosley, 1978 Dial Press New York

VIII. The Nazi Fifth Columns during WWII: The Nazi Underground after
WWII
(Connections with the CIA and its surrogates: neo-fascists, drug
smugglers
and organized crime)

Klaus Barbie: The Butcher of Lyons
Tom Bower, 1984 Random House NY, 1984 Michael Joseph London

Wanted: The Search for Nazis in America
Howard Blum, 1977 Quadrangle Books New York

Undercover: My Four Years in the Nazi Underworld of America
John Roy Carlson, 1943 E.P. Dutton & Co.

Klaus Barbie: The Shocking Story of How the U.S. Used this Nazi War
Criminal
as an Intelligence Agent
Erhard Dabringhaus, 1984 Acropolis Books Ltd. Washington D.C.

Aftermath: Martin Borman and the Fourth Reich
Ladislas Farago, 1974 Simon & Schuster HC / '75 Avon Books SC

American Swastika
Charles Higham, 1985 Doubleday & Co. New York

Skorzeny: Hitler's Commando
Glenn B. Infield, 1981 St. Martin's Press New York

The Belarus Secret
John Loftus, 1982 Alfred A. Knopf New York

Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile
Paul Manning, 1981 Lyle Stuart NJ

The Nazis Go Underground
Kurt Riess, 1944 Doubleday & Doran NY

The Plot Against the Peace
Michael Sayers & Albert E. Kahn, 1945 Dial Press Inc. NY

Blowback
Christopher Simpson, 1988 Weidenfeld & Nicolson NY

The Bormann Brotherhood
William Stevenson, 1973 Harcourt, Brace, & Jovanovich New York HC
1974 Bantam Books SC

The New Germany and the Old Nazis
T.H. Tetens, 1961 Random House New York

The Old Boys: The American Elite & the Origins of the CIA
Burton Hersh, 1992 Charles Scribner's Sons NY HC

IX. South Africa, the Third Reich and the Bomb

The Rise of the South African Reich
Brian Bunting, 1969 Penguin Books Middlesex, England
Reissued in 1986 by International Defense and Aid Fund (IDAF) for
Southern
Africa, Canon Collins House 64 Essex Rd. London N1 8LR

The Nuclear Axis: The Secret Collaboration Between West Germany and
South
Africa
Barbara Rogers & Zdenek Cervenka, 1978 Times Books New York

The Broederbond
Ivor Wilkins & Hans Strydom, 1979 Paddington Press

X. The CIA-Drug Connection

The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs Intelligence and International Fascism
Henrik Kruger, 1980 South End Press Boston

Acid Dreams: The CIA, LSD, and the Sixties Rebellion
Martin A. Lee & Bruce Shlain, 1985 Grove Press New York

The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia
Alfred W. McCoy, 1972 Harper & Row New York

The Politics of Heroin:CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade
Alfred W. McCoy, 1991 Lawrence Hill Books (new updated version!)

Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America
Peter Dale Scott & Jonathan Marshall 1991 University of California Press
Berkeley

OSS: The Secret History of America's First Central Intelligence Agency
R. Harris Smith, 1972 University of Calif. Press Berkeley

XI. The Cold War and McCarthyism

The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy
Fred J. Cook, 1971 Random House New York

Witness to a Century: Encounters with the Noted, the Notorious, and
the Three SOBs
George Seldes, 1987 Ballantine Books New York HC

Friendship and Fratricide: An Analysis of Whittaker Chambers and Alger
Hiss
Meyer Zeligs, 1967 Viking New York

XII. Mind Control

The Control of Candy Jones
Donald Bain, 1976 Playboy Press Chicago HC/SC

Operation Mind Control
Walter H. Bowart, 1978 Dell Books New York

Operation Mind Conrol-2, Researcher's Edition
Walter H. Bowart, 1994 Flatland Press, PO Box 2420 Fort Bragg, CA 95437

XIII. Assassinations

JFK

The Man Who Knew Too Much
Dick Russell, 1992 Carroll & Graf

Deep Politics & the Death of JFK
Peter Dale Scott, 1993 University of California Press

RFK

The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy
William Turner & John Christian,
1978 Random House HC, 1993 Thunder's Mouth Press SC

MLK

Orders To Kill
William F. Pepper, 1995 Carroll & Graf

Malcolm X

The Judas Factor: The Plot To Kill Malcolm X
Carl Evanzz, 1992 Thunder's Mouth Press

XIV. Miscellaneous titles

A Higher Form of Killing: The Secret Story of Chemical and Biological
Warfare
Robert Harris and Jeremy Paxman, 1982 Hill & Wang New York

Farewell America
James Hepburn, 1968 Frontier Publishers

The Yankee and Cowboy War
Carl Oglesby, 1976 Medallion Books Berkeley SC

The Man Who Cried I Am
John A. Williams, 1967 Little Brown New York HC
'67 Signet Books/New American Library paperback edition (a novel which
contains the alleged details of the "King Alfred Plan" - a possible
final
solution for America's "black problem.")

Kiss The Boys Goodbye: How The U.S. Betrayed Its Own POW's In Vietnam
Monika Jensen-Stevenson & William Stevenson, 1990 Dutton

The Ultimate Evil: An Investigation into a Dangerous Satanic Cult
Maury Terry, 1987 Bantam Books

Intercept - But Don't Shoot; The True Story of the Flying Saucers
Renato Vesco, 1971 Grove Press, Inc. HC
Intercept- UFO SC '74 Pinnacle Books (first edition) '76 (second
edition)

Messengers of Deception
Jacques Vallee, 1979 And/Or Press Berkeley
1980 Bantam Books SC

The Splendid Blond Beast
by Christopher Simpson, 1993 Grove Press

Profits of War: Inside The Secret US-Israeli Arms Network
Ari Ben-Menashe, 1992 Sheridan Square

The New Reich: Violent Extremism In Unified Germany and Beyond
Michael Schmidt , 1993 Pantheon Books

- NEW!!! -

Angels Don't Play This HAARP: Advances in Tesla Technology
Jeane Manning & Dr. Nick Begich
Contact: Earthpulse Press PO Box 916 Homer, AK 99603
phone 907-249-9115

The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism & German National
Socialism
Stefan Kuhl, 1994 Oxford University Press HC

The Secret War Against The Jews
by John Loftus and Mark Aarons, 1994 St. Martins Press HC

Blood Oath: The Conspiracy to Murder Nicole Brown Simpson
by Steven Worth and Carl Jaspers, 1996 Boulder Publishing, Corp.. (to
order
call Upper Access Books 1-800-356-9315)

Copyright ) 1990 - 1999 by David Emory. All rights reserved.

The right to download and store or output the materials found on David
Emory's website is granted for personal use only and materials may not
be
reproduced in any edited form. Any other reproduction or editing by any
means mechanical or electronic without the express written permission of
David Emory is strictly prohibited.

http://www.themoneymasters.com/recommen.htm
-------------------------------------------

Recommended Reading

A number of The Money Masters video viewers have requested our
recommendations for reading in this area. We suggest these books as
initial follow up to the video:

1984 by George Orwell (also Brave New World by Huxley; We by Zamitsky)
These warnings (fictionalized to reach more people) show the horrific
future we soon face absent profound reform. 1984 particulary, provides
important intellectual tools to understand the world-view being imposed
by international banker-controlled governments and media. [1949; 256
pgs. Most libraries]

THE EMPIRE OF THE CITY; 130 YEARS OF POWER POLITICS by E.C.Knuth
Reveals the domination of the international bankers over the British
Empire from The City (a semi-sovereign enclave in London where the Bank
of England sits), their use of that Empire, and the hidden causes of
all wars from 1795 to WWII. [1945; 105 pgs; $ 11.95]

TRAGEDY AND HOPE, A HISTORY OF THE WORLD IN OUR TIME by Dr. Carroll
Quigley. This prominent Georgetown professor, establishment insider and
author, who had access to their secret archives, reveals the global
history of the international bankers conspiracy and describes its
origins and the use of central banks and secret and semi-secret
societies to control governments worldwide. This scholarly work was
soon suppressed as it revealed too much, and was only recently
independently resurrected. [1966; 1311 pgs; $39.95]

WALL STREET AND THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION by Anthony C. Sutton. The U.S.
bankers who financed the Bolsheviks and the spread of communism (who,
how and when). Excellent documentation in both Sutton books here.
[1974; 210 pgs; $14.95]

HOW THE WORLD REALLY WORKS by Alan B. Jones Summarizes 12 important
books (a chapter for each) in this area and weaves them together well
for a good over view. [1997; 320 pgs; $14.95]

The Money Masters Video Text (Revised) By Patrick S.J. Carmack and Bill
Still. This is the complete video text, slightly revised and updated,
of the Three and on- half hours 2 volume version. [1998; 134 pgs.
$14.95]

WALL STREET AND THE RISE OF HITLER by Anthony C. Sutton The U.S.
bankers who financed Hitler (who, how, and when). [1976; 205 pgs;
$14.95]

NEW LIES FOR OLD by Anatoliy Golitsyn, an ex-KGB officer warns how
communist deception threatens the survival of the west and predicted
the planned "democratization" of the Soviet bloc, the tearing down of
the Berlin Wall and the reunion of Germany, years before they happened
exactly as planned. Powerful insights into communist disinformation and
the planned replacement of communism with "democratized" (really
oligarchic) socialism controlled by a merely renamed communist party.
[1984; 366 pgs; $14.95]

The last six books (i.e. all but 1984), are available from The Money
Masters video at the prices indicated, plus shipping and handling. All
prices are in U.S. dollars. To order call toll-free:

1-888-THE PLOT (ext. 60)

[Shipping & Handling = $5.00 first book; $2.00 second book; $1.50 per
additional book.]

============================================================

http://www.brasscheck.com/heartfield/rise.html
----------------------------------------------

Who paid Hitler's bills?

Cover of AIZ - September, 1933

Sources on US Collaboration with the Nazi Regime Before, During, and
After World War II

The George Seldes Internet Archive

-------------------------------------------------------------------

Who Financed Hitler
Official Secrets - What the Nazis Planned, What the British and
Americans Knew
Blackshirts and Reds
Fascism and Big Business
Beyond Belief: The American Press and the Coming of the Holocaust,
1933-1945
The Splendid Blonde Beast: Money, Law and Genocide in the Twentieth
Century
Under the Ax of Fascism - out of print
Even the Gods Can't Change History - out of print

America's Post War Collaboration with German Fascists

Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money
Plot,1933-1949 - out of print
American Swastika: The Shocking Story of Nazi Collaborators in Our
Midst from 1933 to the Present Day - out of print
Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold
War - out of print

The Amercian Holocaust

Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II

http://search.nizkor.org/bibliographies/uk-hitler.html
------------------------------------------------------

Hitler & the Nazi State
-------------------------------------------------------

Adolf Hitler, by Eileen Heyes

Adolf Hitler, by John Toland

Adolf Hitler (The Importance Of) , by Eleanor H. Ayer

Adolf Hitler (World Leaders, Past and Present) , by Dennis Wepman
(Photographer), Arthur Meier Schlesinger

Ailing Empire: Germany from Bismark to Hitler, by Sebastian Haffner,
Jean Steinberg (Translator)

American Intelligence and the German Resistance to Hitler: A
Documentary History (Widerstand, Dissent and Resistance in the Third
Reich) , by Jurgen Heideking (Contributor), Marc Frey (Editor),
Christof Mauch

Ardennes 1944: Hitler's Last Gamble in the West (Campaign Series, No.
5) , by James R. Arnold

Arming Against Hitler : France and the Limits of Military Planning
(Modern War Studies) , by Eugenia C. Kiesling

Being Present: Growing Up in Hitler's Germany, by Willy Schumann

Between Mussolini and Hitler: The Jews and the Italian Authorities in
France and Tunisia, (The Tauber Institute for the Study of European
Jewry Series) by Daniel Carpi

Biologists Under Hitler, by Ute Deichmann, Thomas Dunlap
(Translator), Ute Deichann

Blitzkrieg: From the Rise of Hitler to the Fall of Dunkirk, by
Len Deighton

Blood and Water: Sabotaging Hitler's Bomb, by Dan Kurzman

Child of Hitler: Germany in the Days When God Wore a Swastika, by
Alfons Heck

Children of the Swastika: The Hitler Youth, by Eileen Heyes

Christian Faith in Dark Times: Theological Conflicts in the Shadow of
Hitler, by Jack Forstman

Cinema in Democratizing Germany: Reconstructing of National Identity
After Hitler, by Heide Fehrenbach

The Comet Connection: Escape from Hitler's Europe, by George Watt

Contending With Hitler: Varieties of German Resistance in the Third
Reich, (Publications of the German Historical Institute) by David Clay
Large (Editor)

A Crack in the Wall: Growing Up Under Hitler, by Horst Kruger, Ruth
Hein

Crossing over: An Oral History of Refugees from Hitler's
Reich, (Twayne's Oral History Series, No 21) by Ruth E. Wolman (Editor)

Czechoslovakia Between Stalin and Hitler: The Diplomacy of
Edvard Benes in the 1930s, by Igor Lukes

Deadly Imbalances: Tripolarity and Hitler's Strategy of World
Conquest, by Randall L. Schweller

The Death of Hitler: The Full Story With New Evidence from
Secret Russian Archives, by Ada Petrova, Peter Watson

The Devil's Mistress: The Diary of Eva Braun, the Woman Who
Lived and Died With Hitler, by Alison Leslie Gold

Did the Children Cry?: Hitler's War Against Jewish and Polish Children,
1939-1945, by Richard C. Lukas

Doctors Under Hitler, by Michael H. Kater

Double Deception: Stalin, Hitler, and the Invasion of Russia, by James
Barros, Richard Gregor, James Gregor

Escape Via Berlin : Eluding Franco Hitler's Europe, (The Basque Series)
by Jose Antonio De Aguirre Y Lecube, Jose A. De Aguirre

Europa, Europa, by Shlomo Perel, Margot Bettauer Dembo
(Translator), Solomon Perel, ma Dembo

Exiles+Emigres: The Flight of European Artists from Hitler, by
Stephanie Barron, Sabine Eckmann

Explaining Hitler: The Search for the Origins of His Evil, by
Ron Rosenbaum

Fatherland, by Robert Harris

Forgotten Victims: The Abandonment of Americans in Hitler's
Camps, by Mitchell G. Bard

From Caligari to Hitler, a Psychological History of the German Film ,
by Siegfried, Kracauer, Seigfreid Kracauer, Siegfreid Kracauer

From Hitler to Heimat: The Return of History As Film, by Anton Kaes

From Hitler's Doorstep: The Wartime Intelligence Reports of Allen
Dulles, 1942-1945, by Neal H. Petersen (Editor), Allen Welsh Dulles

From Nazi Test Pilot to Hitler's Bunker, by Dennis Piszkiewicz

German Resistance Against Hitler: The Search for Allies
Abroad, 1938-1945, by Klemens Von Klemperer

German Resistance to Hitler, by Peter Hoffmann

Germans on Welfare: From Weimar to Hitler, by David F. Crew

Germany, Hitler, and World War II: Essays in Modern German and World
History, by Gerhard L. Weinberg

Heartfield Versus Hitler, by John Willett

Hermann Goring: Hitler Paladin or Puppet? , by Wolfgang Paul,
Helmut Bogler (Translator), Wolfgang Pauli

The History of the German Resistance, 1933-1945, by Peter Hoffmann,
Peter Hoffman

Hitler, by Joachim C. Fest, Richard Winston, Clara Winston
(Translator)

Hitler, (Profiles in Power Series) by Ian Kershaw

Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, by Alan L. Bullock

Hitler: The Fuhrer and the People, by Joseph Peter. Stern

Hitler and Germany, (Cambridge Topics in History) by William Simpson

Hitler and His Secret Partners: Contributions, Loot and
Rewards, 1933-1945, by James Pool

Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives, by Alan L. Bullock

Hitler and the Final Solution, by Gerald Fleming, Saul Friedlander
[Recommended]

Hitler and the Jews: The Genesis of the Holocaust, by Philippe Burrin,
Patsy Southgate (Introduction), Saul Friedlander

The Hitler of History, by John Lukacs

The Hitler State: The Foundation and Development of the Internal
Structure of the Third Reich, by Martin Broszat, John Hiden, Martin
Broszai

Hitler's Airwaves: The Inside Story of Nazi Radio Broadcasting
and Propaganda Swing, by Rainer E. Lotz, Horst J. P. Bergmeier

Hitler's Army: Soldiers, Nazis, and War in the Third Reich, by Omer
Bartov [Recommended]

Hitler's Banker: Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht, by John Weitz

Hitler's Enforcers: The Gestapo and the SS Security Service in
the Nazi Revolution, by George C. Browder

Hitler's Generals and Their Battles, by Shelford Bidwell,
Nancy Davis (Editor)

Hitler's Gladiator: The Life and Times of Oberstgruppenfuhrer and
Panzergeneral-Oberst Der Waffen-Ss Sepp Dietrich, by Charles Messenger

Hitler's Justice: The Courts of the Third Reich, by Ingo Muller,
Deborah Lucas Schneider

Hitler's Last Gamble: The Battle of the Bulge, December
1944-January 1945, by Trevor Nevitt Dupuy, David L. Bongard, Richard C.
Anderson

Hitler's Luftwaffe, by Tony Woods, Bill Gunston

Hitler's Prisoners: Seven Cell Mates Tell Their Stories, by Erich O.
Friedrich, Renate G. Vanegas

Hitler's Second Army, by Edmund Blanford

Hitler's Silent Partners: Swiss Banks, Nazi Gold, and the
Pursuit of Justice, by Isabel Vincent

Hitler's Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany,
1933-1939, by David Schoenbaum

Hitler's State Architecture: The Impact of Classical Antiquity,
(Monographs on the Fine Arts, No 45) by Alexander Scobie, Alex Scobie

Hitler's Thirty Days to Power: January 1933, by Henry Ashby
Jr. Turner

Hitler's U-Boat War: The Hunters, 1939-1942, (1st Volume) by
Clay Blair

Hitler's War, by Edwin Palmer Hoyt

Hitler's War Aims: Ideology, the Nazi State, and the Course of
Expansion, by Norman Rich

Hitler's War Machine, by Robert Cecil

Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the
Holocaust, by Daniel Jonah Goldhagen

Hitler's World View, by Eberhard Jackel, Franklin L. Ford

Hitler, Germans, and the 'Jewish Question', by Sarah Ann Gordon

Hitler--Memoirs of a Confidant, by Henry Ashby Turner, Ruth Hein

Hitler, by Frederick Douglas, Joachim Fest (Audio Cassette)

HITLER, by Toland, John Toland

Hitler: Black Magician, by Gerald Suster

Hitler : The Missing Years, by Ernst Hanfstaengl, John Toland
(Introduction), Egon Hanfstaengl

Hitler : The Pathology of Evil, by George Victor

Hitler and Spain : The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, by
Robert H. Whealey, Rob Whealey

Hitler and the Collapse of Weimer Germany, by Martin Broszat, Volker R.
Berghahn

Hitler and the Occult, by Ken Anderson

The Hitler Diaries: Fakes That Fooled the World, by Charles Hamilton

Hitler in History, (Tauber Institute for the Study of European Jewry,
3) by Eberhard Jackel

Hitler on the Doorstep : Operation 'Sea Lion' : The German Plan to
Invade Britain, 1940, by Egbert Kieser, Helmut Bogler (Translator)

The Hitler Options: Alternate Decisions of World War II, by
Kenneth MacKsey (Editor)

Hitler Warned Us: The Nazis' Master Plan for a Master Race, by John
Laffin

A Hitler Youth in Poland: The Nazis' Program for Evacuating Children
During World War II, by Jost Hermand, Margot Bettauer Dembo
(Translator)

Hitler's Ardennes Offensive: The German View of the Battle of
the Bulge, by Danny S. Parker (Editor)

Hitler's Battleships, by Edwyn Gray

Hitler's Blitzkrieg Campaigns : The Invasion and Defense of Western
Europe, 1939-1940, by J. E. Kaufmann, H. W. Kaufmann

Hitler's Children: The Hitler Youth and the SS, by Gerhard Rempel

Hitler's Cross: The Revealing Story of How the Cross of Christ Was Used
As a Symbol of the Nazi Agenda, by Erwin W. Lutzer

Hitler's Enforcers: Leaders of the German War Machine
1939-1945, by James Lucas

Hitler's Gift: The Story of Theresienstadt, by George E.
Berkley

Hitler's Last Gasp: The Miracle Weapon, by Manfred Krutein

Hitler's Panzers East : World War II Reinterpreted, by R. H. S. Stolfi

Hitler's Priestess: Savitri Devi, the Hindu-Aryan Myth and
Neo-Nazism, by Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke

Hitler's Secret Bankers: The Myth of Swiss Neutrality During
the Holocaust, by Adam Lebor

Hitler's Uranium Club: The Secret Recordings at Farm Hall, by Jeremy
Bernstein, David Cassidy

Hitler's War Against the Jews: A Young Reader's Version of the War
Against the Jews, 1933-1945, by Lucy S. Dawidowicz, David A. Altshuler

Hoodwinking Hitler : The Normandy Deception, by William B. Breuer

In the Name of the Volk: Political Justice in Hitler's
Germany, by H. W. Koch

Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941-44, by Mark
Mazower

Inside Hitler's Headquarters 1939-45, by Walter Warlimont

Inside the Concentration Camps: Eyewitness Accounts of Life in Hitler's
Death Camps, by Eugene Aroneanu (Translator), Thomas Whissen
(Translator)

Inside the Third Reich: Memoirs, by Albert Speer

Jesse: The Man Who Outran Hitler, by Jesse Owens, Paul Neimark

Kommando: Hitler's Special Forces in the Second World War, by Leo
Kessler

Kursk: Hitler's Gamble, 1943, by Walter S., Jr Dunn

The Last Days of Hitler, by Hugh R. Trevor-Roper

The Last Days of Hitler: The Legends, the Evidence, the Truth,
by Anton Joachimsthaler

'Life Unworthy of Life': Racial Phobia and Mass Murder in
Hitler's Germany, by James M. Glass

The Making of Adolf Hitler: The Birth and Rise of Nazism, by Eugene
Davidson

The Meaning of Hitler, by Sebastian Haffner, Ewald Osers

Mein Kampf, by Adolf Hitler, D.C. Watt

Mein Kampf, by David Levinthal

Mexico Between Hitler and Roosevelt: Mexican Foreign Relations
in the Age of Lazaro Cardenas, 1934-1940, by Friedrich Engelbert
Schuler

Mixed Blessings: An Almost Ordinary Life in Hitler's Germany, by Heinz
R. Kuehn

A Nation on Trial: The Goldhagen Thesis and Historical Truth,
by Norman G. Finkelstein, Ruth Bettina Birn

The Nazis: A Warning from History, by Laurence Rees, Ian
Kershaw

On the Road to the Wolf's Lair : German Resistance to Hitler,
by Theodore S. Hamerow

Plotting Hitler's Death: The Story of German Resistance, by
Joachim C. Fest, Bruce Little (Translator)

The Psychopathic God: Adolf Hitler, by Robert George Leeson Waite

Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to
Hitler, by Anne Harrington

Reworking the Past: Hitler, the Holocaust, and the Historians' Debate,
by Peter Baldwin (Editor)

Rise and Fall of the Third Reich : A History of Nazi Germany,
by William L. Shirer

Roosevelt & Hitler: Prelude to War, by Robert Edwin Herzstein

The Secret War Against Hitler, by William Casey, Peter Kjenaas
(Narrator) (Audio Cassettes)

Spear of Destiny, by Trevor Ravenscroft [Esoteric Mysticism]

The SS: Hitler's Instrument of Terror/the Full Story from Street
Fighters to the Waffem-SS, by Gordon K. Williamson

Stopped at Stalingrad: The Luftwaffe and Hitler's Defeat in
the East, 1942-1943, (Modern War Studies) by Joel S. A. Hayward

Theresienstadt: Hitler's Gift to the Jews, by Norbert Troller, Joel
Shatzky, Richard Ives, Doris Rauch, Sylvia Axelrod Herskovitz

Thunder on the Dnepr: Zhukov-Stalin and the Defeat of Hitler's
Blitzkrieg, by Bryan I. Fugate, Lev Dvoretsky, L. S. Dvoretskii

To Kill Hitler: The Officers' Plot July 1944, by Constantine Fitzgibbon

Tomorrow the World: Hitler, Northwest Africa, and the Path
Toward America, (Texas A & M University Military History Series, 57) by
Norman J. W. Goda

Under Hitler's Banner: Serving the Third Reich, by Edmund
Blandford

The Unmaking of Adolf Hitler, by Eugene Davidson

Unwilling Germans?: The Goldhagen Debate, by Robert R. Shandley
(Editor), Jeremiah Riemer (Translator)

The Uprooted: A Hitler Legacy: Voices of Those Who Escaped
Before the 'Final Solution', by Dorit Bader Whiteman

Vengeance: Hitler's Nuclear Weapon : Fact or Fiction? , by Philip
Henshall

The Waffen SS: Hitler's Elite Guard at War, 1939-45, by George H. Stein

The War Against Hitler: Miltary Strategy in the West, by Albert A. Nofi
(Editor), Albert A. Nifi

Warfare and the Third Reich: The Rise and Fall of Hitler's Armed
Forces, by Christopher Chant

Weimar and the Rise of Hitler, by Anthony James Nicholls

When Hitler Stole Pink Rabbit, by Judith Kerr

When Titans Clashed: How the Red Army Stopped Hitler, (Modern
War Studies) by David M. Glantz, Jonathan M. House

When Truth Was Treason: German Youth Against Hitler : The
Story of the Helmuth Hubener Group, by Blair R. Holmes, Alan F. Keele,
Karl-Heinz Schnibbe, Hansen, Klaus J. Hansen

Who Financed Hitler: The Secret Funding of Hitler's Rise to
Power, 1919-1933, by James E. Pool

Why Hitler Came into Power, by Theodore Abel

Why Hitler?: The Genesis of the Nazi Reich, by Samuel W., Jr
Mitcham

Young Adolf, by Beryl Bainbridge

===========================================================

http://www.newdawnmagazine.com.au/Resources/books-politics.html
---------------------------------------------------------------

<Picture: New Dawn Resource Page><Picture: New Dawn Magazine Home
Page>
Man's dearest possession is life, and since it is given to him to live
but once, he must so live as not to be seared by the shame of a
cowardly and trivial past; so live as to have no torturing regrets for
years without purpose; so live that dying he can say -- all my life and
all my strength were given to the finest cause in the world -- the
liberation of mankind. -- Fyodor Dostoyevsky

POLITICS & CURRENT AFFAIRS

SMALL IS POWERFUL
By John Papworth
[Published by Fourth World Review, 24 Abercorn Place, London, NW8 9XP,
England]

A book which seeks to locate the origins of the crisis of our times.
The author believes it is fundamentally a crisis of scale and that the
dominant forces, of Western civilisation especially, have overreached
themselves in terms of size, scale and tempo.

It seeks to explore the origins of the forces now so destructively
rampant and urges they have largely emerged from the collapse of the
laws against usury in the 16th century, to the loss of peoples control
over work (the real and little noticed significance of the Luddite
defeat), the enthronement of financed-dominated technology, leading in
turn to the destruction of the power and significance of local
community life, to the virtual obliteration of the extended family, to
the increasing marginalisation of the nuclear family and the isolation
and alienation of countless individuals from social structures they can
neither properly comprehend nor control.<Picture: Burst1.gif (10612
bytes)>

From this awesome deterioration has emerged the mass form of society,
the most dangerous, the most destructive, the most demeaning and the
most unillumined way of life ever to have surfaced in all history, a
society bearing all the signs of an imminent and catastrophic collapse.

Radical reform, the author suggests, lies in the deliberate and
unambiguous recreation of empowered, decision-making neighbourhoods
which have the fullest possible control over the political and economic
factors which determine the pattern of their lives.

Review Appeared in New Dawn No. 33

...AND THE TRUTH SHALL SET YOU FREE
By David Icke
[Published by Bridge of Love Publications]

As a leading book editor in the United States said after reading Icke's
manuscript: "It is difficult to put into words the excitement I feel
about this. It is a book that I have been waiting to see for a long,
long time. I knew it would come and now it is here. I am practically
overwhelmed by the sense of urgency I feel in getting this book to
press and into distribution."

David Icke exposes the real story behind global events which shape the
future of human existence and the world we leave our children.
Fearlessly, he lifts the veil on an astonishing web of interconnected
manipulation to reveal that the same few people and organisations
control the daily direction of our lives. They engineer the wars,
violent revolutions, terrorist outrages and political assassinations;
they control the world market in hard drugs and the media
indoctrination machine. Every negative event of global significance in
the 20th century can be traced back to the same Global Elite, and some
of the names involved are very well known. Never before has this web,
its personnel and methods, been revealed in such a devastating
fashion.<Picture: Burst1.gif (10612 bytes)>

Icke uncovers the esoteric background to the global manipulation and
offers an inspiring spiritual solution in which every man, woman and
child on Planet Earth breaks free from the daily programming, the "Coup
d'etat on the human mind", and takes back their infinite power to think
for themselves and decide their own destiny. His words are designed to
inspire all of us to be who we really are, to fling open the door of
the mental prison we build for ourselves and to walk into the light of
freedom.

Review Appeared in New Dawn No. 34

THE CULT OF INFORMATION
A Neo-Luddite Treatise on High-Tech, Artificial Intelligence, and The
True Art Of Thinking
By Theodore Roszak

As we devote ever-increasing resources to providing, or prohibiting,
access to information via computer, Theodore Roszak, Professor of
History at California State University, reminds us that voluminous
information does not necessarily lead to sound thinking. "Data glut"
obscures basic questions of justice and purpose and may even hinder
rather than enhance our productivity. In this revised and updated
edition of The Cult of Information, Roszak examines the place of
computer technology in our culture in the 1990s.<Picture: Burst1.gif
(10612 bytes)>

Professor Roszak warns of the genuine dangers that computers bring
modern society: efficient invasion of privacy, overreliance on
political polling, and the abdication of control over military decision
making.

Words from the author's preface ring true throughout the book,
Ultimately, this book is as much about the art of thinking as it is
about politics and technology of information'.

Review Appeared in New Dawn No. 36

POWER AND PROSPECTS REFLECTIONS ON HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER
By Noam Chomsky

Any mention of economic globalisation and the 'new world (dis)order' is
not complete without a reference to the work of Professor Noam Chomsky.

Professor Chomsky's latest book, just published by Allen & Unwin, is
based on a series of addresses he delivered to sell-out audiences on
his January 1995 visit to Australia.

To regular readers of New Dawn Noam Chomsky, who has been described as
"arguably and most important intellectual alive", needs no
introduction. For 30 years, his dissident views have alerted an
increasingly concerned public to the true nature of power. His
perceptive descriptions of how the public is excluded from
decision-making and policy formation provide new insights into major
events in the world today.

<Picture: Burst1.gif (10612 bytes)>From East Timor to the Middle East,
from the nature of democracy to our place in the natural world, from
international politics to the politics of language, Power and Prospects
provides a scathing critique of orthodox views and government policy.
Chomsky lifts the veil of lies that divert the public from knowledge of
the heinous acts being comitted in their name. He reveals how the 'new'
world order is a remarketing of the same old disorder. His refreshingly
clear views of the world and the nature of things are supported by a
wealth of detail.

Noam Chomsky is professor of Linguistics at Massachusetts Institute of
Technology in Boston USA and is an internationally acclaimed
philosopher, scholar and political activist.

