[Sahara-Update] American Prospect: The West has high hopes for Morocco, but democracy is coming slowly.
Boris Ryser
T@P The West has high hopes for Morocco, but democracy is coming slowly.
By Geoff Pingree and Lisa Abend
Issue Date: 12.20.05
Over several days this fall, an estimated 1,500 sub-Saharan Africans
tried to enter Europe by scaling the wire fences that separate the
Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla from the rest of Morocco. In the
midst of this attempt, on September 29, Morocco's prime minister,
Driss Jettou, signaled in talks with Spain's president, José Luis
Rodríguez Zapatero, Morocco's apparent commitment to diplomatic means
to stem the northward tide of illegal immigration. But Morocco's
actions spoke louder than Jettou's words: Government forces killed 14
of the would-be immigrants and wounded dozens more. And when the
desperate young men who had walked to Europe's border from Congo,
Mali, and Senegal remained in makeshift camps nearby, awaiting another
chance to breach the fences, Moroccan security forces packed them on
to buses and dumped them in the desert.
The dissonance between Jettou's publicized meeting and his police's
tactics epitomizes Morocco's recent attempts to become a more open
society. Since Mohammed VI assumed the throne after his autocratic
father, Hassan II, died in 1999, the country has progressed by fits
and starts, effecting real changes while clinging to oppressive
practices. Though Mohammed VI has implemented democratic policies,
authoritarian habits die slowly, and Morocco's old political elite, or
makzhen, retains much power. In addition, crushing poverty and high
unemployment have led scores of Moroccans to emigrate in recent years
-- draining the country of many of its most talented and educated
citizens and encouraging the state to deploy less-than-tolerant
security tactics along its borders -- while swelling Islamist parties
have complicated the state's efforts to become more open.
Those sympathetic to Morocco's uneven progress note that reform
happens in small steps, and that, however imperfect, the process is
key to political stability across northern Africa and along the
Mediterranean. The country's relatively tolerant brand of Islam, as
well as its strategic geographic position among Africa, the Middle
East, and Europe, makes it an important partner in the Muslim and Arab
worlds for both the European Union and the United States. Many experts
argue that modernizing and ensuring greater transparency and civil
liberties are the surest way to protect against the radical Islam that
threatens to overtake Morocco as it did Algeria. As U.S. Senator Russ
Feingold emphasized in 2004: "We need our Moroccan partners if we are
to succeed in … the fight against al-Qaeda and associated global
terrorist organizations. … [T]he U.S. must support the Moroccan people
in their fight for basic human rights, their efforts to combat
corruption."
Yet six years after Mohammed VI took power, such an alliance is hardly
assured, and Moroccan democracy remains an uncertain work in progress.
Certainly the government has increased political transparency and
expanded civil rights. After appointing the nation's first female
royal counselors and reserving 30 parliamentary seats for women, in
2003 the king supported a new Family Code, the Moudawana, which made
wives equal partners with their husbands, granting them joint
ownership of assets and permitting them to seek divorce. "Democracy
cannot stand on one leg," says Nezha Chekrouni, minister for Moroccans
Abroad and longtime women's rights activist. "It needs both men and
women. And the political will exists to change the dynamic." Islamist
groups vigorously protested the law's erosion of Muslim principles,
jeopardizing the king's pursuit of the parliament's imprimatur. Only
the May 2003 Casablanca bombings prevented an impasse, pressuring the
Islamists to demonstrate their loyalty by rescinding their opposition.
Still, if women's rights have progressed, an air of oppression
surrounds many of Morocco's recent innovations. In 2002 Mohammed VI
passed a new press law that, although it requires authors and
publishers to register with the government, allowed political
magazines like the Casablanca-based Tel Quel to cross once
unassailable boundaries. (In January the magazine published an
unprecedented account of the royal family's finances.) But even as its
scope broadens, the country's media continue to censor themselves to
survive. Emphasizing that "we don't side with one party or another,"
Tel Quel Editor Driss Ksikes notes that, even with greater freedom,
his magazine must be cautious about what it covers and how.
And Morocco's media is still constrained by more than self-censorship.
In May 2003 the government closed Demain, a satirical weekly published
by outspoken journalist Ali Lmrabet. The Ministry of Communication's
Fatiha Ladayi, leafing through old editions of the magazine, pointed
to cartoons lampooning national and world figures. "Demain was shut
down not because it was politically critical but because it engaged in
defamation," she says. Lmrabet disagrees, saying, "My only defamation
was to state a fact that's in a United Nations' report on the Western
Sahara," an embattled zone where the Moroccan government is
suppressing independence efforts by the native nomadic people. Lmrabet
spent four months in prison in 2003 on the defamation charge, received
a royal pardon in January 2004, then was recently barred from
practicing journalism for 10 years.
Morocco's government is also curbing dissent from Islamists. Justice
and Charity, a powerful Islamist movement (it resists making
concessions that would give it legal party status), is among the
king's most outspoken critics. Movement leader Nadia Yassine was
arrested for lèse majesté in June when she publicly confessed her
belief that a republican government would better serve Morocco than a
monarchy. Later that month, her trial was suspended amid rumors of a
U.S. Embassy intervention, and she is now carefully monitored and
cannot leave the country as she awaits word on a new trial. Monique
Quesada of the U.S. Embassy in Rabat called Yassine's situation "an
internal Moroccan issue that the U.S. cannot interfere in," but added
that "the State Department expressed concern about this and other
instances in which the Moroccan government has moved to limit freedom
of the press and freedom of expression. In Yassine's case, the [State]
Department deemed that the government's move contradicted many of the
important advances Morocco has been making in promoting human rights."
Human rights appeared to be a secondary concern as well when, after
the Casablanca bombings, Morocco passed an anti-terrorism law enabling
the arrest of more than 4,000 suspected terrorists. Groups like Human
Rights Watch accuse the government of violating human rights and civil
liberties, but as Haizam Amirah, senior North Africa analyst at
Madrid's Royal Elcano Institute, says, "Morocco knows that it's not
going to get major complaints from Western countries for cracking down
on terrorism."
Under the anti-terrorism law, the government has begun to monitor
mosques, imams, and the religious content of textbooks. Such tactics,
and the legislation's vagueness (it defines "apologizing for
terrorism" as a crime), led the nation's sole legal Islamist faction,
the Justice and Development Party (PJD), to vehemently oppose the law
when it was proposed in 2001, but after Casablanca and increased
suspicion of Islamists, the party yielded its position. Additionally,
in March, the government drafted the Law of Political Parties, which
would ban from party platforms all religious (as well as regional and
ethnic) references. If it passes, the law will effectively dissolve
any meaningful Islamist political opposition, including the PJD.
The country's ambivalence toward democracy is nowhere more evident
than in Western Sahara, the territory squeezed between Morocco,
Algeria, and Mauritania and claimed by both Morocco and the
once-nomadic Saharawi people who live there. As Spain negotiated its
postcolonial retreat from Western Sahara 30 years ago, Hassan II sent
troops to claim the area, ignoring the International Court of
Justice's demand that a referendum decide the region's fate and
sparking a long-lasting war with the armed Saharawi liberation
movement, the Polisario Front. In 1991 the United Nations brokered a
cease-fire that again called for a self-determination referendum and
has spent the 14 years since trying to enforce the agreement. Like his
father, Mohammed VI has refused to negotiate Moroccan sovereignty over
Western Sahara.
In recent months, opposition to the government's position has grown.
In May, hundreds of Saharawi in Western Sahara's capital, Laayoune,
and elsewhere took to the streets to protest harsh police measures and
demand independence, leading to violent clashes. One protester, Hamdi
Lambarki, who took part in an October 30 rally, died. Police forces
say he was killed by a fellow protester's thrown rock; Lambarki's
family and eyewitnesses contend that the police beat him to death.
In Western Sahara, public events and their larger meanings are in
constant dispute. In Laayoune, trials of dissidents are legally open
to the public, but police block foreign journalists from entering the
courthouse. International delegations are welcome to visit, according
to Moroccan officials like Hamid Chabar, "as long as they are
impartial," yet groups trying to investigate have been turned away at
the airport for "showing unconditional support for the Polisario."
When in September the Polisario released the 404 Moroccan prisoners of
war it had held at its own refugee camps across the border in Algeria,
the Moroccan government welcomed the discharge (overseen by U.S.
Senator Richard Lugar) but continued to refer to the 80,000 to 165,000
refugees living in the camps as "hostages" of the Polisario.
Curiously, it was the Polisario that rescued many of the sub-Saharan
immigrants abandoned in the desert in October.
Is Morocco truly pursuing democracy? The question hangs over most of
the state's reforms. Although the country has taken steps toward an
open society and a more representative government, it remains -- in
deed if not in word -- ambivalent. What will this nation be in five
years, or 10? For Lmrabet, the answer lies partly with the West.
"People say you can't impose Western democracy on the Arab world," he
remarks. "But the West can push it. Not by using force or bombs, but
it can push it. Help us get democracy. We'll adapt it for ourselves."
Geoff Pingree and Lisa Abend, professors at Oberlin College, write
regularly on the politics and culture of Spain and northern Africa.
(c) 2005 by The American Prospect, Inc.
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.prospect.org/web/page.ww?section=root&name=ViewWeb&articleId=10644
_______________________________________________
Forwarded by:
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Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
wsa...@online.no
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Boris Ryser
afrol News, 24 November
- Amnesty International today released a report on the systematic
human rights violations committed by the Moroccan occupying forces in
Western Sahara. The human rights group in particular protests the
detention of "prisoners of conscience" and the Moroccan denial of
basic human rights in the occupied territory.
The report, released today, in particular looks into the fate of eight
leading Sahrawi human rights activists that have been imprisoned since
demonstrations and riots started in the occupied territory in May this
year. Amnesty says it believes that "they may be prisoners of
conscience." Two of them allege that they were tortured during
questioning.
In many of the demonstrations since May, Sahrawi activists have
expressed their support for the Polisario Front freedom movement or
called for independence from Morocco. "These views are anathema to the
Moroccan authorities, which have not only responded in a heavy-handed
manner to the protests, thereby exacerbating tensions, but also
widened the scope of the repression by arresting and detaining
long-standing human rights activists who were monitoring and
disseminating information on the crackdown," Amnesty noted.
Eight of the activists are currently in detention and awaiting trial.
At least one protester has died "in suspicious circumstances" in
October 2005. Amnesty had not been able to document torture, but goes
far in indicating torture has been common in Moroccan detention
centres.
The human rights group until the Sahrawi riot has welcomed on numerous
occasions the positive steps which the Moroccan authorities have taken
in the field of human rights in recent years. However, "their
uncompromising stance in stamping out any form of dissent on the issue
of Western Sahara remains a serious stain on their record. Events this
year have set this into stark relief," the report says.
All eight human rights defenders Amnesty report about have actively
campaigned against human rights abuses in Western Sahara for several
years. Most recently, they have been instrumental in collecting and
disseminating information about human rights violations committed by
Moroccan forces against Sahrawi protesters in the context of
demonstrations in El Aaiun and other towns since May 2005.
They have now been charged on various counts related to participating
in and inciting violent protest activities, but deny the accusations.
Each of them has also been charged with belonging to an unauthorised
association.
Amnesty in its report says it believes that most of the charges
against the Sahrawi activists are related to their past membership of
the human rights organization Forum for Truth and Justice – Sahara
Branch. This organisation was dissolved by Moroccan court order in
June 2003 on the grounds that the organisation had undertaken illegal
activities "likely to disturb public order and undermine the
territorial integrity of Morocco."
"The activities described as illegal appeared to relate solely to
members of the organisation exercising their right to express their
opinions on self-determination for the people of Western Sahara, and
disseminating views on human rights issues to outside bodies such as
international human rights organisations, including Amnesty
International," the report says.
Although the Sahrawi human rights organisation was dissolved, the
activists have continued individually to document human rights
violations in Western Sahara, "thus putting themselves at risk of
arrest and detention," Amnesty says.
Despite the charges being brought against them, Amnesty said it is
"concerned that the eight activists appear to have been targeted
because of their leading roles as human rights defenders and their
exposure of abuses by Moroccan security forces, as well as their
public advocacy of self-determination for the people of Western
Sahara." Consequently, the group believes "they may be prisoners of
conscience, in which case they should be released immediately and
unconditionally."
In addition to the immediate release of these prisoners, Amnesty in
its report called on the Moroccan occupying authorities to investigate
the many allegations of torture against Sahrawi activists. Further,
Morocco should "put an immediate end to the arrest, harassment and
intimidation of human rights defenders," the report concludes.
By staff writer
(c) afrol News
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.afrol.com/articles/17411
See also: Fri Nov 25, 2005 2:11 pm
Subject: Amnesty International USA: Sahrawi human rights defenders under attack: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-Update/message/1653
Boris Ryser
24 November 2005
Morocco / Western Sahara
Sahrawi human rights defenders under attack
of Laayoune, has been rocked by a series of demonstrations. In many of
them, Sahrawi (Western Saharan) demonstrators have expressed their
support for the Polisario Front or called for independence from
Morocco.(1) These views are anathema to the Moroccan authorities,
which have not only responded in a heavy-handed manner to the
protests, thereby exacerbating tensions, but also widened the scope of
the repression by arresting and detaining long-standing human rights
activists who were monitoring and disseminating information on the
Eight of the activists are currently in detention and awaiting trial.
conscience. Two of them allege that they were tortured during
also briefly documents the targeting of a wider range of human rights
defenders who have been subjected to intimidation by the security
forces. The report highlights, in addition, a wider set of allegations
of human rights violations against demonstrators, including the death
in suspicious circumstances of a Sahrawi protester in October 2005.
Amnesty International has welcomed on numerous occasions the positive
steps which the Moroccan authorities have taken in the field of human
stamping out any form of dissent on the issue of Western Sahara
remains a serious stain on their record. Events this year have set
Systemic changes to legislation and government practice are required
if all Sahrawis are to benefit from the right to freedom of expression
on an issue of fundamental importance to them. These issues are
outside the scope of this report, however. As far as the current
crisis is concerned, Amnesty International calls on the Moroccan
authorities to:
- release immediately and unconditionally any persons being held
solely on account of the peaceful exercise of their right to freedom
of expression;
- uphold the right of all defendants to a fair trial, particularly by
ensuring that:
- all allegations of torture made by defendants are thoroughly and
independently investigated and that any statement made as a result of
torture or ill-treatment is rejected;
- defendants' rights to call witnesses to testify in their defence are
fully respected.
- put an immediate end to the arrest, harassment and intimidation of
human rights defenders, including by ensuring prompt, independent
investigation of all allegations of torture and assaults and other
excessive force by security forces and by bringing to justice any
officials responsible for such abuses.
Human rights defenders in the dock
Eight Sahrawi human rights defenders are currently detained in
Laayoune Civil Prison awaiting trial. Seven of them who were arrested
between June and August 2005 – Aminatou Haidar, Ali-Salem Tamek,
Mohamed El-Moutaouakil, Houssein Lidri, Brahim Noumria, Larbi Messaoud
and H'mad Hammad – are due to appear before the Court of Appeal in
Laayoune on 30 November 2005, together with seven other accused who
are being prosecuted for participating in demonstrations calling for
self-determination for the people of Western Sahara. The eighth
activist, Brahim Dahane, who was arrested on 30 October 2005, is also
facing charges related to his human rights activities but his case
remains under judicial investigation and he is expected to be brought
to trial separately.
All eight human rights defenders have actively campaigned against
human rights abuses in Western Sahara for several years. Most
recently, they have been instrumental in collecting and disseminating
information about human rights violations committed by Moroccan forces
against Sahrawi protesters in the context of demonstrations in
since May 2005. They have been charged on various counts related to
participating in and inciting violent protest activities, but deny the
accusations.
association. In the case of Mohamed El-Moutaouakil, Houssein Lidri,
Brahim Noumria, Larbi Messaoud and H'mad Hammad, Amnesty International
believes that the charge is related to their past membership of the
human rights organization Forum for Truth and Justice – Sahara Branch.
grounds that the organization had undertaken illegal activities likely
to disturb public order and undermine the territorial integrity of
Morocco. The activities described as illegal appeared to relate solely
opinions on self-determination for the people of Western Sahara, and
disseminating views on human rights issues to outside bodies such as
International. Although the organization was dissolved, they, as well
as Aminatou Haidar and Ali-Salem Tamek, have continued individually to
document human rights violations in Western Sahara, thus putting
In the case of Brahim Dahane, whose trial date is not yet known to
have been set, the charge is believed to relate to the Sahrawi
Association of Victims of Grave Human Rights Violations Committed by
the Moroccan State, a non-governmental organization of which he is
president. He and a number of fellow activists have been seeking to
register the organization in recent months, but have yet to complete
the process due to a series of what appear to be politically-motivated
administrative obstacles.
Two of the human rights defenders, Houssein Lidri and Brahim Noumria,
allege that they were tortured during questioning by the Moroccan
security forces. The Moroccan authorities say they have opened an
investigation into these allegations which has not yet been completed.
Despite the charges being brought against them, Amnesty International
is concerned that the eight activists appear to have been targeted
because of their leading roles as human rights defenders and their
exposure of abuses by Moroccan security forces, as well as their
public advocacy of self-determination for the people of Western
prisoners of conscience, in which case they should be released
Aminatou HAIDAR
Case details
Woman human rights defender Aminatou Haidar was allegedly assaulted by
members of the security forces while making her way to a peaceful
demonstration in the centre of Laayoune on 17 June 2005 along with
Fatma Ayach and Houssein Lidri. The members of the security forces
allegedly stopped them in the street at around 7pm, confiscated their
mobile phones and beat them around the head with batons. They were
treated for their injuries at Hassan Belmehdi Hospital, where Fatma
Ayach and Houssein Lidri were each given four stitches to the head and
Aminatou Haidar was given 12 stitches. When two fellow human rights
activists, Houssein Moutik and H'mad Hammad, went to visit them in
hospital, policemen stationed at the gate allegedly beat them and
prevented them from entering. The Moroccan Justice Ministry has told
Amnesty International that an investigation is ongoing into the
allegations of violence against Aminatou Haidar.
Aminatou Haidar was discharged from hospital on the evening of 17 June
2005 and transferred to a police station in Laayoune, where she was
detained and questioned for three days. On 20 June 2005 she was
charged by the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune on various counts
related to participating in and inciting violent protest activities
custody to await trial. Aminatou Haidar, along with other detained
Sahrawi human rights activists and demonstrators, reportedly engaged
in a hunger strike during the period from 8 August to 29 September
2005 to demand, among other things, improved conditions of detention,
investigations into the allegations of torture against Houssein Lidri
and Brahim Noumria and her own release. She remains in detention in
Laayoune Civil Prison.
Background
Aminatou Haidar has played a leading role in a number of campaigns
organized for the release of Sahrawi prisoners of conscience and
political prisoners. She was born on 24 June 1966. She was arrested in
1987 and was held without charge or trial in secret detention centres
until being released in 1991. The Moroccan authorities have never
provided a formal reason for her arrest and "disappearance", but it is
believed that she was targeted for peacefully demanding the right of
the people of Western Sahara to self-determination. A civil servant
living in Laayoune, Aminatou Haidar is divorced with two children.
Ali-Salem TAMEK
Case details
Ali-Salem Tamek was arrested on 18 July 2005 upon arrival at Laayoune
airport after an extended stay in Europe, where he had spoken publicly
of recent events in Western Sahara and advocated independence for the
territory. He was abroad during the first wave of demonstrations.
He was charged on 22 July 2005 by the Crown Public Prosecutor of
Laayoune on various counts related to inciting violent protest
activities and belonging to an unauthorized association. He was then
remanded in custody in Laayoune Civil Prison to await trial. He was
transferred and held for a period of time at Aït Melloul Prison near
Agadir. Ali-Salem Tamek, along with other detained Sahrawi human
rights activists and demonstrators, reportedly engaged in a hunger
strike during the period from 8 August to 29 September 2005 to demand,
among other things, improved conditions of detention, investigations
into the allegations of torture against Houssein Lidri and Brahim
Noumria, his own return to Laayoune Civil Prison and his own release.
He was subsequently transferred back to Laayoune Civil Prison, where
he remains in detention. He was reportedly on hunger strike a second
time from 20 October to 3 November 2005 to protest at poor prison
conditions.
Background
Ali-Salem Tamek is a prominent campaigner for human rights in Western
Sahara. He was sentenced to two years' imprisonment in 2002 for his
alleged links with the Polisario Front. He was adopted by Amnesty
International as a prisoner of conscience and served part of his
sentence before being released following a royal pardon in January
2004. He was born on 24 December 1973. A civil servant living in Assa,
he is married with one daughter.
Mohamed EL-MOUTAOUAKIL
Case details
Mohamed El-Moutaouakil was arrested by Moroccan security forces at his
home in Casablanca on 20 July 2005, along with fellow human rights
activist Mohamed-Fadel Gaoudi. Mohamed El-Moutaoukil and Mohamed-Fadel
Gaoudi were firstly taken to a police station in Casablanca, where
they were reportedly questioned in connection with the recent unrest
and their views on the Western Sahara dispute. On the following day,
they were transferred to a police station in Laayoune where they were
reportedly questioned on similar matters.
On 23 July 2005, Mohamed El-Moutaouakil was charged on various counts
related to participating in and inciting violent protest activities
Prosecutor of Laayoune. He was then remanded in custody in Laayoune
Civil Prison to await trial. Mohamed El-Moutaouakil was transferred
and held for around two months at Okacha Prison in Casablanca. Along
with other detained Sahrawi human rights activists and demonstrators,
he reportedly engaged in a hunger strike during the period from 8
August to 29 September 2005 to demand, among other things, improved
conditions of detention, investigations into the allegations of
torture against Houssein Lidri and Brahim Noumria, his own return to
Laayoune Civil Prison and his own release. He was subsequently
transferred back to Laayoune Civil Prison, where he remains in
detention. He was reportedly on hunger strike a second time from 20
October to 3 November 2005 to protest at poor prison conditions.
