Biden administration grants temporary protected status to Haitian nigger immigrants mooching in US

[hamilton]

https://www.foxnews.com/politics/biden-temporary-protected-
status-to-haitian-immigrants-living-in-us

The Clintons’ Haiti Screw-Up, As Told By Hillary’s Emails

Jonathan M. Katz won the James Foley/Medill Medal for Courage in
Journalism for his coverage of the 2010 Haiti earthquake and
cholera epidemic, and the Overseas Press Club of America’s
Cornelius Ryan Award for his book, The Big Truck That Went By:
How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster. He
reported on the Clintons in Haiti for POLITICO on a grant from
the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting. Follow him on Twitter
@KatzOnEarth.

It’s hard to find anyone these days who looks back on the U.S.-
led response to the January 12, 2010, Haiti earthquake as a
success, but it wasn’t always that way. Right after the
disaster, even as neighborhoods lay in rubble, their people
sweltering under tarps, the consensus—outside Haiti—was that
America’s “compassionate invasion” (as TIME Magazine called it)
had been “largely a success” (Los Angeles Times), offering
further proof that “in critical moments of the history of
mankind … the United States is, in fact, the indispensable
nation” (Expresso, Portugal).

As the latest release of Hillary Clinton’s personal emails by
the U.S. State Department Monday revealed, that perception was
not an accident. “We waged a very successful campaign against
the negative stories concerning our involvement in Haiti,”
Judith McHale, the under-secretary of state for public diplomacy
and public affairs, wrote on February 26, 2010. A few weeks
before, the public affairs chief had emailed newspaper
quotations praising U.S. efforts in Haiti to Secretary Clinton
with the note “Our Posts at work.” Clinton applauded. “That’s
the result of your leadership and a new model of engagement w
our own people,” she replied. “Onward!”

But one person even closer to the secretary of state was singing
a different tune—very, very quietly. On February 22, after a
four-day visit to the quake zone, Chelsea Clinton authored a
seven-page memo which she addressed to “Dad, Mom,” and copied
their chief aides. That informal report tells a continuing story
of the unique brands of power and intelligence wielded by the
Clinton family in Haiti and around the world—and of the uniquely
Clinton ways they often undermine themselves.

First off, there was the secrecy. The memo—by a Clinton, with a
master’s in public health from Columbia University, pursuing a
doctorate in international relations from Oxford and with a
prominent role at her family’s foundation—would have obliterated
the public narrative of helpful outsiders saving grateful
earthquake survivors that her mother’s State Department was
working so hard to promote. Instead, like so much of the inner
workings of the Clintons’ vast network, it was kept secret,
released only in an ongoing dump of some 35,000 emails from
Hillary’s private server, in response to a Freedom of
Information Act Lawsuit wrapped up in the politics of the 2016
presidential election.

Chelsea Clinton was blunt in her report, confident the
recipients would respect her request in the memo’s introduction
to remain an “invisible soldier.” She had first come to the
quake zone six days after the disaster with her father and then-
fiancé, Mark Mezvinsky. Now she was returning with the medical
aid group Partners in Health, whose co-founder, Dr. Paul Farmer,
was her father’s deputy in his Office of the UN Special Envoy
for Haiti. What she saw profoundly disturbed her.

Five weeks after the earthquake, international responders were
still in relief mode: U.S. soldiers roamed Port-au-Prince
streets on alert for signs of social breakdown, while aid groups
held daily coordination meetings inside a heavily guarded UN
compound ordinary Haitian couldn’t enter. But Haitians had long
since moved on into their own recovery mode, many in
displacement camps they had set up themselves, as responders who
rarely even spoke the language, Kreyòl, worked around them,
oblivious to their efforts.