Review Appeared in New Dawn No. 38

THE LUCIFER PRINCIPLE
By Howard Bloom
[Published by: Allen & Unwin]

This is not a book, which either the scientific or religious
communities will like. It won't win many awards with humanists and
those who believe that everything is caused by social factors, either.
Yet, at the same time, it represents one of the most radical
re-appraisals of available scientific knowledge regarding the human
condition today. It goes the final step beyond sociobiology and the
"Selfish Gene" and takes available evidence to its final climatic
conclusion.

Bloom shows how modern science has at last uncovered the genetic
program for evolution and what is in this program will not help you
sleep at night. Violence, evil and destruction are not the result of
the clash between mind and spirit, it is not misplaced good, nor is it
an illusion - it is nature living out its program. The simple bare fact
is that the gene works to achieve genetic success at any cost - any
cost. Violence, rape, torture, all are means to an end and the genetic
program has no moral qualms. When this discovery is coupled with what
we know about group minds, a frightening paradigm arises. Drawing on
the very latest findings regarding the interaction between communities
of ants, apes and humans, Bloom shows how the genetic program works on
a collective, rather than individual basis. He shows how nature works
like a superorganism, controlling, manipulating and using its hosts.

If this paradigm was only applied on a physical level, there may be a
cause for some optimism, but according to Bloom and many others like
him, there also exists the mental equivalent to genes - Memes. These
viruses of the mind work to control the collective through the
conditioning of ideas, concepts, isms and ologies. If Bloom is right,
then our whole concept of freedom needs to be radically reconsidered.
Rather than controlling violence, man's intellect has been used
(misused?) by the thoughts that possess it (Memes) to justify violence
and fulfill the program of the "Selfish Gene" regardless of the human
cost.

Such books as the Lucifer Principle, the Selfish Gene (Richard Dawkins)
and so many others on Memes, sociobiology and related subjects do not
present an image that will make modern man secure. In some sense
science has at last agreed with religion, but not in an understanding
of some mystical realization of the united building blocks of matter,
energy and spirit.

Sociobiology has at last shown that nature is using man for its own
purposes and that this purpose may be at loggerheads with our own
current sense of identity. The Lucifer Principle takes this a step
further decoding our culture and showing the superorganism at work.
This is a frightening book, yet at the same time, truly enlightening.
You may not be able to look at the world around you in the same way
ever again. When you see the "game is afoot" you begin to reconsider
the nature of the rules and who started the kick off.

<Picture: Burst1.gif (10612 bytes)>When we consider this new scientific
paradigm, it is really interesting. For thousands of years Gnostics
have argued along a similar vein, they have cried out that matter was
created by an alien god, even a false god, whose aim is to control and
destroy the spiritual essence of mankind. Now, this may be too much for
most of us, we may even reject it as silly superstition or primitive
man's attempt to reflect on a hostile environment, but it does give you
something to think about doesn't it?

As we approach the end of the Millennium science and religion have at
last started to agree on the nature of man and together what they see
isn't good.

- The Independent Review <Picture: img5.gif (1731 bytes)>

Review Appeared in New Dawn No. 41

VIRUS OF THE MIND
By Richard Brodie
[Published By: Integral Press]

Virus of the Mind is one of the first titles to really communicate the
nature of Memes. On the downside at times it reads like a born-again
guide to science, but what can you expect from a man who was Bill
Gates' technical assistant and was educated in that most American of
cultural institutions, Microsoft.

Brodie has written an upbeat, intelligent and easy to read guide to
genes, Memes and the world of sociobiology and science. It covers just
about everything from the Selfish Gene theory to why we think the way
we do. It is not all pessimism and talk about apes and genetics, but
offers some good, practical advise on disinfecting ourselves and
learning to recognise Memes and what to do when we see them.

Memes represent the latest in scientific speculation and are the
"flavour" of the month with the "Scientific America" audience.

Virus of the Mind brings together the latest research and presents it
in easy to digest, bit sized packages. My own complaint is that science
tends to "reinvent" the wheel: Thoughts have power, they can travel
from mind to mind, they influence groups and control societies. Well,
this may be new for science, but not for esotericists. Theosophy was
teaching about the power of thought early this century and published a
major text on the subject around 1904 (Thought Forms by Annie Besant).

Much of the spiritual and new age movement is based on the power of
thought and on affirmations, prayers, meditations and related subjects,
all which can be easily related to Memes (but aren't).

<Picture: Burst1.gif (10612 bytes)>Virus of the Mind is an important
book when you remove the hype. Memes are a convenient way to
conceptualize the power of thought but, at the same time "there isn't
anything new under the sun". Perhaps it will lead you to reconsider
some of those old spiritual books which told you thoughts had power but
seemed just a little, well, offbeat, at the time.

Virus of the Mind is a good place to start, but don't make it the end
of your journey

- The Independent Review <Picture: img5.gif (1731 bytes)>

Review Appeared in New Dawn No. 42

WHO FINANCED HITLER -- Secret Funding of Hitler's Rise to Power

HITLER AND HIS SECRET PARTNERS -- Contributions, Loot and Rewards
By James Pool
[Published by: Pocket Books]

For 25 years James Pool has investigated the financial reasons behind
Hitler's crimes. You won't know the whole story of the Third Reich, the
nature of Nazism or the connection between money, power and terror
until you know who financed Hitler.

These two books tell, for the first time, the full story of the
financial exploitation and greed at the core of the Reich and the
amassed legacy that continues to make headlines with the recent
emergence of Nazi accounts in Swiss banks.

Many of Germany's top industrialists and financiers who secretly funded
Hitler's regime were rewarded with multibillion dollar returns.
Sympathetic foreign bankers, journalists and politicians gave Hitler
vital support even to the point of betraying their own country.

Hitler is portrayed as a financial wheeler dealer using charm, fear and
intrigue to extract money from the poor as well as the elite. Pool
details Henry Ford's contributions to the Nazi cause as well as the
abdication from the British throne of Edward VIII, whom he claims had
intimate ties to the Nazis.

Also discussed is the controversial claim of Hitler's links to a secret
society that launched his career and perhaps even more incredible
Jewish sources of financial support.

These two books represent something of a landmark in that they bring
into the mainstream information that has been the realm of the
conspiracy theorist. It points out clearly that the Hitler phenomenon
was not isolated or created by chance and that respected pillars of
society, multinational companies and religions all fostered and
promoted a cause that sought to dominate and enslave the world.

Review Appeared in New Dawn No. 46

[jum...@my-deja.com]

http://www.etext.org/Politics/Essays/SwastikaShadow
---------------------------------------------------

======================================================================
An Open Letter to All Americans
======================================================================

(The Elkhorn Manifesto)

SHADOW OF THE SWASTIKA:

An Open Letter to All Americans
By R. William Davis

Documented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance
Between the U.S. "Establishment" and the Nazis -
Before, During and After World War II - up to the Present.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

PREFACE

Before the Gatewood Galbraith for Governor Campaign in 1991, few
Kentuckians knew that the plant that the federal government had
demonized for over 50 years as "Marijuana - Assassin of Youth," was, in
fact, Cannabis Hemp, the most traded commodity in the world until the
mid-1800s, and our state's number one crop, industry, and most
important source of revenue, for over 150 years.

Today, thanks to the efforts of pioneer hemp researchers and public
advocates such as Galbraith, Jack Fraizer, Jack Herer, Chris Conrad, Ed
Rosenthal, Don Wirtshafter and others, the federal government's
unjustifiable suppression of our state's right to develop our most
valuable and versatile natural resource, is facing increasing
opposition from an informed public. Hemp is now recognized as the
number one agriculturally renewable raw material in the world, and
perhaps the only crop / industry which can guarantee us industrial and
economic independence from the trans-national corporations.

"Shadow of the Swastika" is a follow-up to my earlier work, "Cannabis
Hemp: the Invisible Prohibition Revealed," which I wrote and published
in support of the Galbraith Campaign. Since publication of that
booklet, there has been growing public acceptance of the evidence that
Marijuana Prohibition was created in 1937, not to protect society from
the "evils of the drug Marijuana," as the Federal government claimed,
but as an act of deliberate economic and industrial sabotage against
the re-emerging Industrial Hemp Industry.

Previous investigations by hemp researchers have been limited to the
suppression of free-market competition from the hemp industry, and
focused on the activities of three prominent members of America's
corporate, industrial and banking establishment during the mid- to
late-1930s:

WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST, the newspaper and magazine tycoon.

The expected rebirth of cannabis hemp as a less expensive source of
pulp for paper meant his millions of acres of prime timberland, and
investment in wood pulp papermaking equipment, would soon be worth much
less. In the 1920s, about the same time as the equipment was developed
to economically mass-produce raw hemp into pulp and fiber for paper, he
began the "Reefer Madness" hoax in his newspaper and magazine
publications.

ANDREW MELLON, founder of the Gulf Oil Corporation.

He knew that cannabis hemp was an alternative industrial raw material
for the production of thousands of products, including fuel and
plastics, which, if allowed to compete in the free-market, would
threaten the future profits of the oil companies. As Secretary of the
Treasury he created the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, and appointed his
own future nephew-in-law, Harry Anslinger, as director. Anslinger would
later use the sensational, and totally fabricated, articles published
by Hearst, to push the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 through Congress,
which successfully destroyed the rebirth of the cannabis hemp industry.

A prominent member of one Congressional subcommittee who voted in favor
of this bill was Joseph Guffey of Pennsylvania, an oil tycoon and
former business partner of Andrew Mellon in the Spindletop oil fields
in Texas.

THE DU PONT CHEMICAL CORPORATION,

which owned the patents on synthetic petrochemicals and industrial
processes that promised billions of dollars in future profits from the
sale of wood pulp paper, lead additives for gasoline, synthetic fibers
and plastics, if hemp could be suppressed. At the time, du Pont family
influence in both government and the private sector was unmatched,
according to historians and journalists.

This publication, however, reveals documented historical evidence that
the suppression of the hemp industry was only one key part of a much
larger conspiracy in the 1930s, not only by the three corporate
interests named above, but by many others, as well.

Congressional records, FBI reports and investigations by the Justice
Department, during the 1930s and 1940s, have already documented
evidence of this wider plot. A list of the corporations named include
Du Pont, Standard Oil, and General Motors, all of which were proven to
be conspiring with Nazi industrial cartels to eliminate competition
world-wide and divide among themselves the Earth's industrial resources
and commercial markets, for profitable exploitation.

This conspiracy succeeded. It is now obvious that this lack of serious
competition in the industrial raw materials market caused our present -
and totally contrived - addiction to petrochemicals. Its success is
directly responsible for the most troubling problems we now face in the
1990s; serious damage to our environment, concentration of economic and
political power into fewer and fewer hands, and the weakening of the
rights of individuals and states to determine their own futures.

It is more and more evident that, given the historical record, the
structure of the New World Order is being built upon the Foundation of
Marijuana Prohibition, and only the relegalization of free-market hemp
competition can save us.

R. William Davis
July 4, 1996
Louisville, Kentucky

----------------------------------------------------------------------

INTRODUCTION

To clearly understand the circumstances which existed during the 1930s
and 1940s, and are the subject of this booklet, it would be helpful to
first put the hemp / petrochemical conflict into historical
perspective. The events which took place in the years leading up to
World War II were a continuation of a struggle between agricultural and
industrial interests that began before the American Revolution, a
struggle which has yet to be decided, even today.

AGRICULTURE VS. INDUSTRY

The historical record, at least as it has been presented to us in the
public school system, is that the Civil War was fought to end slavery.
This is not the whole story. The truth of the matter is that it was
also a clash between Northern industrialists and Southern
agriculturists, over control of the expansion into the newly opened
West.

In 1845, Abraham Lincoln wrote, "I hold it a paramount duty of us in
the free states due to the union of the states, and perhaps to liberty
itself, to let the slavery of other states alone." (1)

Concerning the Western territories, he said "The whole Nation is
interested that the best use shall be made of these territories. We
want them for homes and free white people. This they cannot be, to any
considerable extent, if slavery be planted within them." (2)

Lincoln was caught in the middle between the Northern industrialists
and the Southern agriculturists, who both wanted to dominate Western
expansion because of the wealth it offered. The industrialists knew
that the agriculturists depended on slavery because cotton, upon which
Southern wealth was based, was very labor intensive and required the
inexpensive labor that slavery provided. They knew that if the Western
lands were declared "free states" then the Southern agriculturists
would be unable to compete, and would be forced to leave Western
expansion, and its potential profits, to the Northern industrialists.

Quoting "The Irony of Democracy," by Thomas R. Dye and T. Harmon
Zeigler,

"The importance of the Civil War for America's elite structure was the
commanding position that the new industrial capitalists won during the
course of the struggle. . . . The economic transformation of the United
States from an agricultural to an industrial nation reached the
crescendo of a revolution in the second half of the nineteenth century.

"Civil War profits compounded the capital of the industrialists and
placed them in a position to dominate the economic life of the nation.
Moreover, when the Southern planters were removed from the national
scene, the government in Washington became the exclusive domain of the
new industrial leaders." (3)

The Northern industrialists used this increased capital to build the
system of transcontinental railways, linking the Northeast with both
the South and West. The labor for this undertaking was from the
Northeastern Establishment's own source of cheap labor - recently freed
slaves and poor immigrants from Europe and China - who suffered under
living conditions which were often little better than those which
existed under the Slave System just a few years before.

It was during the years between the Civil War and the beginning of the
Twentieth Century that the Northern industrialists altered the role of
the American government. Originally established by the Revolution to
protect and preserve the lives, property and freedoms of all Americans
from repressive government, it was transformed into an agency to
protect the economic future of Northern industrialists.

"[T]he industrial elites," according to Dye and Zeigler, "saw no
objection to legislation if it furthered their success in business.
Unrestricted competition might prove who was the fittest, but as an
added precaution to insure that the industrial capitalists themselves
emerged as the fittest, these new elites also insisted upon government
subsidies, patents, tariffs, loans, and massive giveaways of land and
other natural resources." (4)

The struggle between Western farmers and the railroads owned by the
Northern industrialists is a good example. To protect their interests,
citizens created "the Grange," an organization which helped to enact
state laws regulating the "ruthless aggression" of the railroads. In
1877, these laws were upheld by the Supreme Court in the Munn v.
Illinois decision. But, a few years later, Justice Stephen A. Field
changed the role, and the very definition, of the corporation. He gave
a new interpretation to the Fourteenth Amendment that actually gave
corporations legal status as citizens . . . as artificial persons. (5)

It was not long after this change in the interpretation of the
Fourteenth Amendment that John D. Rockefeller, the father of the
modern-day corporation, created the great Standard Oil Corporation
which, by the late 1880s, gained control over 90% of all the oil
refineries in America. (6)

The roots of 20th Century American politics can best be illustrated by
the 1896 Presidential Election, won by Republican William McKinley by a
landslide. The McKinley campaign was directed by Marcus Alonzo Hanna of
Standard Oil and raised a $16,000,000 campaign fund from wealthy fellow
industrialists, (an amount that was unmatched in Presidential campaigns
until the 1960s). The major theme of the campaign, and one that would
echo far into the future, was "what's good for business is good for the
country." (7)

This emerging political and judicial misuse of power in America was
feared by Thomas Jefferson who, in 1787, wrote, "I think our
governments will remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as they
remain chiefly agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall be
vacant lands in any part of America. When they get piled upon one
another in large cities as in Europe they will become corrupt as in
Europe." (8)

It is important to remember that the American Revolution was a clash
between the agriculturists in the colonies, and the British
industrialists who controlled the government in England. Almost 100
years later the Civil War was fought as a continuation of the same
basic struggle, but with the victory going back to the industrialists.
This began the erosion of the American government "of the people, for
the people and by the people." The buying of the 1896 Presidential
Election, by Hanna of Standard Oil and the Northern industrial
interests, was the next important step on the long road to the American
government "of the corporation, for the corporation and by the
corporation."

A few years later, World War I would forge an even closer relationship
between corporations and government in the United States, as well as
around the world. Anthony Sampson, in his book "The Arms Bazaar," notes
that "the American companies, led by US Steel and du Pont, were
transformed by war orders. US Steel, which had absorbed Carnegie's old
steel company, had made average annual profits in the four pre-war
years of $105 million, while in the four war years they were $240
million; and du Pont's average profit went up from $6 million to $58
million. . . .

"Certainly the arms companies had become much richer through the war,
and there were widespread suspicions that they were actually trying to
prolong it." (9)

The bottom line is, of course, victory or profit, and in what
proportions? To what lengths would this nation's top industrial leaders
go to secure their share of the profits before and during the next "war
to end all war?"

----------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: INTRODUCTION

1. American Political Tradition, Hofstadter, p. 109. (As reprinted in
The Irony of Democracy, Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler, p. 72)
2. American Political Tradition, p. 113. (As reprinted in The Irony of
Democracy, p. 72)
3. Irony of Democracy, p. 73
4. Ibid., p. 74
5. Ibid., p. 75
6. Ibid., p. 76
7. Ibid., p. 82
8. Ibid., p. 62
9. The Arms Bazaar, Anthony Sampson, p. 65

-----------------------------------------------------------------------

U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS

"A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist state
to supplant our democratic government and is working closely with the
fascist regime in Germany and Italy. I have had plenty of opportunity
in my post in Berlin to witness how close some of our American ruling
families are to the Nazi regime. . . .

"Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with bringing
fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy. They extended aid
to help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and they are helping to keep
it there." - William E. Dodd, U.S. Ambassador to Germany, 1937.(1)

A large volume of documentary evidence exists that reveals that many of
the richest, most powerful men in the United States, and the giant
corporations they controlled, were secretly allied with the Nazis, both
before and during World War II, even after war was declared between
Germany and America. This alliance began with U.S. corporate investment
during the reconstruction of post-World War I Germany in the 1920s and,
years later, included financial, industrial and military aid to the
Nazis.

On the pages which follow we will review which prominent Americans and
corporations were involved, what aid and comfort they gave our nation's
enemies - treasonable offenses during time of war, and investigations
into these matters which produced evidence of a US/Nazi corporate
conspiracy to bring a fascist state to America, and eliminate
competition in the industrial raw materials market in order to force
world-wide dependance on oil-based petrochemicals.

WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST

Hearst, who was so concerned about the American public's health and
safety on the matter of marijuana use, apparently had no such fears
when it came to Hitler and the Nazis. According to journalist George
Seldes:

". . . Hitler had the support of the most widely circulated magazine in
history, 'Readers Digest,' as well as nineteen big-city newspapers and
one of the three great American news agencies, the $220-million Hearst
press empire.

". . . William Randolph Hearst, Sr., . . . was the lord of all the
press lords in the United States. The millions who read the Hearst
newspapers and magazines and saw Hearst newsreels in the nation's
moviehouses had their minds poisoned by Hitler propaganda.

"It was . . . disclosed first to President Roosevelt [by Ambassador
Dodd] almost on the day it happened, in September 1934, and it is
detailed in the book 'Ambassador Dodd's Diary,' published in 1941, and
again in libel-proof documents on file in the courts of the state of
New York. William E. Dodd, professor of history [at the University of
Chicago], told me about the Hearst sell-out . . .

"According to Ambassador Dodd, Hearst came to take the waters at Bad
Nauheim in September 1934, and Dodd somehow learned immediately that
Hitler had sent two of his most trusted Nazi propagandists, Hanfstangel
and Rosenberg, to ask Hearst how Nazism could present a better image in
the United States. When Hearst went to Berlin later in the month, he
was taken to see Hitler."

Seldes reports that a $400,000 a year deal was struck between Hearst
and Hitler, and signed by Doctor Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda
minister. "Hearst," continues Seldes, "completely changed the editorial
policy of his nineteen daily newspapers the same month he got the
money."

In the court documents filed on behalf of Dan Gillmor, publisher of a
magazine named "Friday," in response to a lawsuit by Hearst, under item
61, he states: "Promptly after this said visit with Adolf Hitler and
the making of said arrangements. . . said plaintiff, William Randolph
Hearst, instructed all Hearst press correspondents in Germany,
including those of INS [Hearst's International News Service] to report
happenings in Germany only in a friendly' manner. All of such
correspondents reporting happenings in Germany accurately and without
friendliness, sympathy and bias for the actions of the then German
government, were transferred elsewhere, discharged, or forced to
resign. . . ."

In the late 1930s, Seldes recounts, when "several sedition indictments
[were brought by] the Department of Justice . . . against a score or
two of Americans, the defendants included an unusually large minority
of newspaper men and women, most of them Hearst employees." (2)

ANDREW MELLON

"Thurman Arnold, as assistant district attorney of the United States,
his assistant, Norman Littell, and several Congressional
investigations, have produced incontrovertible evidence that some of
our biggest monopolies entered into secret agreements with the Nazi
cartels and divided the world up among them," states Seldes in his
book, "Facts and Fascism," published in 1943. "Most notorious of all
was Alcoa, the Mellon-Davis-Duke monopoly which is largely responsible
for the fact America did not have the aluminum with which to build
airplanes before and after Pearl Harbor, while Germany had an unlimited
supply." (3)

Alcoa sabotage of American war production had already cost the U.S.
"10,000 fighters or 1,665 bombers," according to Congressman Pierce of
Oregon speaking in May 1941, because of "the effort to protect Alcoa's
monopolistic position. . ."

"If America loses this war," said Secretary of the Interior [Harold]
Ickes, June 26, 1941, "it can thank the Aluminum Corporation of
America."

"By its cartel agreement with I.G. Farben, controlled by Hitler,"
writes Seldes, "Alcoa sabotaged the aluminum program of the U.S. air
force. The Truman Committee [on National Defense, chaired by
then-Senator Harry S. Truman in 1942] heard testimony that Alcoa's
representative, A.H. Bunker, $1-a-year head of the aluminum section of
O.P.M., prevented work on our $600,000,000 aluminum expansion program."
(4)

DU PONT AND GENERAL MOTORS

General Motors is included here because, by 1929, the Du Pont
corporation had acquired controlling interest in, and had interlocking
directorships with, General Motors.

Irenee du Pont, "the most imposing and powerful member of the clan,"
according to biographer and historian Charles Higham, "was obsessed
with Hitler's principles.

"He keenly followed the career of the future Fuhrer in the 1920s, and
on September 7, 1926, in a speech to the American Chemical Society, he
advocated a race of supermen, to be achieved by injecting special drugs
into them in boyhood to make their characters to order." Higham's book
on this subject, "Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the
Nazi-American Money Plot 1933-1949," is highly recommended.

Du Pont's anti-Semitism "matched that of Hitler" and, in 1933, the Du
Ponts "began financing native fascist groups in America . . ." one of
which Higham identifies as the American Liberty League: "a Nazi
organization whipping up hatred of blacks and Jews," and the "love of
Hitler.

"Financed . . . to the tune of $500,000 the first year, the Liberty
League had a lavish thirty-one-room office in New York, branches in
twenty-six colleges, and fifteen subsidiary organizations nationwide
that distributed fifty million copies of its Nazi pamphlets. . . .

"The Du Ponts' fascistic behavior was seen in 1936, when Irenee du Pont
used General Motors money to finance the notorious Black Legion. This
terrorist organization had as its purpose the prevention of automobile
workers from unionizing. The members wore hoods and black robes, with
skulls and crossbones. They fire-bombed union meetings, murdered union
organizers, often by beating them to death, and dedicated their lives
to destroying Jews and communists. They linked to the Ku Klux Klan. . .
. It was brought out
that at least fifty people, many of them blacks, had been butchered by
the Legion." (5)

Du Pont support of Hitler extended into the very heart of the Nazi war
machine as well, according to Higham, and several other researchers:
"General Motors, under the control of the Du Pont family of Delaware,
played a part in collaboration" with the Nazis.

"Between 1932 and 1939, bosses of General Motors poured $30 million
into I.G. Farben plants . . ." Further, Higham informs us that by "the
mid-1930s, General Motors was committed to full-scale production of
trucks, armored cars, and tanks in Nazi Germany." (6)

Researchers Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, in their book, "Power
Inc.," describe the Du Pont-GM-Nazi relationship in these terms:

". . . In 1929, [Du Pont-controlled] GM acquired the largest automobile
company in Germany, Adam Opel, A.G. This predestined the subsidiary to
become important to the Nazi war effort. In a heavily documented study
presented to the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust and Monopoly in
February 1974, Bradford C. Snell, an assistant subcommittee counsel,
wrote:

"'GM's participation in Germany's preparation for war began in 1935.
That year its Opel subsidiary cooperated with the Reich in locating a
new heavy truck facility at Brandenburg, which military officials
advised would be less vulnerable to enemy air attacks. During the
succeeding years, GM supplied the Wehrmact with Opel "Blitz" trucks
from the Brandenburg complex. For these and other contributions to [the
Nazis] wartime preparations, GM's chief executive for overseas
operations [James Mooney] was awarded the Order of the German Eagle
(first class) by Adolf Hitler.'"

Du Pont-GM Nazi collaboration, according to Snell, included the
participation of Standard Oil of New Jersey [now Exxon] in one, very
important arrangement. GM and Standard Oil of New Jersey formed a joint
subsidiary with the giant Nazi chemical cartel, I.G. Farben, named
Ethyl G.m.b.H. [now Ethyl, Inc.] which, according to Snell: "provided
the mechanized German armies with synthetic tetraethyl fuel [leaded
gas]. During 1936-39, at the urgent request of Nazi officials who
realized that Germany's scarce petroleum reserves would not satisfy war
demands, GM and Exxon joined with German chemical interests in the
erection of the lead-tetraethyl plants. According to captured German
records, these facilities contributed substantially to the German war
effort: 'The fact that since the beginning of the war we could produce
lead-tetraethyl is entirely due to the circumstances that, shortly
before, the Americans [Du Pont, GM and Standard Oil] had presented us
with the production plants complete with experimental knowledge.
Without lead-tetraethyl the present method of warfare would be
unthinkable.'" (7)

At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in
Germany, they were involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the United
States government.

"Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in early
1934, writes Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup d'etat
that would overthrow the President with the aid of a $3 million-funded
army of terrorists . . ." The object was to force Roosevelt "to take
orders from businessmen as part of a fascist government or face the
alternative of imprisonment and execution . . ."

Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of
meetings with the Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre
conspiracy." "They finally settled on one of the most popular soldiers
in America, General Smedly Butler of Pennsylvania." Butler was
approached by "fascist attorney" Gerald MacGuire (an official of the
American Legion), who attempted to recruit Butler into the role of an
American Hitler.

"Butler was horrified," but played along with MacGuire until, a short
time later, he notified the White House of the plot. Roosevelt
considered having "the leaders of the houses of Morgan and Du Pont"
arrested, but feared that "it would create an unthinkable national
crisis in the midst of a depression and perhaps another Wall Street
crash." Roosevelt decided the best way to defuse the plot was to expose
it, and leaked the story to the press.

"The newspapers ran the story of the attempted coup on the front page,
but generally ridiculed it as absurd and preposterous." But an
investigation by the Congressional Committee on Un-American Activities
- 74th Congress, first session, House of Representatives, Investigation
of Nazi and other propaganda - was begun later that same year.

"It was four years," continues Higham, "before the committee dared to
publish its report in a white paper that was marked for 'restricted
circulation.' They were forced to admit that 'certain persons made an
attempt to establish a fascist organization in this country . . . [The]
committee was able to verify all the pertinent statements made by
General Butler.' This admission that the entire plan was deadly in
intent was not accompanied by the imprisonment of anybody. Further
investigations disclosed that over a million people had been guaranteed
to join the scheme and that the arms and munitions necessary would have
been supplied by Remington, a Du Pont subsidiary." (8)

The names of important individuals and groups involved in the
conspiracy were suppressed by the committee, but later revealed by
Seldes, Philadelphia Record reporter Paul French, and Jules Archer,
author of the book, "The Plot to Seize the White House." Included were
John W. Davis (attorney for the J.P. Morgan banking group), Robert
Sterling Clark (Wall Street broker and heir to the Singer sewing
machine fortune), William Doyle (American Legion official), and the
American Liberty League (backed by executives from J.P. Morgan and Co.,
Rockefeller interests, E.F. Hutton, and Du Pont-controlled General
Motors). (9)

THE US/NAZI CARTEL AGREEMENT

"On November 23, 1937," states Higham, "representatives of General
Motors held a secret meeting in Boston with Baron Manfred von
Killinger, who was .
. . in charge of West Coast espionage [for the Nazis], and Baron von
Tipplekirsch, Nazi consul general and Gestapo leader in Boston. This
group signed a joint agreement showing total commitment to the Nazi
cause for the indefinite future. . . ." (10)

Seldes describes the plotters as "the great owners and rulers of
America who planned world domination through political and military
Fascism" including "several leading American industrialists, members of
the Congress of the United States, and representatives of large
business and political organizations . . ."

He obtained the text of the agreement, and published it in his
newsletter, "In Fact," on July 13, 1942. The plan "goes much further
than the mere cartel conspiracies of Big Business of both countries,"
writes Seldes, "because it has political clauses and points to a bigger
conspiracy of money and politicians such as helped betray Norway and
France and other lands to the Nazi machine. The most powerful fortress
in America is the production monopolies, but its betrayal would
involve, as it did in France, the participation of some of the most
powerful figures of the political as well as the industrial world."
(11)

STANDARD OIL OF NEW JERSEY (Now Exxon)

"On February 27, 1942," according to Higham, "Arnold, with documents
stuffed under his arms, . . . strode into the lion's den of Standard at
30 Rockefeller Plaza. Just behind him were Secretary of the Navy
Franklin Knox and Secretary of the Army Henry L. Stimson." They
confronted Standard official William Farish and "Arnold sharply laid
down his charges" that "by continuing to favor Hitler in rubber deal
and patent arrangements," Standard Oil "had acted against the interests
of the American government . . . suggested a fine of $1.5 million and a
consent decree whereby Standard would turn over for the duration all
the patents" in question.

"Farish rejected the proposal on the spot. He pointed out that
Standard" was also selling the U.S. a "high percentage" of the fuel
being used by the Army, Navy, and Air Force "making it possible for
America to win the war. Where would America be without it?"

Blackmail? Yes, says Higham. And effective. Arnold was finally reduced
to asking the oil company official "to what Standard Oil would agree.
After all, there had to be at least token punishment. . . . Arnold,
Stimson, and Knox soon realized they had no power to compare with that
of Standard."

The price Standard Oil "agreed" to pay for its crime? A modest fine of
a few thousand dollars divided up among ten defendants. "Farish paid
$1,000, or a quarter of one week's salary, for having betrayed
America."

In New Jersey, charges of "criminal conspiracy with the enemy" were
filed against Standard, then "dropped in return for Standard releasing
its patents and paying the modest fine." But Arnold, and his ally,
Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, weren't finished with Standard
Oil just yet. They approached Senator Truman, chairman of the Senate
Special Committee Investigating the National Defense Program. "With
great enthusiasm Give 'em Hell Harry embarked on a series of hearings
in March 1942, in order to disclose the truth about Standard."