Background
Mohamed El-Moutaouakil was a member of the Forum for Truth and Justice
– Sahara Branch until its dissolution. He is currently a member of the
Casablanca-based Forum for Truth and Justice, which works to promote
the rights of victims of human rights violations and their families in
Morocco and Western Sahara and remains a legally registered
association. He was sentenced to a year's imprisonment in 1992 for
participating in a peaceful political demonstration to demand
self-determination for the people of Western Sahara. He was born on 10
October 1966. A civil servant living in Casablanca, he is married with
three children.
Houssein LIDRI
Case details
Houssein Lidri was arrested on 20 July 2005 at the home of Fatma Ayach
in Laayoune by Moroccan security forces, along with fellow activists
Brahim Noumria and Larbi Messaoud. He was transferred to a police
station in Laayoune where he was reportedly questioned in connection
with the recent unrest and his views on the Western Sahara dispute. On
the day preceding his arrest, Houssein Lidri had given an interview to
the Arabic satellite television channel, Al-Jazeera, about the arrest
of fellow activist Ali-Salem Tamek.
On 20 July 2005, following the questioning, Houssein Lidri, along with
Brahim Noumria, was reportedly transferred to a secret detention
centre in Laayoune, where he was allegedly tortured and questioned
further by security officers. He states that he was suspended in
contorted positions with his hands tied and eyes blindfolded, that he
was beaten on sensitive parts of the body, that hairs were pulled from
his face and head, that a chemical substance was poured on him and
that he was spat on. He says that he was taken back to the police
station in Laayoune on 22 July 2005 and then brought before the
judicial authorities in Laayoune on the same day, where he stated that
he had been subjected to torture. Houssein Lidri was reportedly
transferred back to the secret detention centre on 22 July 2005,
detained there for several hours and tortured again. According to a
friend who visited him on 26 July 2005, traces of violence were still
apparent then on the back of his head, his shoulders and his hands.
According to a statement by the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune,
dated 3 August 2005, Houssein Lidri was submitted for a medical
examination after he alleged that he had been tortured. The statement
said the examination revealed that he bore no traces of violence;
however, on the basis of his allegations, an investigation – which
remains ongoing – was opened.
Houssein Lidri was charged on various counts related to participating
in and inciting violent protest activities and belonging to an
unauthorized association by the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune on
23 July 2005. He was then remanded in custody in Laayoune Civil Prison
to await trial. He was transferred and held for around two months at
Okacha Prison in Casablanca. Houssein Lidri, along with other detained
Sahrawi human rights activists and demonstrators, reportedly engaged
in a hunger strike during the period from 8 August to 29 September
2005 to demand, among other things, improved conditions of detention,
investigations into the allegations of torture against himself and
Brahim Noumria, his own return to Laayoune Civil Prison and his own
release. He was subsequently transferred back to Laayoune Civil
Prison, where he remains in detention. He was reportedly on hunger
strike a second time from 20 October to 3 November 2005 to protest at
poor prison conditions.
Background
Houssein Lidri was a member of the Forum for Truth and Justice –
Sahara Branch until its dissolution. Born on 27 October 1970, he is a
philosophy teacher living in Laayoune.
Brahim NOUMRIA
Case details
Brahim Noumria was arrested on 20 July 2005 at the home of Fatma Ayach
in Laayoune by Moroccan security forces, along with fellow activists
Houssein Lidri and Larbi Messaoud. He was transferred to a police
station in Laayoune where he was reportedly questioned in connection
with the recent unrest and his views on the Western Sahara dispute.
On the same day, following the questioning, Brahim Noumria, along with
Houssein Lidri, was reportedly transferred to a secret detention
centre in Laayoune, where he was allegedly tortured and questioned
further by security officers. He alleges that he was suspended in
contorted positions with his hands tied and eyes blindfolded, that he
was beaten on the hands and face, that a chemical substance was
sprayed on him, that he was burnt with open flames and that he was
spat on. He says that his hands were bound in cloth when they were
beaten to reduce the traces of the violence. Brahim Noumria says that
he had previously been held and tortured at the same secret detention
centre, during the time that he was "disappeared" in the 1980s. He
says that he was taken back to the police station in Laayoune on 22
July 2005 and was then brought before the judicial authorities in
Laayoune on the same day, where he stated that he had been subjected
to torture.
According to a statement by the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune,
dated 3 August 2005, Brahim Noumria was submitted for a medical
examination after he alleged that he had been tortured. The statement
said the examination revealed that he bore no traces of violence;
however, on the basis of his allegations, an investigation – which
remains ongoing – was opened.
Brahim Noumria was charged on various counts related to participating
in and inciting violent protest activities and belonging to an
unauthorized association by the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune on
23 July 2005. He was then remanded in custody in Laayoune Civil Prison
to await trial. He was transferred and held for around two months at
Okacha Prison in Casablanca. Brahim Noumria, along with other detained
Sahrawi human rights activists and demonstrators, reportedly engaged
in a hunger strike during the period from 8 August to 29 September
2005 to demand, among other things, improved conditions of detention,
investigations into the allegations of torture against himself and
Houssein Lidri, his own return to Laayoune Civil Prison and his own
release. He was subsequently transferred to Laayoune Civil Prison,
where he remains in detention. He was reportedly on hunger strike a
second time from 20 October to 3 November 2005 to protest at poor
prison conditions.
Background
Brahim Noumria was a member of the Forum for Truth and Justice –
Sahara Branch until its dissolution. He was arrested in 1987 and held
without charge or trial in secret detention centres until being
released in 1991. The Moroccan authorities have never provided a
formal reason for his arrest and "disappearance", but it is believed
that he was targeted for peacefully demanding the right of the people
of Western Sahara to self-determination. Born in 1965, Brahim Noumria
lives in Laayoune.
Larbi MESSAOUD
Case details
Larbi Messaoud was arrested on 20 July 2005 at the home of Fatma Ayach
in Laayoune by Moroccan security forces, along with fellow activists
Houssein Lidri and Brahim Noumria. He was transferred to a police
station in Laayoune where he was reportedly questioned in connection
with the recent unrest and his views on the Western Sahara dispute.
Larbi Messaoud was charged on various counts related to participating
in and inciting violent protest activities and belonging to an
unauthorized association by the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune on
23 July 2005. He was then remanded in custody in Laayoune Civil Prison
to await trial. He was transferred and held for around two months at
Okacha Prison in Casablanca. Larbi Messaoud, along with other detained
Sahrawi human rights activists and demonstrators, reportedly engaged
in a hunger strike during the period from 8 August to 29 September
2005 to demand, among other things, improved conditions of detention,
investigations into the allegations of torture against himself and
Houssein Lidri, his own return to Laayoune Civil Prison and his own
release. He was subsequently transferred back to Laayoune Civil
Prison, where he remains in detention. He was reportedly on hunger
strike a second time from 20 October to 3 November 2005 to protest at
poor prison conditions.
Background
Larbi Messaoud was a member of the Forum for Truth and Justice –
Sahara Branch until its dissolution. He was sentenced to four years'
imprisonment in 2000 for his alleged links with the Polisario Front,
which advocates independence for Western Sahara. He was adopted by
Amnesty International as a prisoner of conscience and served part of
his sentence before being released following a royal pardon in
November 2001. Born on 24 April 1966, Larbi Messaoud lives in Tan Tan.
H'mad HAMMAD
Case details
H'mad Hammad was arrested on 11 July 2005 in offices which currently
belong to a Spanish government body charged with looking after Spanish
state property in its former colony of Western Sahara. He was using
these offices as a base while carrying out activities to demand the
release of protestors arrested during and following demonstrations in
Laayoune and other cities in May 2005; to denounce alleged police
brutality against demonstrators; and to call for an international
investigation into alleged human rights violations in Western Sahara.
He was taken to a police station in Laayoune and questioned for two
days. On 13 July 2005, he was brought before the Crown Public
Prosecutor of Laayoune, who charged him with belonging to an
unauthorized association and participating in and inciting violent
protest activities and provisionally released him, pending the results
of a judicial investigation. H'mad Hammad was arrested again at his
home in Laayoune on 9 August 2005 and taken to a police station in
Laayoune for questioning.
He appeared once more before the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune
on 10 August 2005, who reportedly charged him on new counts of
participating in and inciting violent protest activities and belonging
to an unauthorized association, and remanded him in custody in
Laayoune Civil Prison to await trial. On arriving in prison, H'mad
Hammad reportedly joined the hunger strike already begun by other
detained Sahrawi human rights activists and demonstrators. He
suspended the strike on 16 August 2005. He was reportedly on hunger
strike a second time from 20 October to 3 November 2005 to protest at
poor prison conditions. He remains in detention in Laayoune Civil
Prison.
Background
H'mad Hammad was a member of the Forum for Truth and Justice – Sahara
Branch until its dissolution. He was arrested, held in secret
detention for 11 days and reportedly tortured in 1997, in connection
with peacefully demanding the right of the people of Western Sahara to
self-determination. Born in 1961, H'mad Hammad is married and lives in
Laayoune.
Brahim DAHANE
Case details
Brahim Dahane was arrested in a street near his home in Laayoune on 30
October 2005 and taken to a police station in the same city, where he
was detained for two days and questioned on, among other things, his
views on the Western Sahara dispute and his relations with
international human rights organizations and foreign diplomats. He
said that, during these two days, he received no food. On 1 November
2005 he appeared before the Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune and
was charged on various counts related to participating in and inciting
violent protest activities and belonging to an unauthorized
association. He was then remanded in custody and remains in detention
in Laayoune Civil Prison awaiting trial.
Brahim Dahane had previously told Amnesty International that he feared
for his safety after an act of apparent intimidation. On the evening
of 18 June 2005 he was visited by policemen at his home in Laayoune.
After searching the flat, the policemen confiscated documents relating
to the Sahrawi Association for Victims of Gross Human Rights
Violations Committed by the Moroccan State, as well as photographs of
Sahrawi prisoners and "disappeared" people in his possession. They
threatened him with legal action if he persisted in his campaigning
work.
Background
Brahim Dahane is the President of the Sahrawi Association of Victims
of Grave Human Rights Violations Committed by the Moroccan State. He
and a number of activists have been seeking to register the
organization in recent months, but have yet to complete the process
due to a series of what appear to be politically motivated
administrative obstacles. Brahim Dahane was previously a victim of
"disappearance" in the 1980s. He was arrested in 1987 and was held
without charge or trial in secret detention centres until being
released in 1991. The Moroccan authorities have never provided a
formal reason for his arrest and "disappearance", but it is believed
that he was targeted for peacefully demanding the right of the people
of Western Sahara to self-determination. Born in 1965, Brahim Dahane
runs an Internet café in Laayoune.
Other human rights defenders targeted
In recent months, apart from the eight human rights defenders
currently in detention awaiting trial, other human rights defenders
have been arrested, held for several hours or days for questioning and
released. In some cases this was apparently a response to public
criticism they had made of the conduct of the authorities. The arrests
have mainly taken place in Laayoune.
· Hamoud Iguilid, President of the Laayoune Section of the Moroccan
Association for Human Rights, and his colleague Mourad Aatik, were
reportedly arrested at around 4am on 27 May 2005 and held in custody
until their release without charge on the evening of the same day. The
arrest appeared to be connected to an interview they had given the day
before to a Moroccan newspaper in which they had given an assessment
of alleged human rights violations by the police during demonstrations
in the city in previous days. In a letter dated 25 July 2005, the
Ministry of Justice told Amnesty International that the two men had
been arrested for being drunk in public and then released. According
to human rights lawyers in Laayoune, the accusation of being drunk in
public is often used to disguise politically motivated arrests and
detentions.
· Salek Bazid, a member of the Forum for Truth and Justice – Sahara
Branch until its dissolution, was arrested on 13 June 2005, questioned
about his role in recent demonstrations and allegedly beaten.
· Brahim Sabbar, one of the founder members of the Sahrawi Association
for Victims of Gross Human Rights Violations Committed by the Moroccan
State, was arrested on 14 July 2005 as he was walking along a road in
the centre of Laayoune. He was detained for several hours, questioned
about his human rights activities and released without charge.
· Mohamed-Fadel Gaoudi, a member of the Forum for Truth and Justice –
Sahara Branch until its dissolution, was arrested on 20 July 2005 with
Mohamed El-Moutaouakil at the latter's house in Casablanca, where he
was staying. The two men were firstly taken to a police station in
Casablanca, where they were reportedly questioned in connection with
the recent unrest and their pro-independence views. On the following
day, Mohamed-Fadel Gaoudi was transferred to a police station in
Laayoune where he was reportedly questioned on similar matters and
detained there for two days. Mohamed-Fadel Gaoudi appeared before the
Crown Public Prosecutor of Laayoune on 23 July 2005 and was then
released without charge.
· Fatma Ayach, who has played a role in a number of campaigns
organized for the release of Sahrawi prisoners of conscience and
political prisoners, was summoned for questioning at a police station
in Laayoune on 5 October 2005. There she was reportedly asked about
her communication with detainees in Laayoune Civil Prison and their
families, before being released without charge.
· Daha Rahmouni, founder member with Brahim Dahane of the Sahrawi
Association for Victims of Gross Human Rights Violations Committed by
the Moroccan State, was arrested at his home in Laayoune on 13 October
2005 and taken to a police station in the same city, where he was
questioned about his activities as a human rights activist before
being released without charge early the following morning.
In addition, in recent months Amnesty International has received many
reports of harassment and intimidation of human rights activists by
local security forces in various towns in Western Sahara, including
Laayoune, Dakhla and Smara. Several human rights activists in these
towns have told Amnesty International that they were threatened by
security force officers with arrest and detention if they continued
investigating and publicizing alleged human rights violations in the
territory.
Human rights activists in Western Sahara have repeatedly been targeted
for their human rights work in recent years. Some have been prevented
from travelling abroad to report on human rights violations, while
others have been arbitrarily imprisoned.(3)
Demonstrations and their aftermath
Since May 2005, the territory of Western Sahara has been rocked by a
series of protests. Demonstrations in Laayoune were reportedly
triggered on 21 May 2005 when Sahrawi prisoner Ahmed Haddi was
transferred from Laayoune Civil Prison to Aït Melloul Prison near
Agadir, some 550km to the north, in Morocco. His family, who live in
Laayoune, considered the transfer a punishment for his views in favour
of the independence of Western Sahara. The Justice Ministry told
Amnesty International in a letter dated 25 July 2005 that the transfer
was due to Ahmed Haddi's record of "inciting other prisoners to
undertake acts of unrest and rebellion, to openly declare allegiance
to the enemies of territorial integrity and to insult the monarchy".
The violent dispersal of this initial demonstration by Moroccan
security forces reportedly led to a series of protests in the ensuing
days and weeks in Western Sahara and some towns in Morocco with
significant Sahrawi populations, including Agadir, Assa, Boujdour,
Casablanca, Dakhla, Fes, Guelmim, Marrakech, Mohammadia, Rabat, Smara
and Tan Tan. Most were reportedly peaceful. In others, however,
protesters threw stones or petrol bombs at the security forces,
causing, according to official reports, light injuries to security
force officers. After the first wave of protests in late May and early
June 2005, Amnesty International wrote to the Moroccan authorities on
21 June 2005 to urge them to investigate allegations that the security
forces were using excessive force when dispersing protesters,
including peaceful demonstrators, and when carrying out arrests.
Dozens had reported being struck around the head and back and cut so
severely that they required stitches for their wounds. Amnesty
International received a response dated 25 July 2005 from the Justice
Ministry, in which it defended the actions taken by the security
forces to intervene in violent demonstrations to protect the public
and property.
Since July, dozens more demonstrations have taken place, mainly in
Laayoune, but also in Assa, Boujdour, Dakhla, Guelmim and Smara. Some
have been organized as an act of solidarity with those detained and
tried following the demonstrations or to protest against the actions
of the Moroccan authorities; others appear to have erupted as
expressions of the demand for self-determination for the Sahrawi
people. Whether the demonstrations have been peaceful or marked by
acts of violence, there have been consistent reports of the security
forces continuing to use excessive force when dispersing protesters
and when carrying out arrests. In some cases, security force officers
have allegedly beaten demonstrators on the spot to "punish" them for
their political beliefs. There are allegations that the death of a
young demonstrator in October 2005 was the result of such an incident.
Hamdi Lembarki, born in 1974, died in Hassan Belmehdi Hospital in
Laayoune at around 3pm on 30 October 2005. An initial autopsy
indicated that his death was the result of an injury to the head.
According to eye-witnesses, several Moroccan police officers had
arrested him during a demonstration in Laayoune, taken him to a nearby
wall, surrounded him and repeatedly beat him with batons on the head
and other parts of his body. Several local people reportedly found him
unconscious on the ground and drove him to hospital, where he arrived
at around 3am on 30 October 2005. According to official statements,
however, the injury to his head had probably been caused by a stone
thrown by a fellow demonstrator. Demonstrators were reportedly
throwing stones at the security forces at the time. The Crown Public
Prosecutor of Laayoune ordered a second autopsy to be carried out and
an investigation to be opened into the death. According to official
reports, an internal police enquiry has incriminated two police
officers and the results have been submitted to the prosecutor's
office.
The incident reportedly began when a flag of the Polisario Front was
raised as an act of protest in a building in Laayoune. Several dozen
people are said to have gathered around the building and shouted
slogans in favour of the independence of Western Sahara. Shortly
afterwards the Moroccan security forces arrived to take down the flag
and disperse the demonstrators, some of whom they arrested.
Since 21 May 2005 over 350 arrests have been made during or after
these demonstrations. Dozens of those held in custody allege that they
were tortured or ill-treated, either to force them to sign
confessions, to intimidate them from protesting further or to punish
them for their pro-independence stance. Most have told families and
lawyers that they were beaten with batons, kicked and insulted as
"traitors" to Morocco. Others report being suspended in contorted
positions, having dirty rags placed over their mouth and nose, being
urinated upon and being threatened with the insertion of objects into
the anus. In its letter of 25 July 2005, the Justice Ministry told
Amnesty International that all complaints it received were treated
seriously and that, on the basis of three complaints, investigations
had been opened into allegations of torture and ill-treatment
submitted by protestors or their relations. These investigations were
said to be ongoing.
Most of those arrested were reportedly held by the security forces for
between several hours and several days, and released without charge
after questioning. Over 40 people, mostly arrested during or after
demonstrations in Laayoune, were charged on counts such as criminal
conspiracy, disturbing the public order, damage to public property,
participation in an armed gathering and violence against security
force officers. Over 20 of them were later convicted on such charges
during trials which took place mainly in June, July and August 2005.
Others were acquitted. At first instance, sentences ranged between
suspended prison terms to 20 years' imprisonment. On appeal, sentences
were generally reduced. In Laayoune Civil Prison, there are now two
demonstrators serving one-year prison sentences, one serving two
years, two serving three years, six serving four years, one serving
five years and one serving six years.
Amnesty International is concerned about reports of violations of the
right to a fair trial. Defence lawyers have said that they told the
court that the judicial authorities in Laayoune refused to grant
medical examinations in some cases despite the defendants alleging
torture or ill-treatment during questioning, but that these complaints
were summarily dismissed and that contested statements they had made
at the time were used to help convict the accused. Defence lawyers
have also reported that requests to call defence witnesses to
challenge information contained in police statements were
systematically rejected.
Others who were charged are currently detained awaiting trial. Seven
of them – Mohamed Balla, Mahjoub Chtioui, Lakhlifa Janhaoui, Mohamed
Lahouidi, Sidi-Ahmed Moussaoui, Amidane Ouali and Mohamed Tahlil – are
due to appear in court on 30 November 2005 along with seven of the
detained human rights defenders. At least three of them have told
their families that they were beaten when questioned by the police.
********
(1) Western Sahara is the subject of a territorial dispute between
Morocco, which controversially annexed the territory in 1975 and
claims sovereignty there, and the Polisario Front, which calls for an
independent state in the territory and has set up a self-proclaimed
government-in-exile in refugee camps in south-western Algeria. A UN
Settlement Plan was agreed to in 1988 by both the Moroccan authorities
and the Polisario Front and was approved by the UN Security Council in
1991. After more than a decade of conflict, both parties agreed that a
referendum should be held in which the Sahrawi population would be
asked to choose between independence and integration into Morocco. The
referendum was to be organized and conducted by the UN Mission for the
Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). It was originally set for
1992, but has been repeatedly postponed and has yet to be held.
(2) See, for example, Morocco/Western Sahara: Increasing openness on
human rights (AI Index: MDE 29/001/2005), 25 January 2005.
(3) For further information, please refer to entries on Morocco /
Western Sahara in Amnesty International's recent annual reports, as
well as to the November 2003 report Morocco/Western Sahara: Briefing
to the Committee against Torture (AI Index: MDE 29/011/2003).
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.amnestyusa.org/news/document.do?id=ENGMDE290082005
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Boris Ryser
Sidi Omar about the struggle of the Saharawi people
Socialist Worker
26 November 2005
Sidi Omar, the Polisario liberation movement representative in Britain,
spoke to Charlie Kimber about the struggle of the Saharawi people
This is a country occupied by a murderous foreign power for decades. A
country split apart by a 1,600 mile series of fortified walls backed by
soldiers, heavy weaponry and millions of landmines.
A country with 160,000 people living in refugee camps and yearning to
return to their homeland.
It is a country where young and old have declared an intifada against
their rulers — and where hundreds of UN resolutions which call for
justice have been contemptuously ignored.
It could be Palestine. But this is Western Sahara in north Africa where,
30 years ago this month, the latest phase of its people’s torment began.
“For three decades Moroccan rule has meant that the Saharawi people have
suffered total lack of democracy, seen their culture crushed, their
young people repressed and imprisoned and their resources stolen,” says
Sidi Omar.
“Phosphates, fish and oil rights have all been plundered — they’re even
taking the sand now!”
The roots of this suffering began in an earlier phase of imperialism. As
part of the European powers’ scramble for Africa in the 19th century,
Spain grabbed Western Sahara.
“But in 1975 the Spanish occupation was collapsing,” says Omar. “Spain
had ruled for nearly 100 years in a very brutal way, but by the 1970s,
with a rising guerilla movement and the growing unpopularity of
colonialism, the Spanish state agreed self-determination for Western
Sahara.
“There was agreement for a referendum among its people to decide for
full independence or continued attachment to Spain.
Referendum
“Morocco and Mauritania, who wanted the territory themselves, did not
support a referendum, which they knew would vote for independence. So
they took the case to the International Court of Justice to delay the
vote.