“The incompetence is mind numbing,” she told her parents. “The
UN people I encountered were frequently out of touch …
anachronistic in their thinking at best and arrogant and
incompetent at worst.” “There is NO accountability in the UN
system or international humanitarian system.” The weak Haitian
government, which had lost buildings and staff in the disaster,
had something of a plan, she noted. Yet because it had failed to
articulate its wishes quickly enough, foreigners rushed forward
with a “proliferation of ad hoc efforts by the UN and INGOs
[international nongovernmental organizations] to ‘help,’ some of
which have helped … some of which have hurt … and some which
have not happened at all.”

The former first daughter recognized something that scores of
other foreigners had missed: that Haitians were not just sitting
around waiting for others to do the work. “Haitians in the
settlements are very much organizing themselves … Fairly nuanced
settlement governance structures have already developed,” she
wrote, giving the example of camp home to 40,000 displaced quake
survivors who had established a governing committee and a series
of sub-committees overseeing security, sanitation, women’s needs
and other issues.

“They wanted to help themselves, and they wanted reliability and
accountability from their partners,” Chelsea Clinton wrote. But
that help was not coming. The aid groups had ignored requests
for T-shirts, flashlights and pay for the security committee,
and the U.S. military had apparently passed on the committee’s
back-up plan that they provide security themselves. “The
settlements’ governing bodies—as they shared with me—are
beginning to experience UN/INGO fatigue given how often they
articulate their needs, willingness to work—and how little is
coming their way.”

That analysis went beyond what some observers have taken years
to understand, and many others still haven’t: that disaster
survivors are best positioned to take charge of their own
recovery, yet often get pushed aside by outside authorities who
think, wrongly, that they know better. Her report also had more
than an echo of the philosophy of her Partners in Health tour
guides. More than five years later, her candor and force of
insight impress experts. “I am struck by the direct tone and the
level of detail,” says Vijaya Ramachandran, a senior fellow at
the Center for Global Development.

But then came the recommendations—and a second classic pitfall.
Far from speaking uncomfortable truths to her parents’ power,
Chelsea was largely agreeing with their own assessments. At a
March UN donors’ conference for Haiti over which Bill and
Hillary Clinton presided, the secretary of state would tell the
assembled delegates that the global community had to start doing
things differently. “It will be tempting to fall back on old
habits—to work around the [Haitian] government rather than to
work with them as partners, to fund a scattered array of well-
meaning projects rather than making the deeper, long-term
investments that Haiti needs now,” she said, nearly repeating
her daughter’s dismissal of the “ad hoc efforts” that had
defined the early response.

Bill Clinton had also long been scathing in his assessments of
aid work there. As the Associated Press correspondent in Port-au-
Prince before, during and after the quake, I’d followed him on
his visits since becoming UN Special Envoy in mid-2009. In
public, the former president called for better coordination
between NGOs and donors. In private, after long, frustrating
days in the Caribbean heat, he’d sometimes just go off, lighting
into the nearest staffer about partners’ missed meetings and
broken promises. The former president also loved to apologize
for his own past actions—destructive food policies which flooded
the Haitian market with cheap Arkansas rice, and ordering a
crippling embargo that destroyed the Haitian economy during the
reign of a 1990s military junta (some of whose members had been
on the CIA payroll).

Yet those introspections rarely extend to the present. As anyone
who’s covered the Clintons can tell you, they armor themselves
with staffers who hit back against almost any hint of
criticism—especially when an election is near. The one thing the
Clintons never seem to question is the idea that they,
personally, should remain in charge. And that is precisely what
Chelsea recommended in her report:

“The Office of Special Envoy—i.e., you Dad—needs authority over
the UN and all its myriad parts—which I do believe would give
you effective authority over [the NGOs].” Her father, the former
president, should be a “single point of authority,” she
said—overseeing a replacement for the organizational system of
government agencies, militaries and NGOs.