Between the 26th and the 28th of March, 1942, Arnold "produced
documents showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had literally
carved up the world markets, with oil and chemical monopolies all over
the map," according to Higham. (12)

Mintz and Cohen describe the confrontation:

"Four months after the United States entered World War II, the Justice
Department obtained an indictment of Exxon and its principal officers
for having made arrangements, starting in the late 1920s with I.G.
Farben involving patent sharing and division of world markets. Jersey
Standard agreed not to develop processes for the manufacture of
synthetic rubber; in exchange, Farben agreed not to compete in the
American petroleum market. After war broke out in Europe, but before
the attack on Pearl Harbor, executives of Standard Oil and Farben, at a
meeting in Holland, established a 'modus vivendi' for continuing the
arrangements in event of war between the United States and Germany -
although the arrangements interfered with the ability of the United
States to make synthetic rubber desperately needed after it entered the
war in December 1941. Rather than face a criminal trial, Exxon and the
indicted executives entered no-contest pleas - the legal equivalent of
guilty pleas - and were fined the minor sums which were the maximum
amounts permitted by law. A few days later, on March 26, 1942, the
Senate Special Committee Investigating the National Defense Program
held a hearing at which Thurman Arnold, chief of the Antitrust
Division, put into the record documents on which the [criminal]
indictment had been based, including a memo from a Standard Oil
official on the 'modus vivendi' agreed to in Holland. After the
hearing, the committee chairman, Harry S. Truman, characterized the
arrangements as treasonable." (13)

Another source book on this subject of US / Nazi corporate activities
is "The Secret War Against the Jews," by Mark Aarons and John Loftus.
Here is their version of the events:

"Before the war Standard of New Jersey had forged a synthetic oil and
rubber cartel with the Nazi-controlled I.G. Farben," which "worked well
until the United States joined the war in 1941. . . . Next to the
Rockefellers, I.G. Farben owned the largest share of stock in Standard
Oil of New Jersey. Among other things, Standard had provided Farben
with its synthetic rubber patents and technical knowledge, while Farben
had kept its patents to itself, under strict instructions from the Nazi
government."

Evidence which Thurman Arnold turned over to the Truman Committee,
which Truman would declare "treasonous," included "Standard's 1939
letter renewing its agreement, which made it clear that the
Rockefellers' company was prepared to work with the Nazis whether their
own government was at war with the Third Reich or not. Truman's Senate
Committee on the National Defense was outraged and began to probe into
the whole scandalous arrangement, much to the discomfort of John D.
Rockefeller, Jr. Suddenly, however, the whole matter was dropped.

"There was a reason for Rockefeller's escape: blackmail. According to
the former intelligence officers we interviewed on this point, the
blackmail was simple and powerful: The Dulles brothers [John Foster,
later Secretary of State, and Allen, later director of the CIA] had one
of their clients threaten to interrupt the U.S. oil supply during
wartime."

When confronted by Arnold on the Standard - Farben arrangement
"Standard executives made it clear that the entire U.S. war effort was
fueled by their oil and it could be stopped. . . . The American
government had no choice but to go along if it wanted to win the war."
(14)

July 13, 1944, Ralph W. Gallagher, attorney for Standard Oil, filed a
lawsuit against the U.S. government's seizure of the contested patents.
"On November 7, 1945, Judge Charles E. Wyzanski gave his verdict,"
according to Higham. "He decided that the government had been entitled
to seize the patents. Gallagher appealed. On September 22, 1947, Judge
Charles Clark delivered the final word on the subject. He said,
'Standard Oil can be considered an enemy national in view of its
relationships with I.G. Farben after the United States and Germany had
become active enemies.' The appeal was denied." (15)

One aspect of this Standard - I.G. Farben relationship, revealed in
testimony during the Patents Committee hearings, chaired by Senator
Homer T. Bone in May 1942, is of interest to those who seek direct
evidence of a conspiracy by big oil companies to suppress development
of synthetic substitutes to petrochemical products such as industrial
chemicals, aircraft lubricants and fuel, all of which can be made from
hemp:

"On May 6th, John R. Jacobs, Jr., of the Attorney General's department,
testified that Standard had interfered with the American explosives
industry by blocking the use of a method of producing synthetic
ammonia. As a result of its deals with Farben, the United States had
been unable to get the use of this vital process even after Pearl
Harbor. Also, the United States had been restricted in techniques of
producing hydrogen from natural gas and from obtaining paraflow, a
product used for airplane lubrication at high altitudes. . . ."

On August 7th, "Texas oil operator C.R. Starnes appeared to testify
that Standard had blocked him at every turn in his efforts to produce
synthetic rubber after Pearl Harbor. . . ."

On August 12th, "John R. Jacobs reappeared in an Army private's uniform
(he had been inducted the day before) to bring up another disagreeable
matter: Standard had also, in league with Farben, restricted production
of methanol, a wood alcohol that was sometimes used as motor fuel."
(16)

The restriction against methanol production apparently did not apply to
the Nazis, however. "As late as April 1943," Higham reveals, "General
Motors in Stockholm [Sweden] was reported as trading with the enemy. .
. . Further
documents show that, as with Ford, repairs on German army trucks and
conversion from gasoline to wood-gasoline production were being handled
by GM in Switzerland." (17)

The use of hemp as a source of methanol was known to the Nazis,
revealed in the pamphlet "The Humorous Hemp Primer," published in
Berlin, also in 1943. This document, recently re-published in the 1995
edition of "Hemp and the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No
Clothes," by veteran hemp conspiracy researcher Jack Herer, states
that:

"Crops should not only provide food in large quantities, they can
provide raw materials for industry. . . . Among such raw materials of
especially high value is hemp . . .

"The woody part of this large plant is not to be thrown out, since it
can easily be used for surface coatings for the finest floors. It also
provides paper and cardboard, building materials and wall paneling.
Further processing will even produce wood sugar and wood gas. . . .

"Anyone who grows hemp today need not fear a lack of a market, because
hemp, as useful as it is, will be purchased in unlimited amounts." (18)

The Nazis obviously considered hemp a vital war material that could be
used to produce methanol, or "wood gas," at the same time, in 1943,
that Du Pont-controlled General Motors in Switzerland was "converting
from gasoline to wood-gasoline production." This, taken into
consideration along with the earlier statement that Standard Oil-I.G.
Farben had "restricted production of methanol" and the GM-Standard
Oil-I.G. Farben joint venture, Ethyl, Inc., whose profitability
depended on the production of lead-tetraethyl for oil-based
petrochemical gasoline - in direct competition with the alternative
methanol, or "wood gas," certainly opens new avenues of investigation
into the existence of a conspiracy against hemp as an alternative, and
competing, industrial raw material, by these very same corporations
which sold America out to the Nazis for profit and control of world
resources and markets.

"Just after Pearl Harbor," writes Seldes, "the Assistant Attorney
General, Mr. Thurman Arnold, issued a sensational report of the
sabotage of the national [war production] program, the first report
naming the practices which were later to be referred to as the treason
of big business in wartime. Said Mr. Arnold:

"Looking back over 10 months of defense effort we can now see how much
it has been hampered by the attitude of powerful basic industries who
have feared to expand their production because expansion would endanger
their future control of industry.

"Anti-trust investigations during the past year have shown that there
is not an organized basic industry in the United States which has not
been restricting production by some device or other in order to avoid
what they call 'ruinous overproduction after the war'." (19)

By "ruinous overproduction," of course, they meant free-market
competition. So, to question the existence of an industrial conspiracy
against competition, during the 1930s and 1940s, is pointless. It has
long been totally documented by volumes of evidence, available in the
public record. And among this list of convicted corporate conspirators
are murderers, racists, pro-Nazi collaborators, blackmailers and
American Fascists who plotted at least one armed take-over of the U.S.
government. And the list is not yet complete.

THE FORD MOTOR COMPANY

Henry Ford, writes Higham, "admired Hitler from the beginning, when the
future Fuhrer was a struggling and obscure fanatic. He shared with
Hitler a fanatical hatred of Jews."

"Ford's book 'The International Jew' was issued in 1927. A virulent
anti-Semitic tract, it was still being distributed in Latin America and
the Arab countries as late as 1945. Hitler admired the book and it
influenced him deeply. Visitors to Hitler's headquarters at the Brown
House in Munich noticed a large photograph of Henry Ford hanging in his
office. Stacked high on the table outside were copies of Ford's book.
As early as 1923," when Hitler heard that Ford was planning to run for
President, he "told an interviewer from the 'Chicago-Tribune,' 'I wish

that I could send some of my shock troops to Chicago and other big

American cities to help'."

As late as 1940, Ford Motor Company "refused to build aircraft engines
for England and instead built supplies of the 5-ton military trucks
that were the backbone of German army transportation." (20)

The Ford Motor Company was also aware of the potential of hemp as an
alternative industrial resource, devoting many years research to the
subject.

In a 1989 ABC Radio broadcast, Hugh Downs reported that in the 1930s,
"the Ford Motor Company also saw a future in biomass fuels. Ford
operated a successful biomass conversion plant that included hemp at
their Iron Mountain facility in Michigan. Ford engineers extracted
methanol, charcoal fuel, tar, pitch, ethyl acetate, and creosote - all
fundamental ingredients for modern industry, and now supplied by
oil-related industries. . . . Henry Ford's experiments with methanol
promised cheap, readily-available fuel." (21)

As reported in "Popular Mechanics" in December, 1941, Ford's research
represented "an industrial revolution in progress . . . a revolution in
materials that will affect every home." (22)

So, it is possible, even likely, that Ford and General Motors
conversion "from gasoline to wood-gasoline production" for Nazi
Germany, as earlier reported by Higham, involved at least some
consideration of hemp as a resource, if not actual production of
"wood-gas" from hemp. After all, Ford had already committed several
years and significant research dollars to the subject.

The implication of methanol fuel patents, hemp industry research and
production facilities, all in the hands of this cabal of Nazi-allied
American corporations, during a proven period of anti-competition
conspiracies, and wartime blackmail against the U.S. government, should
provide additional support for the hemp conspiracy theories. The fact
is that Nazi Germany recognized hemp as a vital war material - one
which, just before America's entrance into World War II, was positioned
to compete in the free-market against the products controlled by the
Pro-Nazi American corporations. Unrestricted expansion of United States
industrial hemp production threatened not only the profits of these
treasonous corporations, but the degree of their control over America's
production of vital war materials.

This view of hemp, not as a "dangerous drug" but as a vital war
material, was acknowledged by the Kentucky Legislature a little over
100 years before the Japanese sneak attack on Pearl Harbor. In 1841,
according to Professor James F. Hopkins, author of "A History of the
Hemp Industry in Kentucky," published by the University of Kentucky
Press in 1951:

"When the farmers of Woodford County [KY] assembled in October, 1841,
to consider a program of hemp production for the navy, they only went
as far as to express an opinion that the government should employ a
rope spinner in Kentucky for the purpose of converting the fiber into
yarns, which could be transported much more cheaply and safely than the
bulky raw material. The Committee on Agriculture of the Kentucky House
of Representatives inquired into the matter early in 1842 . . .

[jum...@my-deja.com]

"Both houses of the General Assembly sent to the Senators and
Congressmen from Kentucky a request that they use their 'best
exertions' to have established in the state one or more agencies for
the inspection and manufacture of hemp for the navy. A select committee
of Congress, appointed to consider the resolutions from Kentucky,
reported three resolutions of its own: that the navy be directed to
construct a factory at Louisville 'for the purpose of depositing and
manufacturing . . . such hempen fabrics of domestic water-rotted hemp
as the public service may require'; that inspectors be appointed to
test the fiber that might be offered for sale; and that, after due
notice to the public, purchase of the necessary amount of fiber be made
at the factory. The Committee contended that its plan would build up
during peacetime a source of hemp which would be vitally important in
case of war, encourage American agriculture and manufactures, and
decrease the unfavorable balance of trade." (23)

[NOTE: For many years we Kentuckians have had a good deal of our
heritage and history buried beneath a thick layer of propaganda from a
source of power and control in this country which knows neither honor
nor justice. Now, we are learning the truth. Our history as a state
built upon the foundation of a long- and dishonestly- outlawed industry
endures.]

INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH

Even after Pearl Harbor, ITT was working for the Nazis, reports Higham:
". .
. the German army, navy, and air force contracted with ITT for the
manufacture of switchboards, telephones, alarm gongs, buoys, air raid
warning devices, radar equipment, and thirty thousand fuses per month
for artillery shells used to kill British and American troops."

ITT also "supplied ingredients for the rocket bombs that fell on
London," and other devices as well, without which "it would have been
impossible for the German air force to kill American and British
troops, for the German army to fight the Allies in Africa, Italy,
France, and Germany, for England to have been bombed, or for Allied
ships to have been attacked at sea." (24)

In 1938, "following a series of meetings with Luftwaffe chief Herman
Goring, [ITT founder and chairman Sosthenes] Behn encouraged ITT's
Lorenz subsidiary to purchase 28 percent of the Focke-Wulf firm,
manufacturer of the bombers that were to sink so many Allied ships
during the war," according to researcher and author Jim Hougan. (25)

Anthony Sampson, in "The Sovereign State of ITT," reports on what is
perhaps the most bizarre aspect of the US/Nazi corporate partnership,
war reparations:

". . . ITT now presents itself as the innocent victim of the Second
World War, and has been handsomely recompensed for its injuries. In
1967, nearly thirty years after the events, ITT actually managed to
obtain $27 million in compensation from the American government, for
war damage to Focke-Wulf plants - on the basis that they were American
property bombed by Allied bombers." (26)

The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission was responsible for this
payment to ITT, and other U.S. corporations as well.

Bradford Snell reports that "After the cessation of hostilities, GM and
Ford demanded reparations from the U.S. Government for wartime damages
sustained by their Axis facilities as a result of Allied bombing. By
1967 GM had collected more than $33 million in reparations and Federal
tax benefits for damages to its warplane and motor vehicle properties
in formerly Axis territories . . . Ford received a little less than $1
million, primarily as a result of damages sustained by its military
truck complex at Cologne." (27)

ALLEN DULLES: ARCHITECT OF THE US-NAZI NETWORK

Contemporary history records Allen Dulles as one of America's top
spymasters, from his early days in the Office of Strategic Services
(OSS) in World War II, to his position as Director of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the 1950s and early 1960s (until President
John F. Kennedy fired him over the Bay of Pigs disaster in 1961), and
finally to his membership on the controversial Warren Commission, which
investigated President Kennedy's assassination. Until recently, his
pivotal role in promoting a U.S. corporate relationship with the Nazis
was little known. Loftus and Aarons describe the post-World War I role
of Allen, and his brother, John Foster, in the following terms:

"We first turn to Dulles's creation of international finance networks
for the benefit of the Nazis. In the beginning, moving money into the
Third Reich was quite legal. Lawyers saw to that. And Allen and his
brother John Foster were not just any lawyers. They were international
finance specialists for the powerful Wall Street law firm of Sullivan &
Cromwell. .
. .

"The Dulles brothers were the ones who convinced American businessmen
to avoid U.S. government regulation by investing in Germany. It began
with the Versailles Treaty, in which they played no small role. After
World War I the defeated German government promised to pay war
reparations to the Allies in gold, but Germany had no gold. It had to
borrow the gold from Sullivan & Cromwell's clients in the United
States. Nearly 70 percent of the money that flowed into Germany during
the 1930s came from investors in the United States, many of them
Sullivan & Cromwell clients. . .

"Foster Dulles, as a member of the board of I.G. Farben, seems to have
had little difficulty in getting along with whoever was in charge. Some
of our sources insist that both Dulles brothers made substantial but
indirect contributions to the Nazi party as the price of continued
influence inside the new German order. . . ." (28)

----------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS

1. Facts and Fascism, George Seldes, p. 122
Trading with the Enemy, Charles Higham, p. 167
2. Even the Gods Can't Change History, Seldes, pp. 140-144
3. Facts and Fascism, p. 68
4. Ibid., p. 262
5. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 162-165
6. Ibid., p. 166
7. Power, Inc., Morton and Mintz, pp. 497-499
8. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 163-165
9. The Plot to Seize the White House, Jules Archer, Hawthorn Books,
1973 (Quoted from It's A Conspiracy, National Insecurity Council,
EarthWorks Press, 1992, pp. 179-184)
10. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 167-168
11. Facts and Fascism, pp. 68-70
12. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 45-46
13. Power, Inc, pp. 499-500
14. The Secret War Against The Jews, Aarons and Loftus, pp. 44-65
15. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 61-62
16. Ibid., pp. 49-52
17. Ibid., p. 176
18. The Emperor Wears No Clothes, Jack Herer, pp. 127-130
19. One Thousand Americans, Seldes, pp. 142-143
20. Trading with the Enemy, pp. 154-156
21. Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do, p. 734
22. Popular Mechanics Magazine, Vol. 76, No. 6, Dec. 1941
(The Emperor Wears No Clothes, 1995 edition, p. 199)
23. A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky, Professor James F.
Hopkins,
University of Kentucky Press, 1951
24. Trading with the Enemy, p. 99
25. Spooks, Jim Hougan, pp. 423-424
26. The Sovereign State of ITT, Anthony Sampson, p. 47
(Power, Inc., pp. 500-501)
27. GM and the Nazis, by Bradford C. Snell, Ramparts Magazine, June
1974,
pp. 14-16 (Democracy for the Few, Michael Parenti, pp. 91-92)
28. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 55-60

----------------------------------------------------------------------

THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER

"The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the
people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes
stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in essence, is
fascism - ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by
any other controlling power.

"Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in
history is growing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1)

As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance during
World War II was the result of substantial American investment in
post-World War I Germany. In order to protect these investments, and
the accumulating profits, the U.S. multinational corporations remained
an important part of the Nazi war machine until the final defeat of
Germany in 1945. What effect did the end of World War II have on this
faction of American Nazi collaborators?

In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from recently
de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction, rather than facing
charges of high treason, became an integral part of the United States
national security apparatus, extending its fascist influence in both
foreign and domestic policies and, in effect, creating what has been
referred to as America's "Invisible Government." The excuse, of course,
was Communism.

THE BUGGING OF WALL STREET

Aarons and Loftus' research, which documents the Dulles brothers'
pro-Nazi activities, did not go unnoticed. "Before his death, former
Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the authors an
interview. Justice Goldberg had served in U.S. intelligence during
World War II. Although he said little in public, he had collected
information on the Dulles boys' activities over the years. His verdict
was blunt. 'The Dulles brothers were traitors.' They had betrayed their
country, by giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war." (2)

Much of what is now known about the activities of the Dulles brothers
and other American Nazi collaborators in banking and industry came as a
result of a top-secret joint U.S.-British intelligence program known as
the Ultra Project. "Prior to the United States' entry into the war,"
write Loftus and Aarons, "Roosevelt permitted British intelligence to
wiretap American targets.

"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the area of
coverage included a good bit of the New York financial district,
several floors of Rockefeller Plaza, part of the RCA Building, two
prominent clubs, and various shipping firms. . . .

"The wiretap unit reported to Sir William Stephenson, a Canadian
electronics genius better known by his code name, 'Intrepid.' From his
headquarters in the Rockefeller building, Stephenson's job was to
identify U.S. companies that were aiding the Nazis." (3)

"Several months before the United States declared war," continue Loftus
and Aarons, "Bill Donovan invited Allen Dulles to head up the New York
branch of the Office of the Coordinator of Information (COI), President
Roosevelt's new intelligence agency and the precursor to the Office of
Strategic Services (OSS). Its primary mission was to collect
information against the Nazis and their collaborators. In other words,
Dulles was asked to inform on his own clients in New York. . . ."

"Roosevelt had approved his selection as head of the COI Manhattan
branch because he wanted Dulles where the British wiretappers could
keep an eye on him. . . .

"One floor below Dulles was Stephenson's wiretap shop. Inside Dulles's
operation was one of Roosevelt's spies, Arthur Goldberg . . ." who,
"confirmed . . . that Dulles's appointment was a setup. . . .

"Roosevelt was giving Dulles enough rope to hang himself. From
Stephenson's Manhattan wiretaps, it is known that Dulles was continuing
to work with his German business clients, who wanted to remove Hitler
and install a puppet of their own who would make peace with the West
while forging an alliance against Stalin. It was to be a kinder,
gentler Third Reich, favorably disposed to American financial
interests. . . . (4)

"The wiretap evidence against Dulles originally was collected by a
special section of Operation Safehaven, the U.S. Treasury Department's
effort to trace the movement of stolen Nazi booty towards the end of
the war. Roosevelt and Treasury Secretary Henry Morganthau had set up
Dulles by giving him the one assignment - intelligence chief in
Switzerland - where he would be most tempted to aid his German clients
with their money laundering."

Roosevelt had one thing in mind: "The sudden release of the Safehaven
intercepts would force a public outcry to bring treason charges against
those British and American businessmen who aided the enemy in time of
war." Among the targets were Allen Dulles, Henry Ford, and other U.S.
industrialists. (5)

The plan failed, however, due to Dulles being "tipped off . . . that he
was under surveillance" in time to cover his tracks. One possible
source of the leak was Vice President Henry Wallace, "who constantly
shared information with his brother-in-law, the Swiss minister in
Washington during the war."

"Wallace," the authors reveal, "gave many details of his secret
meetings with Roosevelt to the Swiss diplomat." The problem was that,
at the time, the Nazis "had recruited the head of the Swiss secret
service."

It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Roosevelt dropped Wallace during
the 1944 election, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman as his new
running mate. (6)

THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY

"After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad," write Loftus and Aarons,
"various Nazi businessmen realized they were on the losing side and
made plans to evacuate their wealth. The Peron government in Argentina
was receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms, and Dulles helped
it hide the money. . . .

"The Guinness Book of Records lists the missing Reichsbank treasure
[estimated at $2.5 billion dollars] as the greatest unsolved bank
robbery in history. Where did it go? . . . .

"According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was simply shipped a
very short distance across Austria and through the Brenner Pass into
Italy. Dulles's contacts were waiting at the Vatican. The
German-Vatican connection was how Allen Dulles and the Nazi
industrialists planned to get away with it. . . ." (7)

The effort was successful, according to the authors, who state that the
"vast bulk of the wealth of the Nazi empire" which "disappeared before
the end of World War II" reappeared "within a decade in the hands of
the same men who financed Hitler's war against the Jews. Allen Dulles's
clients were not defeated, only inconvenienced." The authors identify
two of Dulles's accomplices as James Jesus Angleton and his father,
Hugh Angleton. The Angletons were members of X-2, the OSS
counterintelligence branch in Italy, in 1943.

Like Dulles, Hugh Angleton was financially involved with Axis powers.
He was the European representative for National Cash Register in Italy
before the war and business associate of Dulles. When World War II
broke out, the authors write,

". . . Angleton was crushed financially as all his investments were in
enemy hands.

"Like Dulles's clients, he wanted his money back. Like Dulles, Hugh
offered his services to the OSS." With high-placed contacts in
Mussolini's Interior Ministry, Hugh was accepted and "promoted rapidly
in U.S. intelligence. He became second in command to Colonel Clifton
Carter, the OSS commander in Italy at the end of World War II." (8)

Perhaps the most controversial information which is now emerging with
the release of recently declassified documents concerning World War II,
is the role of the Vatican, both in its pre-war German investments, and
its role in helping Nazi war criminals escape justice after the war.
Concerning the Vatican-German investments, Loftus and Aarons are quite
clear:

"That the Vatican encouraged such investments and even donated money to
Hitler himself cannot be denied. A German nun, Sister Pascalina, was
present at its creation. In the early 1920s she was the housekeeper for
Archbishop of the Vatican-Nazi connection . . . Eugenio Pacelli, then
the papal nuncio in Munich. Sister Pascalina vividly recalls receiving
Adolf Hitler late one night and watching the archbishop give Hitler a
large amount of Church money."

In addition, Eugenio Pacelli

"later convinced the Vatican to invest millions of dollars in the
rising German economy, money from the Vatican's land settlement that
ended the Pope's claim of sovereignty over territory outside the walls
of Vatican City. It was Pacelli who negotiated the Concordat with
Germany and then had to deal with the consequences of his own mistakes
when he became pope on the eve of World War II.

"The Vatican and the Dulles brothers had the same problem. Once their
money was in Hitler's hands, how would they get it back?"

The authors interviewed "a former colonel in U.S. Military Intelligence
who specialized in tracing enemy assets. He claimed that only a tiny
portion of the Reichbank's gold ingots actually reached the Vatican
Bank, while the rest was held in cooperative banks in Belgium,
Liechtenstein, and especially Switzerland." It was only necessary to
transfer the paperwork on the gold, not the gold itself. Since, by that
time, Dulles knew his telegraph communications were being monitored by
the British wiretap operation in New York, he instead used couriers to
"ensure absolute secrecy in moving the foreign currency and the
ownership documents out of Switzerland . . . special agents of the
Vatican who had diplomatic immunity to move back and forth across both
Nazi and Allied lines. . . ." (9)

". . . . The Vatican's eminence grise for Balkan intelligence, the
Bosnian-Croat priest Krunoslav Draganovic, was involved in transporting
large quantities of Nazi booty, especially gold bullion, from Austria
to the safety of the Holy See with the help of the Dulles-Angleton
clique in Rome. Some of the booty was transported in truck convoys run
by British troops. Other shipments were carried in U.S. Army jeeps
provided to Father Draganovic so that he could conduct pastoral visits'
on behalf of the Vatican.

"Another ardent Nazi propagandist and agent, Slovenian bishop Gregory
Rozman, was sent to Bern with the help of Dulles's friends in U.S.
intelligence. Declassified U.S. intelligence files confirm that Bishop
Rozman was suspected of trying to arrange the transfer of huge
quantities of Nazi-controlled gold and Western currency that had been
discreetly secreted in Swiss banks during the war. For a few months the
Allies prevented Rozman from gaining access to this treasure, but then
the way was mysteriously cleared. In fact, the Dulles-Vatican
connection had fixed it, and before too long the bishop obtained the
loot for his Nazi friends, who were hiding in Argentina.

"Such instances turned out to be only the tip of the iceberg. It has
long been acknowledged that it was Allen Dulles who tipped off General
Patton about the buried German treasure that lay in the path of the
U.S. Third Army. Patton explicitly urged General Eisenhower to conceal
as much of the gold as possible, but his advice was refused.

"Our sources claim that Dulles and his colleagues exerted a great deal
of influence to ensure that Western investments in Nazi Germany were
not seized by the Allies as reparations for the Jews. After all, much
of 'Hitler's Gold' had originally belonged to the bankers in London and
New York. The . .
. captured Nazi loot went underground. . . .

"In the cause of anticommunism, and to retrieve its own investments in
Germany, the Vatican agreed to become part of Dulles's smuggling
window, through which the Nazis and their treasure could be moved to
safety." (10)

On April 12th, 1945, Roosevelt died, and Truman became President. May
7th, Nazi Germany surrendered after the suicide of Adolf Hitler.
September 2nd, Japan surrendered.

World War II finally ended, but at the cost of more than 35,000,000
lives, over half that amount civilians. The death toll for the United
States was 294,000. (11)

A PLEDGE BETRAYED

"Dulles and some of his friends volunteered for postwar service with
the government not out of patriotism but of necessity," according to
Loftus and Aarons. "They had to be in positions of power to suppress
the evidence of their own dealings with the Nazis. The Safehaven
investigation was quickly stripped from Treasury . . . and turned over
to the State Department. There Dulles's friends shredded the index to
the interlocking corporations and blocked further investigations.

"Dulles had this goal in mind: Not a single American businessman was
ever going to be convicted of treason for helping the Nazis. None ever
was, despite the evidence. According to one of our sources in the
intelligence community, the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps had
two large 'Civilian Internment Centers' in Occupied Germany, code named
'Ashcan' and 'Dustbin.' The CIC had identified and captured a large
number of U.S. citizens who had stayed in Germany and aided the Third
Reich all through World War II. The evidence of their treason was
overwhelming. The captured German records were horribly incriminating.

"Yet Victor Wohreheide, the young Justice Department attorney
responsible for preparing the treason trials, suddenly ordered the
prisoners' release. All of the Nazi collaborators were allowed to
return to the United States and reclaim their citizenship. At the same
time, another Justice Department attorney, O. John Rogge, who dared to
make a speech about Nazi collaborators in the United States was quickly
fired. However, the attorney who buried the treason cases was later
promoted to special assistant attorney general.

"Dulles and his clients had won. The proof is in the bottom line. Forty
years after World War II, Fortune magazine published a list of the
hundred richest men in the world. There were no Jews on the list. The
great fortunes of the Rothschilds and Warburgs had been diminished to
insignificance by the Depression, the Nazis, and World War II.

"Near the top of the list were several multibillionaires who had been
prominent members of Hitler's inner circle. A few even had served time
in Allied prisons as Nazi war criminals, but they were all released
quickly. The bottom line is that the Nazi businessmen survived the war
with their fortunes intact and rebuilt their industrial empires to
become the richest men in the world. Dulles's clients got away with it.
President Roosevelt's dream of putting the Nazis' moneymen on trial
died with him."

England also failed to see justice done, according to the authors: "The
British authorities in Germany ordered the U.S. Army to release all of
the VIP British Nazis and hand over the evidence against them. Even
before Roosevelt's death, Churchill had already begun to withdraw from
his commitment to prosecute Nazis." The reason?" Too many British
industries might be seized as Nazi fronts. Too many upper-class
collaborators might have to be prosecuted. The Germans were defeated,
and the Soviets were now the enemy.

"Funding for British war crimes investigations suddenly dried up. Nazi
bankers such as Herman Abs were released from prison to work as
economic advisers in the British zone of Germany. The history of
British 'efforts' to punish Nazis after the war is aptly summarized in
Tom Bower's book, 'The Pledge betrayed'. . . .

"The pattern was repeated all over the remnants of the Third Reich.
Despite direct orders from President Truman and General Eisenhower,
I.G. Farben, the citadel of the Nazi industrialists, was never
dismantled. Dulles's clients demanded, and received, Allied
compensation for bomb damage to their factories in Germany. Only a few
of the top Nazis were executed. Most of the rest were released from
prison within a few years. Others, . . . would go virtually unpunished.
No one ever investigated the Nazi sympathizers in Western intelligence
who had made it all possible." (12)

As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with the
Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and even
received compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants. Some Nazi
industrialists were charged and convicted by the Nuremberg war crimes
trials but, in their book, "The American Establishment," authors
Leonard and Mark Silk observe that in the late 1940s "the United States
and its leaders faced an agonizing moral problem in coming to terms
with those German industrialists who had willingly done business with
the Nazis and who were now just as willing to do business with the
Americans in the reconstruction of Germany. The problem was dramatized
when those German industrialists who had been convicted of war crimes
at Nuremberg were all released from Landsberg prison in early 1951,
their sentences commuted by the American High Commissioner [of German
Occupation], John J. McCloy.

". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the blanket
release of the convicted industrialists was taken within Germany - and
by them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be seriously blamed
for their involvement in matters for which others were hanged or
suffered long imprisonment." (13)

The motivation for the mass release of imprisoned Nazi war criminals is
described in the book, "The New Germany and the Old Nazis," by T.H.
Tetens, an expert in German affairs.

Tetens observes that in "1950, when Washington showed its eagerness to
create a new German army of 500,000 men, the SS [at that time
reorganized into a neo-Nazi front group called HIAG, which stands for
'mutual assistance,' a so-called veterans organization], together with
the old Wehrmacht officers, started an all-out campaign for the
immediate release of all war criminals. It was a superbly organized
blackmail action, enjoying wide support from the public, from all
parties, and carried toward success by Dr. Adenauer's astute
maneuverings.

"The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the problem
with 'parole,' 'sick leave,' and other roundabout methods. The more the
U.S. High Commission in Germany showed leniency, however, the stronger
the pressure became: either 'all so-called war criminals are released
or there will be no German army.' American diplomats followed Dr.
Adenauer's plan to feed the nationalistic monster piecemeal. Every few
days we quietly released one or two more from prison - the Krupps, the
I.G. Farben directors, and dozens of former Wehrmacht Generals. On
friendly advice from Washington, the British and the French, extremely
reluctant, had to follow suit. When the supply dried up, there remained
behind bars only the SS, the mass murderers from Dachau, Belsen, and
Buchenwald, and the toughs from the Waffen SS who had massacred
American, British, and Canadian prisoners of war. This put High
Commissioner John McCloy in a most embarrassing position. . . ."