“The court considered Morocco’s claims and rejected them. It found
Morocco had no genuine sovereignty ties to Western Sahara and should
accept a referendum.
“So Spain did a secret deal with Morocco and Mauritania. It gave them a
free hand in exchange for control of a third of the profitable phosphate
mines and its guaranteed continued possession of Ceuta and Melilla in
Morocco.
“Spain thereby renounced its historical responsibility to return the
territory to the people and ceded it to Morocco and Mauritania.”
The Moroccan king ordered 350,000 of his subjects into Western Sahara on
6 November 1975 to “restore” Moroccan control.
They stayed only briefly, but it was enough to create “facts on the
ground”.
Morocco and Mauritania then divided Western Sahara between themselves.
“Over 150,000 Saharawi fled the invading armies,” says Omar, “They were
driven over the border into Algeria.
“These people, and their descendants, are the ones who still live today
in refugee camps situated in some of the most inhospitable places on
Earth.”
The majority of those in the camps are women and children. Women have
played an essential role in running the camps from the beginning.
They have developed committees and systems for healthcare, education,
day care, social affairs, resource distribution. They play an active
role in the political process.
Returning home
But for all their initiative, the camps are still wholly dependent on
international aid. They are seen as no more than a respite area before
returning home.
“In 1973 the Polisario Front had been created by the Saharawi to take up
armed struggle against the Spanish,” says Omar.
“These fighters, their ranks filled by people from the new round of
oppression, now faced two armies. Polisario recognised that Mauritania
was the weaker opponent and focused its attacks on these forces.
“By 1979 Mauritania was forced to sue for peace, but Morocco — backed by
French and US weaponry — kept up its war on us and occupied the area
that Mauritania had vacated.
“Western Sahara became a battleground with Polisario securing a
liberated zone of some 25-30 percent of the country.
“From the mid-1980s Morocco began building the berms, the fortified
walls which now divide up the territory. This changed the landscape and
made it harder to carry out military operations. It became clear that
neither Polisario nor Morocco could win militarily.
“A peace plan was put forward by the Organisation of African Unity which
was then taken up by the UN security council in 1990. It called for a
referendum, and on this basis Polisario called a ceasefire.
“The referendum was supposed to take place in January 1992, but there
was immediately a question over who should be allowed to vote.
“The Moroccans began a series of obstructions and excuses to prevent an
updating of the electoral roll (the last census had been in 1974). It
took until 1999 for a provisional voters’ roll to be produced and as
soon as it was published Morocco began complaining that a referendum was
unworkable as it would produce a winner and a loser!
Determine their future
“Polisario is clear that the only winner must be the Saharawi people,
who must be allowed the right to determine their own future. They must
choose between independence and the continued rule by Morocco.
“Whoever fears such a referendum fears the truth. To this day the
referendum has not been held, 15 years after the UN called for it, 30
years since the UN condemned the Moroccan invasion.
“Western Sahara is a prime example of the great powers’ policy of double
standards. In 1990 Iraq invaded Kuwait. This saw the mobilisation of a
huge military force to end the occupation and expel Iraq.
“Why? Because certain of the powers had vital interests in the areas, so
this became a matter of pressing concern.
“People speak of ‘the UN’ carrying out acts, but remember that it is an
assemblage of states. Their acts have sent the wrong message to Morocco,
a clear indication that it can keep obstructing the peace plan, keep
violating the human rights of the Saharawi people, keep plundering the
natural resources.
“Far from implementing the call for a referendum, there have been signs
that sections of the EU and the US are making moves towards normalising
Morocco’s occupation.
“The EU is negotiating a fisheries deal which includes Morocco.
“It would mean that the distribution of the catch from the very rich
fishing grounds off Western Sahara were decided on the basis of talks
with Morocco, a de facto recognition of its control over the area, which
the EU countries formally oppose.
“And oil companies are also seeking to exploit Saharawi resources.”
Oil and gas reserves
In 2002 Morocco contracted oil companies Kerr-McGee and the French Total
Group (then known as TotalFinaElf) to survey the waters off Western
Sahara for potential oil and natural gas reserves.
That same year, UN legal experts confirmed that Morocco did not hold
territorial sovereignty or status of administering power over Western
Sahara and that “if further exploration and exploitation activities were
to proceed in disregard of the interests and wishes of the people of
Western Sahara, they would be in violation of the principles of
international law”.
But the surveying continued, despite the UN’s findings. After two years
of negative press and public outcry, Total allowed its contract with
Morocco to expire in 2004.
US-based Kerr-McGee is still willing to work in the occupied territories
and has renewed its contract with Morocco at every opportunity over the
past three years despite large scale opposition from shareholders.
“Thirty years is a long time to wait for freedom,” says Omar. The slow
pace of change meant that on 21 May this year the Saharawi intifada
began.
“People took to the streets saying, ‘We are not Moroccans,’ and raising
the Saharawi flag. This was the referendum of the streets, the clear
expression of the people’s will. The intifada continues despite
repression and torture.”
The recent death under torture of activist Lembarki Hamdi Salek Mahayub
has become a further rallying point for local and international
resistance.
And two weeks ago 30,000 people marched in Madrid in solidarity with the
Saharawi people.
“Polisario seeks a peaceful solution, but self-determination is not
negotiable. We have been very patient, but we cannot wait for ever. We
do not rule out a return to armed struggle,” says Omar.
Polisario demand end to landmines
Western Sahara has one of the heaviest concentrations of landmines
anywhere on the planet.
Millions remain around the fortified walls and in areas where battles
have taken place. Morocco mined roads and watering places used by
Polisario.
In addition many areas have unexploded cluster bombs. These weapons,
supplied by the US in the 1980s, each shower 680 bomblets across a wide
area. Nearly every day someone is killed or horribly injured by a mine
or cluster munition.
This month Polisario leaders committed themselves to banning the use of
anti-personnel mines and urged Morocco to follow suit.
“This step is a clear sign of our desire and aspiration for peace. We
hope that this courageous initiative finds its echo and the desired
effect on the other side,” said Polisario’s Mohamed Lamine Bouhali.
Morocco, which has not signed the 1997 Ottawa Convention that bans
anti-personnel mines, is believed to have sown about seven million mines
in the region.
Polisario has promised to destroy its stocks of land mines, stop
deploying the weapons and help demining operations.
***
The following should be read alongside this article:
http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/article.php?article_id=7819
----
Source: http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/article.php?article_id=7818
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Boris Ryser
Prensa Latina
Algiers
25 November 2005
On Friday the UN renewed exchanges between Western Saharan families
living in El Aaiun and others living in Tinduf refugee camps bordering
Algeria.
In 1975 Morocco annexed by force part of Western Sahara after Spain
pulled out.
A plane belonging to the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara
left El Aaiun Airport with 27 families for Tinduf, home to a refugee
camp of 165,000, and will return with an equal number of families which
have been divided by the 30-year struggle for independence.
At least 29 such exchanges have taken place since the flights began last
year, benefiting 1,476 Arab families, with 722 people visiting the
refugee camp and another 754 visiting the Morocco-controlled Saharawi
territory.
Pro-independence movement Polisario Front has been demanding a
referendum on self-determination as stated by UN resolutions.
Meanwhile, the UN High Commission for Refugees has put a telephone line
between Tinduf and Morocco-occupied territories, and is negotiating for
mail service.
This month, the UN Secretary General's special envoy to Western Sahara,
Dutch Peter Van Walsum, began consultations in Rabat, the Moroccan
capital, to find a solution to the Western Sahara issue that includes a
consultation of the Saharawi people.
He met with Prime Minister Dris Jettu, Foreign Minister Mohamed Benaissa
and other Moroccan officials.
hr/ccs/rma/pem/mt
---
Source: http://www.plenglish.com/article.asp?ID=%7B567B1025-82ED-4762-
AEA7-E708401E4C2C%7D&language=EN
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Boris Ryser
affirms Saharawis' right to self-determination
Sahara Presse Servuce (SPS)
Stockholm
26 November 2005
A Seminar on natural resources and the
conflict in Western Sahara, organised last Thursday in Stockholm by
Swedish Development Forum, Nordic African Institute, Global Publication
Foundation and ABF, affirmed Saharawi people's right to
self-determination and to the control of the resources of their and.
Stressing mainly on the Natural Resources of Western Sahara as an
important issue in the Western Sahara conflict, the seminar was marked
by the participation of imminent personalities and lecturers, such as
Ambassador Hans Corell, former Under-Secretary General for legal
Affairs, Pedro Pinto Leite, Jurist from Holland, Pål Wrange, Senior
Legal Advisor UD, International Law and Human rights department, Toby
Shelley, British journalist Work at Financial Times, and Magnus
Schöldtz, Department of middle East and North Africa.
Ambassador Hans Corell, former Under-Secretary General for legal
Affairs, confirmed his view expressed in his legal opinion on the
natural resources of Western Sahara issued in 2002, in which he
considered illegal any exploitation or investment in the occupied
territories proceed in disregard of the interests and wishes of the
people of Western Sahara.
Mr. Pedro Pinto Leite, presented a comparative analysis between the
East-Timor case and Western Sahara conflict, and concluded that the
latter "is identical to the East-Timor struggle for the right of
self-determination", and must thus be resolved the same way, through a
referendum for the Saharawi people
British journalist, Toby Shelly, focussed in his intervention on the
recent human rights violations committed by the Moroccan colonial regime
against Saharawi population in the occupied territories of Western
Sahara, and considered that the situation there was explosive and
requires a quick attention from the international community.
Pål Wrange, Senior Legal Advisor UD, International Law and Human rights
department, on his part, stressed the fact that no matter what the
obstacles are, Saharawi people's right to self-determination must be
respect, according to the international law, underlining that "Western
Sahara is not part of Morocco", and thus its case must be resolved
through a referendum.
Magnus Schöldtz, from the Department of middle East and North Africa,
"made it crystal clear in his intervention that the Western Sahara
territorial waters and harbours must not be included into the fishing
agreement between Morocco and the EU, because, he said, Western Sahara
is not part of Morocco and for this any exploitation of the resources of
the non-self-governing territory is simply an act of robbery", Polisario
Representative for the Nordic countries, Mr. Lamine Yahyaoui, said.
The seminar was attended by a wide Swedish audience, besides some
Moroccan diplomats, Polisario Front's Representative to the Nordic
Countries and Algerian Ambassador to Sweden. (SPS)
060/090/000 261645 nov 05 SPS
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Boris Ryser
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
Public Statement
AI Index: MDE 29/009/2005 (Public)
News Service No: 318
28 November 2005
Embargo Date: 28 November 2005 00:01 GMT
Amnesty International announced today that it is sending a delegate to
observe the trial this week of seven human rights defenders from Western
Sahara who the organization believes may be prisoners of conscience. They
are standing trial together with seven other accused who are being
prosecuted for participating in demonstrations against Moroccan rule.
Tunisian lawyer Samir Ben Amor will be representing Amnesty International
at the trial proceedings, which are due to begin at the Court of Appeal in
Laayoune on 30 November 2005. He is an experienced human rights advocate
who previously was Amnesty International's observer at the October 2003
trial of Algerian human rights activist Salaheddine Sidhoum in Algiers.
Currently detained in Laayoune Civil Prison, the seven human rights
defenders - Aminatou Haidar, Ali-Salem Tamek, Mohamed El-Moutaouakil,
Houssein Lidri, Brahim Noumria, Larbi Messaoud and H'mad Hammad - were
arrested between June and August 2005. They face charges of participating
in and inciting violent protest activities and belonging to an
they were tortured during questioning.
Brahim Dahane, appear to have been targeted because of their leading roles
as human rights defenders, as well as their public advocacy of
self-determination for the people of Western Sahara. Most recently, all
eight have been instrumental in collecting and disseminating information
about human rights violations committed by Moroccan forces against Sahrawi
and cities in Morocco and Western Sahara since May 2005.
related to his human rights activities but his case remains under judicial
investigation and he is expected to be brought to trial separately.
Amnesty International's concerns and recommendations regarding these cases
are the focus of a newly released report Morocco/Western Sahara: Sahrawi
human rights defenders under attack (AI Index: MDE 29/008/2005), which can
be consulted on Amnesty International's website at the following address:
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGMDE290082005
The report also details cases of other Sahrawi human rights defenders who
have been subject to harassment and intimidation by Moroccan security
forces in recent months and allegations of human rights violations against
demonstrators, including the death in suspicious circumstances of a
Background
Human rights activists in Western Sahara have repeatedly been targeted for
their human rights work in recent years. Some have been prevented from
travelling abroad to report on human rights violations, while others have
been arbitrarily imprisoned.
Laayoune, has been rocked by a series of demonstrations. In many of them,
calls for an independent state in the territory and has set up a
self-proclaimed government-in-exile in refugee camps in south-western
to the Moroccan authorities, who have responded in a heavy-handed manner
to the protests, exacerbating tensions.
Western Sahara is the subject of a territorial dispute between Morocco,
which controversially annexed the territory in 1975 and claims sovereignty
on the future status of Western Sahara should be organized under UN
auspices, but this has been repeatedly postponed and is yet to be held.
---
Source: http://www.amnestyusa.org/news/document.do?id=ENGMDE290092005
_________________________________
Forwarded by:
__________________________________
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Boris Ryser
Sahara Presse Service
Ausserd (Saharawi refugee camps)
29 November 2005
Saharawi National Council (Parliament) celebrated on Monday in the
wilaya of Aousserd, its 30th anniversary under the presidency of the
Saharawi Prime Minister, Abdelkader Taleb Omar.
All national authorities, new and former members of the Saharawi
National Council, national and foregn guests attended this celebration
to which the families of former members of the Council who died since
its creation 30 years ago.
Speaking to the participants, Mr. Mahfoud Ali Beiba, the current
President of the Council, gave a chronology of the stages of the
activities of the Council since the creation in 1975.
The President of the Parliament stressed the need of the establishment
of this institution, "a body for the cooperation and complementarity
between all national institutions".
On another hand, he paid tribute to the Saharawi resistance in the
occupied territories, calling to its moral and material support
underlining that it is "one of the means of struggle Saharawi people
count with for the liberation of its territory from the Moroccan
occupation".
Mr. Ahmed baba Ahmed Miské, one of the eleven former Presidents of the
Parliament congratulated the institution, in his speech, for its
achievement despite of the conditions and circumstances of work, hoping
for a better development for this body and freedom and independence for
the Saharawi people.
Four other interventions followed, in particular one on behalf of
Algerian Parliament, another on behalf of the Association ANARASD. (SPS)
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-Update/message/1661
040/090/000/TRD 291245 nov 05 SPS
ox
> Saharawi National Council celebrate its 30th anniversary.....
What a bunch of incoherent cretins !!!
They're celebrating what belong rightfully to others.
Here the facts :
<<"......The first and most important evidence that Western
> Sahara belongs to Morocco is history. It is worth mentioning that Morocco
> has always existed as a kingdom since the XIth century (Spencer, 26). This
> statesmanship was preserved even during the French protectorate
> (1912-1956) (Hassan II, 181). The kingdom of Morocco has always included
> the northern part of the Sahara and during the Almoravides rule (XIth
> century) extended even more southwards to include what it now Mauritania,
> Gambia and Senegal. Another interesting historical fact is that most
> Moroccan dynasties hailed from the Sahara. Obvious examples are the
> Almoravides whose sultan "Youssef Ibn Tachfine" came from the Lamtuna
> tribe; a large branch of the Senhaja nomadic tribal federation, centered
> in Western Sahara (Spencer, 26). The Alaouites came from Tafilelt; an
> important oasis region in the Sahara (Spencer, 24). The Saadians came from
> the vicinity of Wad Draa, the longest river in Morocco lying as the gate
> to the Sahara (Spencer, 96). A Sultan (also called "Prince of Believers")
> is elected after his people show Beiaa (allegiance) to him. His duties
> include keeping peace with foreign countries, bringing prosperity and
> glory to the land and being a spiritual leader according to the teachings
> of the Koran. The capitals of all Moroccan dynasties were Fez, Meknes,
> Marrakech or Rabat, which are further north in the country. Wali's and
> Caid's (governors and chieftains) were always appointed by the Capital in
> the remote areas of the kingdom including the Sahara. Their role was to
> impose order and collect taxes in the form of harvest tolls. Hence Western
> Sahara has always been part of the kingdom of Morocco for it swore
> allegiance to its Sultan and held ties of sovereignty with his throne.
> This dependence of the Saharan territories on the kingdom was documented
> and presented to the International Court of Justice reviewing the Western
> Sahara case [2]. The most famous of the Sultan's representatives in the
> Sahara was "Cheikh Maa El Ainain." He was coming from the Sahara and was
> personally selected by the Sultan "Hassan I" in the 1880s to resist
> foreign invasions (namely Spanish) over the southern provinces (Pazzanita,
> 254). On the International level, Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara has
> been demonstrated in many signed acts and treaties with foreign nations.
> First with the young United States of America in 1786 then in 1836, with
> Spain in 1861 and with Great Britain in 1856 [3]. One instance is the
> first Article of the Anglo-Maroccan Treaty of March 13, 1895 (Pazzanita,
> 44). This shows that there was a tie between the Sultan of Morocco and
> Saharan tribes prior to the colonization of Western Sahara by Spain in
> 1886- a fact that Spain does not want to accept. The ICJ at La Hague even
> recognizes that at the time Spain came, the land was not terra nullius,
> but rather had a tie with the kingdom of Morocco (Hassan II, 156).
> Consequently, Western Sahara is Moroccan and should not be declared
> independently.
> The second most important fact that plays against the establishment of the
> SADR is the feeling of "belonging" of Saharawis in the region. To cite
> history again: Since the XVth century, Portugal then Spain began to show
> interest in the Sahara. In 1405, Jean de Bethencourt lands at Boujdour and
> started raiding Tekna caravans. Explorers like Gil Eannes, Afonso
> Goncalves Baldaia and Joao Fernandes did extensive prospecting and touring
> of the land (Pazzanita, Chronology / xvii). Plans were to raise cities and
> ports but further resistance and solidarity of Morocco (especially from
> Saharawi tribes) and the shift of Portugal and Spain's attention to the
> Americas made them not attempt another settlement. Until the XIXth
> century, the Saharawis were very active in Moroccan political activities;
> they often showed interest in the throne and they mediated in the trade
> with the southern Kingdom of Soudan. They are still active to this day in
> Moroccan daily life and they have always considered themselves Moroccans.
> The population of Morocco considers the Saharawis their fellow citizens
> just like the Amazighs, the Jbala, or the Rifis.
>
> As of July 2001, the population of Moroccans living in Western Sahara is
> 250,559 (excluding the military and police), and the number of "refugees"
> living in camp Tindouf, Algeria is a little more than 100,000 according to
> the CIA world database. In 1991, the United Nations (then under
> Secretary-General Perez De Cuellar) declared that a referendum be held to
> give the Saharawi population its right to self-determination (Pazzanita,
> 346). However, POLISARIO has been claiming that Morocco has been importing
> northern citizens to the Sahara to increase its chance in the voting;
> Morocco on the other hand claimed that POLISARIO has been recruiting
> African people of other nationalities to serve their cause. Clearly, most
> of the population of Western Sahara is under Moroccan rule and considers
> itself Moroccan, and this opposition from Algeria and the POLISARIO
> fighters it harbors will do nothing but making it worse for the SADR in
> the International court.
>
> Last but not least, there is the economical problem. Although there are
> many minerals, petroleum and gas in the Sahara, there is none to little of
> it in the Western Sahara region. While other Saharan countries like
> Mauritania, Algeria, Libya or Sudan use all their natural resources to
> support themselves economically, the SADR cannot hope to do the same.
> Though the existence of petroleum has been proven by International
> prospecting companies like Shell, it is either too few or too thick to be
> extracted and means that petroleum extraction is not yet cost effective
> for Western Sahara (Pazzanita, 350). Fisheries however are more promising
> and the coast is one of the richest in the world (Pazzanita, 146). As a
> whole, the shortage of natural resources and the rough weather make the
> area difficult to live in and sustain an economy. Hence it is better that
> the area remains under the sovereignty of a country like Morocco with a
> flourishing economy, rather than being independent and living under the
> standards of life.
>
> The dilemma of Western Sahara is still under investigation from the
> International Court of Justice and is predicted to last more years. It is
> time for the POLISARIO to understand that war will not help solve this
> crisis, especially when confronted to a fierce opponent like Morocco with
> a greater and better organized military and a stronger international
> political presence. Such a futile war has more than tribal conviction
> behind it, and a question to ask is: who are the masterminds behind the
> war and what is Spain's and Algeria's involvement in Western Sahara?
>
>
>
> Works Cited:
>
> a.. Pazzanita, Anthony G., and Tony Hodges. Historical Dictionary of
> WESTERN SAHARA. Metuchen: The Scarecrow Press, Inc. , 1994.
>
> b.. Spencer, Willam. Historical Dictionary of MOROCCO. Metuchen: The
> Scarecrow Press, Inc. , 1980.
>
> c.. Hassan II, H.M. King. The Challenge: The Memoirs of King Hassan II of
> Morocco. Trans. Anthony Rhodes. London: MacMillan London Limited, 1978.
>
> d.. CIA. Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook. 17 April2000 .>>
> SOURCE : http://www.public.iastate.edu/~abimad/sahara.html
Boris Ryser
Access to Sahrawi sites blocked within Morocco
Reporters sans frontièrs (RSF)
Morocco
2 December 2005
Reporters Without Borders today condemned the censorship of many
websites supporting the Polisario Front's struggle for Sahrawi
independence, such as Arso.org, which have been made inaccessible within
Morocco.
Calling on the Moroccan authorities to stop blocking access to sites
dealing with Western Sahara, the organisation said : "It should not be
possible to take a decision to filter a website without a fair trial
taking place first. Banning an online publication simply on the basis of
an administrative decision is a serious violation of free expression."
Reporters Without Borders has verified that the arso.org,
cahiersdusahara.com, cahiersdusahara.com, wsahara.net and spsrasd.info
websites have all been rendered inaccessible in Morocco since 21
November. These sites all criticise Morocco's control of Western Sahara
and encourage protests, but they do not call for violence.