The truth is that Bill Clinton was already by far the most
powerful individual in this flawed system, with Hillary close
behind. She was guiding the U.S. response as secretary of state.
He was already UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s Special Envoy
for Haiti, head patron of the Clinton Foundation and co-leader
of the newly formed Clinton-Bush Haiti Fund. Weeks later the
couple would share the dais at the donors conference, where
governments and aid groups pledged some $10 billion for Haiti’s
recovery. Her father would soon accept the co-chairmanship of
the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, the quasi-government body
charged with allocating many of the funds. (“Finally,” chief of
staff Cheryl Mills wrote to the secretary in a March 29, 2010,
email, when news of the appointment leaked to the Haitian press.)
The irony is that, after pages of scathing analysis about the
failure of international responders to understand and respect
ordinary people in Haiti, Chelsea Clinton’s plan would have
created an even more powerful foreigner operating at an even
greater remove. She did call on this new Super Clinton-led
structure to “support the Haitian government,” but noted that it
could only build “local capacity and capabilities, where
feasible”—a logical loophole the U.S. government would fall back
on time and again as it kept to old habits after all, including
refusing to provide Haiti’s government with direct budget
support.

As it was, that personality-driven leadership style meant the
response to the Haiti quake would focus on priorities set by
those surrounding them, rather than those of majority of
Haitians. The new email tranche shows how quickly the
construction of low-wage garment factories and prioritizing
exports to the U.S. market came to the center of the U.S.-led
response in Haiti. That strategy, authored by economist Paul
Collier, was what Bill Clinton had come to Haiti to promote as
special envoy before the quake. Little more than two weeks after
the disaster, Mills, a former Clinton White House counsel who
became her point woman on Haiti, forwarded the secretary a New
York Times op-ed by Collier and consultant Jean-Louis Warnholz
rebranding the pre-quake strategy as a form of post-quake
reconstruction.

“He now works for us,” she noted for her boss, referring to
Warnholz.

The new emails also show how Hillary’s staffers brought former
Liz Claiborne Inc. executive Paul Charron into the fold to
collaborate with Hillary Clinton and Warnholz on helping to make
the garment factories a reality. “As I communicated to Jean-
Louis, I am happy to be helpful to you and the State Department
on this project,” Charron wrote Mills in August 2010. Around
that time, Charron made a key phone call to a former Liz
Claiborne colleague now working as an advisor for the South
Korean garment giant Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd., to encourage that
company to come up with an investment plan in Haiti, the New
York Times reported two years later.

In 2012, Bill and Hillary Clinton attended the opening of the
brand-new, $300 million Caracol Industrial Park in northern
Haiti, with Sae-A as the anchor tenant.

Today, there has been little reconstruction in Port-au-Prince.
Most quake survivors have moved back into precarious homes,
hoping another disaster doesn’t strike. The country is still
being ravaged by a cholera epidemic that began nine months after
the earthquake and has killed nearly 9,000 people. Both Bill and
Hillary Clinton have publicly acknowledged this epidemic,
unrelated to the quake, was caused by United Nations
peacekeepers—who in turn, as Chelsea correctly foresaw, have
been able to avoid any semblance of accountability. President
Michel Martelly, who Hillary Clinton helped put in office as
secretary of state, is struggling to hold the country’s first
elections since he took power, with observers watching warily to
see if he will leave office next spring.

As for Caracol, the northern industrial park has created just
5,479 out of a promised 60,000 jobs when I visited in the
spring, as workers complain about the long hours and low pay.
Farmers who once tended land on the property complain they were
pushed off without proper compensation (a claim the park’s
boosters deny). Many of those living around the park now see it
as the embodiment of the powerful Clintons’ disconnect. “They go
to the park, but they don’t come to our village, because they
care more about the park,” said Cherline Pierre, a 33-year-old
resident who signs up would-be laborers near her home, a few
miles from the park’s high gates.

All a reader plowing through the email tranche can do is wonder,
what might have gone differently had Chelsea Clinton’s insights
reached more people in real time, and if the Clintons had
applied more of them to themselves. “I wish this had been made
public when it was sent,” Ramachandran said of the report. “It
might have helped.”

This article tagged under:
Hillary Clinton Bill Clinton Clinton Foundation Haiti Chelsea
Clinton POLITICO Magazine Hillary Clinton Emails

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/09/hillary-clinton-
email-213110/