Tetens explains how Chancellor Adenauer helped High Commissioner McCloy
and the U.S. State Department avoid this embarrassment: Adenauer
"suggested the formation of a review board, with three German members
sitting in and having equal voice in making recommendations. The whole
procedure was to be shrouded in secrecy, and it was decided that the
names of those released should not be revealed to the public. In this
way the last few hundred 'poor devils,' those SS mass killers and
sadists, were quietly set free within two or three years." (14)

Christopher Simpson, in his extensively documented book on the subject
of U.S. recruitment of Nazis, "Blowback," goes into more detail of the
backgrounds of those released:

"The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all of the
convicted concentration camp doctors; all of the top judges who had
administered the Nazis' 'special courts'" and dozens of similar cases.
In addition, "McCloy's clemency decisions for the Landsberg inmates set
in motion a much broader process that eventually freed hundreds of
other convicted Nazi war criminals over the next five years. . . . By
the winter of 1950-1951 the most senior levels of the U.S. government
had decided to abrogate their wartime pledge to bring Nazi war
criminals to justice. . . . in the interests of preserving West German
military support for American leadership in the cold war. While nazism
and Hitler's inner circle continued to be publicly condemned throughout
the West, the actual investigation and prosecution of specific Nazi
crimes came to a standstill." (15)

One case merits special attention: Sepp Dietrich, "the organizer of the
Fuehrer's bodyguard. Dietrich carried out Hitler's personal murder
assignments" and, Tetens continues, "was in charge of the liquidation
of the Jewish population in the city of Kharkov. During the Battle of
the Bulge his troops committed the Malmedy massacre, killing more than
600 military and civilian prisoners, among them 115 American G.I.s. He
was sentenced to death, and the sentence was later commuted to life
imprisonment. In 1955 he was one of the last poor devils' quietly
released from prison and greeted by the Bonn government with the
homecoming pay of 6,000 marks." (16)

In a "New York Times" article published February 1, 1951, one prominent
American expressed support for the reduction of sentences for those
responsible for the mass murder of the 600 unarmed prisoners of war at
Malmedy, describing the decision as "extremely wise." The American was
Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican from Wisconsin.

Tetens observes that, despite the wide-spread fear by "the French, the
British, and the smaller European countries" of a re-militarized
Germany, "the outbreak of the Korean War (June 1950) brought a total
change. The provisions which banned all military and veterans'
organizations lost all their meaning and were no longer enforced.
Western Germany was allowed by the Allies to set up its own General
Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank Office. Supported by Bonn and
tolerated by the United States, a nation-wide network was created to
reactivate the experienced officers and the man power of the old
Wehrmacht. The short period of 1950-51 must be marked as the time when
Hitler's old officers, SS leaders, and [Nazi] party functionaries
returned to power and influence." (17)

Tetens' comment that the Nazi's return to power in Germany was
"tolerated by the United States" was a historical understatement. By
the time Tetens' book was published in 1961, hundreds of convicted Nazi
war criminals had already been smuggled out of Germany to avoid
prosecution at the war crimes trials at Nuremberg, recruited by, and on
the payroll of several U.S. government agencies, including the Army
CIC, the OSS, and the Office of Policy Coordination within the State
Department.

Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these Americanized
fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in, and in many cases in
charge of, many U.S. government covert operations -- international
weapons smuggling, drug cartels, Central American death squads, right
wing anti-communist dictatorships, LSD mind control experiments -- the
Republican National Committee's Ethnic Heritage Councils, and the
Presidential campaigns of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George
Bush.

THE GEHLEN ORGANIZATION

Probably the most influential Nazi to come to work for the United
States intelligence agencies during the Cold War was named Gehlen.

"Reinhard Gehlen," writes author Christopher Simpson, "Hitler's most
senior military intelligence officer on the eastern front, had begun
planning his surrender to the United States at least as early as the
fall of 1944." Of "several hundred" high-ranking Nazi officers who
switched sides at the end of World War II, Gehlen "proved to be the
most important of them all.

"In early March 1945 Gehlen and a small group of his most senior
officers carefully microfilmed the vast holdings on the USSR in the . .
. military
intelligence section of the German army's general staff. They packed
the film in watertight steel drums and secretly buried it in remote
mountain meadows scattered through the Austrian Alps. Then, on May 22,
1945, Gehlen and his top aides surrendered to an American
Counter-intelligence Corps [CIC] team." (18)

According to Tetens: ". . . [Gehlen] immediately asked for an interview
with the commanding officer . . ." and offered the United States "his
intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the priceless files for future
service."

Gehlen was sent to Washington and his offer was taken. "The
Pentagon-Gehlen agreement," states Tetens, "in practice guaranteed the
continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the German General
Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were quietly released
from internment camps and joined Gehlen's headquarters in the Spessart
Mountains in central Germany. When the staff had grown to three
thousand men, the Bureau Gehlen opened a closely guarded
twenty-five-acre compound near Pullach, south of Munich, operating
under the innocent name of the South German Industrial Development
Organization. . . .

"Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and bounds.
In the early fifties it was estimated that the organization employed up
to 4,000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly former army and SS
officers, and that more than 4,000 V-men (undercover agents) were
active throughout the Soviet-bloc countries. Gehlen's spy network
stretches from Korea to Cairo, from Siberia to Santiago de Chile. . . .
When the Federal Republic [of West Germany] became a sovereign state in
1955, the Bureau Gehlen was openly recognized as the official
intelligence arm of the Bonn government." (19)

How important was the Gehlen Org, as it became known, to the history of
the Cold War? Simpson's research documents that it was perhaps the most
significant element of all:

". . . . The Org became the most important eyes and ears for U.S.
intelligence inside the closed societies of the Soviet bloc. 'In 1946
[U.S.] intelligence files on the Soviet Union were virtually empty,'
says Harry Rositzke, the CIA's former chief of espionage inside the
Soviet Union. '. .
. . Rositzke worked closely with Gehlen during the formative years of
the
CIA and credits Gehlen's organization with playing a "primary role" in
filling the empty file folders during that period. . . .'

"'Gehlen had to make his money by creating a threat that we were afraid
of,' says Victor Marchetti, formerly the CIA's chief analyst of Soviet
strategic war plans and capabilities, 'so we would give him more money
to tell us about it.' He continues: 'In my opinion, the Gehlen
Organization provided nothing worthwhile for the understanding or
estimating Soviet military or political capabilities in Eastern Europe
or anywhere else.' Employing Gehlen was 'a waste of time, money, and
effort, except that maybe he had some CI [counter- intelligence] value,
because practically everybody in his organization was sucking off both
tits.'" (20)

By 'sucking off both tits' Marchetti is referring to the fact that
Gehlen's elaborate operation was penetrated by Soviet spies at the very
time it was our most important source of intelligence upon which the
Cold War was based. In fact, the Communists had infiltrated Nazi
intelligence long before Gehlen switched sides.

TRIPLE CROSS

"In each generation," write Aarons and Loftus,"Soviet intelligence
created 'anti-Communist' emigre front groups, ostensibly to foment
revolution and topple Bolshevism. The front groups attracted support
from the West. Considerable financial assistance was supplied and close
ties forged with various Western intelligence services. This enabled
the Communist double agents running the front groups to co-opt the
legitimate emigre opposition, splinter their leadership and provoke
them into premature and poorly organized rebellions which were easily
defeated. More importantly, the false front groups were a vehicle for
long-term Soviet penetration of Western society. . . ."

The authors identify one of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi Soyuz
(NTS), or the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented itself as a
group of anti-communist "moles" inside the Kremlin and, in the 1920s,
recruited a Communist agent named Prince Anton Vasilevich Turkel.
Turkel, who actually worked for Soviet Military intelligence (GRU),
went on to penetrate French, Japanese, Italian, British, German, and
even the Vatican intelligence services before the end of World War II.

"After World War II, Turkel worked for West German intelligence (the
Gehlen Org), collaborated with many of the spy services of NATO,
including the American Military Intelligence Service (MIS - for
offensive intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC -
for defensive purposes), the ultra-secret State Department Office of
Policy Co-ordination and the Central Intelligence Agency. . ." (21)

"Just before World War II began," according to the authors, "an
Austrian Jew named Richard Kauder created a secret intelligence
network, code named MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt -
Turkel's intelligence chief ["Unholy Trinity," Aarons and Loftus, p.
166] - "worked exclusively for Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the German spy
chief who collaborated with the Vatican and the British to topple
Hitler during the war [the group known as the Black Orchestra]."

The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of "so-called Fascist
Jews" who "were willing to spy against the Soviet Union, not for the
glory of the Third Reich but to save themselves and their families from
the concentration camps." The Max network was supposed to have had "the
only communication link to a secret network of 'White' Russian Fascists
inside the Kremlin [Turkel's NTS], who had supposedly infiltrated
Stalin's military headquarters prior to World War II." But, the authors
continue, "the Max network was not made up of Fascist Jews. They were,
in fact, Communist Jews who risked their lives inside the heart of the
Third Reich's intelligence service."

The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding them false
intelligence on the capabilities and intentions of the Soviet Union,
leading "the Nazi divisions into a series of death traps on the Eastern
front." The Max double-agents were responsible for the Nazis defeats at
Stalingrad, "the giant battle of Kursk where Hitler's tank divisions
were slaughtered. The final sting," continue the authors, "was to
mislead Germany into believing that the Red army was on the verge of
collapse in 1944, when in fact the Soviets were preparing for the most
massive onslaught of the war.

"It would not be an exaggeration to say that the 'Fascist Jews' of the
Max network did more to defeat the German army than all the Western
intelligence services combined. Seventy percent of all Hitler's
divisions were destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as a result of
the misleading intelligence supplied by Max." (22)

When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen Dulles ordered
the ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the Max network." Gehlen already had
plans to do just that, intending "to make Turkel's Max network the
centerpiece of his new West German intelligence agency. As soon as a
Republican president was elected in the United States, Dulles intended
to take over the CIA and make Gehlen and Turkel the heart of his
anti-Soviet network. The Soviets, of course, were delighted as they
watched Dulles and Gehlen attempt to plant a Communist spy ring in the
heart of Western intelligence. . . .

". . . [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided that the whole thing
had been a giant Soviet-controlled operation. Dozens of operations,
hundreds of agents, thousands of innocent civilians had been betrayed.
. . .

". . . [T]hree years after Dulles became head of CIA in 1953, his pet
'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA codes to start the Hungarian
uprising prematurely. Thousands of innocent Hungarians rushed on to the
streets of Budapest to start the revolution. Instead of American
paratroopers dropping supplies, they found Soviet tanks waiting in the
suburbs."

By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was almost total: "U.S.
Military Intelligence admitted to the National Security Council that it
did not have a single network of couriers or safe houses left in
Communist territory, apart from East Germany. Dulles's Nazi 'freedom
fighters' had sold him out." (23)

COLD WARRIORS

It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude of the United
States military-intelligence establishment after the end of World War
II: "Any bastard as long as he was anti-Communist." Rositze, the
"former head of secret operations inside the USSR" for the CIA, was
correct. (24)

We have seen that many Nazis - including those who committed atrocities
- returned to positions of power and influence inside Germany after the
war. Unknown until fairly recently was the extent of Nazi recruitment
by U.S. intelligence agencies and political organizations, in the 1940s
and 1950s.

Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi recruitment is that of
Project Paperclip, which involved the collection of Nazi rocket
scientists and facilities, all of which were later incorporated into
the U.S. Space Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S. State
Department in the 1940s is another well-known incident. Barbie, head of
the Gestapo in Lyons, France, was known as the "Butcher of Lyons" and
was sought by the French Government for atrocities committed against
French Resistance fighters captured by the Nazis. Barbie was recruited
as a U.S. intelligence "asset" in 1947 by one branch of the State
Department's Counter-intelligence Corps (CIC), while another branch,
the Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British project, was trying
to put him in prison for war crimes.

Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus, "Barbie's employment (and
protection) by the Americans began to reach French newspapers and
politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn brought increasing
pressure on the U.S. government through publicity and eventually
through official notes requesting Barbie's extradition from Germany.
That, in the final analysis, is why the CIC chose to provide Barbie
with a new identity and safe passage to Argentina in 1951, while
thousands of other ex-Nazis who had been 'of interest' to the CIC at
one time or another have simply lived out their lives in Germany. If
the CIC had dumped Barbie when the French government began requesting
his extradition, he would have had plenty of compromising things to say
about the CIC. . ." (25)

But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian authorities in the
early 1980s, and returned to France to face charges of war crimes, the
U.S. government was forced to conduct an investigation into the Barbie
affair. The official position? ". . . [T]his investigation concluded
that the United States had indeed protected Barbie in Europe and
engineered his escape but that Barbie was the only such Nazi who had
been assisted in this fashion." (26)

As documented previously, this statement was false. Hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of Nazis were employed by the several U.S. agencies, from
the CIC to the CIA, and used in covert operations overseas, as our
first line of defense against Communism. Others, equally as guilty of
wartime atrocities, were brought into the United States for domestic
political purposes. This aspect of the U.S.-Nazi connection is
well-documented, and deserves closer attention by the mainstream press.

One of the first researchers to reveal the connections between the U.S.
government and the Nazis, was a lady named Mae Brussell of Carmel,
California. Her career as a conspiracy researcher and host of the
weekly radio program "World Watchers International" began with the
Kennedy assassination. "In ferreting out every morsel from the Warren
Report," writes Jonathan Vankin, author of the book "Conspiracies,
Cover-ups and Crimes," "supplementing her research with untold amounts
of reading from the 'New York Times' to 'Soldier of Fortune,' Brussell
discovered not merely a conspiracy of a few renegade CIA agents,
Mafiosi, and Castro haters behind Kennedy's death, but a vast,
invisible institutional structure layered into the very fabric of the
U.S. political system.

"Comprising the government within a government were not just spies,
gangsters, and Cubans, but Nazis. Mae found that many of the commission
witnesses -- whose testimony established Oswald as a lone nut' -- had
never even spoken to Oswald, or knew him only slightly. The bulk of
them were White Russian emigres living in Dallas. Extreme in their
anti-Communism, they were often affiliated with groups set up by the SS
in World War II -- Eastern European ethnic armies used by the Nazis to
carry out their dirtiest work.

[jum...@my-deja.com]

"Brussell also discovered an episode from history rarely reported in
the media, and not often taught in universities. Those same
collaborationist groups were absorbed by United States intelligence
agencies. They hooked up with the spy net of German General Reinhard
Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."

"'This is a story of how key Nazis . . . anticipated military disaster
and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in
the West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She didn't author too many
articles, but this one, 'The Nazi Connection to the John F. Kennedy
Assassination' (in 'The Rebel,' a short-lived political magazine
published by 'Hustler' impresario Larry Flynt), was definitive, albeit
convoluted.

"'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963, when John
Kennedy was struck down,' Brussell's article continued. 'And it is a
story with an aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of Fascism.'"

Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in Spring of 1988, after
receiving a death threat from a "man who is said to have identified
himself as 'a fascist and proud of it.'"

The last project she worked on, before her death from cancer on October
3, 1988, writes the author, "was a study of Satanic cults -- within the
U.S. military. The hidden fascist oligarchy had progressed far beyond
the need for patsies like Oswald. They were now able, Brussell
asserted, to hypnotically program assassins.

"Satanic cults are the state of the art in brainwashing. With drugs,
sex, and violence, they strip any semblance of moral thought. They are
perfect for use in creating killers. The United States military,
Brussell found, was using them." (27)

----------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER

1. One Thousand Americans, George Seldes, p. 5-6
2. The Secret War Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons, p. 71
3. Ibid., pp. 73-74
4. Ibid., pp. 75-76
5. Ibid., p. 77
6. Ibid., p. 78
7. Ibid., pp. 79-80
8. Ibid., pp. 82-83
9. Ibid., pp. 84-85
10. Ibid., pp. 85-86
11. Tragedy and Hope, Prof. Carrol Quigley, p. 827
12. Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 100-102
13. The American Establishment, Leonard and Mark Silk, p. 249
14. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, T.H. Tetens, pp. 99-102
15. Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects on the Cold
War, Christopher Simpson, pp. 191-192
16. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, p. 103
17. Ibid., pp. 112-113
18. Blowback, pp. 40-41
19. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, pp. 42-43
20. Blowback, pp. 54-55
21. Unholy Trinity, Mark Aarons and John Loftus, pp. 151-152
22. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 135-136
23. Ibid., pp. 151-152
24. Blowback, p. 159
25. Ibid., pp. 187-189
26. Ibid., pp. 192-193
27. Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes, Jonathan Vankin, pp. 101-104

----------------------------------------------------------------------

RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon.
To do so we must return to the years just after the end of World War II
and, of course, a man named Dulles.

The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only
be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career also began
with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:

"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard
Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer
temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The
documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing,
"former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel,
Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's principal
Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records
regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war
Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped
peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"

The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his
Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an
anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests
in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud
[King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian- American Oil Company].
If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him,
including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval
Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records."

According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young
navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon
would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles
"arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against
Jerry Voorhis." (1)

Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman
congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable
embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government
files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was
allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing
and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in
Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be
useful after Dewey became president." [He would be useful anyway,
despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won reelection in
1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)

After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's
mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received
volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman
administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in
his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his
next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the
investigations away from the intelligence community.

"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the
reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the
State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank
Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre
networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and
finally Dulles.

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United
States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The
Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One
Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase
'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's
narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was
the demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans
formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the
'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World War
II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries,
the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of Central and
Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political
and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres
supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest
means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a
significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"

The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired
one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former
member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey.
But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political
organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning,
the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles
and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist .
. ." (3)

This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because
both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to
Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When
[Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was
determined to build his own ethnic base.

"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews in
American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign
language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a
ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European
ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic
subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the
leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive
for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the
Jewish vote for the Democrats.

"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican
National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power
by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the
committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration
laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded
into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As
vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White
House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new
home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.

"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he
would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party.
Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during
presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972
election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican
National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of
the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other
Fascist organizations." (4)

The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms:
"Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential
campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the
Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally
supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957."
(5)

One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor,
described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's
Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was
a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi
Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.

"[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved
Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not
surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the
council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist
organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in
droves.

"The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre
Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head
of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends of
the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an organization
dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed
them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer
meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)

"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor
again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a
marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the
Republican National Committee's nationalities director. . . .

"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense.
[Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's Nazis
appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the November 1971
convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious
head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime
activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed him for
his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had
been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war with the United
States.

". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist
movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to let the
German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican
administration changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS
could immigrate to the United States as long as they claimed only to
have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front." (7)

The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert
J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High
Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and
Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the
Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We
recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known,
Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers'
emissary) and many others.

"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter
staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern
California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where
there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich.
America has for a long time harbored this dark side of its character,
one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.

"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was
the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda
films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night,
and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as
one of them wrote." (8)

"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who
were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret
rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a
Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the
darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be
disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with
George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage
control.

"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research
Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II
opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon
administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be
gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer
from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly
part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are
represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish
heritage groups. . . .

"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no one
knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the top
emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their
friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to
Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ." (9)

It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party
Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of
having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a
matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the
Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds,
money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the
political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the
involvement of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination
of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and
many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to
open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by
the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by
his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

1. The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221
2. Ibid., pp. 221-222
3. Ibid., pp. 222-223
4. Ibid., pp. 122-123
5. Ibid., pp. 224-225
6. Ibid., pp. 297-298
7. Ibid., pp. 298-299
8. High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone,
pp. 417-418
9. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-301

----------------------------------------------------------------------

GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH

Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp
president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon. And,
like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the Nazis
in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was a Bush
family tradition which goes back more than six decades and, once again,
to Allen Dulles.

Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well
before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when the
Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making their
deals with the Nazis. . . ."

THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION

"George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and maternal
grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St. Louis, who
founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker and Company in
1900. Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the prestigious
address of 1 Wall Street. . . .

"Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in the
United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924, when
Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler's infant
Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were American
contributors as well.

"Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to Germany
through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because they
supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for profit more
than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi Germany in the
1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of the German economic
recovery. . . .

"Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding Germany.
According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher Simpson's seminal
history of the politics of genocide and profit, Brown Brothers,
Harriman was another bank that specialized in investments in Germany.
The key figure was Averill Harriman, a dominating figure in the
American establishment. . . .

"The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman & Company. The link
between Harriman & Company's American investors and Thyssen started in
the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which began trading
in 1924. In just one three-year period, the Harriman firm sold more
than $50 million of German bonds to American investors. 'Bert' Walker
was Union Banking's president, and the firm was located in the offices
of Averill Harriman's company at 39 Broadway in New York.

"In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott Bush.
It was the sort of favor families do to help their children make a
start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly. Walker made
Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem was that
Walker's specialty was companies that traded with Germany. As Thyssen
and the other German industrialists consolidated Hitler's political
power in the 1930s, an American financial connection was needed.
According to our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi
money-laundering machine. . . .

"In [1931], Harriman & Company merged with a British-American
investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush
became one of the senior partners of the new company, which relocated
to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39 Broadway. But in
1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the board of directors of
Union Banking.

"Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American operations
of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's Nazi espionage
unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled in German agents,
propaganda, and money for bribing American politicians to see things
Hitler's way. The holding company was Walker's American Shipping &
Commerce, which shared the offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking.
In an elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in American
Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the
Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors
of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush.
. . .

". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine
general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman for having
the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to
exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .

". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's
'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda
efforts both in Germany and the United States.' Walker did not know it,
but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the whistle
on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best sources,
became Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up the pretense
of being an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to Naval
Intelligence on the shipping company's deals with Nazi intelligence.

"Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush
hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had considerable
expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was Allen Dulles. According
to Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell, his first relationship
with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June 18, 1936. In January 1937
Dulles listed his work for the firm as 'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil]
Investing stock.'

"As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had completed a
major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G. Farben. By the
end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his cloaking activities into
one client account: 'Brown Brothers Harriman-Schroeder Rock.'
Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank on whose board Dulles sat. The
'Rock' were the Rockefellers of Standard Oil, who were already coming
under scrutiny for their Nazi deals. By May 1939 Dulles handled another
problem for Brown Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities Custodian
Accounts.'

"If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies Brown
Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he did not do a very good job.
Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington that affiliates
of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation for aiding the
Nazis in time of war. . . .

". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush continued.
Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned his plans to
enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army. It was, say our sources among
the former intelligence officers, a valiant attempt by an
eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.

"Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S.
government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the
United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares of
the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including those held by
Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy nationals. Union
Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown Brothers, Harriman, and
Bush handled the Harrimans' investments as well.

"Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story of
the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel. A few
days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland American
Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation --
also were seized. Then the government went after the Harriman Fifteen
Holding Company, which Bush shared with his father-in-law, Bert Walker,
the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-American Corporation. The
U.S. government found that huge sections of Prescott Bush's empire had
been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany and had greatly assisted the
German war effort." (1)

EDWIN PAULEY

"Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get away
from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather and
father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found that
the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even when he
fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on his own, he ran
into the pirates of Wall Street.

"One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party later
became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business. Edwin Pauley,
a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert agents in the
Roosevelt and Truman administrations . . . a 'big business' Democrat. .
. ."

Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the Democratic
National Committee, director of the Democratic convention in 1944 and,
after Truman's election, Truman appointed him the "Petroleum
Coordinator of Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union and Britain."

Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed
Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations Committee,
with the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and commercial
advisor to the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task was to
renegotiate the reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one
historian noted, the 'oil industry has always watched reparations
activities carefully.' There was a lot of money involved, and much of
it belonged to the Dulles brothers' clients."

At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,

"the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe for
their clients as well as for their own profit. They didn't want the
Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know that they
existed. Pauley played a significant role in solving this problem for
the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's industrial assets
was located in the zones occupied by the West's forces. As Washington's
man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive the Soviets for long
enough to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of the remaining Nazi
assets out to safety. . . .

"Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi
assets, then moved into another post where he could help them further.
After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist hands, Pauley was
given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and determining the amount
of its war debt.' Again, it was another job that was crucial to the
Dulles clique's secret financial and intelligence operations." (2)

After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an
independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he founded
Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes to expand
oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.

"Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum
reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican
Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too
low.

"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil
dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians.
Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while
advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil
fields. Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented an
intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later refined
in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one point CIA
agents used Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly, as a business
cover at the same time Pemex was being used as a money laundry for
Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the Mexican-CIA
connection played an important part in the development of George Bush's
political and intelligence career. . . .

"Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the threads
of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's business associate, a
front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA director then], and
originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to create a slush fund for
Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . .

"Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a
committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be
recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during the
Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national security'
cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate.
Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for Nixon that
they could never extricate themselves. According to a number of our
intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico
catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of
Richard Nixon, who was then running for president of the United States.
. . .

"The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard Nixon,
who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert planning for
the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has been rumored that Dulles's
client, George Bush's father, was one of the Republican leaders who
recruited Nixon to run for Congress and later convinced Eisenhower to
take him on as vice president. There is no doubt that the two families
were close. George Bush described Nixon as his 'mentor.' Nixon was a
Bush supporter in his very first tilt at politics, during his
unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1964, and turned out again when he
entered the House two years later.

"After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general house
cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he told John
Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush will do
anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's account, the
president told him that 'the place I really need you is over at the
National Committee running things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed George
Bush as head of the Republican National Committee.

"It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic' emigres
a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's State
Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the
ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key
states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican National Committee
exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972 drive to transform the
Heritage Groups Council into the party's official ethnic arm. The
groups Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were the emigre Fascists
whom Dulles had brought to the United States. . . .

". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several
respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same
ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach
program when he first ran for president.

"According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the
authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate investigations
might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the Republican party's
closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote Nixon a letter asking
him to step down. The day after Bush did so, Nixon resigned.

"Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's
resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN. Nelson
Rockefeller became vice president and chief damage controller. He
formed a special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's
investigation of the intelligence community. The Rockefeller Commission
into CIA abuses was filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office of Policy
Coordination] hands like Ronald Reagan, who had been the front man back
in the 1950s for the money-laundering organization, the Crusade for
Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters'
program." (3)

In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research
organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the subject
of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass media ignored,
overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical stories reported in
America's alternative press that raised serious questions about the
Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from his reported role as a
CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his Presidential campaign's connection with a
network of anti-Semites with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988."
(4)

----------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH

1. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361 2. Ibid., pp. 362-364
3. Ibid., pp. 365-371 4. The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News
That Didn't Make The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen,
Director., pp. 230.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

CONCLUSION

If, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered why
the U.S. federal government refuses to consider the medicinal and
industrial value of cannabis hemp, despite widespread and growing
support from the public, medical experts, industry leaders, and a
growing number of state legislators across this nation . . . you now
have the answer.

For the past several generations, Americans have been systematically
deceived about the true nature of cannabis hemp. Many Americans have
died - victims of political murders. Millions have been imprisoned,
their children and their property taken away, their futures destroyed.
The history of my own state - Kentucky - and others as well, have been
"sanitized," rewritten, our heritage deleted, our citizens defrauded
and impoverished to bury the truth.

And if, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered
why the U.S. federal government would train and finance Central
American death squads; or why, while waging the so-called "war on
drugs," the U.S. federal government would operate cocaine and heroin
smuggling operations around the world, bringing in tons of drugs to
places like Mena, Arkansas; or why the U.S. federal government would
"spread democracy" throughout the world by assassinating democratically
elected politicians - both at home and abroad - replacing them with
right-wing dictators and training their secret police in the latest
techniques of torture, terrorism, and mind control; or why the U.S.
federal government would conduct deadly medical and radiation
experiments on unsuspecting citizens - including pregnant women, the
mentally impaired, and children . . . you now have the answer.

The last question is "what are we going to do about it?"

BIBLIOGRAPHY (By section)

INTRODUCTION

* The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American Politics
- Second Edition, By Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler - Duxbury
Press, CA. 1972

* The Arms Bazaar: From Lebanon to Lockheed - By Anthony Sampson - The
Viking Press, NY. 1977

U. S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS

* Facts and Fascism - By George Seldes (Assisted by Helen Seldes) -
Sixth Edition - In Fact, Inc., NY. 1943

* Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot
1933-1949 - By Charles Higham - Delecorte Press, NY. 1983

* Even the Gods Can't Change History: The Facts Speak for Themselves -
By George Seldes - Lyle Stuart, Inc., NJ. 1976

* Power, Inc.: Public and Private Rulers and How to Make Them
Accountable - By Morton Mintz & Jerry S. Cohen - Viking Press, NY. 1976

* The Plot to Seize the White House - By Jules Archer - Hawthorn Books,
1973

* It's A Conspiracy!: The Shocking Truth About America's Favorite
Conspiracy Theories - By Michael Litchfield/The National Insecurity
Council - EarthWorks Press, CA. 1992

* The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The
Jewish People - By John Loftus and Mark Aarons - St. Martin's Press,
NY. 1994

* HEMP & the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No Clothes - By
Jack Herer (Editors: C. Conrad, L. & J. Osburn, E. Komp , and J. Stout)
H.E.M.P. (Help Eliminate Marijuana Prohibition), CA. 1995

* One Thousand Americans - By George Seldes - BONI & GAER, NY. 1947

* Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do: The Absurdity of Consentual Crimes
in a Free Society - By Peter McWilliams - Prelude Press, CA. 1993

* A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky - By Professor James F.
Hopkins - University of Kentucky Press, Lexington, KY. 1951

* Spooks: The Haunting of America - The Private Use of Secret Agents -
By Jim Hougan - First Bantam Edition - William Morrow and Co., NY. 1979

* The Sovereign State of ITT - By Anthony Sampson - Stein and Day, NY.
1973

* Democracy for the Few - By Michael Parenti - Fourth Edition - St.
Martin's Press, NY. 1983

THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER

* Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time - By Carroll
Quigley, Second Printing - Wm. Morrison, NY. 1974

* The American Establishment - By Leonard Silk & Mark Silk, First
Discus Printing - Avon Books (by arrangement with Basic Books), NY.
1981

* The New Germany and the Old Nazis - By T.H. Tetens - Random House,
NY. 1961

* Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazi's and Its Effect on the Cold
War - By Christopher Simpson - Weidenfeld & Nicolson, NY. 1988

* Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet Intelligence - By
Mark Aarons & John Loftus, First U.S. Edition - St. Martin's Press, NY.
1992

* Conspiracies, Cover-Ups and Crimes: From JFK to the CIA Terrorist
Connection - By Jonathan Vankin - Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing
Group, Inc., NY. 1992

RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

* High Treason: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy and the
New Evidence of Conspiracy - By Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward
Livingstone, Berkley Edition - Berkley Books, NY. 1990

GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH

* Censored: The News That Didn't Make the News - And Why - By Carl
Jensen - Shelburne Press, Inc., NY. 1993

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Dedicated to the principals of an open discussion of the issues.

Copy and distribute freely. Please credit direct quotations where
appropriate.

R. William Davis - Founder and Director, The Elkhorn Project

"Restoring Kentucky's Proud Heritage and Bright Future"

All email responses should be directed to: ra...@ka.net

[jum...@my-deja.com]

http://www.melvig.org/files/tech.html
-------------------------------------

Part II of This Age in Conflict

The SOURCE and TECHNOLOGY of ILLEGITIMATE POWER
The plan, I think, is the old one of world dominion in a new form . . .
the money-power and revolutionary power have been set up and given sham
but symbolic shapes ('Capitalism" or "Communism') and sharply defined
citadels ('America' or "Russia') . . . Such is the spectacle publicly
staged for the masses. But what if similar men, with a common aim,
secretly rule in both camps and propose to achieve their ambition
through the clash between those masses? I believe any diligent student
of our times will discover that this is the case. -- Douglas Reed

The art of music above all the other arts is the expression of the soul
of a nation, and by a nation I mean . . . any community of people who
are spiritually bound together by language, environment, history, and
common ideals and, above all, a continuity with the past. -- Vaughan
Williams

The Diagram:

<Picture>

We print the diagram above with its explanatory notes because we
believe that what the worldwide counter-revolutionary movement needs
more than anything else is a composite or total view of its field of
operations, as a corrective to the present appalling fragmentation.