A "connection failure" type of error message is displayed when someone
tries to access one of these sites. The decision to block may have been
taken by the communication ministry, which is responsible for
censorship, or the interior ministry, while monitors the Sahrawi
problem. Local sources said the filtering can nonetheless be easily
sidestepped by using an online proxy such as www.anonymizer.com.
ARSO - the Free and Legitimate Referendum in Western Sahara Support
Association - carried photos on its website in September that showed
Sahrawi prisoners being held in extremely harsh condition in the prison
in El Ayoum, the territory's main city. The local state prosecutor
reacted by ordering an investigation with the aim of "exposing all those
implicated in this vile act that jeopardises the reputation of the
prison where the inmates are held."
Western Sahara was annexed by Morocco in 1975 and the Polisario Front
wants it to be independent. The situation in the territory is extremely
tense, with frequent clashes between the population and the security
forces.
******
Reporters Without Borders defends imprisoned journalists and press
freedom throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria,
Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland).
It has representatives in Abidjan, Bangkok, London, Moscow, New York,
Tokyo and Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.
*****
----
Source: http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=15809
Boris Ryser
- Les fonds évitent KerrMcGee
Deux fonds de pension suédois, Öhman Funds et AP Funds, ont annoncé fin
novembre leur décision de vendre leurs participations dans le capital de
Kerr-McGee qui dispose d'un permis pétrolier qui lui a été accordé par le
Maroc au large du Sahara occidental. (...). [Total : 174 Mots].
Lire la suite
http://www.intelligenceonline.fr/info/interm_pages/p_interm_art.asp?DOC_I_ID=16554677&ENVAM=07/12/2005&enaid=25880&context=PUS&codeaffilie=A_INDIGO&cont
extinfos=07/12/2005&rub=alert&service=ART
ox
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message
news:43974741$1...@news.vsnet.ch...
So.... incoherent cretin ! What is the message you've tried to communicate
with your usual cut and pasted clips without any comment?
What's s wrong in ending a joint venture in a business??
Boris Ryser
ox
Il n y a ni 'Sahrawi National Council', ,ni refugies sahrawis,
ni president, ni republique sahrawis, ni (sadr), ni passe`,ni present,
ni futur, ni avenir ..du soi-disant polisario ni....ni.......
Il n'y a que des journalistes stipendies par l'Algerie pour planter des
histoires
fictives dans les journaux locaux et etrangers et sur le net aussi pour
maintenir artificiellement en vie un mensonge po-lis-a-rien sans tete ni
queue qui n'a que trop dure` dans l'espace et dans le temps.
Ce polisario n y a qu'une bande d'ex-chomeurs marocains qui, avec la
suggestion et les "conseils" de l'Algerie , avait imagine` un moyen ou
plutot un business pour se faire de l'argent (sans travailler ) en
escroquant les gens candidesm sans experience (des hommes) et qui veulent
bien preter leurs oreilles aux stratagemes des imposteurs ne reposant sur
aucune realite mais uniquement sur des mensonges, rien que des mensonges je
le jure.
Croire que le polisario est un mouvement de liberation comme le pretendent
ses inventeurs et son appellation ,c'est faire preuve d'innocence , de
naivete',
de simplicite',de credulite' et d'une meconnaissance totale de sa "genese"
et de sa realite comme il est specifie` dans la declaration d'un specialiste
ayant vecu le conflit sur place , et dont l'experience , l'impartialite et
la parfaite connaissance des affaires Nord africaines sont au-dessus de
tout soupcon , il s'agit de : S.E Michael Ussery ,l'ex-ambassadeur des USA
au Maroc :
http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/viewWithout
Algeria's support, Polisario would never have existed, former USA diplomat
Washington, Dec. 2 - Algeria's claim that it is not a party to the Sahara
issue is in defiance of the international community, which recognizes that
without its support the Polisario would never have existed, said former USA
ambassador to Morocco, Michael Ussery.
In an editorial entitled "the stalemate in North Africa" published Friday in
the US daily Washington Times, Ussery says that an "U.S. pressure for a
resolution will help America's longest ally, Morocco."
Ussery also called on the congress to "make sure that its message is clear:
The United States will provide whatever support is needed and do whatever it
can to help the three primary parties in this matter negotiate a political
solution." "There is no alternative," affirms Ussery.
Ussery, who also has also served as deputy assistant secretary for Near
Eastern and South Asian Affairs, recalls that "Polisario was a
Soviet-supported effort to destabilize America's Moroccan ally and enjoyed
the military and financial backing of Algeria and Cuba, inter alia."
Backed by neighboring Algeria, the Polisario front has been seeking, since
1976, the separation of the Moroccan Southern Provinces, known as the
Sahara, from the rest of the Kingdom. The former Spanish colony was
retrieved by Morocco in 1975 under the Madrid accords.
The former diplomat underlines that the Polisario "restricts the movement of
people" in the refugee camps in Algeria, "keeping them in place as a means
of maintaining political leverage" and that "without holding thousands of
families in the desert, the Polisario would be irrelevant."
Recalling the efforts made for over a decade by the United Nations and other
parties to reach a final solution to Sahara conflict, Ussery notes that
during this period, "a clear consensus has emerged among the international
community: Rabat and Algiers should negotiate a reasonable compromise."
"Morocco has stated repeatedly, publicly and privately, that it is prepared
to meet this international demand," says Ussery, recalling that Moroccan
Foreign and Cooperation Minister Taieb Fassi Fihri stated last September
that Morocco is ready to propose, to the UN, negotiations on an autonomy for
Sahara.
However, to reach this compromise "increased pressure needs to be placed on
Algeria and the Polisario to move to the table (of negotiations) and hammer
out a solution," notes Ussery, who recalls that French Foreign Minister
Philippe Douste-Blazy made a public statement on July 12, encouraging all
parties involved to negotiate, underlining that France, Like Spain and other
partners, "is convinced that a direct political dialogue between Rabat and
Algiers on this question is likely to promote the settlement of the
conflict."
Yet, he deplores that Algeria continues to claim that it is not a party to
the dispute. "This claim is in defiance of the international community,
which recognizes that without its support the Polisario would never have
existed."
He points out that if the political stalemate over the Sahara issue is
resolved, many believe that North Africa can turn the corner, dramatically
improving the security, economy and political situation of the region.
"The benefits to resolving this matter are numerous. First and foremost, it
will free the thousands of refugees who have been forced by the Polisario to
live in refugee camps outside of Tindouf, Algeria, where they are kept as
political pawns while many of their children are sent to Cuba for
education," he says.
Resolving this issue will also improve security by stabilizing the region
and ease the constant tension between the two major players in the region,
Algeria and Morocco, he says, adding that North Africa's proximity to
Europe, its educated workforce and history of innovation give it great
promise and that many believe that a free-trade agreement among the
countries in the region will materialize after the Sahara issue is resolved.
Ussery also recalls that Morocco has spent the past several years enacting
an aggressive reform package, holding free elections, addressing past abuses
and passing laws that dramatically increase women's rights. "It is on a
clear path to a democracy with a thriving civil society and a free press,"
he affirms.
SOURCE:: http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/view
=============================================
SOURCE : http://www.lematin.ma/journal/article.asp?id=natio&ida=54996
Une déclaration de l'ex-ambassadeur américain à Rabat :
Michael Ussery
«Le polisario n'existe que grâce à l'Algérie»
03.12.2005 | 15h44
Le fait que l'Algérie continue de clamer qu'elle
n'est pas
partie au conflit du Sahara constitue un défi à la communauté
internationale
qui admet que sans le soutien de l'Algérie, le «polisario»
n'aurait
jamais
existé, souligne Michael Ussery, un ancien ambassadeur des
Etats-Unis
au
Maroc, qui appelle les Etats-Unis à n'épargner aucun effort pour
aider
à
trouver une solution politique négociée à cette question.
Dans une tribune intitulée «l'impasse en Afrique du
Nord»
publiée vendredi sur les colonnes du Washington Times, M. Ussery
qui a
occupé plusieurs hautes fonctions au département d'Etat, dont
celle
d'adjoint au secrétaire d'Etat adjoint pour les affaires du
Proche-Orient et
de l'Asie du Sud, a estimé qu'«une pression américaine pour une
solution (du
conflit du Sahara) va aider le plus ancien allié de l'Amérique,
le
Maroc».
Evoquant le «hearing» (audience) sur la question du
Sahara
tenu
dernièrement au Congrès, M. Ussery a exhorté le Congrès à
«s'assurer
que son
message soit clair : les Etats-Unis vont fournir tout le soutien
nécessaire
et feront tout ce qu'ils pourront pour aider» les principales
parties
«à
négocier une solution politique». «Il n'y a pas d'autre
alternative»,
affirme M. Ussery.
L'ancien ambassadeur au Maroc, qui a retracé la
genèse du
conflit du Sahara a affirmé que le «polisario» faisait partie
d'une
stratégie soutenue par l'Union Soviétique pour déstabiliser un
allié
des
Etats-Unis, le Maroc, et jouissait du soutien militaire et
financier
de
l'Algérie et de Cuba, entre autres.
S'agissant des pratiques du «polisario», il a
souligné que
ce
dernier «limite le mouvement des personnes» dans les camps des
séquestrés en
Algérie, «les retenant sur place comme moyen de pression
politique» et
que
ce groupuscule «ne doit son existence qu'aux milliers de
familles
qu'il
retient dans le désert».L'ancien ambassadeur au Maroc, qui a
retracé
la
genèse du conflit du Sahara a affirmé que le «polisario» faisait
partie
d'une stratégie soutenue par l'Union Soviétique pour
déstabiliser un
allié
des Etats-Unis, le Maroc, et jouissait du soutien militaire et
financier de
l'Algérie et de Cuba, entre autres.
S'agissant des pratiques du «polisario», il a
souligné que
ce
dernier «limite le mouvement des personnes» dans les camps des
séquestrés en
Algérie, «les retenant sur place comme moyen de pression
politique» et
que
ce groupuscule «ne doit son existence qu'aux milliers de
familles
qu'il
retient dans le désert».
Rappelant les efforts entrepris pendant plus d'une
décennie par
les Nations Unies et d'autres parties pour essayer de trouver
une
solution
définitive au conflit du Sahara, M. Ussery note que durant cette
période,
«un consensus clair a émergé au sein de la communauté
internationale :
le
Maroc et l'Algérie doivent négocier un compromis raisonnable».
«Le Maroc a déclaré à maintes reprises, publiquement
et en
privé, qu'il est prêt à accéder à cette requête internationale»,
a
indiqué
l'ancien diplomate rappelant que le ministre délégué aux
Affaires
étrangères
et à la Coopération, Taieb Fassi Fihri, avait affirmé en
septembre
dernier
que le Maroc était disposé à proposer à l'ONU des négociations
sur une
autonomie pour le Sahara.
Cependant, pour arriver à ce compromis, «une plus
grande
pression devrait être exercée sur l'Algérie et le polisario pour
les
amener
à la table (des négociations) et parvenir à une solution», note
M.
Ussery,
qui rappelle que le ministre français des affaires étrangères
Philippe
Douste-Blazy avait fait le 12 juillet dernier une déclaration
publique
encourageant toutes les parties concernées à négocier et
soulignant
que la
France, comme l'Espagne et d'autres partenaires, «est convaincue
qu'un
dialogue politique direct entre Rabat et Alger sur cette
question est
susceptible de promouvoir un règlement du conflit».
Toutefois, déplore M. Ussery, l'Algérie continue de
clamer
qu'elle n'est pas partie au conflit. «Cette prétention constitue
un
défi à
la communauté internationale qui admet que sans le soutien de
l'Algérie, le
«polisario» n'aurait jamais existé». Il a expliqué par la suite
que si
l'impasse politique sur ce conflit est résolue, nombreux sont
ceux qui
pensent que l'Afrique du Nord peut prendre un tournant décisif,
et que
la
situation sécuritaire, économique et politique sera améliorée
dans la
région.
«Les avantages pouvant découler de la résolution de
cette
question sont nombreux», insiste-t-il, indiquant qu'un règlement
de ce
problème va en premier lieu entraîner la libération des milliers
de
personnes qui sont forcées par le polisario de vivre dans des
camps
près de
Tindouf en Algérie, où elles sont gardées comme des gages
politiques
alors
que plusieurs de leurs enfants sont envoyés à Cuba.
Une résolution du conflit va améliorer la sécurité
en
stabilisant la région en plus du fait qu'elle va désamorcer la
tension
constante entre les deux acteurs principaux de la région, le
Maroc et
l'Algérie, ajoute-t-il relevant que la proximité de l'Afrique du
Nord
de
l'Europe, sa force de travail éduquée et son histoire
d'innovation en
font
une région prometteuse et que beaucoup pensent qu'un accord de
libre
échange
entre les pays de la région sera conclu après la résolution de
la
question
du Sahara.
M. Ussery a également mis en relief les réformes
initiées
par le
Royaume durant les dernières années, rappelant la tenue
d'élections
libres,
les décisions prises en ce qui concerne les violations commises
par le
passé
et les lois adoptées pour promouvoir et consolider les droits
des
femmes.
«Le Maroc est sur la voie de la démocratie avec une société
civile
active et
une presse libre», affirme-t-il.
http://www.lematin.ma/journal/article.asp?id=natio&ida=54996
Boris Ryser
Ox, ( ou hoax ?)
il n'y a que toi,
sur ce forum ,
qui soit vraiment insignifiant
tant tu mens...
mais ce n'est pas de ta faute...
tu as participé à la Massira
et tu as eu le cerveau lavé...
depuis le 3ème jour de cette Massira
( à cause du jugement de la cour de justice internationale de la Haie...
...enfin arrivé sous les yeux de Mohamed.... ton roi des rois ...
boris ryser
ox...@ahli.net> a écrit dans le message de
news:Zmtmf.7428$Wo2.6552@trnddc04
Boris Ryser
news:Zmtmf.7428$Wo2.6552@trnddc04
'Sahrawi National Council', ,
refugies sahrawis,
president,
republique sahrawis,
sadr,
polisario
journalistes
Algerie
histoire
etrangers
net
queue
bande
business
escroquant
stratagemes
imposteurs
mensonges
liberation
tels sont tes mots, Abbas !
boris ryser
referendum now!
>
>
>
> http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/viewWithout
> Algeria's support, Polisario would never have existed, former USA
> diplomat Washington, Dec. 2 - Algeria's claim that it is not a party
> to the Sahara issue is in defiance of the international community,
> which recognizes that without its support the Polisario would never
>
skip
Mo
"ox" <xox...@ahli.net> wrote in message news:Zmtmf.7428$Wo2.6552@trnddc04...
Boris Ryser
Le "président" sahraoui demande à l'ONU la "protection de la population
civile"
ALGER (AP) - Le président de la République arabe sahraouie démocratique
(RASD, autoproclamée) Mohamed Abdelaziz a appelé dimanche le secrétaire
général des Nations unies, Kofi Annan, à "protéger la population civile
sahraouie" dans les territoires occupés du Sahara-Occidental.
Cette demande de protection fait suite, selon les termes du message, à
"l'assassinat par les autorités marocaines, le 2 décembre dernier à Tan Tan
(sud du Maroc)" d'un citoyen sahraoui.
"L'assassinat, sans raison aucune, de Lekhlifa Abba Cheikh Ould Embarek Oul
Ely traduit les inquiétudes et les angoisses dont nous avons fait part dans
de précédentes correspondances, pour garantir et protéger les populations
civiles sahraouies en réel danger", souligne Mohamed Abdelaziz dans ce
message diffusé par l'agence de presse sahraouie SPS et repris par l'agence
algérienne APS
Le "président" sahraoui explique également dans son message "l'acharnement
des autorités marocaines" contre les citoyens sahraouis par le fait que ces
derniers ont "manifesté pacifiquement" et réclamé le droit à
l'autodétermination.
Mohamed Abdelaziz sollicite en outre l'intervention du secrétaire général de
l'ONU auprès du gouvernement marocain pour lui demander "de respecter les
droits de l'homme et la légalité internationale au Sahara-Occidental". Il
souhaite également que soit mis fin à "des provocations qui concourent à
l'embrasement d'une région qui aspire plutôt à la paix et à la stabilité".
AP
http://fr.news.yahoo.com/11122005/5/le-president-sahraoui-demande-l-onu-la-protection-de-la.html
oao/tl
ox
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message
> dimanche 11 décembre 2005, 20h44
> Le "président" sahraoui demande à l'ONU la "protection de la population
> civile"
Il n y a ni republique sahrawie , ni (sadr),ni president sahrawi ,ni
population civile,
ni refugies sahrawis, ni passe`,ni present, ni futur, ni avenir ..du
soi-disant polisario ni....ni.......
Il n'y a que des journalistes stipendies par l'Algerie pour planter des
histoires fictives dans les journaux locaux et etrangers et sur le net
aussi pour
maintenir artificiellement en vie un mensonge po-lis-a-rien sans tete ni
queue qui n'a que trop dure` dans l'espace et dans le temps.
Ce polisario n y a qu'une bande d'ex-chomeurs marocains qui, avec la
suggestion et les "conseils" de l'Algerie , avait imagine` un moyen ou
plutot un business pour se faire de l'argent (sans travailler ) en
escroquant les gens candidesm sans experience (des hommes) et qui veulent
bien preter leurs oreilles aux stratagemes des imposteurs ne reposant sur
aucune realite mais uniquement sur des mensonges, rien que des mensonges je
le jure.
Croire que le polisario est un mouvement de liberation comme le pretendent
ses inventeurs et son appellation ,c'est faire preuve d'innocence , de
naivete',de simplicite',de credulite' et d'une meconnaissance totale de sa
"genese"
et de sa realite comme il est specifie` dans la declaration d'un specialiste
ayant vecu le conflit sur place , et dont l'experience , l'impartialite et
la parfaite connaissance des affaires Nord africaines sont au-dessus de
tout soupcon , il s'agit de : S.E Michael Ussery ,l'ex-ambassadeur des USA
au Maroc .
Ce qui suit est la seule realite du conflit artificiel cree' par l'Algerie
pour
essayer de voler le Sahara appartenant au Maroc depuis la nuit
des temps, tout le reste n'est que de la comedie et de la mise en scene
dans une vaine tentative de tromper l'opinion internationale et de remplir
les poches des mafieux polisariens.
SOURCE:: http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/view
=============================================
SOURCE : http://www.lematin.ma/journal/article.asp?id=natio&ida=54996
03.12.2005 | 15h44
http://www.lematin.ma/journal/article.asp?id=natio&ida=54996
>
Boris Ryser
Le "président" sahraoui demande à l'ONU la "protection de la population
civile"
ALGER (AP) - Le président de la République arabe sahraouie démocratique
(RASD, autoproclamée) Mohamed Abdelaziz a appelé dimanche le secrétaire
général des Nations unies, Kofi Annan, à "protéger la population civile
sahraouie" dans les territoires occupés du Sahara-Occidental.
Cette demande de protection fait suite, selon les termes du message, à
"l'assassinat par les autorités marocaines, le 2 décembre dernier à Tan Tan
(sud du Maroc)" d'un citoyen sahraoui.
"L'assassinat, sans raison aucune, de Lekhlifa Abba Cheikh Ould Embarek Oul
Ely traduit les inquiétudes et les angoisses dont nous avons fait part dans
de précédentes correspondances, pour garantir et protéger les populations
civiles sahraouies en réel danger", souligne Mohamed Abdelaziz dans ce
message diffusé par l'agence de presse sahraouie SPS et repris par l'agence
algérienne APS
Le "président" sahraoui explique également dans son message "l'acharnement
des autorités marocaines" contre les citoyens sahraouis par le fait que ces
derniers ont "manifesté pacifiquement" et réclamé le droit à
l'autodétermination.
Mohamed Abdelaziz sollicite en outre l'intervention du secrétaire général de
l'ONU auprès du gouvernement marocain pour lui demander "de respecter les
droits de l'homme et la légalité internationale au Sahara-Occidental". Il
souhaite également que soit mis fin à "des provocations qui concourent à
l'embrasement d'une région qui aspire plutôt à la paix et à la stabilité".
AP
http://fr.news.yahoo.com/11122005/5/le-president-sahraoui-demande-l-onu-la-protection-de-la.htmloao/tl
------------ And now a word from our sponsor ---------------------
For a secure high performance FTP using SSL/TLS encryption
upgrade to SurgeFTP
---- See http://netwinsite.com/sponsor/sponsor_surgeftp.htm ----
ox
>....... Le "président" sahraoui demande à l'ONU ....
Ton delirant president sahrawi,tes maitres algero polisariens,
tes journalistes stipendies par l'Algerie ne faites autre chose
que mentir constamment au lecteur et au public .Tout ce qui
sort du cadre de la realite du conflit artificiel fabrique` par Alger
objet
de la declaration de l'ex-ambassadeur des USA au Maroc
reproduite ci-apres ne sont autre chose que des affabulations pures et
simples .
Qui devrait - on croire pour connaitre la realite de la realite de ce
conflit ?
Un ex-ambassadeur des USA au Maroc qui avait fait des investigations
officielles sur place (to get to the bottom of this conflict) ou bien
des individus obscurs payes pour soutenir les tortionnaires, l'immoralite,
l'injustice,
et les auteurs des crimes contre l'humanite dont etaient temoins a Tindouf
en Algerie
les agents de France-Liberte et d'autres ONG .
Cette declaration a elle seule confirme la marocanite du Sahara.
sans autre commentaire .
http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/view
Without Algeria's support, Polisario would never have existed, former USA
SOURCE:: http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/view
=============================================
SOURCE : http://www.lematin.ma/journal/article.asp?id=natio&ida=54996
03.12.2005 | 15h44
http://www.lematin.ma/journal/article.asp?id=natio&ida=54996
Cette declaration a elle seule confirme la marocanite du Sahara.
sans autre commentaire .
http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/view
Without Algeria's support, Polisario would never have existed, former USA
Boris Ryser
news:_mNnf.40387$7r6.5550@trnddc07
>> ....... Le "président" sahraoui demande à l'ONU ....
Western Sahara: 30 Years is Enough
http://www.waronwant.org/?lid=396
Due east from the tourist beaches of the Canary Islands, 165,000 refugees
live on an inhospitable plain in the Sahara desert. Temperatures range from
the scorching to the freezing, water is scarce, access to the outside world
is difficult. Yet for 30 years the people of Western Sahara have been forced
to live here, struggling to return to a homeland where they can determine
their own future.
On 31 October 1975, Morocco and Mauritania invaded Western Sahara as Spain
(the former colonial power) looked on. The Saharawi people were expelled
from their homes by force, including the use of napalm. Most fled to the
Algerian desert.
Mauritania withdrew its claim to Western Sahara in 1979 and left. But
Morocco stayed. The Saharawi people declared their own Republic in exile,
which is now recognised by 60 other states. Yet the world still refuses to
uphold international law and bring the Occupation to an end.
30 years is enough.
http://www.waronwant.org/?lid=396
> Ton delirant president sahrawi,tes maitres algero polisariens,
> tes journalistes stipendies par l'Algerie ne faites autre chose
> que mentir constamment au lecteur et au public .
Et oui, tu vois le révisionisme c'est ta spécialité !
boris ryser
Boris Ryser
Reuters (Rabat)
14 December 2005
RABAT (Reuters) - A Moroccan court on Wednesday jailed 14 Western Sahara
human rights activists and rebel sympathisers for between six months and
three years for their role in riots in the disputed Moroccan-controlled
territory.
Court officials and lawyers said the court in Western Sahara's main town
Laayoune announced the verdict early on Wednesday at the end of a 14-hour
marathon hearing.
Claiming historic sovereignty rights over the mostly desert territory,
Morocco annexed the former Spanish colony in 1975. The move triggered a
sporadic guerrilla war with the Polisario Front which seeks an independent
state in the mineral-rich territory.
A U.N. ceasefire was brokered in 1991 with the promise of holding a
referendum to decide on the fate of the area, believed to have offshore
oil deposits.
Disagreements between the two sides about who is eligible to vote have
prevented it from taking place.
Morocco, steering away from the U.N.-sponsored referendum plan, recently
stated its readiness to grant autonomy to the territory, but the Polisario
rejected that and threatened to resume war if there is no breakthrough in
the near future.
Polisario supporters led anti-Moroccan riots last May, leading to several
arrests including the 14 activists sentenced by the court on Wednesday.
One of them, Mohamed Tahlil, who appeared in court wearing military
fatigues to underscore his support for the Polisario, was jailed for three
years while six other activists were sentenced to two years in prison,
lawyers said.
The seven other activists were sentenced to between six months and 10
months in prison, including female rights activist Aminatou Haider who was
jailed for seven months.
The defendants were found guilty of charges including damaging public
property, violence against government employees, belonging to an illegal
organisation and gathering in the streets without proper permission,
lawyers said.
_________________________________
Forwarded by:
__________________________________
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
*** Referendum now! ***
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-update
_________________________________
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ox
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message
> "ox" <xox...@ahli.net> a écrit dans le message de
> news:_mNnf.40387$7r6.5550@trnddc07
>>> ....... Le "président" sahraoui demande à l'ONU ....
>
>
> Western Sahara: 30 Years is Enough
Here's the real story behind this artificial conflict straight from the
mouth of the ex-ambassador of USA IN MOROCCO ,
Anything Algeria, its puppet the polisario and their stipend journalists
write in order to mislead your from the only truth, is a fat lie :
ox
VIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message news:43a03fb6$1...@news.vsnet.ch...
> Morocco jails Western Sahara ....blahblahblah
Here's the real story behind this artificial conflict straight from the
the most honnest and impartial writers,observers, diplomat who have nothing
to gain by telling lies .
http://www.public.iastate.edu/~abimad/sahara.html
.....................
The first and most important evidence that Western Sahara belongs to Morocco
is history. It is worth mentioning that Morocco has always existed as a
Works Cited:
<http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/index.html>
=========================================================
http://www.map.ma/eng/sections/politics/without_algeria_s_su/view
"Now the world knows all the truth , and the fact that Westewrn Sahara is
a Moroccan territory,
and Algeria and its puppet are impostors and liars trying to steal what
belongs to Morocco
since the dawn of History"-
================
Without Algeria's support, Polisario would never have existed, former USA
diplomat
Washington, Dec. 2 - Algeria's claim that it is not a party to the Sahara
issue is in defiance of the international community, which recognizes that
without its support the Polisario would never have existed, said former USA
ambassador to Morocco, Michael Ussery.
Without Algeria's support, Polisario would never have existed, former USA
diplomat
Washington, Dec. 2 - Algeria's claim that it is not a party to the Sahara
issue is in defiance of the international community, which recognizes that
without its support the Polisario would never have existed, said former USA
ambassador to Morocco, Michael Ussery.
====================
Boris Ryser
------------ And now a word from our sponsor ----------------------
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fast, efficient and reliable. Run a million users on a standard
PC running NT or Unix without running out of power, use the best!
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Boris Ryser
Boris Ryser
Oilbarrel (London)
14. December 2005
By Helen Campbell
Thirty years since Morocco was effectively handed control of Western
Sahara by Spain, the conflict, said to be oil-driven, between Rabat and
Western Sahara's exiled government shows no sign of easing. In a follow up
article, Helen Campbell finds the stakes are higher still.
____________________________________________________________
Tensions surrounding the natural resource potential of Western Sahara are
flaring. The Polisario, the government of the Saharawi Arab Democratic
Republic (SADR), says it has reliable information that US company Kerr
McGee (KMG), is now making plans to drill offshore the disputed territory.
The Polisario has publicly said it cannot guarantee the safety of anyone
working for or on behalf of the Oklahoma-based company. KMG has a
reconnaissance permit awarded by Moroccan oil ministry Onhym, but the US
company's presence in a non-self governing territory has attracted fierce
international criticism and campaign.
Raising the stakes higher still, the Polisario has itself begun
negotiations with a number of companies who it says have shown an active
interest in offshore blocks it offered in a licensing round launched in
London six months ago, to the irritation of Rabat and, no doubt, KMG.
Although those negotiations can only lead to drilling permits upon a peace
agreement being brokered between the two sides - and there has been little
evidence this year that this is any nearer - it is clearer than ever that
both sides mean (oil) business. The Polisario is also attracting interest
to Western Sahara's onshore potential, in the shape of a newly-registered
company connected to Wessex Exploration.
KMG and partners Pioneer Natural Resources and Kosmos Energy, which yet
again renewed a permit to analyse the offshore Boujdor block for a further
six months at the end of October, are alone in their controversial siding
with Morocco over Western Sahara, at least in terms of known formal
agreements. The influential Norwegian Petroleum Fund dropped $52 million
worth of KMG shares when the Fund said KMG's actions were unethical and
could undermine UN peace efforts. In late November two Swedish funds
announced they would divest KMG shares early next year, and campaigners
are now putting pressure on the Norwegian Petroleum Fund to dump Pioneer.
KMG remains typically tight-lipped over its plans. "Until we complete the
analysis of the data we cannot speculate on future activities," says a
spokesman, adding the company was unable to say when the studies would be
complete. The Polisario says it has evidence that the US company is making
plans to drill. Under current legislation, such action would be illegal
and not tolerated.
"On the drilling issue, we have received information from reliable sources
who told us that KMG, Kosmos and Pioneer are indeed planning to drill,"
says Kamal Fadel, the Polisario's representative in Australia.
"Furthermore, the fact that they keep renewing their permits and spending
money is not for fun but for some purpose. The logical and natural course
is that companies will have to drill but when, we don't know."
Sending a clear message to the US company, the Polisario said in a recent
statement that it "[could not] guarantee the safety of any individual
involved in the intended operations of Kerr-McGee. Existing cease-fire
arrangements do not envisage such operations in a war zone, and
consequently the Saharawi army must carefully consider its position and
response if these inflammatory activities proceed."
For its part, KMG continues to stress only that its current activities do
not contravene international law as they amount only to data evaluation.
And asked how many staff are in either Morocco or Western Sahara, the
company replies only that the reconnaissance permit is handled by its
office in Houston. The company's subsidiary Kerr McGee du Maroc is however
believed to have an office in Rabat.
The United Nations mediated a ceasefire in the area in 1991 but plans to
hold a referendum on Western Sahara's independence have never been
realised due to squabbles over who is eligible to vote. Various efforts
have been made, perhaps increasingly half-heartedly, to renew peace talks
between Rabat and the Polisario but the current envoy, Dutchman Peter van
Walsum, who reports to the UN Secretary General, is not felt to carry much
clout nor hope for peace.
Minurso, the UN's peace mission to the region, was renewed for a further
six months at the end of October. Minurso sources said the mission did not
know what KMG's plans were and declined to comment on the company's
activities. Nevertheless, the mission continues to refer to a 2002
document that concludes that drilling would be in violation of
international law on non-self-governing territories.
Sources said it was surprising that the UN appeared to be distancing
itself from the drilling and other oil matters, given that it is widely
felt internationally that KMG's continued presence in the region increases
Rabat's bargaining chips and hampers the UN's own peace efforts. Refusing
to stand back and let Rabat award drilling rights unchallenged, the
Polisario offered the whole of the offshore territory, divided into twelve
blocks, at its licensing round last May. Says its Australian
representative Fadel:
"We have received several applications from multiple companies. and are
going to start the process of negotiations with them soon. We expect to
announce the award of blocks by the end of this year or by the latest in
January of next year."
Fadel declined to name the companies in question. Sources at Woodside,
Sasol and Montrose Industries, among those present at the round's launch
in May, said they were not pursuing an interest in Western Sahara. Premier
Oil and Perth-based Ophir Energy, also in attendance, are however strongly
believed to have bid.
Although the subject of the Polisario's round is the offshore, the
potential of Western Sahara's onshore territory has also attracted
interest. Wessex Exploration, which previously had a dialogue, albeit
short-lived, with authorities in Rabat, recently registered Maghreb
Exploration in London and has assigned the data it holds on the vast Aaiun
basin to the new company.
"The Aaiun is a big basin and needs a lot of exploration," says managing
director Fred Dekker. "The drilling that was done, mostly in the 1960s and
1970s, was very sparse. There is no information on the type of source rock
but there must be samples around and that is something I am pursuing."
Meanwhile, Onhym has enlisted the US Trade and Development Agency (USTDA)
to accept bids on its behalf for the supply of a Geographic Information
System (GIS) to help it map geological structures in 'Morocco'.
The deal apparently does not include Western Sahara as 'USTDA does not
provide support to any projects that will take place in or affect [the
territory known as Western Sahara]' the agency told oilbarrel.com. Senior
representatives added that the maps used for the project stop at the
internationally-recognised borders of Morocco, this being something the
Moroccans agreed to when the project was first negotiated four years ago.
The GIS maps nevertheless disagree with the map used on Onhym's website,
in which Onhym details Moroccan oil joint ventures including that of KMG
and which shows Western Sahara as part of Morocco.
The USTDA says there is nothing contained in the contract that prevents
the application of the technology provided under the contract to territory
in Western Sahara, declining to speculate on how it may be used by Onhym
in the future.
"We have no reason to think the technology will be used for anything other
than that for which it was originally designed," senior USTDA
representatives told oilbarrel.com.
As the impasse continues, results from the dozen wells scheduled to be
drilled off Morocco-proper over the next three years will be closely
watched. Coupled with the significant discoveries made in recent years in
the waters off Mauritania to the south, any discoveries off Morocco will
serve only to heighten the determination of the various parties to tap
Western Sahara. A feeding frenzy could well become a bloodbath.
----
Source:
http://www.oilbarrel.com/feature/article.html?body=1&key=oilbarrel_features_en:1134524754&feed=oilbarrel_en
----
Boris Ryser
Public Statement
AI Index: MDE 29/010/2005 (Public)
News Service No: 343
15 December 2005
Morocco/Western Sahara: Human rights defenders jailed after questionable
trial
The jailing of seven Sahrawi human rights defenders yesterday after a trial
lasting no more than a few hours represents a serious setback for human
rights in Western Sahara, which Morocco has ruled since 1975.
Amnesty International believes that the trial, which also resulted in the
conviction of seven others accused of involvement in anti-Moroccan
protests, may have been unfair. The organization is consequently
strengthened in its belief that the seven human rights defenders may be
prisoners of conscience.
The seven are all well known to Amnesty International as long-term human
rights activists. They did much to document abuses by Moroccan forces
during and after demonstrations earlier this year calling for Western
Sahara to be granted independence or autonomy from Morocco.
All 14 defendants were convicted and jailed by the Laayoune Court of Appeal
on 14 December after a trial at which none of them was permitted to call
witnesses in their own defence. They were convicted on various charges
mainly related to participating in and inciting violent protest activities.
The seven human rights defenders were jailed for periods ranging from seven
months to two years and their seven co-accused received sentences ranging
from six months to three years in prison.
Of the human rights defenders, Aminatou Haidar was sentenced to seven
months in prison, Ali-Salem Tamek to eight months, Mohamed El-Moutaouakil,
Houssein Lidri, Brahim Noumria and Larbi Messaoud to 10 months each, and
H'mad Hammad to two years.
Amnesty International has serious concerns about the fairness of the trial.
. Tainted evidence
The convictions were reportedly based almost exclusively on written
statements by police officers in which they said that defendants had
confessed their guilt. But defendants said that they either never made such
admissions or made them only as a result of torture or ill-treatment to
which they were subjected in detention. The court accepted the police
statements as evidence without taking steps to examine the defendants'
claims. According to defence lawyers, all of the accused had refused to
sign confession statements while in pre-trial detention and in court denied
the charges against them.
. No defence witnesses
Defence lawyers asked to call witnesses, including ones who could have
challenged the content of the written police statements, but these requests
were in all cases dismissed by the court, apparently without justification.
The right of the accused to call and question witnesses is a cornerstone of
the right of defence in a fair trial.
Amnesty International sent Tunisian human rights lawyer Samir Ben Amor to
observe the first main session of the trial when it was due to open on 30
November 2005. However, the case was almost immediately adjourned when, in
a surprising and unexplained break with normal practice, the authorities
did not produce the defendants in court until after the completion of the
day's proceedings, leading the defence lawyers to withdraw in protest.
All 14 accused remain detained in Laayoune Civil Prison. They have 10 days
to decide whether to appeal the court's decision. An eighth human rights
defender, Brahim Dahane, also remains in detention and is expected to be
brought to trial separately. Amnesty International believes he too may be a
prisoner of conscience.
Amnesty International fears that yesterday's sentences will have a chilling
effect on human rights work in Western Sahara, where human rights defenders
have been repeatedly targeted in recent years for documenting and
campaigning on abuses by Moroccan authorities in the territory.
Background
For more details on Amnesty International's concerns on the cases, please
see:
- Morocco/Western Sahara: Sahrawi human rights defenders under attack (AI
Index: MDE 29/008/2005), a 13-page report released on 24 November 2005;
- Morocco/Western Sahara: Human rights defenders on trial (AI Index: MDE
29/009/2005), a public statement issued on 28 November 2005.
The two documents can be consulted on Amnesty International's website at
the following addresses:
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGMDE290082005
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGMDE290092005
_______________________________________________
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_______________________________________________
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*** Referendum now! ***
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Mo
Si tu as remarque Aaox ne fume plus du cannabis, son doctor lui a prescrit
la cocaine pour stimuler l'hemisphere gauche de sa cervelle, afin qu'il
puisse penser logiquement.
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message
news:43a18dc2$3...@news.vsnet.ch...
Boris Ryser
news:Omkof.112739$ki.3767@pd7tw2no
> Saha Boris,
> Si tu as remarque Aaox ne fume plus du cannabis, son doctor lui a
> prescrit
> la cocaine pour stimuler l'hemisphere gauche de sa cervelle, afin
> qu'il
> puisse penser logiquement.
c'est exactement pour cette raison que je dois poster mes info-messages 2
fois!
et
je le fais depuis 1997
et j'affronte ses insultes et mensonges révisionistes depuis 1998
;-)
boris ryser
Boris Ryser
news:43a1e15c$1...@news.vsnet.ch
> "Mo" <no...@shaw.ca> a écrit dans le message de
> news:Omkof.112739$ki.3767@pd7tw2no
>> Saha Boris,
>> Si tu as remarque Aaox ne fume plus du cannabis, son doctor lui a
>> prescrit
>> la cocaine pour stimuler l'hemisphere gauche de sa cervelle, afin
>> qu'il
>> puisse penser logiquement.
>
> c'est exactement pour cette raison que je dois poster mes
> info-messages 2
> fois!
> et
> je le fais depuis 1997
> et j'affronte ses insultes et mensonges révisionistes depuis 1998
>
> ;-)
> boris ryser
j'ajoute
qu'il est maintenant, un vieux marocain (malade?)qui a FAIT la massira
mais qui vit depuis longtemps au Canada.... loin de toutes les réalités de
son pays d'origine....
bors ryser
Boris Ryser
By Kamal Fadel - posted Thursday, 1 September 2005 Sign Up for free e-mail
updates!
On August 18, 2005 Senator Richard Lugar, the chairman of the US Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, oversaw the release of the last remaining
Moroccan prisoners-of-war by the Polisario, in his capacity as an envoy of
President George W. Bush.
The prisoners will be able to see their families and friends after many
years of captivity following their participation in the Moroccan war to take
over Western Sahara.
When Senator Lugar flew to Morocco with the POWs, 170,000 Saharawi refugees
were left behind in the Algerian desert waiting to return home after 30
years of separation from their families and their homeland. We hope the
international community will spare a thought for them and for those hundreds
of Saharawis who have been suffering in Moroccan jails for over two decades.
http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=215
Boris Ryser
By Kamal Fadel - posted Thursday, 14 August 2003 Sign Up for free e-mail
updates!
After 20 days of haggling over the precise phrasing and content of a draft
resolution on the Western Sahara, the UN Security Council adopted resolution
1495 (pdf, 24 Kb) on July 31.
The significance of this resolution is that the UN Security Council has for
the first time officially moved away from implementing the Settlement Plan,
and has accepted a novel approach to the resolution of the conflict of the
Western Sahara. This new approach is known as the "Peace Plan for
self-determination of the people of Western Sahara" and is proposed by James
Baker, the Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary General for Western Sahara.
The problem facing Baker's plan is that one of the parties to the conflict,
Morocco, has vehemently rejected it. Hence, resolution 1495 was diluted from
its draft form, which sought for the Security Council to endorse the Plan.
The Security Council has expressed its support for the new plan but has
called upon the parties "to work with the United Nations and with each other
towards acceptance and implementation of the Peace plan".
http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=617
And herre are the U.N. resolutions that Morocco has violated ( more than
Irak!!!)
377 (1979) Morocco
Calls on countries to respect the right of self-determination for Western
Sahara.
379 (1979) Morocco
Calls for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Western Sahara.
380 (1979) Morocco
Reiterates the need for compliance with previous resolutions.
658 (1990) Morocco
Calls upon Morocco to "cooperate fully" with the Secretary General of the
United Nations and the chairman of the Organization of African Unity "in
their efforts aimed at an early settlement of the question of Western
Sahara."
690 (1991) Morocco
Calls upon both parties to cooperate fully with the Secretary General in
implementing a referendum on the fate of the territory.
694 (1991) Morocco
Reiterates that Israel "must refrain from deporting any Palestinian civilian
from the occupied territories and ensure the safe and immediate return of
all those deported."
716 (1991) Morocco
Reaffirms previous resolutions on Cyprus.
725 (1991) Morocco
"Calls upon the two parties to cooperate fully in the settlement plan."
809 (1992) Morocco
Reiterates call to cooperate with the peace settlement plan, particularly
regarding voter eligibility for referendum.
973 (1995) Morocco
Reiterates the need for cooperation with United Nations and expediting
referendum on the fate of Western Sahara.
995 (1995) Morocco
Calls for "genuine cooperation" with UN efforts to move forward with a
referendum.
1002 (1995) Morocco
Reiteration of call for "genuine cooperation" with UN efforts.
1017 (1995) Morocco
Reiterates the call for "genuine cooperation" with UN efforts and to cease
"procrastinating actions which could further delay the referendum."
1033 (1995) Morocco
Reiterates call for "genuine cooperation" with UN efforts.
1056 (1996) Morocco
Calls for the release of political prisoners from occupied Western Sahara.
1185 (1998) Morocco
Calls for the lifting of restrictions of movement by aircraft of UN
peacekeeping force.
1215 (1998) Morocco
Urges Morocco to promptly sign a "status of forces agreement."
1359 (2001) Morocco
Calls on the parties to "abide by their obligations under international
humanitarian law to release without further delay all those held since the
start of the conflict."
http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=11&ItemID=2417
Boris Ryser
The Business Online
By : Richard Orange
December 18, 2005
PREMIER Oil is among a group of up to six UK oil companies that will
challenge US oil giant Kerr-McGee by snapping up rights to drill a
200,000 square kilometre swathe of contested north-west African
coastline.
UK firms are the sole bidders for the 12 offshore oil licences offered
by the rebel Polisario Front, which has been fighting a 30-year battle
for independence from Morocco. In 2001 Kerr-McGee signed an oil
exploration deal for the same territory with the Moroccan government,
which annexed the territory on its southern border when the Spanish
withdrew in 1976.
Mhamed Khadad, one of Polisario's top officials and its negotiator for
the UN, told The Business he had visited six UK firms during his visit
to London last week ahead of announcing the winning bids during the
second week of January.
He said: "Everybody knows that the presence of the Moroccans in
Western Sahara is illegal. It's best to bid with us because to bid
with us is to bid on democracy in this part of the world, while to bid
with the Moroccans is to bid on occupation."
Polisario had not held negotiations with companies from other
countries. The award ceremony will take place in London. The
involvement of UK firms will embarrass the UK government, which has
reduced pressure on the Moroccans to withdraw due to its importance as
a western-leaning Arab country.
_______________________________________________
http://www.thebusinessonline.com/Stories.aspx?UK%20firms%20take%20on%20Polisario%20oil%20front&StoryID=AF4686AC-58F3-43F5-8A50-8217633978D8&SectionID=F3B76EF0-7991-4389-B72E-D07EB5AA1CEE
_______________________________________________
Forwarded by:
_______________________________________________
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
wsa...@online.no
*** Referendum now! ***
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-update
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ned
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message
> Saharawis wait patiently for a just solution......
There is not a single country in the world which population is made
of a single ethnic group or race -Diversity is the rule nowadays.