Too often those who fight a common enemy on different fronts do not
even know each other, each convinced that he alone is fighting the real
battle against the real enemy; some wholly engrossed with economic and
monetary issues; others with drug abuse and pornography; some convinced
that any effort outside party politics is a sheer waste of time if not
counter-productive; some see it as a purely cultural struggle; others
as a religious struggle; and others again as a struggle that will be
won or lost in the universities, etc.

Meanwhile, there is good reason to believe that the problem of
fragmentation is already solving itself, as different groups and
individuals, defending various values, find themselves converging on a
more clearly identifiable enemy.

The message of our diagram should be self-evident. No matter how we see
our own immediate battle-front, let us not forget that the ultimate
enemy, the fountainhead of social and political evil in our times, is
an illegitimate Money Power which can survive and expand only by
exploiting the morally poisonous principle of usury.

Explanation of the Diagram

Center
Economics
Mass Media
Politics
Internal Policy
Foreign Policy
Culture
Science
History
Agitation
Religion

---------------------------------------------------------------------
THE CENTER: An illegitimate Money Power drawing its main strength from
usury; a global usurocracy: the Supercapitalist - Communist - Zionist
nexus.

The source of all great power in the 20th century is money, as in other
ages (like that of Alexander the Great) it was the possession of
superior fighting forces. And the source of power from all other
sources, is the morally indefensible principle of usury, the most
destructive single product of which is the issue of money for all
ordinary purposes as interest-bearing debt.

In the Holy Bible usury is condemned as "an abomination: not be
practiced on a brother." Usury is also defined as a means of gaining
power over others:

"And thou shalt lend onto many nations, but thou shalt not borrow: and
thou shalt reign over many nations, but they shall not reign over thee:
(Deuteronomy 15:16); and, ". . . thou shalt lend onto many nations, and
thou shalt not borrow. And the lord shall make thee the head, and not
the tail; and thou shalt be above only, and thou shalt not be beneath:
(Deuteronomy 28:12)

This is the Levitical priesthood speaking, not God of the New Testament
(see, Douglas Reed in THE CONTROVERSY OF ZION).

And upon the earth distress of nations, with perplexity . . . (Luke
21:25)

-------------------------------------------------------------------

ECONOMICS: A falsified science of economics and a fraudulent monetary
system.

What would be the first requirement of an illegitimate money power
secretly exploiting an evil principle, advantageous to itself and
antagonistic to the interest of the millions who labor to supply goods
and services?

Precisely what we have: a "science" of economics so complicated, so
labyrinthine and steeped in obscurity that it remains for vast numbers
of highly intelligent and well-educated men and women an intellectual
TERRA INCOGNITA.

This "science" has given rise to a monetary system progressively
concentrating in a few hands wealth of a magnitude hitherto
unimaginable, some of it in the form of money and possessions, but most
of it a most oppressive lien on the productive powers of mankind - of
which lien America's rapidly increasing national debt is only a tiny
portion.

Political policies inspired and informed by this pseudo-science have
been carefully calculated to grind the mass of mankind to the common
level of wage-slaves, preventing by a variety of means (progressive
income tax, death duties, inflation, etc) the emergence of powerful
independent individuals capable of serving as nuclei of popular
resistance.

The same arcane "science" of economics prevents those who work and
produce, the real generators of value, from understanding that
inflation - the progressive loss in the purchasing power of money - is
deliberate policy, being one of the unavoidable consequences of a
legalized form of theft (not unlike coin-clipping and counterfeiting)
whereby governments and those most favored by governments, including
major banks, are in possession of a grossly unfair share of things of
real value - that is, goods and services.

Far worse than usury on money already in existence is fiat money, money
created out of nothing, nearly always as interest- bearing debt.

The final battle for Christianity will be over the money problem, and
until that is solved there can be no universal application of
Christianity. -- Balzac

--------------------------------------------------------------------

MASS MEDIA: Ownership and control of main channels of access to the
public mind.

What would be another important requirement, of an illegitimate money
power secretly exploiting an evil, anti-social principle of conduct?
What could we reckon to be the second most important requirement?

Reply: The maximum possible control of all avenues of access to the
public mind - the newspapers and news magazines, the wire services,
radio and television, the book trade, access to the public platform.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn has encapsulated the truth about the media in
two short sentences:

"Such as it is, the press has become the greatest power within the
Western countries, more powerful than the legislature, the executive
and the judiciary; one would like to ask: by what law has it been
elected and to whom is it responsible?"

Malcolm Muggeridge puts it this way:

"Future historians will surely see us as having created in the media a
Frankenstein monster which no one knows how to control or direct, and
marvel that we should have so meekly subjected ourselves to its
destructive and often malign influence".

The press is, of course, very effectively controlled by those who own
it, as a British Royal Commission found. The simple answer to
Solzenitsyn's rhetorical question is that the press isn't elected at
all and is answerable only to those who own it, nearly all of them
sensitive to the requirements of a highly concentrated money power.

And how is the control of the media exercised? By several means:
FALSIFICATION, MISINTERPRETATION and SUPPRESSION - the last being
perhaps the most important of all, since it needs only a small quantity
of truth to overthrow a vast quantity of falsehood; not to mention
DEFAMATION which is the favorite weapon used against those who
challenge the monopoly of public misinformation.

Who ever knew truth to be put to the worse in a free and open encounter
-- John Milton

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POLITICS: Financial control and manipulation of party politics.

What next? Supplied with unlimited funds and the control of mass media,
what is the next most important requirement of an imperialism of
illegitimate money power?

In the Western world, obviously, the control of party politics, the
control of parliaments which make the laws; better still, the control
of chief executives, presidents, dictators, etc. who have been largely
FREED from the necessity of consulting parliaments.

There are two kinds of people who do not understand that "democracy" as
practiced in most of the countries of the West is a swindle:

1- Those who are so stupid and irresponsible that they do not even try
to understand; and,

2- Those who, participating in the modern party political fiasco, enjoy
the patronage of their country's secret rulers.

Immigration control policies in all Western countries (Britain, Europe,
the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand), policies obviously
in conflict with NATIONAL interest, are intelligible only as aspects of
a single, worldwide plan of population control - which can thus be
described as one policy severally applied, revolutionary and
conspirational in character.

As a result of the implementation of this policy, there have been mass
infusions of unassimilable population minorities into all the countries
of the West, some legally as immigration labor and many others under
the description of refugees seeking asylum from political persecution
in their ancestral homelands.

There is good reason to believe that this invasion of population
elements from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the West Indies,
etc, has been financed and organized as a geo-political operation
designed to disrupt the ethnic, cultural and political unity and
integrity of all the countries of the West, the main purpose being to
pre-empt any collective resistance to the planned new international
economic order.

The policy being applied simultaneously in so many countries has two
aspects: one OVERT and the other COVERT, the one in terms of what the
law allows and the other in terms of what the law is supposedly
powerless to prevent. A fraudulent device is thus used to circumvent
public opposition to the importation of unassimilable population
elements.

Simultaneously a strict enforcement of an ingeniously devised and
highly complex system of immigration regulations makes it almost
impossible for White persons born in the Third World (India, Sri Lanka,
Pakistan, West Indies, etc) to return to their ancestral homelands in
Europe. The West's White peoples are being boxed COLLECTIVELY but only
experience their imprisoned condition separately and INDIVIDUALLY -
hence the absence of collective awareness and response; it is only when
they want to move that they find out they are prohibited from doing 50.

The thesis here offered is that the immigration laws and procedures in
Western countries are separate components of a single global population
control plan, and that this plan is only an aspect of a money-powered
revolutionary operation that has been gathering force since shortly
before the turn of the 20th century.

Democracy as practiced today is a fraudulent misrepresentation wearing
the disguise of an "ideal". The masses will always be ruled by the few;
and only question ever to be settled is WHICH FEW. Those who rule will
always do so on behalf of a nation; the only question ever to be
settled is WHICH NATION.

The principles of true politics are those of morality enlarged; and I
neither now do, nor ever will admit of any other.

-- Edmund Burke

The main mark of modern governments is that we do not know who governs,
DE FACTO any more than DE JURE. We see the politician and not his
backer; still less the backer of the backer; or, what is most important
of all, the BANKER of the backer. Throned above all, in a manner
without parallel in all the past, is the veiled prophet of finance,
swaying all men living by a sort of magic. -- G. K. Chesterton

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INTERNAL POLICY: Undermining of private enterprise capitalism;
progressive state interference.

The mystery of mysteries of 20th century politics, an enigma all
mummified and wrapped in mystery, is the weird relationship of
supercapitalism, or international finance capitalism, and communism, or
Marxism.

These two quite indisputable facts of history, although not generally
known:

1- The Bolshevik Revolution in Russia could never have taken place
without massive financial support from the West, including Wall Street;

2- The industrial and military might of the Soviet Union is almost
entirely a creation of Western high finance and big business,
especially American.

Inside most of the countries of the so-called free or "non-socialist"
world precisely the same motives have been powerfully at work during
the greater part of this century, systematically undermining the
private-enterprise capitalist system, replacing it, piece by piece,
with elements of pure socialism. And not surprisingly, therefore, most
Western governments can be seen to be implementing in all kinds of ways
Karl Marx's own ten points of policy calculated to bring the whole
world under a socialist imperium.

What this means, quite simply, is that in the West the method of
socialist revolution by stealth had been chosen, as being more likely
to succeed, in preference to violent revolution as used in Russia and
elsewhere.

There can be no doubt, therefore, that those who control finance
capitalism in its greatest concentrations, often with governments as
their main clients, saw instantly in the Marxist doctrine and ingenious
method of converting great money power into political power, while at
the same time harnessing to their purpose all the energies of
supercapitalism's potentially most dangerous opponents, the
intellectuals. For Marxism gave them the means of presenting, in
idealistic and ideological disguise, motives of gross power appetite
which, for obvious reasons, cannot bear exposure.

This helps to explain why the politics of the super-rich is invariably
leftist, or socialist, and why their animosity is concentrated against
conservatives who, among other things, are dedicated to the
preservation of free-enterprise capitalism.

POSTSCRIPT: The dismal performance of state-owned enterprises has
stopped nationalization in the West, but private-enterprise capitalism
continues to wither as high-interest debt-financing draws ownership of
property and resources increasingly into the hands of large financial
institutions.

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FOREIGN POLICY: Financial and technological support for Marxist
regimes; hostility towards all forms of nationalism and anti-communism

It would be hard to imagine any worldwide news blackout to compare with
the suppression of information about the transfer of Western wealth and
technology to the Soviet Union. A few sentences from a statement made
by Dr. Antony Sutton on 15 August 1972, before one of the
sub-committees of the Republican Party at Miami Beach, Florida, and
TOTALLY BLACKED OUT by the wire services and the media, will have to
suffice:

"In a few words, there is no such thing as Soviet technology. Almost
all - perhaps 90-95 percent came directly or indirectly from the United
States and its allies. In effect, the United States and the NATO
countries have built the Soviet Union, its industrial capabilities and
its military power. This massive construction job has taken 50 years.
Since the Revolution in l9l7. It has been carried out through trade and
the sale of plant, equipment and technical assistance".

The details, fully documented, can be found in the massive three-
volume series, WESTERN TECHNOLOGY AND SOVIET ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT,
which Do. Sutton produced for the Hoover Institution, Stanford
University, California.

Another aspect of foreign policy which places an oppressive burden on
those who work and produce, mostly in the form of taxation and
inflation, is so-called "foreign aid" (or "aid to under-developed
countries", or "less developed countries"), which Professor P.T. Bauer,
of the London School of Economics, has correctly described as "a
gigantic confidence trick which impoverishes the poor in the developed
countries and enriches the rich in the under-developed countries".

In this way, an illegitimate money power further enriches itself and
promotes political purposes which bring no advantage whatever to those
who work and produce.

Some of these groups envisage the Third World as a weapon in what is in
effect an undeclared, one-sided civil war in the West. Some of these
groups have consistently and effectively promoted the cause of wealth
transfers from the West. -- P.T. Bauer

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CULTURE: Subversion of culture: (literature, art, music etc);
undermining of cultural institutions and traditions: (church, family,
nation, etc.) and traditions.

What more is needed to give an illegitimate money power the security IT
needs? Quite a lot, as we shall see.

Organ-transplant surgeons encounter a problem called "rejection" -
which means that the living organism is programmed by nature to reject
anything that does not truly belong; and the surgeon's answer to
"rejection" is immuno-suppressive drugs, which have the effect or
REDUCING the organism's vitality.

Likewise, before a population can be made to tolerate a system, or an
ordering of its existence, which it is instinctively programmed to
reject, means must be found to reduce it to a condition of attenuated
vitality. Winston Churchill showed that he understood this when, in an
article on the Bolshevik Revolution written in 1922, he stated that
there could be no world government as envisaged by the communists
except "on a basis of arrested development."

So, what has been done in our century to REDUCE mankind, especially
Western man, to a condition of "arrested development"?

Answer: Culture distortion - culturally subversive, hypnotic music like
the drug-linked "rock", disco and all the other similar types of
so-called "pop" or popular music; pornography; theater and cinema
ingeniously laced with debilitating ethical poison; the boosting and
encouragement of decadence in every imaginable form.

In short, the almost complete replacement of a people's own indigenous
cultural heritage with forms of entertainment calculated to plant
confusion and paralyze the will at source.

Cultural subversion is massively encouraged by the media of the money
establishment, the most degraded, drug-sodden "artists" being held up
as models to be admired and emulated by the young.

Music is uniquely related to the will. -- Schopenhauer

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SCIENCE: Falsification of science, especially anthropology and
psychology.

Science itself must be controlled and manipulated it is to be prevented
from placing obstacles in the path of an imperialism of illegitimate
money power. Truth in some of the academic disciplines - like
mathematics, physics, chemistry, geology, etc - these the money power
needs and must have, for obvious reasons; what it does not want and
must exclude at any price is truth which explains mankind to itself,
truth that LIBERATES and strengthens.

Scientific truths about the movement of heavenly bodies in renaissance
times were never more effectively falsified or suppressed than are the
genuine products of scientific inquiry today in all those disciplines
which explore man himself: anthropology, ethnology, genetics,
psychology, history - to name only a few.

The suppression and falsification, and attendant defamation of those
who refuse to submit, can be traced back to their source in the money
power, which finally decides who shall be appointed to a university
teaching post and who shall not, whose work shall be published and
whose condemned to neglect and oblivion.

Thus, instead of the honest anthropology of men like Professor Carleton
Coon, Sir Arthur Keith, Do. John Baker, we have the fraudulent
psychology of men like Carl Gustav Jung, William James, Thomas Szasz,
H.J. Eysenck, we have the vindictive, anti- Western and anti-Christian
swindle of Sigmund Freud.

Modern psychotherapy is not merely a religion that pretends to be a
science, it as actually a fake religion that seeks to destroy true
religion. -- Thomas Szasz

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HISTORY: Falsification and suppression of history.

Can people be fully and accurately informed about what has happened in
the past without being strengthened in their ability to cope with the
present? Of course not! It goes without saying that the falsification
and suppression of news goes hank-in hand with the falsification and
suppression of history, especially of recent history - since,
obviously, people will lose all confidence in the media if they
discover today that they were lied to or prevented from getting at the
truth five, ten or twenty years ago.

The control of written history - historiography - has become a major
feature of modern political warfare, in which it is those who don't
know or are wrongly informed who are overthrown.

Unless we know what happened in the past we cannot know what is
happening now - for it is only what happened in the past that gives
meaning to much of what is happening now. And if we don't know what
happened in the past and is happening now, we have no way of helping to
determine what will happen in the future, for ourselves as individuals
and for our community. Hence, as George Orwell puts it:

"Who controls the past controls the future; who controls the present
controls the past".

Control of the study of history in our time, especially the history of
our century, is exercised also by means of a system of intellectual
terrorism designed to suppress information of the kind that arms us in
our minds against an enemy whose great power in the world is little
more than a power to deceive.

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AGITATION: Incitement and support of internal communist revolutionary
activity.

There must be few countries in the world, if any, where the nexus
between the capitalist super-rich and a Marxist-Communist, supposedly
anti-capitalist, revolutionary underground has been more clearly
established than South Africa.

Likewise, there must be few places where it has been easier to study
that weird alliance of the circumcised and the uncircumcised - the
excluded, using their great newspaper chains to give the maximum of
sympathetic publicity to a communist revolutionary underground that has
always been overwhelmingly Jewish at the leadership level. The support
which the South relied on to give the leftist radicals was acknowledged
in one short sentence from communist underground leader Abram Fischer:

"Our press has done a wonderful job!"

This statement, which formed part of one of Fischer's regular analyses
of the revolutionary situation, clearly referred to the local
'capitalist" newspapers and reflected no more than what any intelligent
observer could see for himself.

The nexus between supercapitalism and communism has been harder to
conceal in South Africa than in most other countries, for the reason
that in South Africa there was no proletariat of the kind to be found
in most other industrially developed countries, no underworld of
snarling and envious drop-outs, no proletariat as prescribed by Marxist
doctrine and Leninist revolutionary science. Therefore, communist
revolution had to take the form of a "Black nationalist" exercise - and
the White activists found they had to do most of the insurrectionary
dirty work with their own hands, the blacks having proved to be
insufficiently motivated for elaborately planned operations of the kind
required.

And investigations have fully exposed unbroken lines of communication
and funding between the revolutionary underground in South Africa and
all the centers of great financial and political power outside South
Africa - on both sides of the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.

We see the present undeclared war against South Africa as only one
small portion of what Professor Bauer has dared to call "an undeclared
and one-sided civil war in the West" - a war aimed not only at White
people in South Africa but at ethnic entities and their cultures
wherever they may be. There is only one world-revolution in progress,
no matter from what quarter being promoted and directed, and all
peoples of Western European provenance, wherever they may live, are as
much the targets and intended victims of the revolution as the South
Africans.

The West has been crippled by a corrosive and corrupt ideology-morality
that causes our political-intellectual elites to declare themselves in
sympathy with and in support of the very elements that boldly proclaim
their goal to be the destruction of the West. -- Richard Clark

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RELIGION: Massive financial support for aberrant trends which have the
effect of secularizing and politicizing religion.

There can be no doubt that the greatest possible source of resistance
to illegitimate power is to be found in a people's religion, whose
central purpose it is to give the individual a spiritual and
intellectual form base from which to relativise all the pressures and
influences he encounters, and secure a deep-rooted sense of purpose and
direction.

Thus, religion, by whatever name it is called, must always be at the
core of a people's culture, nourished by and giving nourishment to all
the arts.

From which it follows that religious error must have the most
destructive consequences when exploited by powers whose purposes are
anything but religious.

All the more so when error is of a kind which, like today's social
gospel heresy, defeats religion's central purpose, and substitutes for
inner illumination a set of spurious brain-spun "ideals"
indistinguishable from those which activate Marxist trade union leaders
and unscrupulous politicians.

The result has been a secularization and politicization of Christianity
in the West, with the setting-up, at very great cost, of a worldwide
organization centered on the World Council of Churches.

To borrow an expression from the American poet Ezra Pound, "there is no
mediaeval description of hell which exceeds the inner filth" of the
mentalities of some of the ministers and prelates for whom every
species of cruelty and villainy is condoned, even incited, if
perpetrated under the banner of universalist political objectives
prescribed by the money power.

Not surprisingly, these same churchmen can be relied on to block "by
diseased will or sodden inertia: (Ezra Pound's words) any cleansing of
a monetary system that gives to them so much power and importance; they
will quote you the Bible on every sin in the calendar but never against
the fountainhead of every species of sin - the practice of usury.

Christianity holds at its core a symbol which has for its content the
individual way of life of a man, the Son of Man, and it even regards
this individuation process as the incarnation and revelation of God
himself. -- C.G. Jung

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THE COMMUNIST - SUPERCAPITALIST - ZIONIST NEXUS

The world is governed by very different persons to what is imagined by
those who are not themselves behind the scene. -- Benjamin Disraeli

Even the briefest survey of the forces which are shaping the history of
the 20th century, creating social and political conditions correctly
described by Spengler as "anarchy become a habit", would be incomplete
without a closer look at the relationship of those supposed mighty
opposites - capitalism and communism.

The key to the riddle is the word CAPITALISM. Most people, most of the
time, make the mistake of supposing that the word capitalism means one
thing; in fact, the word as commonly used has two sets of meaning, as
different as chalk and cheese. If we are to understand why governments
representing capitalist states adopt the most weirdly ambivalent
attitudes towards communism, we must first learn to separate in our
minds the two sets of meaning which that one word capitalism has been
called on to represent.

Thus, two words are needed: CAPITALISM meaning what that word
originally meant and what the dictionary says it means; and
SUPERCAPITALISM, meaning the wholly changed form of what was once
correctly called capitalism.

CAPITALISM as originally and correctly understood means private
ownership of property and resources and competitive free enterprise in
the supply of goods and services.

SUPERCAPITALISM, which can be defined as highly concentrated
finance-capitalism, is not only different from capitalism, it is the
antithesis of capitalism and sooner or later acquires the character of
being actively ANTI-CAPITALIST.

For it is not possible to continue CONCENTRATING ownership and control
of property and resources without at the same time REDUCING the number
of those who own and control property and resources. Likewise, there
can be no huge concentration of ownership and control without a
corresponding inhibition or suppression of competitive free enterprise.
What we have seen in the West is a progres

For it is not possible to continue CONCENTRATING ownership and control
of property and resources without at the same time REDUCING the number
of those who own and control property and resources. Likewise, there
can be no huge concentration of ownership and control without a
corresponding inhibition or suppression of competitive free enterprise.
What we have seen in the West is a progressive degeneration of
capitalism into a form of supercapitalism, or anti-capitalism, which
the less it resembles the original capitalism the more it resembles
socialism, or communism.

Just enough genuine capitalism has remained in most of the countries of
the West, and especially in the United States of America, to confuse
the picture and make it harder for most people to see that capitalism
has been largely replaced by what is essentially ANTI-CAPITALISM. In
other words, the weak and struggling capitalism that survives serves as
a camouflage for an all- powerful anti-capitalism which dominates both
economics and politics.

Modern supercapitalist regimes like that of the United States, and
communist regimes like that of the Soviet Union, have their differences
and their oppositions of interest but these are unimportant when
compared with what they have in common. Both are irreconcilably
antagonistic towards nationalism.

Therefore, BOTH ARE ESSENTIALLY REVOLUTIONARY, having set themselves in
fierce antagonism towards those political forms which are essentially
evolutionary.

Since NATIONALISM is inseparably joined to a people's cultural
heritage, it follows that all attacks on nationalism must include
cultural sabotage and subversion - which is what we see today on both
sides of the Iron and Bamboo Curtains, promoted with equal zeal by
supercapitalists and communists.

There is only one genuine nationalism they support and that is Zionism,
which is an internationally dispersed Jewish nationalism. Of course,
they also support all sorts of spurious "nationalism" which they
themselves set up and use, like "Black nationalism" in Africa, and even
these are nearly always heavily laced with Marxism.

The reason why Western supercapitalism lives in constant dread of
nationalism can be easily explained.

The fundamental issue in any state is whether or not there shall be an
authority superior to economics. Which shall rule - politics or
economics? And there can be no doubt that nationalism, in spite of all
the ailments to which it is heir, energized by the instincts and will
of the population, means that politics is the master and that
economics, no matter how important it may be, has been relegated to its
proper and natural subordinate status.

Since there is no way in which communism can be effectively resisted
and defeated except by nationalism, it follows that supercapitalism is
totally committed to co-existence with communism, and that
supercapitalism can have no other long range aim except that of
ultimate convergence with communism.

Likewise - and this is most important - there is only one political
weapon that supercapitalism can use against nationalism, and that is a
communist ideology that marshals the forces of the underworld and of
rootless intellectualism, holding them ready to be aimed like a
battering ram against any nationalist target.

An all-important factor with a binding and directing influence on all
the other components of the 20th century world-revolution is that of
Zionism, which can be described as a geographically dispersed but
intensely united and passionately motivated Jewish nationalism.
Paradoxically the Jewish people have come to the fore as a dominant
influence in world affairs at a time when most Jews attach little or no
importance to a religion which for close on two millennia was a
powerful binding force.

Professor Hannah Arendt puts it like this:

"Twentieth century political developments have driven the Jewish people
into the storm center of events".

The developments she describes correspond with the consolidation of
Jewish power and influence on a global basis, a process that has
continued at an accelerating pace since the turn of the century.

The essentially nationalistic character of Zionism is frankly admitted
by Jewish scholar Do. Gideon Shimoni, who writes:

"Zionism embodies a progressive nationalism comparable with socialism
according to the formula 'Socialist in content and nationalist in
form'".

What is that, if not NATIONAL SOCIALISM?

The world-revolution can thus be described as a struggle in which one
powerful nation is bent on the overthrow of all other nations.

No one must lightly dismiss the question of race; it is the key to
world history and it is precisely for this reason that written history
so often lacks clarity - it is written by people who do not understand
the race question, and what belongs to it. -- Benjamin Disraeli

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

A Guide to Further Reading

This guide covers books more directly of political concern and is far
from being comprehensive; the contents overlap considerably on various
subjects. Readers will find that most of the books listed below also
carry bibliographies. The present writer does not necessarily agree
with all the opinions expressed in each book listed here.

Under the heading of CULTURE shown on the previous pages and its
explanation in the pages that follow, the writer has drawn attention to
the subversion of cultural institutions through literature, music, art.
Although the list below does not give titles from the great works of
our literature - the Classics, Shakespeare, Milton, etc, down to our
own times - it is hardly necessary to state that here lies the richest
field of understanding, dealing as it does with all those values which
give meaning and purpose to existence for the individual and for
society.

Gary Allen, NONE DARE CALL IT CONSPIRACY.

Robert Ardrey, AFRICAN GENESIS.

Rosemary Ashton, LITTLE GERMANY: EXILE AND ASYLUM IN VICTORIAN ENGLAND

John Baker, RACE.

James Barros, NO SENSE OF EVIL: THE CASE OF HERBERT NORMAN.

P.T. Bauer. DISSENT ON DEVELOPMENT; EQUALITY, THE THIRD WORLD AND
ECONOMIC DELUSION; REALITY AND RHETORIC.

Ivor Benson, THE OPINION MAKERS; TRUTH OUT OF AFRICA; THE ZIONIST
FACTOR; THE BATTLE FOR SOUTH AFRICA.

Karl Borg & Kathleen Corbett, THE DESTRUCTION OF A CONTINENT.

Eric D. Butler, THE RED PATTERN OF WORLD CONQUEST.

Arthur Butz, THE HOAX OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY.

C.G. Campbell, RACE AND RELIGION

Roy Campbell, THE FLOWERING RIFLE.

C.O. Carter, HUMAN HEREDITY.

W.D. Chalmers, THE CONSPIRACY OF TRUTH.

Whitaker Chambers, WITNESS.

A.K. Chesterton, THE NEW UNHAPPY LORDS.

Henry Clark, A POLICEMAN'S NARRATIVE OF WITCHCRAFT AND MURDER IN
ZIMBABWE.

Richard Clard, TECHNOLOGICAL TERRORISM.

Doug Christle, THOUGHT CRIMES: THE KEEGSTRA CASE.

Carleton Coon, THE LIVING RACES OF MAN.

Earnest Sevier Cox, WHITE AMERICA.

Curtis B. Dall, FDR MY EXPLOITED FATHER-IN-LAW.

Donald Day, ONWARD CHRISTIAN SOLDIERS.

Leon de Poncins, JUDAISM AND THE VATICAN.

Herman Dinsmore, THE BLEEDING OF AMERICA.

Zygmund Dobbs, KEYNES AT HARVARD; THE GREAT DECEIT.

C.H. Douglas, THE MONOPLY OF CREDIT.

John T. Flynn, WHILE YOU SLEPT.

Joseph Finder, RED CARPET.

R. Gayre, ETHNOLOGICAL ELEMENTS OF AFRICA; THE ORIGINS OF THE
ZIMBABWEAN CIVILIZATION; THE SYRO- MESOPOTAMIAN ETHNOLOGY AS REVEALED
IN GENESIS TEN.

David Gilmour, DISPOSSESSED: THE ORDEAL OF THE PALESTINIANS 1917-1980.

Sir John Glubb (Glubb Pasha), MIDDLE EAST CRISIS; PEACE IN THE HOLY
LAND; THE LIFE AND TIMES OF MUHAMMAD.

Nahum Goldmann, THE JEWISH PARADOX.

Grace Halsell, PROPHECY AND POLITICS.

H2an Lih-wu, TAIWAN TODAY.

Roland Hungford, THE NEW TOTALITARIANS.

Michael Hurry, WHO HOLD THE BALANCE?

Elspeth Huxley, FOUR GUINEAS; THE SORCERER'S APPRENTICE.

David Irving, THE DESTRUCTION OF DRESDEN; HITLER'S WAR; UPRISING,
HUNGARY 1956; CHURCHILL'S WAR.

C.G. Jung, MEMORIES, DREAMS AND REFLECTIONS; MODERN MAN IN SEARCH OF A
SOUL; THE UNDISCOVERED SELF.

Sir Arthur Keith, A NEW THEORY OF EVOLUTION.

H.S. Kenan, THE FEDERAL RESERVE BANK.

Arthur Kitson, THE BANKERS' CONSPIRACY.

Stephen Knight, THE BROTHERHOOD.

Arthur Koestler, THE THIRTEENTH TRIBE.

B.A. Kosmin, MAJUTA: A HISTORY OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN ZIMBABWE.

Bernard Lazare, ANTISEMITISM.

Doris Lessing, THE GOOD TERRORIST.

Liberty Lobby, SPOTLIGHT ON THE BILDERBERGERS.

Alfred M. Lilienthal, THE ZIONIST CONNECTION.

Konrad Lorenz, KING SOLOMAN'S RING.

Arthur F. Loveday, WORLD WAR IN SPAIN.

James J. Martin, THE MAN WHO INVENTED GENOCIDE.

Brian May, THE THIRD WORLD CALAMITY.

Moshe Menuhin, THE DECADENCE OF JUDAISM IN OUR TIME.

Malcolm Muggeridge, CHRIST AND THE MEDIA.

Revilo Olliver, CHRISTIANITY AND THE SURVIVAL OF THE WEST.

George Orwell, NINETEEN EIGHTY-FOUR.

Vance Packard, THE HIDDEN PERSUADERS.

Thomas Pakenham, THE BOER WAR.

Linus Pauling, HOW TO LIVE LONGER AND FEEL BETTER.

C.Northcote Parkinson, PARKINSON'S LAW; THE EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL
THOUGHT.

Roger Pearson, ANTHROPOLOGICAL GLOSSARY.

Chapman Pincher, INSIDE STORY; THEIR TRADE IS TREACHERY.

James & Suzanne Pool, WHO FINANCED HITLER?

Ezra Pound, IMPACT: ESSAYS ON IGNORANCE AND THE DECLINE OF AMERICAN
CIVILIZATION; GUIDE TO KULCHUR.

Carroll Quigley, TRAGEDY AND HOPE: A HISTORY OF THE WORLD IN OUR TIME.

Jean Raspail, THE CAMP OF THE SAINTS.

Victoria Ravenscroft, MY LIFE WITH SUPERMAN.

Douglas Reed, FAR AND WIDE; SOMEWHERE SOUTH OF SUEZ; THE GRAND DESIGN
OF THE 20TH CENTURY; THE CONTROVERSY OF ZION.

Wilmot Robertson, THE DISPOSSESSED MAJORITY.

Malcolm Ross, THE WEBB OF DECEIT.

Walter Sanning, THE DISSOLUTION OF EASTERN EUROPEAN JEWRY.