If Morocco has to comply with the demand of the artificial polisario
claiming a state based on ethnic characteristics, then every ethnic
group in the world must have the right to have its own state also
and conflicts of this king will be generalized in the world.
Ethnic groups are watching the conclusion of this artificial conflict
created by Algeria so they can act consequently.
Every country in the world is made of different ethnic groups , many
cultures, many languages, many religions.....These countries don't give
to these ethnic groups their state because they claim them.
Why should Morocco be the only country to cede to the first impostor
who claims a state at the expenses of its national sovereignty.
Why Algeria who has overs 2 millions square kilometers of the Sahara
with millions of sahrawis people living in it does not give them their
state
even though the Tuaregs were the first to claim a state of their own
long before Algerian Independance in 1962 ??
Does Algeria try to get rid of its Sahrawis Tuaregs and others by joining
them to the polisario it has fabricated for this purpose ??
I think so.
Boris Ryser
Morocco puts US censorship busting site Anonymizer.com on its black list
Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
Morocco
20. December 2005
The Moroccan government has blocked US website Anonymizer.com that allows
Internet-users to get round censorship, days after Reporters Without
Borders recommended its use to access Sahrawi websites.
These websites, promoting independence for Western Sahara, have been
censored since the beginning of December.
Reporters Without Borders released a handbook for bloggers and
cyberdissidents in September 2005, containing advice on a number of
technical methods of circumventing Internet filtering.
---
Background:
----------------------------------------------
Access to Sahrawi sites blocked within Morocco
2. December 2005
Reporters Without Borders today condemned the censorship of many websites
supporting the Polisario Front's struggle for Sahrawi independence, such
as Arso.org, which have been made inaccessible within Morocco.
Calling on the Moroccan authorities to stop blocking access to sites
dealing with Western Sahara, the organisation said : "It should not be
possible to take a decision to filter a website without a fair trial
taking place first. Banning an online publication simply on the basis of
an administrative decision is a serious violation of free expression."
Reporters Without Borders has verified that the arso.org,
cahiersdusahara.com, cahiersdusahara.com, wsahara.net and spsrasd.info
websites have all been rendered inaccessible in Morocco since 21 November.
These sites all criticise Morocco's control of Western Sahara and
encourage protests, but they do not call for violence.
A "connection failure" type of error message is displayed when someone
tries to access one of these sites. The decision to block may have been
taken by the communication ministry, which is responsible for censorship,
or the interior ministry, while monitors the Sahrawi problem. Local
sources said the filtering can nonetheless be easily sidestepped by using
an online proxy such as www.anonymizer.com.
ARSO - the Free and Legitimate Referendum in Western Sahara Support
Association - carried photos on its website in September that showed
Sahrawi prisoners being held in extremely harsh condition in the prison in
El Ayoum, the territory's main city. The local state prosecutor reacted by
ordering an investigation with the aim of "exposing all those implicated
in this vile act that jeopardises the reputation of the prison where the
inmates are held."
Western Sahara was annexed by Morocco in 1975 and the Polisario Front
wants it to be independent. The situation in the territory is extremely
tense, with frequent clashes between the population and the security
forces.
Reporters Without Borders defends imprisoned journalists and press freedom
throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria, Belgium,
Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland). It has
representatives in Abidjan, Bangkok, London, Moscow, New York, Tokyo and
Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.
----
Source
http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=15809
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__________________________________
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*** Referendum now! ***
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Boris Ryser
Boris Ryser
By Markus Lindberg
Translated from Swedish by the Western Sahara Committee in Sweden.
Fishing boats from Western Sweden may violate public international law
Fishing outside the coast of occupied Western Sahara
Gothenburg: Vessels from Fiskebäck are fishing outside the coast of
occupied Western Sahara. At the same time the government is
encouraging other EU countries to abstain.
"This may violate public international law", says Hillevi Larsson
(Social Democrat), member of the EU committee.
In July the EU signed a fishery agreement with Morocco which includes
fishing outside the coast of Western Sahara. Western Sahara is since
30 years back governed by Morocco. The agreement has been criticized
by among others the resistance movement Polisario, in whose opinion it
opens for an exploitation of the natural resources of an occupied
country. The Swedish government has also tried to gain sympathy for
its view among other countries of the EU that the agreement should not
apply to the waters of Western Sahara - so far without success.
At the same time as Sweden is criticizing the agreement which still
has not come into force, three vessels from Fiskebäck has this year
been fishing sardines outside the coast of Western Sahara with an
approval from both the Moroccan authorities and the Swedish National
Board of Fisheries.
"There is no straight forward prohibition saying that we shouldn´t
allow Swedish fishermen to be in others´ waters. Everybody has the
same rights there, even though it may not be quite correct", says Bo
Wallin, responsible for the department of fisheries control at the
National Board of Fisheries.
Reported catches
They confirm that the three vessels Ganthi, Monsun and Nordic have
reported catches outside Western Sahara, which they are obliged to do.
"Well, then we could give up all foreign policy in that area. It´s
possible that those are the rules today, but in that case they should
be changed. For the moment Sweden is criticizing those countries in
the EU that believe this to be all right. It sounds really strange if
Swedish vessels are already using that possibility. Our criticism of
the fisheries agreement is in that case just an empty gesture", says
Hillevi Larsson, member of Swedish parliament and of the EU committee.
According to Hillevi Larsson enterprises have prospected in Western
Sahara by drilling for gas and oil. This has been heavily criticized.
"It is an evident violation of public international law if you not
only explore natural resources but furthermore exploit them. This
concerns the natural resources of an occupied country. The least you
should do is to have a dialogue with the population of Western Sahara.
Is it acceptable for you? How much should we pay you? You shouldn´t
just pay Morocco."
The EU agreement with Morocco may come into force in March next year
if it is approved by the Council of Ministers.
Facts
Western Sahara
When Spain left its former colony in 1976 Western Sahara was divided
between the neighbouring countries of Morocco and Mauretania. A
referendum to decide on the future of the area was offered but never
occured. Mauretania withdrew in 1979 and Morocco annexed all of
Western Sahara. In 1991 the UN obtained a cease fire between Morocco
and the resistance movement Polisario. The position of the Swedish
government is to support the Saharawis´ right to self-determination.
_______________________________________________
Forwarded by:
_______________________________________________
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
*** Referendum now! ***
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-update
_______________________________________________
Boris Ryser
EL AYOUN - La région d'El Ayoun, chef lieu du Sahara occidental, est
pratiquement paralysée et isolée du sud du Maroc en raison des pluies
torrentielles qui s'y sont abattues ces derniers jours. De nombreuses routes
sont notamment coupées.
Des habitants d'El Ayoun dont les maisons ont été inondées, selon des images
diffusées par la télévision "2 M", ont appelé les autorités à agir pour leur
fournir de l'aide et mettre fin à l'isolement de la région.
"J'ai perdu tous mes biens, je ne sais pas où aller avec mes enfants", a
déclaré une mère de foyer, fustigeant le peu d'intérêt des autorités face au
sort des habitants. Des pluies diluviennes sont tombées mardi et mercredi
sur cette partie du Sahara, dont le climat est pourtant aride pendant toute
l'année.
Dans certaines zones, la hauteur des eaux a atteint plus d'un mètre, selon
les autorités locales qui n'ont avancé aucune estimation chiffrée des dégats
matériels. La route entre El Ayoun et Tarfaya, au sud du Maroc, à une
centaine de kilomètres plus au nord, a été coupée à cause de la crue de
l'oued Aoudri.
Quatre cents camions, qui devaient emprunter cet axe vendredi pour acheminer
des tonnes de marchandises à destination d'El Ayoun, ont été bloqués, selon
des habitants.
Plusieurs habitants de la région ont dénoncé le fait que les autorités
n'aient pas été en mesure d'ouvrir cette route à la circulation. "Les gens
sont en colère notamment parce qu'ils ne peuvent pas voyager vers le sud du
Maroc", a déclaré un homme à la télévision 2M.
(ats / 24 décembre 2005 19:00)
http://www.romandie.com/infos/ats/display.asp?page=20051224190057131172019048030.xml
Boris Ryser
Boris Ryser
Polisario Front, credible negotiations partner or after-effect of the cold
war and obstacle to a political solution in Western Sahara?" In response,
the Saharawi reseacher in Peace and Conflict Studies and Front Polisario's
representative to the United Kingdom and Ireland, Mr. Sidi Omar published
the following review.
The full, referenced RTF version of this review may also be downloaded from
Sahara Update's file section at
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-Update/files/Various_documents/ and can
be ordered by sending an email to wsa...@online.no .
The editor,
Sahara Update
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------------
Review of the ESISC Report on the POLISARIO Front
By Sidi M. Omar1
The European Strategic Intelligence and Security Centre (ESISC), a research
centre based in Brussels, released, in November 2005, a report entitled "The
POLISARIO Front: credible negotiations partner or after-effect of the cold
war and obstacle to apolitical solution in Western Sahara?" 2 The
elaboration of the report is said to have been presided over by Claude
Moniquet who is the President of ESISC and a self-appointed expert who seems
to have made a carrier out of claiming expertise in the areas of terrorism,
Islam and a host of other subjects.
The report presents itself as an academic examination of the genesis and
evolution of the POLISARIO Front, but in reality it amounts to nothing more
than a series of unfounded assertions and half-truths about its professed
subject matter. Derived uncritically from unreliable and clearly biased
sources, the report is desperately geared to demonstrating what Mr. Moniquet
3 and his team seem unable to prove relying on sound modes of scholarly
enquiry.
The report can claim to be anything except an original, responsible and
balanced academic study. By heavily drawing on selective and incoherent
readings and clearly preconceived ideas about its subject matter, the report
boils down to a preposterously biased, ill-informed, and politically
motivated exercise of misrepresentation.
The treatment of the POLISARIO Front in this way is quite revealing of Mr.
Moniquet's underlying politics and his keen interest in rendering a service
(paid or otherwise) to those who have vested interests in propagating this
type of reports on the POLISARIO Front. One has every right, though, to
wonder about the purpose of publishing such a report at this time.
Since Mr. Moniquet and his team claim unimpressively that their report on
the POLISARIO Front is "an academic case", I will therefore seek to
demonstrate, from my own academic standpoint, that this claim is absolutely
unfounded. In doing so, I will examine the series of assertions made in the
report as well as its methodology and findings. In practical terms, I will
treat each section of the report separately, and I will leave the summary
and recommendations to the end.
Framework
First, it is pertinent to examine the context in which the report has placed
itself. As pointed out in the report, the aim of the ESISC is to observe and
analyse the "international terrorism" and strategic questions. Consequently,
it can be safely concluded that all subject matters dealt with in this
context will necessarily have something to do, actually or potentially, with
these thematic concerns.
Even though any think-tank is entitled to research any subject of
international interest or concern, it is obvious however that placing the
POLISARIO Front in this context signals an intention on Mr. Moniquet's part
to take as a starting point an extremely dangerous assertion, namely that
the POLISARIO Front is (or could be) linked to international terrorism!
This assertion is further elaborated on in the subsequent discussion that is
largely focused on making explicit the "ingredients" in the genesis and
trajectory of the POLISARIO Front that could make of this national
liberation movement a subject matter worthy of scholarly engagement within
the ambit of the study of international terrorism. I will return to this
serious issue when I examine the section dedicated to the POLISARIO Front
and its alleged involvement in terrorism.
"Introduction of the report"
The report places itself within the broad context of "some media
manipulations around a so-called Saharawi Intifada," 4 , which is described
as "some riots" staged by "young adolescents. [who] had been skilfully
manipulated by independentist [sic] propaganda".
Demeaning as it appears, this observation is indicative of the clearly
preconceived stance of Mr. Moniquet and his team regarding not only the
Saharawi Intifada but also the POLISARIO Front itself.
Although Mr. Moniquet is entitled to his reading of the recent developments
in the occupied territories of Western Sahara, the fact remains that the
peaceful pro-independence demonstrations going on in those territories,
since 21 May 2005, are a reality that has been well documented by
international media, human rights organisations, and even by the few
independent media and political forces in Morocco.
To describe those demonstrations as "some riots" staged by "young
adolescents", therefore, can be construed only as a preconceived position
that clearly echoes the official line propagated by the Moroccan media,
which seek to belittle the peaceful struggle of the Saharawis in the
occupied territories, by describing the protests as "riots" and "criminal
behaviour". Obviously, the congruence between the two stances can hardly be
a coincidence. Besides, taking such a clear position already tells something
about the credentials of Mr. Moniquet and his team as far as their professed
academic study is concerned.
As part of the broad context, the report touches on the release by the
POLISARIO Front of the last group of Moroccan POWs, a move of which Mr.
Monqiuet and his team eagerly avail themselves to indulge in making all
sorts of interpretations. I will come back to this point later on.
It is thus in this context that the ESISC team think that it is
"interesting--and even essential--to take an interest in the POLISARIO
Front" that is portrayed as an "independentist [ sic] organization born
during the last phase of the decolonization of the Maghreb and during the
Cold War"5. There are two points that need to be examined carefully: first,
the cause of interest in examining the POLISARIO Front; and, second, the
assertion regarding its origin and evolution.
Regarding the first point, as will be borne out in the subsequent
discussion, the real causes of interest remain largely hidden and can only
be gleaned from scrutinising the content of the report itself. What is
clear, at this early stage, is that we are confronted with a set of
preconceived ideas about the POLISARIO Front, which are made to pass off as
common knowledge. The second point is, in effect, the key hypothesis for
which substantiation Mr. Moniquet and his team appeal to all sorts of
arguments, as will be seen later in their treatment of the subject under
discussion.
Methodologically speaking, we are told that the ESISC report was formulated
during a whole year in which the authors multiplied their meetings and
research that were conducted "in Morocco, the Sahara and Europe"6 (emphasis
added). The report is also said to be the product of research, of dozens of
meetings and "of the study of hundreds of documents and testimonies".
Worthy of attention here is the word "Sahara" which, as well known, is
commonly taken to denote, in the African case, that vast desert area
extending from the Red Sea to the Atlantic Ocean. However, I do not think
that Mr. Moniquet had to cover that whole area for the purpose of his
report. Therefore, the "Sahara" here cannot be but Western Sahara or, more
precisely, the Saharawi territories under Moroccan occupation.
That Morocco, for instance, calls those occupied territories "Sahara" only
does not change anything as to their internationally recognised name and
status, namely Western Sahara. One has every right, however, to wonder why
Mr. Moniquet has chosen to employ the word , in that particular sense,
rather than the internationally recognised name of the Territory, given that
the report itself talks about Western Sahara in other places! Once again,
the congruence between Mr. Moniquet's terminological preference and the
Moroccan official line can hardly be a coincidence.
Furthermore, since the subject matter of the report is the POLISARIO Front,
it is particularly surprising that the team do not mention that they visited
the Saharawi refugee camps and the liberated territories of the Saharawi
Republic (SADR) where the POLISARIO Front is based and operates. The
implications of such a gross omission are very revealing indeed.
The key purpose of the report, it is argued, is to "get a better picture of
the past and present realities of the Polisario Front and to determine if it
could be a player in the solution of the conflict or whether it was, on the
contrary, an obstacle to it" 7. A relevant scholarly concern as it may
appear, this statement, when examined closely, is a loaded supposition.
Let us recall that already in the introduction, the report suggests that the
POLISARIO Front can readily be placed within the ambit of the study of
international terrorism, and that it is an "independentist" movement, which
is a product of the Cold War--with all the implications that the latter
statement may entail. It is thus clear that Mr. Moniquet, in his
characteristically circular reasoning, intends to take for granted, from the
very outset, that the POLISARIO Front cannot (or rather must not) be a
player in the solution of this conflict because its past and present
realities (sketched above) demonstrate this supposition a priori. This
conclusion will be further borne out in his subsequent discussion.
Let us also recall that the report sets out to determine whether the
POLISARIO Front could play a role in solving some "conflict", but noticeably
it remains silent on the nature and the two parties to this very conflict. I
do not think that this omission is accidental.
Even though it is true that the ESISC team declare that their purpose is not
to delve into an exhaustive study of the Western Sahara question, wording
the objective of the report in this broad and vague way goes against the
transparency and rigour of academic enquiry. Once again, one has every right
to wonder whether this intentional vagueness has something to do with Mr.
Moniquet's own understanding of the conflict itself and its nature, of which
he makes no secret in his subsequent discussion.
It is also argued that the report seeks to introduce the POLISARIO Front
because "even though much mediatized at certain times [it is] little known
in Europe and in the United States" 8.
Although it is not clear what the report means by "much mediatised", the
claim that the POLISARIO Front is little known in Europe and the United
States is somehow deceptive because it clearly eclipses the increasing
diplomatic and mediatic visibility of this national liberation movement in
those areas. Implicit in Mr. Moniquet's observation may be also the claim to
have a vantage point from which the "whole truth" about the POLISARIO Front
will be revealed!
"II A Conflict's Historical Roots"
This section apparently aims at presenting a background to the conflict's
geographical and historical roots, and thus presenting the "raw facts"
relating to the whole issue. The fact remains that disappointingly the
historical account presented here is mostly predicated on a series of
half-truths, outright omissions and even gross historical inaccuracies. The
following are some cases in point.
When it touches on the findings of the International Court of Justice (ICJ),
the report argues that the Court "handed down a judgment recognizing that
bonds of allegiance had existed between the tribes of the Sahara and the
sultans of Morocco" 9. In the same vein, it is claimed that, "the majority
of the [Saharawi] tribes paid allegiance to the Sultans of Morocco"10.
This claim is a clear distortion of historical established facts as
enunciated in the full text of the ICJ advisory opinion regarding Western
Sahara that was issued on 16 October 1975.
In unequivocal terms, the ICJ stated that, notwithstanding the "legal ties"
to the Territory invoked by Morocco and Mauritania, "the Court's conclusion
is that the materials and information presented to it do not establish any
tie of territorial sovereignty between the territory of Western Sahara and
the Kingdom of Morocco or the Mauritanian entity. Thus the Court has not
found legal ties of such a nature as might affect the application of General
Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) in the decolonization of Western Sahara and,
in particular, of the principle of self-determination through the free and
genuine expression of the will of the peoples of the Territory"11 (emphases
added).
Furthermore, the Report of the United Nations Visiting Mission to Spanish
Sahara12, released in 1975, confirms the conclusions of the ICJ verdict. As
it is well known, the mission's aim was to assess the sympathies of the
native Saharawi population in view of the impending change in the status of
the Territory. In its report, it pointed out that it became evident to the
Mission that there was an overwhelming consensus among Saharawis within the
territory in favour of independence and opposing integration with any
neighbouring country, and that the POLISARIO Front appeared to represent a
majority of Western Sahara's inhabitants.
On what basis then has Mr. Moniquet made his claims? It seems very clear
that he has chosen to go against all these established facts; moreover, this
largely reveals his real intentions and preconceived postures as to his
professed subject matter.
It is also argued that as soon as Morocco became "independent", on 03 March
1956, the King of Morocco, Mohammed V, availed himself of his historical
rights and claimed the return of the territories under Spanish control in
the Makhzen. One has every right to wonder about Mr. Moniquet's insistence
on assertively bringing up some "historical rights" for Morocco, a matter
that the ICJ has already settled in a categorical manner.
In a characteristically partial way, the report refers to the Liberation
Army and argues that the latter, "which was fighting Spanish forces
especially around Tarfaya in 1958, had been destroyed by a combined
Franco-Spanish offensive" 13.
What the report leaves out of the whole picture however is the significant
fact that the Franco-Spanish offensive (Operation Hurricane) would not have
succeeded without the crucial cooperation of the Moroccan regime. Fearing
the spread of revolutionary ideas amid the many Moroccans who were unhappy
about the re-installation of the monarchy, the regime wanted the Saharawi
anti-colonial resistance to be wiped out. As a reward for its cooperation,
the regime was given Tarfaya that Spain ceded to Morocco in 1958.
In addition, the report goes on to talk about the so-called "Green March"
and the annexation of the territory by Morocco and Mauritania, and then
presents all these events as the "raw facts" about the conflict in Western
Sahara.
Nonetheless, it remains silent on the key issues: the Moroccan-Mauritanian
invasion of the Territory in 1975, and the bombing of Saharawi civilians in
Umdreiga, Tifariti, Amgala, among others, in Western Sahara; the exodus of
thousands of Saharawis into neighbouring countries, mainly Algeria; the
treatment by the United Nations of the Saharawi question as a decolonisation
issue; and, above all, the expansionist ideology of the Moroccan regime that
has driven it to claim and invade Western Sahara in the same way as it had
already claimed Mauritania and parts of Algeria in the sixties.
These are the raw facts without which a comprehensive understanding of the
POLISARIO Front and its liberation struggle is impossible--facts of which
Mr. Moniquet seems completely oblivious. In the coming section, I will draw
the attention of Mr. Moniquet and his team to the real historical roots of
the conflict in Western Sahara.
The report claims that, "Two arguments are, in general, put forward by the
Front and its supporters to justify the independentist claim: that of the
existence of a "Saharawi Nation" and, a contrario, of the inexistence in the
past of a "Kingdom of Morocco" which would have had some power over the
region."14
Regarding these two arguments, I would like to point out, first, that the
existence or inexistence of the Kingdom of Morocco in the past is completely
beside the point in exactly the same way as the hypothetically prior
existence of colonial Indonesia had no bearing on the latter's illegal
occupation of East Timor, or the subsequent independence of this country.
Furthermore, the ICJ has already settled the sovereignty matter in a clear
way.
Second, as for the existence of a Saharawi nation, without any intention to
enter into the lengthy ongoing debate on nationalism, I would like to point
out however that originally all nations are constructed and even "imagined"
in complex historical processes, and are by no means God-ordained. The
Saharawi nation exists and its emergence has taken a historical trajectory
similar, in many ways, to those taken by other nations in Africa and other
parts of the post-colonial world. In fine, it is a result of the secular,
anti-colonial and long-standing struggle waged by the Saharawi people for
asserting their cultural, social and political distinctiveness as well as
their internationally recognised right to self-determination and
independence.
The report argues that "if the "Saharawi Nation" indeed exists, being a
nation consisting of nomadic tribes. [it] should, consequently, include part
of Southern Morocco, Northern Mauritania and South-western Algeria" 15. This
is obviously an absurd observation, for the simple reason that the Saharawi
nation is already identified with a specific territory with its
internationally recognised borders, namely Western Sahara. Besides, the then
Organisation of African Unity, OAU, (the current African Union of which the
SADR is a founding member) already affirmed, in 1964, the principle of the
intangibility of frontiers inherited from colonisation.
Worthy of note here is that Morocco did express its reservation on this
principle, because it had already been claiming Mauritania, Western Sahara
and parts of Algeria as all integral parts of its "Greater Morocco". One may
rightly wonder (as many Moroccans themselves have already done) about how
Morocco had ever since chosen to drop some of its territorial claims and to
stick to others!
Mr. Moniquet goes on to ask, "But if a Moroccan State existed, did it
encompass the region now known as Western Sahara?" 16 Expectedly, he answers
the question in the affirmative, rehashing the argument that, "in 1974
[sic], the International Court of Justice of The Hague recognized the
existence of bonds of allegiance established between Saharawi tribal chiefs
and sultans of Morocco." 17 Notice that he erroneously claims that the ICJ
ruling was issued in 1974, instead of 1975!
It bears repetition to point out that the ICJ ruling was unequivocal. Hence,
Mr. Moniquet's attempt to distort the verdict to suit his purposes is a
clear exercise of misinterpretation. I understand however that every text is
open to interpretation, but when it comes to a clear-cut text, as that
established by an international legal body, any interpretation cannot be but
a desperate--albeit futile--attempt to project as facts what, in effect, is
a series of preconceived ideas and prejudices.
"III Genesis and Ideology of the Polisario Front"
In this section, the key assertion put forward here is that the POLISARIO
Front is "a small left-wing independentist [sic] organization" 18 . The
context of the emergence of the movement is characterised, at the regional
level, by the conflict between Algeria and Morocco, which had given rise, in
1963, to the so-called the War of the Sands . The report goes on to assert,
in a way that is revealing more of Mr. Moniquet's state of mind than
established facts, that "for several years, Algiers, which had been
vanquished and humiliated by Rabat, had been waiting for an opportunity to
avenge itself on its Moroccan rival" 19. Once again, Mr. Moniquet seems to
have excelled at making the most simplistic and misleading of assertions.
As stated above, however, I would like briefly to refer to the origins of
the conflict in Western Sahara to demonstrate the simplicity and hollowness
of the much-trumpeted argument that stresses the "regional" nature of the
conflict. In doing so, I will mention just a few works on the subject, which
Mr. Monqiuet and his team seem to have no time or willingness to consult,
opting thus for consulting mostly some second-hand and unreliable sources.
The aim, in sum, is to present what may be helpful for comprehending the
true nature of the conflict in Western Sahara.
In his book, titled Western Sahara20, the researcher and writer on North
Africa, Anthony G. Pazzanita, (1994) points out that in agreeing to occupy
Western Sahara after the departure of Spain, Mauritania and Morocco
enunciated superficially similar reasons for their policies but in reality
their motivations were quite different. For Morocco's King Hassan, the issue
may have been nothing less than the continued survival of the Alawite
throne, as the monarch's popularity was at an all-time low by the mid-1970s
and he had barely escaped two very serious assassination attempts in 1971
and 1972.
In the same sense, Professor Weiner (1979)21 believes that King Hassan II's
takeover of Western Sahara did not arise primarily from a desire to exploit
the colony's vast reserves of phosphate rock, but instead was meant to
galvanise the Moroccan public into greater nationalistic feeling and
neutralise the opposition of political parties at the same time. By
appropriating the intensely held opinions opposing Spanish colonialism among
the populace, King Hassan was able to consolidate his power and provide a
distraction from his country's severe economic difficulties.
In his report, Morocco and its neighbours22, Charles Gallagher (1967),
observes that, throughout its history, the Kingdom of Morocco was a deeply
dissatisfied country with respect to its present frontiers, and that Morocco
was [ and is still] one of the very few countries in the world to be
pressing territorial claims against all of its neighbours at once.
These are just a few examples that demonstrate, in a clear way, the real
causes of the conflict in Western Sahara, namely the expansionism of a
monarchical regime that has always had a legitimacy crisis 23. To try to
implicate Algeria in the Moroccan-Saharawi conflict is simply an attempt to
distort reality and sow confusion around a clear-cut case of
post(neo)-colonial conflict in which the two parties are a liberation
movement (the POLISARIO Front) and a new colonial power (Morocco).
Worthy of attention is the fact that those holding the view of a "regional"
conflict in Western Sahara are typically those who adhere to an increasingly
criticisable conservative school of political realism that is exclusively
state-based, and hence has always failed to see any other actors in the
international system apart from sovereign nation-states. In fact, this
reductive understanding of the complexity of the social and political
realties of our world has already led to disastrous consequences not only in
terms of academic research but also in the life-worlds of millions around
the world.
As far as the Moroccan regime is concerned, it is well known that the regime
has always resorted to propagating that the conflict in Western Sahara is a
"regional conflict" 24 in order to blame its domestic failures on others and
divert the attention of its own people.
It is surprising, however, that when the POLISARIO Front started its
struggle against the colonial Spain on 20 May 1975, the Moroccan regime did
not speak of any "regional conflict". This fact demonstrates that, as far as
Morocco is concerned, the perception of a "regional conflict" is to be
understood not only in the realm of politics but also in that of collective
psychology.
In this sense, it is interesting to refer to the less publicised inferiority
complex that the Moroccan regime and its co-opted political class have
always felt vis-à-vis their neighbour. Algeria possess plentiful natural
resources, while Morocco is short of them; Algeria has won its national
independence against the colonial France by dint of armed struggle and the
sacrifices of millions in one of the bloodiest wars in modern times, while
Morocco had a negotiated independence that to-date many Moroccan
nationalists remain dissatisfied with. Algeria has already embarked on a
steady path of democratic reform and social and economic development, while
Morocco is still ruled by an absolute Monarchy reminiscent of the Middle
Ages, and, as a result, is facing increasing social and political problems.
An odd claim that the report makes, in this section, concerns the allegedly
key role of the Soviets in boosting the POLISARIO Front. Those familiar with
the history of this liberation movement know that this is simply untrue. For
instance, Jon Marks (1985) states that, contrary to some popular
perceptions, the Soviet Union gave no meaningful backing, either diplomatic
or material, to the pro-independence POLISARIO Front in Western Sahara,
mainly because the USSR had a very close and advantageous economic
relationship with Morocco, notably in the area of agricultural products,
fish and phosphate rock.
Another weird claim appears to be based on the testimony of someone called
Juan Vivés, an allegedly former high-level manager of the Cuban intelligence
services who had taken refuge in France for more than twenty years.
According to Mr. Vivés, the POLISARIO was created by Cuba, and by Che
himself, some time in 1973! This is a preposterous claim, for the simple
reason that it is well known that Che Guevara had already died in 1967.
This, however, shows the arbitrary way in which the authors of the report
have chosen and checked their sources.
I perhaps need to underline that, throughout this section (and the entire
report), Mr. Monqiuet and his team always fail to present credible sources
when discussing the origins and the nature of the conflict in Western
Sahara. For instance, they completely ignore the well-known authorities on
the subject among Spanish scholars who have extensively written on the
subject from different aspects. Instead, their sources are exclusively based
on a group of defectors or a clearly pro-Morocco sort of self-appointed
experts on the region.
The key sources on the genesis and present situation of the POLISARIO Front,
for example, are derived from "several testimonies" of former members and
allegedly leaders of the POLISARIO Front, which were collected in Rabat and
Paris. These are in fact a group of defectors who, for various reasons, have
chosen to side with the enemy of their people. A number of pertinent
questions could be raised here: were Mr. Moniquet and his team really
expecting to obtain credible testimonies from someone who has defected
his/her people to join the enemy? Were the testimonies ever crosschecked? If
the study claims to be balanced, then where are the testimonies of other
Saharawis? Are Rabat and Paris the only places on earth where Saharawis
reside? As already pointed out, why the authors of the report did not visit
the Saharawi refugee camps and the liberated territories of the SADR?
These questions clearly show the unbalanced nature of this report. For no
one seeks to achieve an exhaustive and objective coverage of such a
significant subject will ever content himself or herself exclusively with
this clearly biased sort of sources.
Furthermore, what this indicates is that Mr. Moniquet did really have a set
of preconceived ideas on his subject matter and was interested only in the
sources that supported those ideas--hence his reliance on the views of other
like-minded and self-appointed experts on the issue. Otherwise, why did not
the team consult the growing literature written in many languages rather
than French (especially Spanish) on the POLISARIO Front? Why did not they
consult the well-known authorities, especially in Spain, on the subject? Why
exclusive attention was given, for instance, to a very dubious testimony of
a single Cuban exile without seeking those of a host of Spanish diplomats,
politicians and the military who witnessed the emergence of the POLISARIO
Front, negotiated with it and even fought against it?
Indeed, these are relevant questions that Mr. Moniquet and his team should
have thought of in line with academic detachment and scholarly rigour.
However, they have chosen not to do so and instead let their biases and
prejudices guide their report, a fact that makes them seem more of amateurs
than serious scholars.
"IV The First Fifteen Years (1974-1991): From Victories to Stagnation"
It is claimed here that "the authority of the SADR's government extends only
over a few square kilometres, in Algeria, around Tindouf, where the refugee
camps and the principal infrastructures of the SADR/Polisario are gathered"
25.
That the jurisdiction of the SADR extends over all the Saharawi liberated
territories is an undeniable fact. The multi-national military observers
serving with the UN mission in Western Sahara (MINURSO) are stationed in the
liberated territories of the SADR, and they can readily demonstrate that
those territories are not a "few square kilometres", as the report
erroneously claims. The thousands upon thousands of foreigners who have
visited the liberated territories can also corroborate that fact. Besides,
Bir Lehlou, the temporary capital of the SADR, is located in Western Sahara
not in Algeria.
This attempt to belittle the SADR goes even a step further by describing it
as a "phantom Republic of Sands". This phrase, which is inconsonant with
scholarly ethics, clearly shows how prejudiced is Mr. Moniquet against the
Saharawi Republic. Indeed, he may bear a deep-seated grudge against the
Saharawis, for many historical reasons, but this does not entitle him and
his team or anybody else to talk about the SADR in this demeaning way. All
the same, the SADR, whether he likes it or not, is a full-fledged state and
a founding member of the African Union. I do not think that Mr. Moniquet
wants to tell us that he knows more than the African Union and the ensemble
of sates that have recognised the SADR as a sovereign state parts of which
territory remain under foreign occupation.
The report goes on to claim that, "In 1976, it [SADR] was admitted to the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), as its 51st member". This is another
proof of the arbitrary way in which the report has mostly been elaborated,
which demonstrates that Mr. Moniquet and his team, willingly or unwillingly,
did not do their homework well. It is a well-known fact that the SADR was
not admitted to the OAU in 1976, but in 1984!
In the report, we are told that the main sources of the military information
drawn on in this regard is derived explicitly from interviews conducted
"with a senior officer of the French Army, Paris, 25 July 2005 and with a
senior Moroccan officer, Rabat, 08 August 2005" 26. Once again, I do not
think that the exclusive reliance on French and Moroccan sources (notice
again the centrality of Rabat and Paris in the "fact-finding" mission) is a
coincidence.
"V.2. At the Diplomatic Level: Stagnation of the International Settlement
Attempts"
The report claims here that "the tribal nature of the Saharawi society and
its lack of experience of democracy" clearly indicate that it is necessary
for any settlement, which would emanate from a referendum, "to have a huge
majority" 27. Otherwise, it is argued, there would be a very real risk of
seeing one tribe or another purely and simply rejecting the result of the
consultation and refusing to abide by it!
First of all, Mr. Moniquet should recall that the self-determination
referendum in Western Sahara will not be for some tribes but for the
Saharawi people and the choices are very clear: independence and
integration. Second, it is well known that the Moroccan regime has recently
been propagating the idea that the holding of any referendum might lead to a
tribal strife in the territory. The fact remains that, for years, the
Moroccan authorities have organised elections in the occupied territories of
Western Sahara and there has never been a tribal strife as a result of the
ballot. To rehash this argument in a different form does not lend it (or to
the report itself) any credibility.
The report goes on to enquire whether the respect for the Saharawis' rights
obligatorily involves the creation of an independent state. To answer this
question, it presents a quote from someone called Olivier Pierre Louveaux
(whose name will resurface in another context) on a completely different
issue. The only answer, however, is that the respect for the rights of the
Saharawis obligatory involves enabling them to exercise their
internationally recognised right to self-determination through a free, fair,
transparent and internationally monitored referendum. To be independent or
integrate with Morocco is the exclusive choice of the Saharawis, and it is
not for Mr. Moniquet and his team, or anybody else, to decide that in
advance.
"V.4. At the Civil Level: Life in the Refugee Camps of Tindouf"
This section involves a heap of allegations made by Mr. Moniquet and his
team regarding the situation in the Saharawi refugee camps. I think that the
thousands upon thousands of NGOs personnel, MPs, journalists, senior
officials, and ordinary people, who have visited the camps and the SADR
liberated territories, could prove the falsity of these allegations. I would
like however to mention one example of the kind of sources on which Mr.
Moniquet has heavily drawn to form his assertions.
To sustain their allegations about the situation in the camps, Mr. Moniquet
and his team contend that according to Pierre Olivier Louveaux, "who went to
the camps under cover of a humanitarian mission" 28, there is difference in
treatment between refugees where some "have been able to put all their
children into boarding schools in Switzerland"29 (emphasis in the original).
This is a laughably unfounded assertion, for the simple reason that there
are no Saharawi refugee children studying in boarding schools in
Switzerland! This fact, however, demonstrates the unreliability of Mr.
Louveaux and the unprofessional (or overtly biased) character of the report
manifest in blindly drawing on the testimony of an unreliable person 30.
"VI.1.Was the Polisario Front a Simple Cover for Algerian Regional
Ambitions?"
Although the report states that, "It does not seem however possible to us to
define the Polisario exclusively as an organization in the service of
Algerian politics" 31, it tends to subscribe to the same argument about the
"regional" character of the conflict in Western Sahara. It even gives a
number of reasons for this.
First, it argues that "the strategic rivalry between Algeria and Morocco as
development models for Africa is a reality"32. As I have pointed out
earlier, what is there is not a "strategic rivalry" or the like, but rather
an expansionism being pursued by a regime inherently plagued by a crisis of
legitimacy, of which prime consequence has been laying territorial claims on
all its neighbours: Morocco's expansionist attitudes towards Mauritania in
the sixties, Algeria in 1963, Western Sahara in 1975 and now, and even Spain
(the islet of Perejil in summer 2002)!
What the report also does is rehashing the much-trumpeted argument that "if
it wants to amplify its role in Africa, in particular from the regional
security point of view, Algeria [.] could wish to have access to the
Atlantic Ocean.", which would enable her "to secure its gas and oil exports,
extracted from the Saharan sub-soil" 33. Here again we are confronted with
the most simplistic of arguments. Instead of engaging critically with this
unfortunate assertion, I will refer the reader to an interesting article
written by Khatry Beirouk 34 on this particular subject.
Secondly, they mention "the unconditional support for the Polisario that
Algiers has demonstrated since 1975". An example of this support is the fact
that "the camps of Tindouf are located in Algeria" 35.
First, Mr. Moniquet and his team should know that Algeria courageously and
generously has always supported national liberation movements around the
world. Its unconditional support for the struggle of the Palestinians, South
Africans, and East Timorese, among others, is well known. Its support for
the POLISARIO, not least when Western Sahara is a neighbouring country, can
be understood only in this context.
Second, that the Saharawi refugee camps are located in Algeria is an
undeniable fact. Nonetheless, the report remains silent on the origin of
those camps. Mr. Moniquet should already know that those camps were set up
in Algeria in early 1976 to host people who were fleeing Western Sahara
after they had been bombed by the internationally banned Napalm and white
phosphorus, as the coverage of the international media of the time can
demonstrate clearly.
Another indication of Mr. Moniquet's bias against Algeria is the allegation
that "Algiers proposed, at the beginning of 2003, the pure and simple
partition of Western Sahara between Morocco and Algeria" 36. Yet he seems to
fail to remember that it was no one but Morocco that partitioned Western
Sahara with Mauritania in 1975. He also seem to overlook the fact that there
is no one but Morocco that continues to divide Western Sahara by a 2,700
kilometre long defensive wall that is fortified with millions of
anti-personnel and anti-tank mines, and guarded by thousands of its
soldiers.
"VI.3. The Situation Of Children Sent "To Study" Abroad."
To continue in their heaping of all sorts of allegations against the
POLISARIO Front, Mr. Moniquet and his team argue that "more than 5,800
Saharawi children and adolescents could currently be living in Cuba, often
in spite of the will of their parents, and under the pretext of
"schooling"37 (emphases added). These children are allegedly subjected to
all sorts of maltreatment and exploitation!
The exclusive sources of these allegations are again the supposedly "Cuban
former agent" and the group of defectors. It is hardly believable that here
Mr. Moniquet and his team have drawn completely on a testimony of a former
Cuban agent and other unreliable sources, without citing one single
independent source. Above all, the Saharawi children in Cuba are supported
by the UNHCR, among others, and it has never reported any of these sordid
allegations made by the authors of the report. In fine, those familiar with
the Moroccan propaganda in this regard will easily see how the report has
simply and uncritically echoed those allegations.
A few words on the Saharawi children in Cuba may however be pertinent.
First, it is well known that the Saharawi children had gone to Cuba in the
first place because it was one of the first few countries that had
generously offered to host Saharawi students, besides the fact that they
would be educated in Spanish--the second language of their country. Second,
it is also well known that Saharawi students will be very interested in
studying, for instance, in the US or European institutions if they were
offered scholarships to do so. In fact, there are already a few Saharawi
students in the US, Spain, UK and Norway (to name but a few countries) and
we have never heard about any allegations regarding their situation similar
to those made by Mr. Moniquet and his team, or by the Moroccan propagandist
machinery itself!
To point out once again the arbitrary way in which the report makes its
allegations, I would like to draw attention to the testimony of one of the d
efectors. According to Mr. Rabani, who allegedly started the systematic
sending of Saharawi children to Cuba and an ostensibly reliable source for
Mr. Moniquet and his team, " there would be permanently 2,000 of them
[Saharawi children] on the spot"38 (emphasis in the original). Now, compare
this figure with the 5,800 cited above to see who is to be believed, Mr.
Rabani or Mr. Moniquet, or whether we could believe any of them at all.
"VI.4. Accusations of Forced Labour"
The report claims that, "it has been said on several occasions that the
leadership of the Polisario Front obliged the refugees to work for the
organization or for the SADR for nothing" 39. Once again, no empirical data
or independent sources are presented to substantiate this allegation.
Besides, the UNHCR and a host of international and non-governmental
organisations are present in the filed and could easily be approached for
obtaining first-hand information on the situation in the camps.
In fine, what one sees very clearly, while reading the report, is that there
is an intentional attempt to depict a grim picture of the Saharawi refugees
and their situation. Therefore, there is absolutely no mention of the great
achievements made by those refugees despite the hardships of exile and
scarcity of resources.
As can be evidenced by many independent sources, the Saharawi refugees have
achieved a great deal in educating themselves, for instance, reaching a
literacy rate that exceeds not only that of their enemy (that has deprived
them from their schools and resources) but also those of many countries in
Africa and elsewhere. Their accomplishments in the areas of health care,
social services and production are there for everyone to see. Above all,
they have managed to build an enlightened, modern and democratic society
where women, for instance, play a great role second to none in the entire
region 40.
These are just a few examples of the achievements of the Saharawi refugees,
which are undeniable facts. I do not believe that remaining silent on these
great accomplishments is in line with the professed purpose of the report
that claims to "X-ray" the POLISARIO Front. I am afraid, however, that the
omission is prompted by an attempt to depict a grim picture of the refugees
in order to justify the premises on which the report is based. Indeed, this
is a far cry from an original academic work.
"VI.5. Accusations of Systematic Diversion of International Aid"
The report claims here that, "it has been said for several years that the
Polisario Front was systematically diverting international aid on a large
scale" 41. It is not clear who has said this, but we can easily read between
the lines the presence of the Moroccan news agency (MAP)42 and other
Moroccan propagandist services.
The report itself mentions that the Moroccan press has on several occasions
alluded to serious accusations brought by several top-notch NGOs, the
organisations most often quoted, sometimes with a great wealth of detail,
such as the Swedish NGO Rädda Barnen (Save the Children Sweden) and the
French organisation, Refugee Children of the World. In the course of their
research, Mr. Moniquet and his team say that they had contacted these two
organisations, and that both "denied ever having complained about diversions
by the Polisario and affirmed " having been deliberately misquoted in a
lying manner"43 (emphasis in the original). Besides, the report mentions no
single international organisation, especially those working in the field
such as the UNHCR, to affirm the allegations made in this regard.
"VII. The Moroccan Prisoner of War and the Report of France Liberté"
As mentioned above, Mr. Moniquet and his team passionately draw on the
report released by Fondation France Liberté of which a series of
interpretations are made. As well known, being the party concerned with this
report, the POLISARIO Front had already made public its formal response to
the report 44.
I would like, however, to make a number of observations regarding this
issue:
When it refers to the release of the last group of Moroccan POWs, the report
remains silent on the context within which they were released. The context
is conspicuously marked by the fact that there are still 151 Saharawi POWs
who remain accounted for together with more than 500 civilians.
It is well known that the Moroccan regime has already declared that it no
longer holds any Saharawi POWs. However, how can one believe a regime that
had once denied the existence of its own prisoners of war held by the
POLISARIO Front? A review of the communiqués released by the Moroccan Radio
during the war, and the large number of Saharawi combatants who were
reported to have been captured by the Moroccan forces, belies this claim.
Above all, the Moroccan regime has proved to be untrustworthy on many
occasions by reneging on commitments that it has formally made before the
international community, such as those relating to the holding of the
self-determination referendum in Western Sahara.
The release also took place while there were still more than 150,000
Saharawi refugees living in refugee camps for more for 30 years as a result
of the persistent Moroccan occupation of their country. It also came within
the context of the ongoing repression of civilians in the occupied
territories, as has been well documented by international organisations and
independent media.