Gideon Shimoni, JEWS AND ZIONISM: THE SOUTH AFRICAN EXPERIENCE
1910-1967.

Cleon Skousen, THE NAKED CAPITALIST.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn, THE GULAG ARCHIPELAGO; LENIN IN ZURICH; THE OAK
AND THE CALF; SPEECHES.

Oswald Spengler, THE DECLINE OF THE WEST.

Judge Wilhelm Staglich, THE AUSCHWITZ MYTH.

Lothrop Stoddard, THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IS SAN DOMINGO; THE REVOLT
AGAINST CIVILIZATION.

Margaret Stucki, THE REVOLUTIONARY MISSION OF MODERN ART

Montague Summers, WITCHCRAFT AND BLACK MAGIC.

Sun Yat-sen, THE THREE PRINCIPLES OF THE PEOPLE.

Antony C. Sutton, WALL STREET AND THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION; WALL STREET
AND FDR.

Thomas Szasz, THE MYTH OF PSYCHOTHERAPY; LAW, LIBERTY AND PSYCHIATRY.

Nikolai Tolstoy, VICTIMS OF YALTA; THE MINISTER AND THE MASSACRES.

F.J.P. Veale, CRIMES DISCREETLY.

Carl von Horn, SOLDIERING FOR PEACE.

Kenneth Walker, THE DIAGNOSIS OF MAN.

Patrick Walsh, THE UNHOLY ALLIANCE.

Thomas Walsh, ISABELLA THE CRUSADER.

Richard Weaver, IDEAS HAVE CONSEQUENCES.

Charles Weber, THE HOLOCAUST: 120 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS.

Nesta Webster, THE SOCIALIST NETWORK; WORLD REVOLUTION.

Vaughn Williams, NATIONAL MUSIC.

R. McNair Wilson, GOD AND THE GOLDSMITHS.

Francis Parker Vockey, IMPERIUM.

J.K. Zawodny, DEATH IN THE FOREST.

[jum...@my-deja.com]

www.frerepublic.com/forum/a360d496e0c97.htm
-------------------------------------------

Propaganda Techniques FreeRepublic.com "A Conservative News Forum"

Propaganda Techniques
http://www.zoehouse.com/is/sco/proptech.html , various

[index]
PROPAGANDA TECHNIQUES
"Propaganda Techniques" is based upon "Appendix I: PSYOP Techniques"
from
"Psychological Operations Field Manual No.33-1" published by
Headquarters;
Department of the Army, in Washington DC, on 31 August 1979
(from http://www.zoehouse.com/is/sco/proptech.html)

Knowledge of propaganda techniques is necessary to improve one's own
propaganda and to uncover enemy PSYOP stratagems. Techniques, however,
are not substitutes for the procedures in PSYOP planning, development,
or dissemination.

Techniques may be categorized as:
Characteristics of the content self-evident. additional information is
required to recognize the characteristics of this type of propaganda.
"Name calling" and the use of slogans are techniques of this nature.

Additional information required to be recognized. Additional
information is required by the target or analyst for the use of this
technique to be recognized. "Lying" is an example of this technique.
The audience or analyst must have additional information in order to
know whether a lie is being told. Evident only after extended output.
"Change of pace" is an example of this technique. Neither the audience
nor the analyst can know that a change of pace has taken place until
various amounts of propaganda have been brought into focus.

Nature of the arguments used. An argument is a reason, or a series of
reasons, offered as to why the audience should behave, believe, or
think in a certain manner. An argument is expressed or implied.

Inferred intent of the originator. This technique refers to the effect
the propagandist wishes to achieve on the target audience. "Divisive"
and "unifying" propaganda fall within this technique. It might also be
classified on the basis of the effect it has on an audience.

SELF-EVIDENT TECHNIQUE
Appeal to Authority. Appeals to authority cite prominent figures to
support a position idea, argument, or course of action.

Assertion. Assertions are positive statements presented as fact. They
imply that what is stated is self-evident and needs no further proof.
Assertions may or may not be true.

Bandwagon and Inevitable Victory. Bandwagon-and-inevitable-victory
appeals attempt to persuade the target audience to take a course of
action "everyone else is taking." "Join the crowd." This technique
reinforces people's natural desire to be on the winning side. This
technique is used to convince the audience that a program is an
expression of an irresistible mass movement and that it is in their
interest to join. "Inevitable victory" invites those not already on the
bandwagon to join those already on the road to certain victory. Those
already, or partially, on the bandwagon are reassured that staying
aboard is the best course of action.

Obtain Disapproval. This technique is used to get the audience to
disapprove an action or idea by suggesting the idea is popular with
groups hated, feared, or held in contempt by the target audience. Thus,
if a group which supports a policy is led to believe that undesirable,
subversive, or contemptible people also support it, the members of the
group might decide to change their position.

Glittering Generalities. Glittering generalities are intensely
emotionally appealing words so closely associated with highly valued
concepts and beliefs that they carry conviction without supporting
information or reason. They appeal to such emotions as love of country,
home; desire for peace, freedom, glory, honor, etc. They ask for
approval without examination of the reason. Though the words and
phrases are vague and suggest different things to different people,
their connotation is always favorable: "The concepts and programs of
the propagandist are always good, desirable, virtuous."

Generalities may gain or lose effectiveness with changes in conditions.
They must, therefore, be responsive to current conditions. Phrases
which called up pleasant associations at one time may evoke unpleasant
or unfavorable connotations at another, particularly if their frame of
reference has been altered.

Vagueness. Generalities are deliberately vague so that the audience may
supply its own interpretations. The intention is to move the audience
by use of undefined phrases, without analyzing their validity or
attempting to determine their reasonableness or application.

Rationalization. Individuals or groups may use favorable generalities
to rationalize questionable acts or beliefs. Vague and pleasant phrases
are often used to justify such actions or beliefs.

Simplification. Favorable generalities are used to provide simple
answers to complex social, political, economic, or military problems.

Transfer. This is a technique of projecting positive or negative
qualities (praise or blame) of a person, entity, object, or value (an
individual, group, organization, nation, patriotism, etc.) to another
in order to make the second more acceptable or to discredit it. This
technique is generally used to transfer blame from one member of a
conflict to another. It evokes an emotional response which stimulates
the target to identify with recognized authorities.

Least of Evils. This is a technique of acknowledging that the course of
action being taken is perhaps undesirable but that any alternative
would result in an outcome far worse. This technique is generally used
to explain the need for sacrifices or to justify the seemingly harsh
actions that displease the target audience or restrict personal
liberties. Projecting blame on the enemy for the unpleasant or
restrictive conditions is usually coupled with this technique.

Name Calling or Substitutions of Names or Moral Labels. This technique
attempts to arouse prejudices in an audience by labeling the object of
the propaganda campaign as something the target audience fears, hates,
loathes, or finds undesirable.

Types of name calling:

-Direct name calling is used when the audience is sympathetic or
neutral. It is a simple, straightforward attack on an opponent or
opposing idea.
-Indirect name calling is used when direct name calling would
antagonize the audience. It is a label for the degree of attack
between direct name calling and insinuation. Sarcasm and ridicule
are employed with this technique.
-Cartoons, illustrations, and photographs are used in name
calling, often with deadly effect.

Dangers inherent in name calling: In its extreme form, name calling
may indicate that the propagandist has lost his sense of proportion
or is unable to conduct a positive campaign. Before using this
technique, the propagandist must weigh the benefits against the
possible harmful results. It is best to avoid use of this device. The
obstacles are formidable, based primarily on the human tendency to
close ranks against a stranger. For example, a group may despise,
dislike, or even hate one of its leaders, even openly criticize him,
but may (and probably will) resent any non group member who
criticizes and makes disparaging remarks against that leader.

Pinpointing the Enemy: This is a form of simplification in which a
complex situation is reduced to the point where the "enemy" is
unequivocally identified. For example, the president of country X is
forced to declare a state of emergency in order to protect the peaceful
people of his country from the brutal, unprovoked aggression by the
leaders of country.

Plain Folks or Common Man: The "plain folks" or "common man" approach
attempts to convince the audience that the propagandist's positions
reflect the common sense of the people. It is designed to win the
confidence of the audience by communicating in the common manner and
style of the audience. Propagandists use ordinary language and
mannerisms (and clothes in face-to-face and audiovisual communications)
in attempting to identify their point of view with that of the average
person. With the plain folks device, the propagandist can win the
confidence of persons who resent or distrust foreign sounding,
intellectual speech, words, or mannerisms.

The audience can be persuaded to identify its interests with those of
the propagandist:

Presenting soldiers as plain folks. The propagandist wants to make
the enemy feel he is fighting against soldiers who are "decent,
everyday folks" much like himself; this helps to counter themes that
paint the opponent as a "bloodthirsty" killer.

Presenting civilians as plain folks. The "plain folks" or "common
man" device also can help to convince the enemy that the opposing
nation is not composed of arrogant, immoral, deceitful, aggressive,
warmongering people, but of people like himself, wishing to live at
peace.

Humanizing leaders. This technique paints a more human portrait of US
and friendly military and civilian leaders. It humanizes them so that
the audience looks upon them as similar human beings or, preferably,
as kind, wise, fatherly figures.

Categories of Plain Folk Devices:

Vernacular. This is the contemporary language of a specific region or
people as it is commonly spoken or written and includes songs,
idioms, and jokes. The current vernacular of the specific target
audience must be used.

Dialect. Dialect is a variation in pronunciation, grammar, and
vocabulary from the norm of a region or nation. When used by the
propagandist, perfection is required. This technique is best left to
those to whom the dialect is native, because native level speakers
are generally the best users of dialects in propaganda appeals.

Errors. Scholastic pronunciation, enunciation, and delivery give the
impression of being artificial. To give the impression of
spontaneity, deliberately hesitate between phrases, stammer, or
mispronounce words. When not overdone, the effect is one of deep
sincerity. Errors in written material may be made only when they are
commonly made by members of the reading audience. Generally, errors
should be restricted to colloquialisms.

Homey words. Homey words are forms of "virtue words" used in the
everyday life of the average man. These words are familiar ones, such
as "home," "family," "children," "farm," "neighbors," or cultural
equivalents. They evoke a favorable emotional response and help
transfer the sympathies of the audience to the propagandist. Homey
words are widely used to evoke nostalgia. Care must be taken to
assure that homey messages addressed to enemy troops do not also have
the same effect on US/friendly forces.

If the propaganda or the propagandist lacks naturalness, there may be
an adverse backlash. The audience may resent what it considers attempts
to mock it, its language, and its ways.

Social Disapproval. This is a technique by which the propagandist
marshals group acceptance and suggests that attitudes or actions
contrary to the one outlined will result in social rejection,
disapproval, or outright ostracism. The latter, ostracism, is a control
practice widely used within peer groups and traditional societies.

Virtue Words. These are words in the value system of the target
audience which tend to produce a positive image when attached to a
person or issue. Peace, happiness, security, wise leadership, freedom,
etc., are virtue words.

Slogans. A slogan is a brief striking phrase that may include labeling
and stereotyping. If ideas can be sloganized, they should be, as good
slogans are self-perpetuating.

Testimonials. Testimonials are quotations, in or out of context,
especially cited to support or reject a given policy, action, program,
or personality. The reputation or the role (expert, respected public
figure, etc.) of the individual giving the statement is exploited. The
testimonial places the official sanction of a respected person or
authority on a propaganda message. This is done in an effort to cause
the target audience to identify itself with the authority or to accept
the authority's opinions and beliefs as its own. Several types of
testimonials are:

Official Sanction. The testimonial authority must have given the
endorsement or be clearly on record as having approved the attributed
idea, concept, action, or belief.

Four factors are involved:

Accomplishment. People have confidence in an authority who has
demonstrated outstanding ability and proficiency in his field. This
accomplishment should be related to the subject of the testimonial.

Identification with the target. People have greater confidence in an
authority with whom they have a common bond. For example, the soldier
more readily trusts an officer with whom he has undergone similar
arduous experiences than a civilian authority on military subjects.

Position of authority. The official position of authority may instill
confidence in the testimony; i.e., head of state, division commander,
etc.

Inanimate objects. Inanimate objects may be used in the testimonial
device. In such cases, the propagandist seeks to transfer physical
attributes of an inanimate object to the message. The Rock of
Gibraltar, for example, is a type of inanimate object associated with
steadfast strength.

Personal Sources of Testimonial Authority:
Enemy leaders. The enemy target audience will generally place great
value on its high level military leaders as a source of information.

Fellow soldiers. Because of their common experiences, soldiers form a
bond of comradeship. As a result, those in the armed forces are
inclined to pay close attention to what other soldiers have to say.

Opposing leaders. Testimonials of leaders of the opposing nation are
of particular value in messages that outline war aims and objectives
for administering the enemy nation after it capitulates.

Famous scholars, writers, and other personalities. Frequently,
statements of civilians known to the target as authoritative or
famous scholars, writers, scientists, commentators, etc., can be
effectively used in propaganda messages.

Nonpersonal Sources of Testimonial Authority:
Institutions, ideologies, national flags, religious, and other
nonpersonal sources are often used. The creeds, beliefs, principles, or
dogmas of respected authorities or other public figures may make
effective propaganda testimonials.

Factors To Be Considered:
Plausibility. The testimonial must be plausible to the target
audience. The esteem in which an authority is held by the target
audience will not always transfer an implausible testimonial into
effective propaganda.

False testimonials. Never use false testimonials. Highly selective
testimonials? Yes. Lies (fabrications)? Never. Fabricated (false)
testimonials are extremely vulnerable because their lack of
authenticity makes them easy to challenge and discredit.

PROPAGANDA TECHNIQUES WHICH ARE BASED ON CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CONTENT
BUT WHICH REQUIRE ADDITIONAL INFORMATION ON THE PART OF AN ANALYST TO
BE RECOGNIZED

Incredible truths. There are times when the unbelievable (incredible)
truth not only can but should be used.

Among these occasions are:

When the psychological operator is certain that a vitally important
event will take place.

A catastrophic event, or one of significant tactical or strategic
importance, unfavorable to the enemy has occurred and the news has
been hidden from the enemy public or troops.

The enemy government has denied or glossed over an event detrimental
to its cause.

A double-cutting edge. This technique has a double-cutting edge: It
increases the credibility of the US/friendly psychological operator
while decreasing the credibility of the enemy to the enemy's target
audience. Advanced security clearance must be obtained before using
this technique so that operations or projects will not be jeopardized
or compromised. Actually, propagandists using this technique will
normally require access to special compartmented information and
facilities to avoid compromise of other sensitive operations or
projects of agencies of the US Government.

Though such news will be incredible to the enemy public, it should be
given full play by the psychological operator. This event and its
significance will eventually become known to the enemy public in spite
of government efforts to hide it. The public will recall (the
psychological operator will "help" the recall process) that the
incredible news was received from US/allied sources. They will also
recall the deception of their government. The prime requirement in
using this technique is that the disseminated incredible truth must be
or be certain to become a reality.

Insinuation. Insinuation is used to create or stir up the suspicions of
the target audience against ideas, groups, or individuals in order to
divide an enemy. The propagandist hints, suggests, and implies,
allowing the audience to draw its own conclusions. Latent suspicions
and cleavages within the enemy camp are exploited in an attempt to
structure them into active expressions of disunity which weaken the
enemy's war effort.

Exploitable vulnerabilities. Potential cleavages which may be
exploited

include the following:

- Political differences between the enemy nation and its allies or
satellites.
- Ethnic and regional differences.
- Religious, political, economic, or social differences.
- History of civilian animosity or unfair treatment toward enemy
soldiers.
- Comforts available to rear area soldiers and not available to
combat soldiers.
- People versus the bureaucracy or hierarchy.
- Political differences between the ruling elite, between
coalitions members, or between rulers and those out of power.
- Differences showing a few benefiting at the expense of the general
populace.

- Unequal or inequitable tax burdens, or the high level of taxes.
The audience should be informed of hidden taxes.
- The scarcity of consumer goods for the general public and their
availability to the various elites and the dishonest.
- Costs of present government policies in terms of lost
opportunities to accomplish constructive socially desirable
goals.
- The powerlessness of the individual. (This may be used to split
the audience from the policies of its government by disassociating
its members from those policies.) This technique could be used in
preparing a campaign to gain opposition to those government
policies.

Insinuation devices. A number of devices are available to exploit
these and similar vulnerabilities:

- Leading questions: The propagandist may ask questions which
suggest only one possible answer. Thus, the question, "What is
there to do now that your unit is surrounded and you are
completely cut off?" insinuates that surrender or desertion is
the only reasonable alternative to annihilation.
- Humor: Humor can be an effective form of insinuation. Jokes and
cartoons about the enemy find a ready audience among those
persons in the target country or military camp who normally
reject straightforward accusations or assertions. Jokes about
totalitarian leaders and their subordinates often spread with
ease and rapidity. However, the psychological operator must
realize that appreciation of humor differs among target groups
and so keep humor within the appropriate cultural context.
- Pure motives. This technique makes it clear that the side
represented by the propagandist is acting in the best interests
of the target audience, insinuating that the enemy is acting to
the contrary. For example, the propagandist can use the theme
that a satellite force fighting on the side of the enemy is
insuring the continued subjugation of its country by helping
the common enemy.
- Guilt by association: Guilt by association links a person, group,
or idea to other persons, groups, or ideas repugnant to the
target audience. The insinuation is that the connection is not
mutual, accidental, or superficial.
- Rumor: Malicious rumors are also a potentially effective form of
insinuation.
- Pictorial and photographic propaganda: A photograph, picture, or
cartoon can often insinuate a derogatory charge more
effectively than words. The combination of words and
photograph, picture, or cartoon can be far more effective. In
this content, selected and composite photographs can be
extremely effective.
- Vocal: Radio propagandists can artfully suggest a derogatory
notion, not only with the words they use, but also by the way
in which they deliver them. Significant pauses, tonal
inflections, sarcastic pronunciation, ridiculing enunciation,
can be more subtle than written insinuation.

Card stacking or selective omission. This is the process of choosing
from a variety of facts only those which support the propagandist's
purpose. In using this technique, facts are selected and presented
which most effectively strengthen and authenticate the point of view of
the propagandist. It includes the collection of all available material
pertaining to a subject and the selection of that material which most
effectively supports the propaganda line. Card stacking, case making,
and censorship are all forms of selection. Success or failure depends
on how successful the propagandist is in selecting facts or "cards" and
presenting or "stacking" them.

Increase prestige. In time of armed conflict, leading personalities,
economic and social systems, and other institutions making up a
nation are constantly subjected to propaganda attacks. Card stacking
is used to counter these attacks by publicizing and reiterating the
best qualities of the institutions, concepts, or persons being
attacked. Like most propaganda techniques, card stacking is used to
supplement other methods.

The technique may also be used to describe a subject as virtuous or
evil and to give simple answers to a complicated subject.

An intelligent propagandist makes his case by imaginative selection
of facts. The work of the card stacker in using selected facts is
divided into two main phases:

- First, the propagandist selects only favorable facts and presents
them to the target in such a manner as to obtain a desired reaction.
- Second, the propagandist uses these facts as a basis for
conclusions, trying to lead the audience into accepting the
conclusions by accepting the facts presented.

Presenting the other side. Some persons in a target audience believe
that neither belligerent is entirely virtuous. To them propaganda
solely in terms of right and wrong may not be credible. Agreement with
minor aspects of the enemy's point of view may overcome this cynicism.
Another use of presenting the other side is to reduce the impact of
propaganda that opposing propagandists are likely to be card stacking
(selective omission).

Lying and distortion. Lying is stating as truth that which is contrary
to fact. For example, assertions may be lies. This technique will not
be used by US personnel. It is presented for use of the analyst of
enemy propaganda.

Simplification. This is a technique in which the many facts of a
situation are reduced so the right or wrong, good or evil, of an act or
decision is obvious to all. This technique (simplification) provides
simple solutions for complex problems. By suggesting apparently simple
solutions for complex problems, this technique offers simplified
interpretations of events, ideas, concepts, or personalities.
Statements are positive and firm; qualifying words are never used.

Simplification may be used to sway uneducated and educated audiences.
This is true because many persons are well educated or highly skilled,
trained specialists in a specific field, but the limitations of time
and energy often force them to turn to and accept simplifications to
understand, relate, and react to other areas of interest.

Simplification has the following characteristics:
It thinks for others: Some people accept information which they
cannot verify personally as long as the source is acceptable to them
or the authority is considered expert. Others absorb whatever they
read, see, or hear with little or no discrimination. Some people are
too lazy or unconcerned to think problems through. Others are
uneducated and willingly accept convenient simplifications.

It is concise: Simplification gives the impression of going to the
heart of the matter in a few words. The average member of the target
audience will not even consider that there may be another answer to
the problem.

It builds ego: Some people are reluctant to believe that any field of
endeavor, except their own, is difficult to understand. For example,
a layman is pleased to hear that '"law is just common sense dressed
up in fancy language," or "modern art is really a hodgepodge of
aimless experiment or nonsense." Such statements reinforce the ego of
the lay audience. It is what they would like to believe, because they
are afraid that law and modern art may actually be beyond their
understanding. Simple explanations are given for complex subjects and
problems.

Stereotyping is a form of simplification used to fit persons, groups,
nations, or events into ready-made categories that tend to produce a
desired image of good or bad. Stereotyping puts the subject (people,
nations, etc.) or event into a simplistic pattern without any
distinguishing individual characteristics.

CHARACTERISTICS OF CONTENT WHICH MAY BECOME EVIDENT WHEN NUMEROUS
PIECES OF OUTPUT ARE EXAMINED

Change of Pace. Change of pace is a technique of switching from
belligerent to peaceful output, from "hot" to "cold," from persuasion
to threat, from gloomy prophecy to optimism, from emotion to fact.

Stalling. Stalling is a technique of deliberately withholding
information until its timeliness is past, thereby reducing the
possibility of undesired impact.

Shift of Scene. With this technique, the propagandist replaces one
"field of battle" with another. It is an attempt to take the spotlight
off an unfavorable situation or condition by shifting it to another,
preferably of the opponent, so as to force the enemy to go on the
defense.

REPETITION

An idea or position is repeated in an attempt to elicit an almost
automatic response from the audience or to reinforce an audience's
opinion or attitude. This technique is extremely valid and useful
because the human being is basically a creature of habit and develops
skills and values by repetition (like walking, talking, code of ethics,
etc.). An idea or position may be repeated many times in one message or
in many messages. The intent is the same in both instances, namely, to
elicit an immediate response or to reinforce an opinion or attitude.

The audience is not familiar with the details of the threat posed.
Ignorance of the details can be used to pose a threat and build fear.

Members of the audience are self-centered.

The target can take immediate action to execute simple, specific
instructions.

Fear of change. People fear change, particularly sudden, imposed change
over which they have no control. They fear it will take from them
status, wealth, family, friends, comfort, safety, life, or limb. That's
why the man in the foxhole hesitates to leave it. He knows and is
accustomed to the safety it affords. He is afraid that moving out of
his foxhole will expose him to new and greater danger. That is why the
psychological campaign must give him a safe, honorable way out of his
predicament or situation.

Terrorism. The United States is absolutely opposed to the use of terror
or terror tactics. But the psychological operator can give a boomerang
effect to enemy terror, making it reverberate against the practitioner,
making him repugnant to his own people, and all others who see the
results of his heinous savagery. This can be done by disseminating
fully captioned photographs in the populated areas of the terrorist's
homeland. Such leaflets will separate civilians from their armed
forces; it will give them second thoughts about the decency and
honorableness of their cause, make them wonder about the righteousness
of their ideology, and make the terrorists repugnant to them. Follow-up
leaflets can "fire the flames" of repugnancy, indignation, and doubt,
as most civilizations find terror repugnant.

[jum...@my-deja.com]

In third countries. Fully captioned photographs depicting terroristic
acts may be widely distributed in third countries (including the nation
sponsoring the enemy) where they will instill a deep revulsion in the
general populace. Distribution in neutral countries is particularly
desirable in order to swing the weight of unbiased humanitarian opinion
against the enemy.

The enemy may try to rationalize and excuse its conduct (terroristic),
but in so doing, it will compound the adverse effect of its actions,
because it can never deny the validity of true photographic
representations of its acts. Thus, world opinion will sway to the side
of the victimized people.

Friendly territory. Under no circumstances should such leaflets be
distributed in friendly territory. To distribute them in the friendly
area in which the terrorists' acts took place would only create
feelings of insecurity. This would defeat the purpose of the
psychological operator, which is to build confidence in the government
or agency he represents.

Section Index
The above sections may be referenced directly in urls, etc.
accomplishment_technique
additional_info_needed
animosity_technique
appeal_to_authority
assertion
authority_technique
bandwagon
card_stacking_techniques
card_stacking_to_increase_prestige
celebrity_testimonial
change_of_pace_technique
characteristics_of_simplification
civilians_as_plain_folks
common_bond_technique
concise_technique
conclusion_based_on_favorable_facts_technique
dangers_of_name_calling
demonization_technique
direct_name_calling
disapproval_technique
ego_technique
enemy_leader_testimonal
ethnic_difference_technique
evident_over_time
exploitable_vulnerabilities
false_testimonial
fear_of_change_technique
fellow_warrior_testimonial
few_gain_many_suffer_technique
glittering_generalities
guilt_by_association_technique
hide_info_technique
homey_words
humanizing_leaders_technique
ignorance_of_threat_technique
illustration_technique
inanimate_object_technique
incredible_truth_technique
indirect_name_calling
individual_powerlessness_technique
insinuation_devices
insinuation_technique
lacks_naturalness
leading_question_technique
least_of_evils_technique
lost_opportunity_technique
lying
malicious_rumor_technique
name_calling_technique
native_dialect_technique
nonpersonal_testimonial
official_sanction_technique
only_favorable_facts_technique
opposing_leader_testimonial
other_side_technique
oversimplification_technique
people_vs_bureaucracy_technique
photo_technique
pinpointing_enemy_technique
plain_folks
planned_spontaneous_error_technique
plausible_testimonial
political_difference_technique
pure_motives_technique
rationalization_technique
repetition_technique
ridicule_technique
ruling_elite_difference_technique
scarcity_technique
selective_omission_technique
self-centered
self_evident_technique
shift_of_scene_technique
simplification_technique
slogan_technique
social_difference_technique
social_disproval_technique
sources_of_testimonials
special_favor_technique
stalling_technique
stereotyping_technique
take_action
terror_photo_technique
terror_technique
testimonal_technique
think_for_others_technique
transfer_technique
types_of_name_calling
types_of_plain_folk_techniques
unequal_taxes_technique
vagueness_technique
vernacular_technique
virtue_words
vocal_technique
warriors_as_plain_folks

Additional links.
Propaganda
Propaganda Analysis Home Page
http://carmen.artsci.washington.edu/propaganda/home.htm
(Also information on The Institute for Propaganda Analysis)
Propaganda and Psychological Warfare - Research Resource
http://www.lafayette.edu/mcglonem/prop.html
(Lots of links.)
Army Field Manual 33-1, Psychological Operations, August 1979
http://www.fas.org/irp/doddir/army/fm33-1/
(only part of this manual.)
PROPAGANDA PLANNING PROCESS
http://www.mcad.edu/classrooms/POLITPROP/palace/library/propplan.html
(Another bit of FM 33-1, this time chapter 12.)
PSYOPs LESSONS LEARNED
http://call.army.mil/call/trngqtr/tq4-96/psyops.htm
PSYOP, MILITARY
http://www.geocities.com/Pentagon/1012/links.html
(Links, interesting pages.)
Psychological Operations and the Verbiage of War
http://www1.monumental.com/SkyWriter/WacoMuseum/war/page/w_da.html
(A study on how propaganda and psyops were used against David Koresh,
the Waco children and church.)

logical fallacies
An Index of Logical Fallacies
http://www.assiniboinec.mb.ca/user/downes/fallacy/index.htm
(Online textbook. Often useful in clarifying disussions. Each fallacy
listed has its own page, examples, references. From Canada.)
A Guide to the Fallacies
http://www.lincoln.ac.nz/hals/phil102/fallacy/
(Online textbook. Includes information on common rhetorical devices,
too. Very nicely done. Each fallacy listed has its own page,
examples, references. n.b. "Reefer Madness" fallacy quiz at that
site, points out common fallacies often bedeviling otherwise critical
thinkers. From New Zeland.)

From: Give me Liberty () *
09/26/98 13:08:19 PDT

To: -

More propaganda links.
Propaganda
The ACCESS INDIANA Teaching & Learning Center Propaganda
http://tlc.ai.org/propindx.htm
(lots of links, various teacher lesson plans for grades 5-12)
Propaganda techniques Widely Used To Influence Public Opinion
http://ralph.ml.org/bhs/classes/government/paper/issue2/article7.html
(propaganda: how does it affect you?)
Propaganda Techniques Related to Enviromental Scares

http://www.familyinternet.com/quackwatch/01QuackeryRelatedTopics/propa.h
tml
("factors that help explain how reasonable people can conclude that
they have suffered toxic exposures and injuries when they have not")
HCI Tactics and Nazi Tactics
http://www.shadeslanding.com/firearms/hci_nazi.html
(comparison of Nazi propaganda techniques and those used by the
anti-gun groups)
Proverbial Manipulation in Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf
http://info.utas.edu.au/docs/flonta/DP,1,1,95/HITLER.html
(slogans, phrases, and proverbial expressions ... "politische
Phrasenvernebelung", political smoke-screen of phrases)

From: Give me Liberty () *
10/12/98 13:21:14 PDT

To: Give me Liberty
WOW......SPEECHLESS......GREAT POST AND HOW APPROPO!!!!!
If only our side knew how to apply......
From: MiSh () *
10/12/98 13:31:16 PDT

To: Give me Liberty
WOW......SPEECHLESS......GREAT POST AND HOW APPROPO!!!!!
If only our side knew how to apply...... Sorry not "if only our side
knew how to apply" but if only our side knew how to fight it!!!
From: MiSh () *
10/12/98 13:33:36 PDT

To: Give me Liberty
http://caq.com/CAQ/CAQ.html
http://www.peg.apc.org/~newdawn/welcome.html
http://www.peg.apc.org/~nexus/
http://www.shout.net/~bigred/cn0.html
http://www.umsl.edu/~skthoma/
http://www.prevailingwinds.org/index.html
From: Born Free () *
10/20/98 23:49:12 PDT

To: Give me Liberty
..
From: Born Free () *
11/01/98 02:42:43 PST

To: Give me Liberty
Wow!this is a must have,bookmark
thankyou.........
now we come to the end of another broadcastday.
and we say "Goodnight VietNam." tet68 out.
From: tet68 (before...@ottofriedrich.com) *
11/01/98 02:52:40 PST

To: tet68
Over and out...
From: Born Free () *
11/01/98 02:54:39 PST

To: Born Free
bump
From: Born Free () *
11/14/98 19:12:13 PST

To: Born Free
Bump it again.
From: WillaJohns (Willa...@aol.com) *
11/20/98 04:16:21 PST

To: WillaJohns
Thank you!! Bump...
From: Blue Hen (emailname) *
11/20/98 04:37:51 PST

To: Give me Liberty
"Red Diaper" babys speak propaganda flutely, as their first lang.
Pubbies speak baby talk(sic).
The White House is the BEST. "Treason is the REASON".

From: hosepipe (MeanS...@OutRage.GOH) *
11/20/98 04:49:03 PST

To: crossref

see also:
"weasel words" (WWWebster's definition)
Clinton's Weasel Words...
http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a366088e43d58.htm

From: Give me Liberty () *
11/28/98 20:23:34 PST

To: Give me Liberty
I ran a post a while back titled "MULAN: Pro Chinese Military
Propaganda", and I mainly got blasted by pro-Disneyites. Could you
please help me out by explaining how this type of cartoon,
indoctrinating the young American minds, is a useful propaganda tool to
help the kiddies (who will someday carry M-16's or shoot laser guns) to
help them see the Chinese military as 'only defending their
borders'...as good guys and real people, like the hero in the cartoon.
I mean, I wish we didn't have enemies, but we do. They have missiles
pointed at us, and they call us their "number one enemy", so we
shouldn't be getting warm and fuzzy with them. Propaganda is for real,
and hollywood/Disney helps.
From: bets (be...@magicnet.net) *
11/28/98 20:36:46 PST

To: bets
Bump.
From: Uncle Bill (emailname) *
12/20/98 23:45:04 PST

To: Uncle Bill
Bump
From: BRAllen (Brian...@jerusalemail.com) *
12/21/98 00:32:19 PST

To: bets

<< hollywood/Disney helps. >>

"Hollywood" [LAUNDRYWOOD] is [Even when the one called "Switzerland" is
included] the world's biggest-volume and most successful RICO-criminal
money-laundering operation and "Disney/ABC" is an important component
part of that operation.

The modern "Democratic Party" is, to the criminal gangs that now run,
own, operate and control Laundrywood and the Beezlebubba
crime-organization -- AND THE 'Democratic Party," what the political
front: "Sinn Fien" is to the lizard-brain-stemmed murdering bastards of
the self-styled "I.R.A.."

As Sinn Fien is a [Laundrywood-movie-set styled] false shop-front to
keep the Limey idiots [Tony Blair et al] at arms length, so
Laundrywood/Dizzy puts a spin on the [Presently Rotten-KKKlintoon
fronted] gradual RICO-criminal, national-socialistic take-over of the
United States feral gummint.

From: BRAllen (Brian...@jerusalemail.com) *
12/21/98 00:51:05 PST

To: Give me Liberty
Wow. Clinton's playbook.
From: disco (emailname) *
12/21/98 01:19:48 PST

To: Give me Liberty
Thanks for your work.
From: nino7 (emailname) *
12/21/98 01:33:45 PST

To: Give me Liberty
Bump
From: haffast (becarefull@WOT) *
12/23/98 07:41:21 PST

To: Give me Liberty
This needs a bump right now folks. Just in case you missed it.
From: WillaJohns (Willa...@aol.com) *
02/14/99 09:05:08 PST

To: WillaJohns
This is the best page I have ever seen on Marketing. I mean propoganda.
I can use this. Thanks for the info.
From: jimbaugh () *
02/14/99 09:38:01 PST

To: Everyone - Posting Rules / Cookbook
Hi guys, just copy-n'-paste and you have a winning argument. *S*
From: moshe (w...@hotmail.com) *
03/04/99 22:39:29 PST

To: bets
As far as I am concerned, the more countries that hate us, the better.
Eventually, one of them has to take a shot at D.C., and then maybe we
can have America back without the politicians. A Brave New World!
From: Untouchable (Pleaseaddt...@fbi.gov) *
03/04/99 22:48:03 PST

To: Untouchable
Excellent post! Close friend of mine's eldest daughter got caught up
with the cult of the Baghwan Sri Rashneesh(sp). Toally brainwashed
quite quickly. Family and friends were demonised by cult leaders at
'enlightenment sessions' held two or more times a day. And any
hesitancy to praise the Baghwan was punished by verbal abuse and
shunning by cult members egged on by the leaders. Just amazing how
rapidly she gave up her will to think for herself and accepted as fact
anything the group told her. Never even got out of it when the Baghwan
died, just relocated to India with the cult. Last time my friend saw
her she was disconnected from interacting with real life. She had
adopted a set of simply but false beliefs, and became furiously
defensive if questioned as to their validity. Once again-terrific post!
From: Gabriell (Respecting the military@All Times.com) *
03/04/99 23:48:51 PST

To: Gabriell
Correction' simple.'
From: Gabriell (Respecting the military@All Times.com) *
03/04/99 23:51:11 PST

To: Gabriell
bump
From: Born Free (emailname) *
03/11/99 21:27:15 PST

To: Born Free

Assertion. Assertions are positive statements presented as fact. They
imply that what is stated is self-evident and needs no further proof.
Assertions may or may not be true.

In Russia, newspaper articles and speeches by Communist leaders were
full of sentences beginning, "As is well known ... "
Would this qualify as an assertion? Or would it be something more like,
"Guns kill people. We must get rid of guns." Or how about this,
"Clinton is the greatest President we've ever known. We must support
his agenda." Or, "Hillary Clinton is a brilliant woman. She should be
Senator/President/ruler of the world."
1 Posted on 07/06/1999 19:17:54 PDT by WillaJohns
[ Reply | Top | Last ]

To: Give me Liberty
I've seen some of these sites before! Well done!
2 Posted on 07/06/1999 19:25:41 PDT by rbosque
[ Reply | Top | Last ]

To: WillaJohns
After 6 1/2 years ,now they tell us what clinton has been doing!
3 Posted on 07/06/1999 19:31:38 PDT by prognostigaator
[ Reply | To 1 | Top | Last ]

To: prognostigaator
It's all in the manual. He's just following the step-by-step
instructions.
4 Posted on 07/06/1999 22:59:26 PDT by WillaJohns
[ Reply | To 3 | Top | Last ]

To: Give me Liberty

Homey words. Homey words are forms of "virtue words" used in the
everyday life of the average man. These words are familiar ones, such

as "home," "family," "children," . . . They evoke a favorable emotional

response and help transfer the sympathies of the audience to the
propagandist. Homey words are widely used to evoke nostalgia.

I think they're overdoing it these days with the word "children." If

the propaganda or the propagandist lacks naturalness, there may be an
adverse backlash. The audience may resent what it considers attempts to
mock it, its language, and its ways.

This is Gore's problem and unless the fix is in, i.e., vote count
fraud, there's no way he'll EVER be President.
5 Posted on 07/06/1999 23:05:57 PDT by WillaJohns
[ Reply | Top | Last ]

To: bets
"Mulan" was not a pro-Chinese movie. It was a pro-gay and lesbian
movie. Think about the messages it sends your kids. Mulan cross dresses
to join the boys in the army. The army cross dresses in the end to
defeat the enemy. And the voice over of Harvey Firestein, gay activist,
is a big indicator also. And no, I am not wearing a tin foil hat as I
type this.
6 Posted on 07/06/1999 23:18:48 PDT by KC_Conspirator
[ Reply | Top | Last ]

To: KC_Conspirator
bump
7 Posted on 07/07/1999 12:07:00 PDT by prognostigaator
[ Reply | To 6 | Top | Last ]

FreeRepublic , LLC, PO BOX 9771, FRESNO, CA 93794
Forum Version 2.0a Copyright ) 1999 Free Republic, LLC

===================

[jum...@my-deja.com]

www.cloakanddagger.com/dagger/list1999.htm
------------------------------------------

CLOAK AND DAGGER BOOKS 1999 CatalogCloak and Dagger Books
1999 Catalog

Selected Books in Stock

Adams, James. The New Spies - Exploring the Frontiers of Espionage. A
comprehensive guide to the changing bureaucracies of espionage -
thoughtful and provocative - contains new preface by author. Pimlico
Hse, UK, 1995, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, imported,
$35.

Adams, Thomas. US Special Operations Forces. The Challenge of
Unconventional Warfare. This work examines the composition of the SOF
and their varying roles, discussing their evolution, strengths and
weaknesses, and gives a history of US involvement in non-conventional
warfare from the American Revolution to the present day. The author
proposes a change in strategic thinking, and a willingness to accept
lengthy commitments and incremental progress. Frank Cass, london, 1st
British, 1998, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $28.

Alberts, Robert. The Most Extraordinary Adventures of Major Robert
Stobo. He served as a spy for Gen. Washington behind French lines.
Captured, sentenced to death, he escaped and led a band to take
Williamsburg. An interesting look at the Colonial Period. Houghtin
Mifflin, MA, 1963, 1st, fine, dj fine, rare, $50.

Alexander, Martin, Editor. Knowing Your Friends. Intelligence Inside
Alliances and Coalitions from 1914 to the Cold War. Here are 11
interesting and scholarly treatices covering little-known Allied
relationships rarely written about. Eg. French Military Intelligence
and the American Army in WW1; Signals Intel and FDR's policy shift on
Indochina; the OSS, SSU and India 1942-47; British experience in Greece
1941-44; Franco-Vietnamese Intelligence in Indochina 1950-54; Rise and
fall of the Syrian-Egyptian intelligence axis 1954-67, just to name a
few of the fascinating articles awaiting the reader in this volume.
Frank Cass, London, 1998, 1st British, new, no dj, lg format, soft
cover, $23.

Agar, Augustus. Baltic Episode - A classic of Secret Service in Russian
waters set in post WWI. Author a British agent is sent to rescue secret
agent ST-25 in Petrograd before the Bolshevik Revolution. Battling for
control, Bolsheviks renamed it Leningrad and attempted to stamp out any
hint of dissent in very dangerous times. Hodder & Stoughton, London,
1963, 1st British, fine, as new, dj fine, rare, $75.

Allison, Graham & Treverton, Gregory, Editor. Rethinking America's
Security - Beyond Cold War to the New World Order. A compilation of
some of the best thought on security policy by acknowledged experts in
this field. W.W. Norton, NY, 1992, not 1st, fine, no dj, lg format,
soft cover, $20.

Andrade, Dale. Ashes to Ashes - the Phoenix Program and the Viet Nam
War - Cover for assassination or effective counterinsurgency?
Considered a classic work on the Phoenix Program. Lexington Books, MA,
1990, 1st, fine, dj fine, rare, $55.

Andrew, Chris & Gordievsky, Oleg. KGB - The Inside Story. The most
riveting, most thorough history ever written about Soviet intelligence
and their activities. Harper Collins, NY, 1990, 1st, fine, dj fine,
scarce, $40.

Arnold, Anthony. The Fateful Pebble - Afghanistan's Role in the Fall of
the Soviet Empire. Author a retired CIA officer who served in country
brings first- hand knowledge to this historic war. Has numerous KGB
references. An important work. Presidio Pr., CA, 1993, 1st, new, dj
fine, $30.

Ashman, C. & Trescott, P. Diplomatic Crime - drugs, killings, thefts,
rapes, slavery and other outrageous crimes. Reveals wholesale failure
of international agreements that allow embassy personnel to use
immunity as a license to commit heinous acts with impunity. Acropolis
Bks, DC, 1989, 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce, $35.

Ballentine Espionage/Intelligence Library. This is the first cohesive
collection of the greatest, most important, most intriguing events in
the history of international espionage and intelligence gathering ever
produced by one company. Consists of 27 volumes published over two
years (list of titles and authors provided upon resuest), all vg-fine,
sold as a set, in paperback format. Assembled over years, an excellent
way to start or fill-out your intelligence library. Ballentine Books,
NY, not 1st, 1981-83, vg-fine, no dust jackets, paperbacks, rare in an
assembled set, 27 volumes, $295.

Becket, Henry S. A. The Dictionary of Espionage - Spooks speak into
English - An interesting lexicon on the language of intelligence. Stein
& Day, NY, 1986, 1st, vg-fine, no dj, scarce, $30.

Bennett, Ralph. Intelligence Investigations - How ULTRA changed history
- The author, a retired Cambridge don and prolific author on the
subject of ULTRA having spent his war years at Bletchley Park,
introduces a new type of history from an archive they had themselves
created. Frank Cass, London, 1996, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft
cover. $35.

Bermudez, Joseph. North Korean Special Forces - Updated and expanded,
all new information from debriefings of North Korean Special Forces
defectors, interviews with South Korean and U.S. intelligence personnel
and declassified intelligence documents. An inciteful and indispensible
guide to this little- known organization. NIP, MD, 1998, 2nd ed., new,
dj fine, $40.

Berry. F. Clifton Jr. Inside the CIA - Experience an insider's tour of
the corridors of the CIA's campus buildings in this spectacular 192
page, 11" x 8.5" hardcover book. Filled with stunning photography;
describes the evolution of CIA Headquarters in its first 50 years from
scattered officers in D.C. to Langley VA. A collector's item. Community
Comm., AL, 1st, 1997, new, $50.

Berry, F. Clifton Jr. Spies, Black ties and Mango Pies - Stories and
recipies from CIA families all over the world. A wonderful Agency
cookbook, sprinkled liberally with interesting human interest stories
of overseas postings with the Agency. A nice literary blend! Community
Comm., AL, 1997, 1st, new, no dj, $20.

Ben-Veniste, R. & Frampton, G. Stonewall - The real story of the
Watergate prosecution. Author was former Asst. Special Prosecutor on
Watergate Task Force, has numerous references to CIA & FBI
manipulation. Simon & Schuster, NY, 1977, 1st, fine, dj vg-fine,
scarce, $35.

Blackburn, Robert. Mercenaries and LBJ's "More Flags". The hiring of
Korean, Filipino and Thai soldiers in the Vietnam War. A scholarly
study on the subject. McFarland, NC, 1st, 1994, fine, no dj, scarce,
$40.

Blanfarb, Doug. The Counterinsurgency. ERA - U.S. Doctrine and
Performance 1950 to the Present. As a history of the era, this book
shows the frustration of implementing theory as it confronts the
reality of the battlefields of Indochina. Free Press, NY, 1997, 1st,
vg-fine, has former owner's name, scarce, $30.

Blight, James & Kornbluh. Politics of Illusion - Bay of Pigs Invasion
Reexamined - Based upon newly released documentation and an innovative
"on the record" series of meetings with former CIA, anti-Castro and a
high-ranking Soviet official, and others directly involved in events
speaking for the first time. A very revealing historical work. Reinner,
Co., 1998, 1st, new, dj, $60.

Bloch, Jonathan & Fitzgerald, Pat. British Intelligence and Covert
Action. An historical survey of secret British operations in the Far
East, Middle and Near East, Africa and Europe from 1950 to 1980's.
Written from the "left side of the aisle" this work has an introduction
by Philip Agee, and is one of the most difficult works to find.
Brandon, Ireland, 1983, 1st, imported, very scarce, vg-fine, no dj, lg
format, soft cover, $45.

Bower, Tom. The Perfect English Spy - The unknown man in charge during
the most tumultuous, scandal-ridden era in espionage history. Story of
Sir Dick White who maneuvered Britain's Intelligence Forces through
their darkest hours: 1936-1972. St. Martin's Pr., NY, 1st, 1995, has
bookplate, fine, dj vg-fine, scarce, $35.

Braley, James O. Marching with Heroes - Story of a CIC operative
assigned to the famous 10th Mountain Division in Italy. After the war
he was assigned to Gmunden, Austria with the CIC. The only work ever
written about CIC in Italy and Austria. Privately printed, TX, 1995,
1st, new, dj fine, scarce, $30.

Branch, Taylor & Propper, E. Labyrinth - How a stubborn U.S. prosecutor
penetrated a shadow land of covert operations on three continents to
find the assassins of Orlando Letelier. Viking, NY, 1982, 1st, vg-fine,
dj vg-fine, scarce, $35.

Brewton, Pete. The Mafia, CIA and George Bush - Corruption, Greed and
Abuse of Power in the Nation's Highest Office. Alleges that money from
failed savings and loans was diverted to fund CIA's covert operations
including Iran - Contra and secret weapons deals. SPI, NY, 1992, 1st,
new, dj fine, $25.

Bunyan, Tony. The History and Practice of the Political Police in
Britain - Details; uniformed poice; the Special Branch; MI-5; the
private security agencies and covers surveillance techniques and
counter-revolutionary preparations. Quarter Bks, London, 1983, rev. ed.
Fine, no dj, lg format, soft cover, scarce, $30.

Burke, Colin. Information and Secrecy - Vanneuar, Bush, Ultra and the
other MSMEX. Scarecrow Pr., MD, 1994, 1st, new, no dj, $60.

Cairncross, John. The Enigma Spy - The story of the man who changed the
course of WWII. Amazing autobiography of the 5th Cambridge traitor who
reveals his spying on behalf of the KGB and later his evasion "game"
with British MI-5 counter espionage hunters. Century, London, 1997,
1st, new, dj fine, imported, $40.

Chappell, F. R. Wellington Wings - An RAF Intelligence Officer in the
Western Desert. Detailed diaries of day-to-day life in the Desert Group
and presents a vivid and realistic picture of the desert atmosphere. He
recaptures the excitement of perilous operations as well as the lighter
side of desert air warfare. Wm. Kimber, London, 1980, 1st British,
fine, dj fine, imported, $40.

Charters, D; Farson, S; Hastsdt, G. Editors, Intelligence Analysis and
Assessment - A series of 13 essays on the subject, covering a critical
assessment in US, UK, GDR, AUS. Two essays examine how well
intelligence producers have related to their political masters. A third
section focuses on the changing ground in the Intelligence community.
Finally, this volume examines the impact of new technologies and modes
of communication on intelligence gathering and analysis. Frank Cass,
London, 1996, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $25.

Chinnery, Philip. Anytime, Any place - A history of USAF Air Command
and specific opeerations forces. Fifty years of rich history from
Wingate's Chindit jungle fighters in Burma to the Rescue Mission at the
US Embassy in Iran and the Techno Special Ops of the Gulf War. NIP, MD,
1994, 1st, new, dj fine, $33.

Conquest, Robert. Kolyma: The Arctic Death Camps. An excellent
historical work of Russia's gulag (prisons) or labor camps - a very
moving "read". Oxford, Univ. Pr., NY, 1979, not 1st, $15.

Constance, Harry & Fuerst, Randall. Good to Go. The life and times of a
decorated member of the US Navy's Elite Seal Team Two. This work is a
behind-the-scenes look at what SEAL combat was really like. An exciting
memoir. Morroe, NY, 1997, 1st, new, dj, fine, $24.

Cornwall, Hugo. The Industrial Espionage Handbook - Tells you how it's
done; collection of commercial intelligence; how to spy; how others
could be spying on you; sources and methods for the espionage agent;
how to defend yourself against any of the above. Century, London, 1991,
1st, fine, no dj, lg format, soft cover, imported, $30.

Conroy, Richard. Our Man in Belize - A dry and witty memoir by a former
U.S. vice-counsul in Belise when it was still British Honduras. Has
some intelligence connection. A delightful memoir. St. Martin's Pr.,
NY, 1st, new, dj fine, $27.50.

Cunningham, Ccyril. Beaulieu:The Finishing School for Secret Agents.
The site where agents were trained in the balck arts of silent killing,
sabotage and survival techniques. Taught by spies, burglars, and even
Kim Philby who played a significant role in the design of the
curriculum. Leo Cooper, London, 1998, 1st British, new, dj fine,
imported, $35.

Curtis, Mike. COB - Close Quarter Battle. SAS expert at COB describes
his gruelling experiences in the Falklands and then his major
operations in Iraq and Bosnia where he operated behind the lines. He
gives fullest and most wide-ranging account into the life of one of the
world's elite fighting forces. Batam Press, London, 1997, 1st Brit.
New, dj fine, imported, $45.

Day, D., Logston, J., Latell, B., Editors. Eye in the Sky - The story
of the Corona Spy Satellites - This work presents the full story of the
satellites' origins, technology and far-reaching effects on foreign
policy and national security. Posits that satellite reconnaisnace was
the key to shaping the course of the Cold War. Smithsonian Pr., DC,
1st, 1998, $30.

DeFourneaus, Rene, Major, USA Ret. The Winking Fox - 22 years in
military intelligence. A marvelous mamoir of a young Frenchman who came
to the U.S. with family, recruited by OSS, trained by SOE and
parachuted. After the liberation of Paris, he was transferred to Asia
to infiltrate Japanese held French Indochina to aid HoChiMinh and his
band. ICA, Inc, IN, 1997, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $20.

Devine, Robert , Ed. The Cuban Missile Crisis - One of the early full
interpretations of this famous Cold War confrontation. Quadrangle Bks.,
IL, 1971, 2nd printing, vg-fine, no dj, lg format, soft cover, has
former owner's name, $10.

Dobson, Christopher. Black September - Its short, violent history - one
of the more comprehensive books written on this subject. Macmillan, NY,
1974, 1st, fine, dj vg-fine, rare, $40.

Dunlop, Richard. Donovan - America's Master Spy. Author had access to
Donovan's personal papers for this biography. Rand McNally, Chicago,
1982, 1st, good-vg, dj fine, ex lib, $20.

Dunnigan, James. Digital Soldiers - Author is an expert advisor to CIA
and State Dept. An interesting high tech update on the latest military
technology and its impact on warfare and intelligence gathering. St.
Martin's Pr., NY, 1st, new, dj fine, $26.

Eddington, Patrick. Gassed in the Gulf. Inside story of the
Pentagon-CIA cover-up of the Gulf War Syndrome. Author a former CIA
analyst, gives a stunning and personal account of the struggle and his
and his wife's efforts to expose one of the laargest government
cover-ups in modern times. Insignia Pub., DC, 1997, 1st, new, dj fine,
$24.

Elliott, Geoffrey. I Spy. The Secret Life of a British Agent. Exciting
biography by his son, this story tels of an agent dropped into Serbia
in 1942, imprisoned in Germany and expelled from Hungary. A complex web
of deception, glamorous women, Communist double agent, interrogation by
the Gestapo and Hungarian Secret Police while an SOE opeerative during
and after the war. St. Ermin's Press, London, 1998, 1st British, new,
dj fine, imported, $45.

Eshed, Haggai. Reuven Shiloah. The man behind the Mossad secret
diplomacy in the creation of Israel. Story of the man who established
the Mossad. He is credited with laying the foundations for the
intelligence community of the State of Israel. Although only at the
helm for two years, he left his imprint on Israeli intelligence from
the very outset playing a critical role in the complex and crisis-laden
history of the establishment of Israel's formidable intelligence
network. Frank Cass, London, 1997, 1st British, new, no dj, lg format,
soft cover, $28.

Flanagan, E. M., L. Gen. The Los Banos Raid - Story of the American
airborne assault on this infamous Japanese POW camp freeing more than
2,000 internees. This successful operation in February 1945 was
accomplished with the coordination of 11th Airborne, indigenous
guerrilla bands and the internees themselves. Presidio, CA, 1986, fine,
dj fine, $20.

Garrison, Jim. On the Trial of the Assassins. My investigation and
prosecution of the murder of JFK. Author alleges CIA was behind this
and points to evidence ignored by Warren Commission. Sheridan SQ. PR.,
NY, 1988, fine, dj fine, $30.

Fitzgeerald, Pat & Leopold, Mark. Stranger on the Line: Secret History
of Phone Tapping. First full-length study of the subject from the
British point of view. Sigint, GCHQ, MI-5, special branch, they're all
there. Also, comparison with U.S. methodology. Bodley Head, London,
1987, not 1st, scarce, imported, $40.

Foot, M. R. D. & Langley, J. M. MI-9 - Escape and Evasion - A secret
British unit that trained troops on how to behave in enemy hands and
how to "E & E". Filled with exciting and astonishing stories, attribute
to this clandestine unit. Bodley Head, London, 1979, 1st British, fine,
dj fine, very scarce, $40.

Gaddis, John Lewis. We Now Know - This author's masterpiece. This first
of two volumes is based upon the latest findings of Cold War historians
and archival research in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and
China. This covers the period from WWII to Cuban Missile Crisis; brims
with new information and fresh insights into impact of ideology,
economics and nuclear weapons with striking reinterpretations of US
presidents and world leaders. Oxford Univ. Pr., 1997, 1st, new, dj
fine, $30.

Generous, Kevin. Vietnam - The Secret War - A large coffee table type
book with more than 230 photos in color and B&W. Some never before
published in the west. CIA, Green Berets and covert bombing over
Cambodia. Bison Bks., NY, 1985, 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce, $45.

Geraghty, Tony. The Bullet Catchers - Bodyguards and the world of close
protection. A classic in the field of executive protection. Grafton,
London, 1988, 1st British, fine, dj fine, very scarce, imported, $65.

Gibson, Frank, MD. Clandestine Caduceus - Stories about the CIA from an
unusual perspective by the former director of the Agency's famous
medical unit. Written as a novel. Vantage, NY, 1973, 1st, fine, no dj,
very scarce, $75.

Gill, Peter. Policing Politics - Security intelligence and the liberal
democratic state. Author presents an overview of alleged abuses of
power by UK domestic security intelligence agencies, including police
special branches and MI-5. Frank Cass, London, 1994, not 1st, new, no
dj, lg format, soft cover, $27.

Goldhagen, Daniel. Hitler's Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and
the Holocaust. Based upon unexplored and neglected materials, shocking
portraits from the killers themselves; an important contribution to
this literature. Knoff, NY, 1997, not 1st, new, dj fine, $30.

Gutteridge, Wm. & Spence, J., Editors. Violence in Southern Africa.
Nine contributors discuss issues of liberation, struggles, cross-border
aggression, etc. in Angola, Mozambique, Kwazulu-Natal, Nambia, South
Africa and Zimbabwe. A scholarly text. Frank Cass, UK, 1997, not 1st,
new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $20.

Hamilton, Peter. Espionage and Subversion in an Industrial Society - An
examination and philosophy of defense for management. A very
interesting work, well written by the author, a man of vast
intelligence and security experience and cuts right to the heart of the
topic. Hutchinson, London, 1969, not 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce, $40.

Hamilton-Merritt, Jane. Tragic Mountains - The Hmong, the Americans,
and the Secret Wars for Laos 1942-1992. A story of courage, tenacity,
brutality and secrecy. IU Pr., IN, 1993, not 1st, new, dj fine, $30.

Harvey, John. With the French Foreign Legion in Syria. Author tells his
full story of his own experiences and reveals the truth behind the
legend of the French Foreign Legion. Greenhill Bks., London, 1st Brit.,
1995, new, dj fine, $35.

Hinckle, Warren & Turner, Wm. The Fish is Red - The story of the secret
war against Castro - fantastic story of U.S. undeclared war against
Cuba. It provides a dismaying and often times hilarious insight into
U.S. foreign policy. Alleges CIA concealment from Warren Commission
about Agency assets and JFK assassination. Harper & Row, NY, 1981, 1st,
vg, dj vg, ex lib, scarce, $35.

Hitchcock, Walter, Lt. Col., USAF, Editor. The Intelligence Revolution
- An historical perspective. Contains essays and commentaries
originally presented at USAF Academy by leading intelligence scholars,
eg. Chris Andrew, Ernie May, David Glatz and Walter Laqueur and others.
USAF Academy/Office of AF History, 1991, 1st, fine, no dj, lg format,
soft cover, $15.

Hunter, Jack D. One of Them Works for Us - One of the better
counter-espionage novels written by a master story teller. Filled with
tradecraft and an interesting "read". Dutton, NY, 1967, 1st, fine, dj
vg-fine, scarce, $55.

Hobman, D. L. Cromwell's Master Spy - A study of John Turloe - a little
known work about espionage in England from 1653-1660. As Cromwell's
Sec. Of State, Turloe also ran his intelligence services. This work
highlights the international tensions that threatened war amid shifting
international alliances of the times. Chapman & Hall, London, 1961, 1st
Brit., fine, dj vg-fine, has library seal, rare, $60.

Holbrooke, Richard Adm. To End a War - America's chief negotiator in
Bosnia. A gripping inside story; a classic account of the uses and
misuses of American power; its lessons go far beyond the boundaries of
the Balkins. Has numerous references to intelligence in this book.
Random House, NY, 1998, 1st, new, dj fine, $28.

Hougan, Jim. Secret Agenda - Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA - A
history-making book that exposes one of the darkest moments in
America's past. Random House, NY, 1984, 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce,
$25.

Household, Geoffrey. Against the Wind. Story of an Oxford graduate who
made his mark in Romania, Spain and South America. When WWII came in
1939, he became an officer in British Intelligence to thwart the Nazi
invasion in various countries in Europe and the Middle East. L. Brown,
MA, 1958, 1st Am., fine, dj vg, rare, $40.

Hunt, Ray & Norling, B. Behind Japanese Lines - An American guerrilla
in the Philippines. Author escaped the Bataan Death March, organized a
guerrilla band that gathered intelligence, harassed the Japanese for
the next three years. A moving story. UPKY, KY, 1986, 1st, new, dj
fine, scarce, $35.

Hunter, Jack D. One of Us Works for Them - A novel of counter-espionage
by a master story teller who was a CIA officer and undercover agent in
Germany in WWII. A classic in its field. Dutton, NY, 1967, 1st, fine,
dj vg-fine, scarce, $55.

Hunter, Stephen. Time to Hunt. A nevel by the master. Weaves a plot
that sweeps from the killing fields of Vietnam to the shadowy plots of
the new world order. Author delivers all the complex stay-up-all-night
action his fans demand in a family heartbreak and international
intrigue. A good read! Doubleday, NY, 1998, 1st, new, dj fine, $24.

Ichinokuchi, Tad. Dr. John Also and the M.I.S Japanese-American
soldiers in the military intelligence service, WWII - Story of a Nisei
leader who trained Japanese-American soldiers who played a significant
role in the Pacific in WWII. MIS, CA, 1st, vg, no dj, lg format, soft
cover, minor marginal notes, rare, $50.

Inderfurth, K. & Johnson, Loch. Decisions of the Highest Order -
Perspectives on the National Security Council. A comprehensive
behind-the-scenes look at today's NSC. One of the best works ever done
on this agency. Brooks -Cole, CA, 1988, poss. 1st, fine, no dj, lg
format, soft cover, $23.

Jeffreys-Jones, R. & Andrew, C., Editors, Eternal Vigilance? - 50 years
of the CIA - 12 essays that offer some reinterpretations of a few major
established themes in CIA history. These draw on recently declassified
documents and newly- available archives. Frank Cass, London, 1997, not
1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $25.

Jewell, N.l.A., Lt. Secret Mission Submarine - Story of the
infiltration of Gen. Mark Clark into North Africa by the captain of the
submarine that took him there. Ziff Davis, NY, no date, not 1st, vg, no
dj, has former owner's name, scarce, $35.

Joesten, Joachim. The Red Hand - The sinister account of the terrorist
arm of the French right-wing 'ultras' in Algeria and on the continent.
An underground struggle waged by both sides with ruthless fanaticism
resulted in the loss of many innocent lives. Abelard Schuman, NY, 1962,
1st Am., fine, dj fine, $45.

Johnson, David. Germany's Spies and Saboteurs - Inflitrating the Allies
in World War II. A fascinating compliation by the Abwehr showing
little-known successes in the US and UK by German Intellingence. MBI,
WI, 1998, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $20.

Johnston, Kenneth R. The Hidden Wordsworth - Poet, Lover, Rebel, Spy. A
new and well-researched portrait of this interesting man. This 900 page
tome reveals new information and insights showing his recruitment and
service in the newly formed British Secret Service, on spy missions in
Germany and at home in the west of England where revolutionary ideas
were spreading among the populous. Set in the late 16th Century.
Norton, NY, 1998, 1st, new, dj fine, $45.

Johnson, Richard. Seeds of Victory - Psychological Warfare and
Propaganda. Explores in detail the component mechanics of an intensely
orchestrated psywar campaign utilizing the most recent format of the
Persian Gulf War as a case in point. As a reference source, this text
isof historical significance. Schiffer, PA, 1997, revised,, 2nd ed,
$50.

Kahn, David. The Codebreakers. The story of secret writing. This is THE
classic work! Offering these at below our costs, on a first come first
served basis, while our supply lasts. Some have dust jackets, others do
not. This special will not be repeated. MacMillan, NY, circa 1968, not
1st, vg or better condition.

Keith, Jim. Black Helicopters Over America. Strike force for the New
World Order. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, the author cracks
the case of the mysterious black choppers and the sinister forces who
control them. This is the first book to explore the truth behind the
secret war within our borders. Illumet, GA, 1994, 1st, new, no dj, lg
format, soft cover, $13.

Kessler, Ron. Inside the White House - The hidden lives of the modern
presidents and the secrets of the world's most powerful institution.
Lively and interesting. Pocket Books, NY, 1995, 1st, new, dj fine, $25.

Klass, Philip J. The Real Roswell Crashed - Saucer cover up - noted
author on UFO subjects, has an entire chapter on CIA declassified
documents. You decide! Prometheus Bks., NY, 1997, 1st, new, dj fine,
$25.

Kolko, Joyce & Gabriel. The Limits of Power. The world and U.S. foreign
policy 1945-54. Comprehensive and detailed work based on a mass of
unpublished primary material. A full scale history of U.S. foreign
policy in the 1st post-war decade. Harper & Row, NY, 1972, 1st, vg, dj
vg, poss ex lib, scarce, $30.

Korbonski, Stefan. The Polish Underground State. A guide to the
underground 1939-45. Considered the comprehensive overview of this
movement at that time. Eastern European Quarterly, CO, 1978, 1st, new,
no dj, rare, $70.

Krivitsky, Walter. In Stalin's Secret Service - An expose of Russia's
secret policies by the former Chief of Soviet Intelligence in Western
Europe. A classic in intelligence literature. Has preface by Wm. Hood;
this places the work in historical perspective as one of the truly
indispensable books in this field. UPA, MD, 1985, 1st, new, dj fine,
$55.

Kyle, James H., Col. USAF (Ret). The Guts to Try - Untold story of the
Iran Hostage Rescue Mission by the on-scene desert commander. Orion
Bks., NY, 1990, 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce, $35.

Laurie, Clayton. The Propaganda Warriors - America's crusade against
Nazi Germany. Details the creation, evolution, and field operations of
the Office of War Information, Morale Ops Branch - OSS & U.S. Army
Psych Warfare serving Allied Forces in Europe. U. KS, KS, 1996, 1st,
new, dj fine, $35.

Leigh, David. The Wilson Plot - How the sypcatchers (MI-5) and their
American allies (CIA) tried to overthrow the British government.
Allegedly a conspiracy with James Angleton at the "center". Pantheon,
NY, 1988, 1st Am., fine, dj fine, $25.

Levchenko, Stan. On the Wrong Side - My Life in the KGB - The exciting,
tragic, and sometimes bizarre life of a very successful Soviet spy.
Along the way, it gives a behind-the-scenes look at the workings of the
KGB's spy school. Pergamon Brassey, DC, 1988, 1st, fine, dj fine, $25.

Lomask, Milton. Aaron Burr. Two volume set - Vol. 1 - the years from
Princeton to Vice President, 1756 - 1805; Vol. 2 - the conspiracy and
years of exile, 1805 - 1836. Fascinating bio of an amazing man of
intrigue and his quest for power in the early years that plunged him
into treason, trial, exile and disgrace. Farrar, Straus, Giroux, NY,
1979 & 1982, 1st, fine, dg vg-f, $70

[jum...@my-deja.com]

Lunen, Sstanislav & Winkler, Ira. Through the Eyes of the Enemy -
Russia's highest ranking military defector reveals why Russia is more
dangerous than ever. Russian GRU Colonel discloses shocking threats
from today's SVR-KGB & GRU to poison U.S. water supplies and infiltrate
assassination squads to target U.S. leaders and much more. A shocking
expose. Regnery, DC, 1998, 1st, new, dj fine, $25.

Mackenzie, Angus. Secrets - The CIA's war at home - An eye opening
expose, magnificently researched, lucidly written - the result of 15
years of investigative work, uncovers CIA's systematic efforts to
suppress and censor information. UCA PR., 1997, 1st, new, dj fine,
$27.50.

MacLean, French Col. The Cruel Hunters: SS-Sonderkommnado Dirlewanger -
Hitler's most notorious anti-partisan unit. A brutal, compelling work.
A scholarly treatise on this little-known unit that suppressed the
Poles, and then the Russians on the Eastern Front. Schiffer, PA, 1998,
new, dj fine, $30.

Mahl, Thomas. Desperate Deception - British covert operations in the
U.S., 1939-1944. Author reveals Britain's widespread use of front
groups, agents & & collaborators, and shows how its agents manipulated
and influenced U.S. elections. Brasseys, VA, 1st, 1998, new, dj fine,
$25.

Marchetti, Victor. The Rope-Dancer. An interesting fictionalization of
life at the top of the "CIA" by a man who spent almost 15 years
watching and making intelligence policy happen. An excellent "read".
Grosset & Dunlap, 1971, 1st Am., fine, dj fine, rare, $65.

Marquis, Susan. Unconventional Warfare - Rebuilding U.S. Special
Operations Forces. Explores the unique institutional culture that makes
the Special Operations special, and explains how they have fought
successfully for organizational survival. Written by a senior civilian
DOD policy maker. Brookings Inst. DC, 1997, 1st, new, no dj, lg format,
soft cover, $20.

Markov, Georgi. The Truth that Killed - The devastating memoir that
caused the "Umbrella Murder" of Bulgaria's Solzhenitsyn. Ticknor &
Fields, NY, 1984, 1st, fine, dj fine, has former owner's inscription,
$35.

Marx, Gary. Undercover - Police Surveillance in America - Author, a
noted criminal justice scholar, looks at the moral and social questions
raised by the use of deceptive tactics on the part of law enforcement.
20th Century Fund, CA, 1988, 1st, fine, no dj, scarce, $35.

Masters, Peter. Striking Back - A Jewish commando's war against the
Nazis - A specially trained unit of German refugees provided invaluable
service, both as front-line interrogators and intelligence operatives
attached to other commando units and as clandestine raiders behind Nazi
clines. A rascinating WWII memoir. Presidio Pr., CA, 1997, 1st, new, dj
fine, $25.

McDonald, Robert, Editor. Corona - Between the Sun and the Earth - The
first NRO reconnaissance bye in space. A series of articles that reveal
the history of space reconnaissance; the beginning, the technology,
people and organizations, declassification, its impact, and future. A
true collectors "bible", very comprehensive. ASPRS, MD, 1997, 1st, new,
no dj, $75.

Meray, Tibor. Thirteen Days That Shook the Kremlin. Imre Nagy and the
Hungarian Revolution - reveals the shadowy behind-the-scenes events
that led to this revolution that shook the world in 1956. Praeger, NY,
1959, 1st, fine, dj vg, rare, $50.

Miller, Jay. Lockheed Martin's Skunk Works. The first and only official
history of the world's most famous advanced aircraft design bureau.
Midland Pub., UK, 1995, rev ed., new, no dj, lg format, soft cover,
$30.

Milne, Seumas. The Enemy Within - MI-5, Maxwell and the Scargill Affair
- MI-5's penetration of the National Union of Mineworkers to foster the
specter of a political clique out to undermine democracy and liberty -
a penetrating look behind the scenes. Verso, London, 1994, vg-fine, dj
vg-fine, imported, $40.

Morauec, Frantisek, Gen. Master of Spies - Author was head of Czech
Intelligence before, during and after WWII. A fascinating look from the
Czech perspective; tells about his important flow of info on
Intelligence from very high levels in the German High Command, while he
was in exile in London during the war. An interesting memoir.
Doubleday, NY, 1975, 1st, fine, dj vg, $25.

Morris, George. CIA and American Labor. The subversion of the AFL-CIO's
Foreign Policy. Veteran labor reporter probes into this relationship
and realizes labor acted as a clearinghouse for Agency interventions in
Latin America. Intl. PR, NY, 1967, fine, no dj, paperback, has former
owner's name, $40.

Morris, Jim. The Devil's Secret Name. Author a Vietnam combat veteran,
found himself in the middle of seven wars on three continents in the
early 1980's as a war correspondent. While witnessing the wars in El
Salvador, Lebanon, Cambodia and Israel, he discovered proof that the
Soviet KGB were supporting these wars around the world. Daring Books,
OH, 1989, 1st, rare, $40.

Moyar, Mark. Phoenix and the Birds of Prey - The CIA's Secret Campaign
to Destroy the Viet Cong. Drawing on recently declassified documents,
this study explodes many of the prevailing myths and perceptions that
have been mistakenly lumped together under the term Phoenix. A must
read. NIP, MD, 1997, 1st, new, dj fine, $30.

Neff, Donald. Warriors at Suez - Eisenhower Takes America into the
Middle East. Has numerous CIA references. Linden Pr., NY, 1981, 1st,
vg/vg, $25.

Nelson, Michael. War of the Black Heavens - The battles of western
broadcasting in the Cold War - This work based upon first-hand
interviews and Soviet Central Committee documents shows the massive
effort waged to prevent the infiltration of Western thought into their
world; for example, jamming radio signals, assassinating staff and
bombing radio stations. Has extensive CIA references. Syracuse U. PR.,
1997, NY, 1st, new, dj fine, $30.

O'Faolain, Sean. The Great O'Neill. A biography of Hugh O'Neill, Earl
of Tyrone 1550-1616. One of the most famous soldiers in Europe. He wore
out Elizabeth the 1st, broke generals like Essex and Brough and
involved Spain and Rome. Through these pages pass Papal legates,
government spies, cutthroats, prisoners, traitors. Mercier Press,
Dublin, Ireland, 1992, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover,
imported, $20.

Olmstead, Kathryn. Challenging the Secret Government. - The post
Watergate investigations of the CIA and FBI, the Church and Pike
Committees. The establishment of Congressional Intelligence Committees
and the author's contention that Congress and media were unwilling to
challenge the executive branch in national security measures. UNC Pr.,
NC, 1996, 1st, new, no dj, $35. (Ck this - cards differ in description)

Pacepa, Ion. Red Horizons - The extraordinary memoirs of a Communist
spy chief. Author, a two-star general was head of the Romanian
equivalent of MI-6 or the KGB. He was one of the highest level
officials ever to defect to the West. Heinemann, London, 1988, 1st
Brit., fine, dj fine, $25.

Paine, Lauran. Britains's Intelligence Service - This work traces
British Intelligence operations from Tudor times, from ElizabePape,. th
I, through the 18th and 19th centuries and the First and Second World
Wars. Robert Hale, London, 1979, 1st Bris., vg-fine, dj fine, ex lib,
imported, $30.

Pape, Richard. Boldness Be My Friend - Story of RAF Flyer downed after
a raid on Herman Goering's residence, captured in Holland, escapes and
embarks on an amazing odyssey across Westerrn and Eastern Europe. A
three-year adventure, ranked one of the most dramatic of WWII. One copy
only - scarce title. Blek, London, 2nd, 1953, fine, dj fine, rare, $55.

Peebles, Curtis. The Corona Project - America's First Spy Satellites.
Meticulously organized, documented, and well thought out. Certain to
become a standard reference on this important subject. Author an
aerospace historian draws on interviews with people who worked on the
project, and declassified documents, including CIA's official account.
NIP, MD, 1997, 1st, new, dj fine, $37.

Phillips, Wm. R. Night of the Silver Stars - The Battle of Lang Vei.
First full account of the violent and deadly stand by special force
team A-101 of a stunning battle that has languished in the shadows of
history. Also has references to MACV-SOC. Great "read". NIP, MD, 1st,
1997, new, dj fine, $30.

Piekalkiewicz, Janusz. Secret Agents, Spies and Saboteurs - famous
undercover missions of WWII - one of the most interesting and
comprehensive spy books done on WWII. Marrow, London, 1973, 1st Brit.,
rare, $75.

Popplewell, Richard J. Intelligence and Imperial Defense. British
Intelligence and the Defense of the Indian Empire 1904-1924. This is
the first book on British Intelligence Ops. Based both in India and
London. During the first two decades of the 20th Century, the UK
defended the Indian Empire against subversion from Indian
revolutionaries. The defeat of these forces was the result of a complex
intelligence network embracing not only Delhi and London, but US, Far
East and many European countires as well. During WW1, the activities of
these revolutionaries extended to all these places and many more. A
wonderful history of this area. Frank Cass, London, 1995. 1st Brit.
New, dn dj, lg format, soft cover, $28.

Price, Alfred. The History of U.S. Electronic Warfare. Tells for the
first time full story of WWII activities called radio countermeasure.
After 5 years of research and 3 years of writing author able to produce
a highly detailed insight into the nature of real life electronic
battle. Numerous photos, charts, and biliography. Assn. of Old Crows,
VA, 1984, 1st, Vol. 1 only, vg, dk vg - has former owner's inscription,
very sacarce, $50.

Putnam, Wm. Lowell. Green Cognac. Education of a mountain fighter. A
superb account of the mountain and ski troops as seen from the author's
wry perspective. Story of the elite 10th Mountain Division whose
determined drive broke German resistance and brought about the first
large-scale enemy surrender of WWII. AAC Press, NY, 1991, 1st, fine, dj
fine, scarce, $40.

Rachlis, Eugene. They Came to Kill - The true story of eight Nazi
saboteurs in America - They landed at night by submarine; their mission
was to cripple America's war production. Random House, NY, 1961, 1st,
fine, dj vg, $30.

Randall, Jonathan. After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness. Veteran war
correspondent takes us behind the scenes for the inner story of power
politics in the Middle East. His sympathetic knowledge of Kurdish
history and his unparalled access to Kurdish leaders, diplomats,
intelligence agents, etc, makes him the only writer able to get this
shocking story. Farrar Straus, NY, 1997, 1st, new, dj fine, $25.

Reich, Christopher. Numbered Account. A work of searing intelligence
and sheer storytelling genius, Numbered Account is one of those rare
thrillers that not only makes you sweat, but makes you think. Delacorte
Press, NY, 1998, 1st, new, dj fine, $25.

Reisman, Mike & Baker, Jim. Regulating Covert Action - Practices,
Contexts & Policies of Coercion Abroad in International and American
Law. A sophisticated and comprehensive framework for assessing the
legal quality of covert ops againt foreign countries. Rich in detail,
this work is one of originality and reliable scholarship. Yale U. Pr,
CT, 1992, 1st, new, dj fine, $37.50

Ross, Stewart. Spies and Traitors - This beautifully illustrated
children's text introduces spies and traitors throughout history, as
well as their tools and technology. Produced in the UK, illustrated in
Italy and printed in Belgium - gives this work a real international
flavor. A collectable item. Copper Beach Books, CT., 1995, not 1st,
new, no dj, lg format, soft cover $7.

Sarlin, Oleg & Dvoretsky, Lev, COC. The Afghan Syndrome. Authors
soldier-journalists using secret archives to give the true story of
internal intrigue in Kabul, the capital city. Some CIA and KGB
references - interesting point of view from Russian side. Presidio Pr.,

CA, 1993, 1st, new, dj fine, $30.

Saxon, Kurt. The Poor Man's James Bond. 4 volume set - more than 1,800
pages in this set. A 'how-to" library that would make James Bond
envious. Call for details if you need them. Atlan Formularies, AR,
1993, not 1st, vg-fine, sold as a set, $100.

Schweizer, Peter. Friendly Spies - How America's allies are using
economic espionage to steal our secrets. Based upon extensive
interviews with Intelligence officials from the U.S. and foreign spy
agencies. Atlantic Monthly Pr., NY, 1993, 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce,
$35.

Self, Jane. 60 Minutes and the Assassination of Werner Erhard. - An
incredible story of espionage, conspiracy, and sabotage which may sound
like it came right out of a best-selling spy novel. Shows how America's
top-ranked TV show was used in an attempt to destroy a man who was
making a difference. Breakthru Pub., TX, 1992, 1st, new, dj fine, $20.

Seth, Ronald. Encyclopedia of Espionage. The authentic and exciting
stories of the great spies and lesser spies of history arranged in
handy reference form. Doubleday, NY, 1982, poss. 1st, poor-gd, dj gd,
book is ex lib, shows extensive wear, very scarce, excellent research
tool, $25.

Stanton, Shelby. Green Berets at War - U.S. Army special Forces in S.E.
Asia 1957-1975. Well researched and written in a scholarly manner.
Presidio, CA, 1985, 1st, vg, no dj - has small scuff on backboard, very
scarce, $40.

Shirley, Edward. Know Thine Enemy - A Spy's Journey into Revolutionary
Iran. Story of CIA operative denied entry into Iran by the Agency,
resigned in protest, then smuggled himself into Iran and discovered the
troubling state of affairs in this significant Middle Eastern country.
FSG, NY, 1997, 1st, new, dj fine, $24.

Simpson, Christopher. Blowback - The first full account of America's
recruitment of Nazis, and its disastrous effect on our domestic and
foreign policy. Weidenfeld & Nicholson, NY, 1988, 1st, fine, dj fine,
scarce, $35.

Sleeper, Raymond, Editor. Mesmerized by the Bear - Fifteen authorities
in various aspects of Soviet affairs analyze Soviet deception in such
areas as: subversion, terrorism, covert coups, and overt aggressions.
Dodd Mead, NY, 1987, 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce, $25.

Smist, Frank. Congress Oversees the US Intelligence Community 1947-94.
An updated edition of this widely respected study of Congressional
oversight. A detailed analysis based on interviews with participants in
the legislative and executive branches as well as CIA officials; most
thorough review of oversight to date. U. TN Pr., TN, 1994, new, no dj,
lg. Format, soft cover, $25.

Smith, Lou. The Secret of MI-6 - This psychological thriller is based
upon revelations in General Reinhard Gehlen's memoirs and is
corroborated by the CIA. A counterintelligence duel of wits in novel
format. St. Martin's Pr., NY, 1st, fine, dj vg-fine, scarce, $30.

Stafford, David. Churchill and Secret Service. An historical
compilation from his years as a correspondent in South Africa to
wartime England. He built a centralized intel community; his role with
ULTRA, SOE and his alliance with Roosevelt - Author is an intelligence
historian. Overlook Pr., NY, 1997, 1st, new, dj fine, $35.

Thompson, Robert Sir. Revolutionary War in World Strategy 1945-1969 -
Brilliant and succinct study that dissects the precise workings of
Russian and Chinese revolutionary movements since WWII by the Brit. who
headed the UK advisory mission to Vietnam. Taplinger, NY, 1970, 1st
Brit., fine, dj vg- fine, scarce, $30.

Traftone, Edwin. "Cell 13" A nihilist episode in the secret history of
New York and St. Petersburg; culminating in the assassination of
Alexander II. A novel. International Book Co., NY, 1888, 1st, gd-vg, no
dj, rare, $75.

Turner, Wm. & Christian, John. The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy -
A searching look at the conspiracy and cover-up 1968-1978. This work is
truly a classic in the RFK literature. A very scarce work. Random
House, NY, 1978, 1st/2nd printing, fine, dj fine, very rare, $300.

Van Der Rhoer, Edward. Master Spy - A true story of Allied espionage in
Bolshevik Russia. Little-known biography of Sidney Reilly that shows a
shocking conclusion of just what his true mission really was. Author,
an intelligence expert, based this work on extensive research and first
person interviews. Scribners, NY, 1981, 1st, fine, dj fine, scarce,
$35.

Victory, B. Editor. Modernizing Intelligence: Structure and Change for
the 21st Century - Chair of this study was Lgen Wm. Odom USA (Ret.) -
This study differs from other recent efforts by dealing with structural
and management issues, not policy problems, and concludes that
structural reform is necessary. NI??, VA, 1997, 1st, new, no dj, lg
format, soft cover, $15.

Weisman, Steve, Ed. Big Brother and the Holding Company - The World
Behind Watergate. A series of essays that take the reader beyond the
Watergate break-in, cover-up and resignation of a U.S. President. They
shine a spotlight on the underlying corporate elite's infrastructure in
our society to expose its corruption. CIA takes some hard knocks in
this work. Rauparts Press, CA, 1974, 1st, vg-fine, dj fine, has former
owner's name, rare, $55.

Welchman, Gordon. The Hut Six Story - Breaking the Enigma Codes. One of
the Bletchley Park heroes of WWII. No other book has explained so
thoroughly how the German code was broken, and gives the reader
on-the-scene presence - a classic in crypto literature. Baldwin, UK,
1997, revised and updated edition, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover,
$20.

Wilson, Damon. World Famous Spies - True stories of betrayal,
espionage, and stealth with 25 difference entries. Parragon, UK, circa
1990's, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $15.

Winborn, Byron. Wen Bon - A Naval Air Intelligence officer behind
Japanese lines in China in WWII - Part of a covert op in southeastern
China, they sought valuable technical info from downed Japanese
aircraft and advised Washington. Assigned to Shanghai post WWII, he
served in Naval air priorities. This memoir filled with thoughtful
observations about attitudes and lifestyles in Chinese and Japanese
cultures. Univ. N. TX, TX, 1st, $30.

Winter, Barbara. The Intrigue Master - Commander Long and Naval
Intelligence in Australia, 1913-1945. Biography of the man who set up
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Responsible for modernizing Australian Naval Intelligence. Most of all,
intelligence and clandestine work in Australia centered around him.
Boolarong, AUS, 1995, 1st AUS, new, no dj, imported, $75.

Wirtz, James. The Tet Offensive - Intelligence Failure in War. Author
reconstructs in unprecedented detail the account of one of the worst
intelligence failures in American history. He draws on recently
declassified U.S. sources for this fascinating book. Cornell, U. Pr.,
NY, 1994, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover, $20.

Yalkowsky, Stanley. The Murder of the Rosenbergs. Contains some
transcripts of the trial in an effort to support his theory that Jacob
Golos, Harry Gold and Elizabeth Bentley were working for the FBI.
Privately published by author, NY, 1990, 1st, fine, no dj, lg format,
soft cover, $25.

Wark, Wesley, Editor. Espionage - Past, Present, Future? Series of 8
essays resulting from a conference at the Univ. of Toronto in the early
1990's, with a focus on U.K. and Canadian Intelligence communities.

Frank Cass, London, 1994, not 1st, new, no dj, lg format, soft cover,

$21.

West, Nigel & Isarev, Oleg. The Crown Jewels - The British secrets at
the heart of the KGB archives. West and his co-author went to the
source in Dzerzhinskii Square, Moscow to research the in-depth history
for this behind-the-scenes look aat the KGB's most treasured secrets.
This is a mustread! Harper Collins, London, 1998, 1st British, new, dj
fine, imported, $45.

Wright, Robin. Sacred Rage - The Wrath of Militant Islam. This is the
"Bible" on Shi'ite terrorism. Well researched and documented by a
Middle East scholar. Touchstone Bks, NY, 1985, not 1st, small stain on
bottom edge, $25.

Zuckerman, Frederic. The Tsarist Secret Police in Russian Society
1880-1917 - This is the first work to place the entire history of the
Okharana within the context of political and social history of the last
of Imperial Russia. NYU Pr., 1996, 1st, new, dj fine, $50.

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[Scott Corey & Mary Foley]

vineland_...@my-deja.com wrote:
>
> Just like Adolf Hitler. Oh, my Yiddish cheeks. I need a stud to
> fulfill my fantasies. Perhaps Agent99 might be interested in placating
> my desires. He suggested I put a keyboard in my arse, but I need
> something bigger--and maybe he has it. Oh, my Yiddish buns.
>

> Peter (now don't get perverted thoughts with my name)

Peter!

So good to hear from you and your Yiddish buns again!

I just finished moving, and will be around a.f.u. a lot more in the
near future. Hope to hear from you more often.

Scott

[Scott Corey & Mary Foley]

Ken McVay included:

"There is no evidence that Hitler carried any Jewish blood in his
veins. Lots of incest in the family, but no Jews."

Interesting review of the literature, and a look at your website makes
it clear you have no axe to grind for Hitler. Thanks for the info.

Scott

[vineland repatriate]

On Fri, 30 Jul 1999 16:41:58 +0000, Scott Corey & Mary Foley
<sco...@mail.saber.net> wrote:

>vineland_...@my-deja.com wrote:
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
>Peter!

Um, that's not an email address I use. I also don't normally - have never
done, actually - post from POPs in Florida. One visitor here does, though.

Yes, it's our friendly Moor La Sida, hoping people will come out and play
with his trolls. *Begging* for attention.

> So good to hear from you and your Yiddish buns again!

Now, Scott, you know I like a man in uniform, but I thought we were going
to keep my Yiddish buns our little secret. Careful, or I'm going to Share
With the Class the Story of Our Trip To the Firing Range, if you know what
I mean, and I think you do.

> I just finished moving, and will be around a.f.u. a lot more in the
>near future. Hope to hear from you more often.

Glad to hear you've finished moving. I just finished reading Cloudsplitter
(the novel about John Brown, now out in paper) by Russell Banks. In the
end, I think James Lee Burke (the Dave Robicheaux novels set in Louisiana)
has more interesting things to say about race than Cloudsplitter does,
simply because Brown was approached racism as a sin to be thought of in an
Old Testament-informed fashion which wasn't easy for his contemporaries to
handle, let alone having much bearing on how the average person approaches
sin generally today. I thought Cloudsplitter did pretty well at capturing
a 19th Century voice. When all was said and done, I felt like I'd read a
longish Little House on the Prairie, only with lots more guns and religion.

The religion discussion is fairly interesting. Once I get my copy of
Cloudsplitter back from my mom, I need to see if I'm right that the sermon
devoted to Job is lifted almost outright from Jung's answer to Job.
Something else I thought was interesting, but haven't seen commented on
much in the reviews I've read, are some suggestions of deeply sublimated
homoerotic impulses by the narrator (one of John Brown's sons.)

I know that either you or Ross, or perhaps both, were interested in reading
this to see how much of it felt Kaczynski-esque. As I say, the approach
taken by John (both historically and in this novel, although the character
narrating is very heavily fictionalized, aspects of John are apparently
not) is so deeply informed by his interest in the Old Testament that while
he is as far ahead of his contemporaries on race as some would say
Kaczynski is on environmental issues, there is little or no parallel beyond
their extreme radicalism. For instance, John was publically identified by
name with his positions and worked well with others, if they were on his
side and extremely committed.

The character of the son may owe some inspiration to Ted, as there are
parallels there, but the depiction of the son's life is apparently almost
entirely fictional.

-Peter
scr...@cyberpass.net

"There's no radiation. No matter. No House managers. It's a good universe."
-- Physicist Robert Kolb, on the apparent composition of the Universe at
approximately 0.00000000000000000000000000000000001 seconds of age.

[Pyro]

vineland repatriate puked:

(re: in response to Scott)

>Glad to hear you've finished moving. I just finished reading Cloudsplitter
>(the novel about John Brown, now out in paper) by Russell Banks. In the
>end, I think James Lee Burke (the Dave Robicheaux novels set in Louisiana)
>has more interesting things to say about race than Cloudsplitter does,
>simply because Brown was approached racism as a sin to be thought of in an
>Old Testament-informed fashion which wasn't easy for his contemporaries to
>handle, let alone having much bearing on how the average person approaches
>sin generally today.

How convenient for a troll like you to deem racism a Sin. How painful it
must be for you to acknowledge what a product of REJECTION you are. A
typical kike who makes a religion out of the world. It's in your blood,
fool. If it's not money it's the worship of people and objects. It doesn't
take too much to see how this turns into "PC".

Get your Jew-"PC" filth out of this forum. If you have a gripe against
racism, then Jews should be your primary target.

You are a product of ancestors who IMPOVERISHED millions of peasants and
artisans. A product of a people who disproportionately were involved in
Negro slavery. A product of people who have practiced, and still practice,
ethnic cleansing against the Palestinians.

My ancestors called your people MARRANOS. Voltaire also called your people
MARRANOS. "Marranos" are pigs. Yes, PIGS.

You are a product of a race which has been expelled over 1000 times through
history. Oh.. how that hook-nose and frizzy hair appears when you look in
the mirror! It should be of no wonder why you so hate the Aryan.

Punk.

[Pyro]

vineland repatriate wrote:

>Yes, it's our friendly Moor La Sida, hoping people will come out and play
>with his trolls. *Begging* for attention.

Pyro's racial composition:

1. Mediterranean (the original inhabitants of Spain and other parts of
southern Europe)
2. Visigoth (western Goth)
3. Celt (Yes, Pyro has discovered he is part Irish!)
4. Frank (Pyro recently discovered he is part French)
5. Chinese (~1/256)
6. Possibly some Arab or Berber, although I'm not sure.

I have green eyes and fair skin (freckles on my shoulders), and classical
features.

The Arabs were the most civilized in Europe in the Middle Ages, so if I have
a drop of Arab in me -- which would technically make me part Semitic -- then
it's cool with me. Who, then, can call me an anti-Semite? ;-)

In the past I have posted I was 1/16 Chinese. My grandmother seems to have
some Chinese features, so I thought she was half Chinese. It turns out I
greatly overestimated the Chinese.

Conclusion:

Pyro is half Mediterranean and half Aryan (and any Asian or Semitic in me is
deeply recessive).

[Pyro]

Pyro wrote:

>In the past I have posted I was 1/16 Chinese. My grandmother seems to have
>some Chinese features, so I thought she was half Chinese. It turns out I
>greatly overestimated the Chinese.

Okay, I can get lazy sometimes. I meant to say I thought she was 1/4
Chinese.

[SusanJ1111]

Hi Peter,

Nice to see you back!

I remember Cloudsplitter being a topic on the group last year. I think it had
to do with John Brown and TK both being considered madmen. Any thoughts on that
angle from your reading?

-Susan

P.S. - re: the imposter - I wasn't fooled, but then to be a genuine funny flame
from Scrapie, well, the post would have had to have been funny... and with a
point!

[SusanJ1111]

Hi Scott,

> I just finished moving, and will be around a.f.u. a lot more in the
>near future. Hope to hear from you more often.
>

Hey, welcome back! Glad to hear that you'll be around more!

-Susan

P.S. - Re: moving - this must be the summer for it - I just moved too! Hope
that anyone else engaged in this annoying activity is also done, and that
things can get back to normal around here.

[woodyw...@my-deja.com]

In article <19990802172002...@ng-fr1.aol.com>,

> ==============
Hey, that's it!: "The Summer of Move (pronounced: muv)".
Ya know, like "The Summer of Love (1967)"

[Scott Corey & Mary Foley]

vineland repatriate wrote:

> Um, that's not an email address I use. I also don't normally - have never
> done, actually - post from POPs in Florida. One visitor here does, though.
>

> Yes, it's our friendly Moor La Sida, hoping people will come out and play
> with his trolls. *Begging* for attention.

Oh dear! You mean that not all is just as it seems on the Net? I
guess I'm just too innocent for this rough environment.

> I know that either you or Ross, or perhaps both, were interested in reading
> this to see how much of it felt Kaczynski-esque. As I say, the approach
> taken by John (both historically and in this novel, although the character
> narrating is very heavily fictionalized, aspects of John are apparently
> not) is so deeply informed by his interest in the Old Testament that while
> he is as far ahead of his contemporaries on race as some would say
> Kaczynski is on environmental issues, there is little or no parallel beyond
> their extreme radicalism. For instance, John was publically identified by
> name with his positions and worked well with others, if they were on his
> side and extremely committed.
>
> The character of the son may owe some inspiration to Ted, as there are
> parallels there, but the depiction of the son's life is apparently almost
> entirely fictional.

Interesting. The connection to John Brown was originally drawn by
Mello, but I read recently that Kaczynski is not too pleased with it.
He said something like, "I knew almost nothing about John Brown." That
doesn't make the comparison less provocative, though.

For curiosity's sake, did the novel include any mention of a character
named Lysander Spooner? He was a libertarian anarchist of Brown's
period. Like Brown he lived his beliefs, but (like Kaczynski) he also
devoted some serious intellectual energy to those beliefs.

He famously attempted to set up a postal system to compete with the
federal one, and wrote a classic essay arguing that the Constitution was
a contract binding only those who signed it. He was a very active
abolitionist, even sending money and weapons to foment slave uprisings.
When Brown was in custody, Spooner advocated kidnapping the governor of
Virginia and holding him hostage until an exchange could be made for
Brown's freedom.

Scott