To remain silent on the whole context, in fine, makes one think that what
happened was an isolated event unrelated to the broad context of the
conflict itself.
This last observation leads me to touch on an issue that was recurrently
raised in connection with the Moroccan POWs, namely the one relating to
considering their case as a purely humanitarian question. In my view, the
issue of the POWs, on both sides, has never been a purely humanitarian
issue. The Moroccan POWs were captured within the context of a politically
motivated war of aggression; the campaign that was launched for their
release was purely political; and the decision to release them was a
politically motivated decision made by the POLISARIO Front as a laudable
expression of political will.
I believe that the separation, usually made between the political and
humanitarian aspects of the Western Sahara conflict, stems only from those
minds that tend, by habit or intellectual laziness, to simplistically
perceive the human continuum in a compartmentalised way, thus severing all
human actions from their inherently worldly interests. Obviously, I have no
intention whatsoever to enter into the discussion about the ethics and
philosophy behind the international humanitarian law, for instance, but
rather to point out the selectivity with which some people tend to interpret
and invoke this law in order to cover what, in fact, is an essentially
political issue. The invocation by the report of this law is a case in
point.
The report concludes by arguing that the "file of the Moroccan prisoners of
war of Tindouf is certainly one of the greatest violation of human rights
scandals in the Maghreb of the thirty last years" 45. The people of the
Maghreb know better than Mr. Moniquet and his team that the biggest ongoing
scandal in the entire history of the region is the illegal Moroccan
occupation of Western Sahara, which has subjected its people to untold
practices of physical, political and cultural genocide.
"VIII What future for the Polisario?"
It is in this section that Mr. Moniquet goes on to make explicit his
perception of the POLISARIO Front where he describes this national
liberation movement as a "separatist organization" 46. Once again, Mr.
Moniquet and his team make no secret of their hostility towards the
POLISARIO Front, though they never present any solid arguments to sustain
their statements.
Therefore, to straighten the record, I would like to remind Mr. Moniquet and
his team, and all those who think along these lines, that the POLISARIO
Front is not a "separatist" organisation, but an internationally recognised
national liberation movement. Unlike Mr. Moniquet, who seems to have
unparalleled capacity to make all sorts of assertions without bothering to
substantiate them, I will point out the following facts.
Different bodies of the United Nations have described, in their respective
resolutions, the presence of Morocco in Western Sahara as occupation. For
instance, the 34/37 resolution of the UN General Assembly of 21 November
1979, besides reaffirming the legitimacy of the armed struggle of the
POLISARIO Front, deeply deplored "the aggravation of the situation resulting
from the continued occupation of Western Sahara by Morocco and the extension
of that occupation to the territory recently evacuated by Mauritania"
(emphasis added). Furthermore, it is obvious that Madrid Accords, signed by
Spain, Mauritania and Morocco in November 1975, did not transfer the
sovereignty over Western Sahara 47.
In accordance with the UN Charter, Western Sahara is a Non-Self-Governing
Territory to be decolonised. Every year, the question is discussed by the
Decolonisation Committee. This is one reason that accounts for the fact
that, during the past thirty years, no state has recognised Morocco's
illegal occupation of Western Sahara. Therefore, Morocco is not the
administering power of the territory, but an occupying power and has the
same legal status as that of Israel in the Palestinian occupied territories.
In view of the foregoing, I cannot imagine Mr. Moniquet coming back again to
us to insult our intelligence by simply parroting some propagandist material
and make it pass off as an informed view on his subject matter.
"VIII.2. A Patent Absence of any Desire for Dialog"
The report argues here that the POLISARIO Front has no desire for dialogue
and therefore it cannot be a partner to the search for a "political
solution", an approach that "requires a certain flexibility and an aptitude
for compromise" 48, as Mr. Moniquet puts it.
Once again, we are presented with broad, loaded terms that Mr. Moniquet
characteristically shows no interest in specifying them. For one can
pertinently ask, dialogue with whom and for what, and what is the nature of
this "political solution"?
Nonetheless, Mr. Moniquet and his team seem to forget that the POLISARIO
Front was the first party to call for a direct negotiation with the Moroccan
regime. Does he know that the POLISARIO Front sent a senior delegation to
meet the late King Hassan in Marrakech in 1989? Does he know that it
cooperated fully with the United Nations in the elaboration of the
Settlement Plan adopted by the Security Council in 1991? Is he aware of the
many concessions made by the POLISARIO Front in order to enable the UN
mission to implement this plan? Or, is not it the POLISARIO Front that has
left no stone unturned in order to convince the new Moroccan regime to seek
the peaceful way to resolve the conflict?
To project the POLISARIO Front as an obstructing party, while affirming that
the only possible way for the Saharawis is to give up their legitimate
struggle and become Moroccans is a pure reproduction of already known
statements of which author is not difficult to identity. It may have been
more pertinent academically for Mr. Moniquet and his team to seek other
arguments rather than describing the POLISARIO Front in these reductive
terms. Besides, the party that is unwilling to implement the UN peace plan
is the Moroccan regime, as clearly acknowledged by the UN Secretary-General
himself when he states, in his report of February 2002, (S/2002/178), that
"Morocco has expressed unwillingness to go forward with the settlement plan"
( para.48), which it had formally accepted in June 1990.
In his discussion of the future of the POLISARIO Front, the report draws on
the view of a professor at the Paris school of war, Aymeric Chauprade. It is
no coincidence that all these views are coming from French "scholars", who
seem to agree on trying their utmost to misrepresent the POLISARIO Front.
This makes one wonder whether these French scholars have more knowledge and
expertise than the Spanish or the English to deal with Western Sahara issue.
The fact remains that they do not have any knowledge better than the others,
and the only difference is that they are more ready to violate the tenets of
scrupulous and objective scholarship so as to render a service (paid or
otherwise) to those who have vested interest in misrepresenting the
POLISARIO Front and the liberation struggle of the Saharawi people.
"VIII.3. A Still Active Force for Destabilization"
In this section, Mr. Moniquet goes on to describe the internationally
recognised legitimate struggle of the POLISARIO Front for self-determination
as merely "the destabilization of Morocco in the Western Sahara" 49. He goes
back to the uprising of May this year, describing it in the same demeaning
terms that are indicative of a total lack of any sense of scholarly decorum.
According to him, for instance, these demonstrations, "was [ sic] to make,
by the magic of words, the beginning of a small revolution"50.
He then accuses the POLISARIO Front of exaggerating about the
demonstrations, in which, according to him, there was "not a single shot
fire, not one death." 51. I would like to remind Mr. Moniquet to refer to
the reports of Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, among others,
and the coverage of international media of these demonstrations to see where
he was all wrong. In those reports, he can have an idea--if he is willing
to--about the horrors to which the Saharawi civilians have been subjected at
the hands of Moroccan various corps of security and the army.
Besides, the Saharawi Intifada has already lost two victims, namely Lembarki
Hamdi Salek Mahdjub and Lekhlifa Abba Cheikh Ould Embarek Ould Ely who were
savagely beaten to death by Moroccan security agents. In Lembarki's case,
the Moroccan authorities themselves have already recognised the involvement
of their agents in his death. Let us, then, remember that Mr. Moniquet's
report was released in November 2005, while Lembarki was assassinated on 30
October 2005. To affirm that the demonstrations have not led to any victims,
besides being untrue, is a blatant affirmation designed to play down the
impact of an ever-increasing Intifada and the brutality of the Moroccan
occupying forces.
"VIII.4. Is the Polisario Threatened by an Islamist Drift?"
In this section, Mr. Moniquet points out that, "certain observers have
believed that they could discern, over the last two years, an "Islamist"
drift of the Polisario and especially of a fringe of its youth. In the
context of the Maghreb and especially of sub-Saharan Africa, such a
development would obviously be particularly worrying" 52.
The same "military" experts are said to underline, however, that it is
improbable that a "massive Islamic drift" takes place within the POLISARIO
Front due to "the peculiar culture and sociology of the Saharawis".
Nonetheless, Mr. Moniquet does not content himself with this "expert"
assessment and goes on to argue that, "the SPLA [the Saharawi People's
Liberation Army] was now forced to recruit in the North of Mali or
Mauritania to maintain the level of its forces" 53. This would imply,
according to him, an "infiltration" of the Front by non-Saharawi elements of
sub-Saharan origin won over by Islamist ideology.
This, once again, is another case of a series of unfounded assertions that
Mr. Moniquet makes without characteristically presenting any empirical data
or solid arguments to sustain them. That the POLISARIO Front is a group of
"Malians, Cubans and other nationalities" is an old "line" that the Moroccan
regime has been propagating for years. However, when Mr. Moniquet rehashes
the same allegation to demonstrate, in an odd mode of argumentation, the
potential link between the POLISARIO Front and "Islamism", the whole
endeavour seems particularly unfortunate.
Furthermore, the Saharawi refugee camps are not cut off from the outside
world. They are being visited by thousands of foreigners every year that had
never reported any extremism, be it in the content or the form, as to how
the Saharawis are conducting themselves vis-à-vis their religion. Many
visitors--if Mr. Moniquet cares about these firsthand sources--have
repeatedly stressed the fact of having witnessed a remarkably tolerant,
secular Saharawi society 54.
"VIII.5. Is a Terrorist Drift of the Polisario Possible?"
To begin with, Mr Moniquet, as an ostensibly "expert" on terrorism, does not
tell us what he and his team mean by "terrorism" as if there were a
universal definition of this essentially contested term. However, he seems
to have his own understanding of "terrorism", as will be demonstrated later
on.
As in the previous section, Mr. Moniquet seems to leave no stone unturned to
demonstrate that the POLISARIO Front is actually involved in "acts of
terrorism". To prove this supposition, he cites an incident that took place
in Mauritania in December 2003, of which he accuses the POLISARIO Front. Let
us be reminded that the exclusive source on the incident is "the weekly
magazine Maroc Hebdo of 23 January 2004"55.
I do not believe that this particular magazine can be a reliable source when
it comes to reporting on the alleged involvement of the POLISARIO Front in
what happened. This is for the simple reason that it is a magazine known for
its declaredly biased reporting on the POLISARIO Front. Besides, Mr.
Moniquet should have consulted other independent sources regarding this
particular incident, as any responsible researcher would have done.
Nonetheless, Mr. Moniquet is at pains to establish the "involvement" of the
POLISARIO Front in this incident employing a peculiar mode of reasoning.
Given that the "suspected", according to him, were a "POLISARIO officer" and
three Mauritanians, "known for their sympathy for the Polisario", and that
they were stopped in Zérouate, "one of the Mauritanian towns where the
Polisario could count on the most sympathizers" 56, the POLISARIO Front must
have been involved in the incident.
I do not think that acts of "sympathy", if there were any, constitute a
proof of the involvement of the POLISARIO Front in this particular incident.
Obviously, given his allegedly wide relations with intelligence services,
Mr. Moniquet should have presented us with more solid empirical data to
substantiate his claim. To fall back on the reporting of a Moroccan magazine
and some feelings of empathy to incriminate the POLISARIO Front is clearly a
prejudicial move contrary to the tenets of responsible and rigorous
scholarship.
As "expert" on terrorism, Mr. Moniquet informs us that the "terrorist risk
must, in any event, be taken seriously in the area that goes from the South
Morocco and Algeria to the North of Chad and the borders of Mali, Niger and
Mauritania" 57.
Although he does not indicate what "the South Morocco" means, it is most
probable that he takes it for granted that the occupied territories of
Western Sahara are included in that area. His mode of talking about those
territories, as pointed out above, bears out this conclusion.
He cites another incident that took place also in Mauritania in June 2005.
According to certain witnesses, it is argued, the POLISARIO Front "vehicles
had taken part in the attack, and the attackers, or at least some of them,
spoke Hassani58, the dialect spoken in Mauritania and Western Sahara"59
(emphasis added).
According to this line of reasoning, if some "eyewitnesses" had allegedly
stated that vehicles (or rather kayaks) bearing supposedly Greenland
registration plates had taken part in the attack and the attackers, or at
least some of them, spoke Greenlandic, this would be enough to charge the
Greenland Government with involvement in the same incident! I haven chosen
to make this kind of argumentation obviously to demonstrate the absurdity of
the inferences that Mr. Moniquet has made out of his reading of this
incident.
Furthermore, the Mauritanian authorities have done their investigations and
established the facts, which Mr. Moniquet seems to dismiss out of hand in
pursuit of his accusation of the POLISARIO Front. As in the previous case,
he should have consulted official records and provided us with something
much more solid than mere conjectures and anecdotal accounts of
"eyewitnesses".
The big question, according to Mr. Moniquet, is whether "the Polisario
[could] be one of the vectors of the transformation of this area into a
"grey area" and take part in the irruption of terrorism in the sub-Saharan
space?" 60
As usual, he presents no arguments or verifiable data to substantiate this
supposition. However, for him, "certain elements, however, give cause for
thought on the organization's development". The only case in point to affirm
his assertion is the threat made by the POLISARIO Front, at the beginning of
2001, to "attack the Paris-Dakar Rally if it passed through Western Sahara"
61.
As pointed out above, Mr. Moniquet does not tell us about his definition of
terrorism. However, in the preceding assertion we could deduce some of his
understanding of this essentially contested term. Obviously, he seems to
think that if the POLISARIO Front had attacked the Paris-Dakar Rally that
would have constituted an act of terrorism!
First, let me remind Mr. Moniquet and his team that if the POLISARIO had
done that, it would have acted in self-defence against an intruder violating
the sovereignty of the Saharawi Republic over its territory. Second, let me
also remind him and his team that it was this awareness on the part of the
sponsors of the Rally that made them meet the Saharawi authorities in order
to have permission to pass through the occupied territories.
"VIII.6. The Gangrene of Organized Crime"
As in the case of terrorism, Mr. Moniquet mentions sporadic incidents to
demonstrate the involvement of the POLISARIO Front in "organised crime" such
as the charge of "human trafficking" through Morocco to Europe.
These are simply unfounded accusations. The many testimonies collected from
Sub-Saharan Africans, who were interviewed by international media, clearly
establish the responsibility of Moroccan officers in this objectionable
business. The big question, however, that poses itself is how the
Sub-Saharan immigrants managed to reach the occupied part of Western Sahara
when that part is encircled by the Moroccan defensive wall, "the berm",
which, as indicated above, is fortified by millions of landmines, and is
guarded by thousands of Moroccan soldiers? What this indicates, as has been
revealed by international media, is that those immigrants would have never
been able to enter the occupied Western Sahara without the complicity of the
Moroccan officers who have thrived on this lucrative--albeit
objectionable--business.
This is the fact, but if Mr. Moniquet would like to exonerate the Moroccan
regime from this inhuman conduct, by blaming the POLISARIO Front, the facts
are there for everyone to see.
"VIII. In Conclusion"
In this section, Mr. Moniquet presents the findings of his "academic" study
of the POLISARIO Front. He claims that this national liberation movement "is
trying to take a hand again in the game being played around Western Sahara
but its chances of participating in a political solution would seem to be
null and void for as long as it fails to renounce its claim of independence"
62.
Before commenting on this strange and ill-argued conclusion, I would like to
remind Mr. Moniquet of the following undeniable facts:
As the sole and legitimate representative of the Saharawi people, the
POLISARIO Front is already an official and active partner and participant in
all international efforts made to reach a peaceful, just and lasting
solution to the Western Sahara conflict.
It is the other party--along with the Kingdom of Morocco--to the UN
Settlement Plan elaborated by the United Nations and approved by the
Security Council in 1990. It is the other signatory party--along with the
Kingdom of Morocco--to the additional Houston Agreements that were signed in
1997 under the auspices of Mr. James Baker III, in his capacity as the
Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for Western Sahara.
It is the party that has formally accepted the peace plan for
self-determination of the people of Western Sahara approved by the Security
Council in its resolution 1495 (July 2003).
All these peace plans provide for the right of the Saharawi people to
self-determination to be exercised through a referendum in which the
Saharawi people could choose between independence and other formulae of
integration with Morocco.
Self-determination is the most basic of all human rights, the foundation
upon which all other human rights depend63. The United Nations system is
built on the concept of self-determination as expressed in the UN Charter
(Article 1, for example).
Above all, any exercise by the Saharawis of their right to
self-determination will be meaningless if it does not include independence
as one option among others. The UN Secretary-General himself has reaffirmed
this when he stated that, "It is difficult to envision a political solution
that, as required by Security Council resolution 1429 (2002), provides for
self-determination but that nevertheless precludes the possibility of
independence as one of several ballot questions." (UN Secretary-General's
report of 23 May 2003 (S/2003/565), para:52)
In view of these facts, it seems obvious that Mr. Moniquet's aforementioned
conclusion is predicated on mere subjective conjectures that bear no
relation to reality. More precisely, his implicit call (which he makes
explicit later on) on the POLISARIO Front to renounce independence in
exchange of recognition as a participant in a "political solution" is
obviously a statement of unparalleled insolence.
Given the preceding appraisal of Mr. Moniquet's overall analysis of his
professed subject matter, only this kind of conclusions could follow from
his characteristically flawed mode of reasoning. However, in no way can they
be valid in light of the undeniable facts outlined above.
Once again, it seems that he has let his wishful thinking and prejudices
guide his analysis instead of grounding it on sound argumentation. It is
this sort of bigheaded attitude that has apparently led him to rule out
independence as an option in a way that mocks the position of the United
Nations itself, as has expressly been enunciated by its Secretary-General
regarding this matter!
Mr. Moniquet goes on to affirm that independence as an option for the
solution of the Western Sahara conflict must be discarded, because,
according to him, it is a "fact" that "Rabat will only accept a solution
within the Moroccan context". What Morocco is today ready to discuss, he
tells us, is "a status of broad autonomy for the Sahara" 64.
If Mr. Moniquet considers the posture of the Moroccan regime as a
"fact"--whatever that means--it is an unquestionable fact that the POLISARIO
Front will only accept a solution within the context of the doctrine of the
United Nations regarding the question of Western Sahara. This means a
solution that scrupulously respects the inalienable right of the Saharawi
people to self-determination. Of great importance also is the fact that the
UN General Assembly and the Security Council, in particular, have been
affirming this right in their respective resolutions regarding Western
Sahara.
In an attempt to demonstrate the plausibility of the Moroccan position, Mr.
Moniquet falls back on the opinions of "many experts" who have been involved
in the UN attempts to settle the Saharawi question. One of these "experts",
we are told, is Mr. Erik Jensen, who is described as "former official for
the census operations with a view to the referendum". Mr. Jensen is
reported to have said " broad autonomy of the Sahara within Morocco would be
the most realistic solution for solving the conflict"65 (emphasis in the
original).
First of all, Mr. Jensen served as a UN Secretary-General's Special
Representative for Western Sahara from 1994 to 1998, and I think that he can
hardly be considered an expert on the issue of Western Sahara--although
interestingly enough the expertise in the issue seems to be claimed by an
increasing number of self-appointed "experts"!
According to Mr. Moniquet, the POLISARIO Front will have to meet a number
conditions in order "have a chance of [.] participating in a "peace of the
valiant'", precisely by accepting Morocco's proposal of "an ambitious
regionalization policy that would encompass the entire country" 66. These
conditions include, inter alia, "the total, definitive renunciation of the
way of arms [sic], and the renunciation of the claim to independence and the
disappearance of the SADR" 67 .
This, in effect, is another case in point that shows that Mr. Moniquet has a
remarkable propensity to venture the most preposterous and pretensions of
opinions about an issue that definitely goes beyond his comprehension and
his supposed field of expertise.
One has every right to ask Mr. Moniquet on what basis does he present such
conditions in the first place? Does he think that presiding over some
"think-tank" entitle him to insult, for instance, the UN General Assembly
resolution 33/31 (A), dated 13 December 1978? 68. Does this also give him
the right to disparage not only the SADR but also the ensemble of the
African Union of which the SADR is a founding member?
What is worse is that, by putting forward these conditions, Mr. Moniquet
clearly wants to give the impression that he eventually has come up with the
ideal and workable "roadmap" for settling the conflict in Western Sahara.
The fact remains that he has only recycled--albeit in an ostensibly academic
form--the well-known views of the Moroccan regime and its like-minded
mentors regarding the conflict. Overall, this uncritical attitude betrays a
gross ignorance on Mr. Moniquet's part as to the very nature of the
conflict, its root causes, its dynamics and core issues as well as its
regional and international ramifications.
"A. Summary"
This section comes at the beginning of the report in which Mr. Moniquet and
his team try to present the gist of their findings regarding the subject
matter that they have set out to investigate. While rehashing the discourse
dominant within certain quarters that there are "three parties" to the
conflict in Western Sahara, Mr. Moniquet tells us that "although the
independence of Western Sahara is as ever unacceptable for the Rabat
government and for Moroccan society, the Polisario Front, for its part,
wants to hear of no other solution" 69.
Whether Morocco accepts independence or not, the fact remains that for the
United Nations the key issue is the right of the Saharawi people to
self-determination to be exercised in a fair, democratic and internationally
supervised referendum.
Mr. Moniquet again makes no secret of his hostility towards the SADR that he
describes as "purely fictitious". In this sense, he wonders about the "the
viability of "Micro States" in this globalization era" 70. Although it is
difficult to discern the bearing of globalisation (itself an essentially
contested term) on the so-called microstates, it is perhaps helpful to draw
Mr. Moniquet's attention to the fact that the SADR, in terms of area and
even population, is bigger than some member states of the United Nations.
Furthermore, the UN Charter, in its preamble, underlines the determination
of the peoples of the United Nations "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human
rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of
men and women and of nations large and small", among other things. Does Mr.
Moniquet have other criteria for determining what states should inhabit this
planet?
Worthy of note is also the fact that, in accordance with the advisory
opinion of the ICJ and the legal opinion of the Under-Secretary-General for
Legal Affairs, as outlined earlier, Morocco does not possess sovereignty
over Western Sahara. Since Morocco is not an administering power of the
Territory, and is thus a mere occupying power, it cannot give what it
inherently does not possess: sovereignty or independence.
On the basis of two sporadic incidents that took place in Mauritania, as has
explained above, Mr. Moniquet reaches the following apocalyptical
conclusion: "today, the way the Polisario is evolving is giving rise to new
fears: those of seeing some of its combatants and leaders turn to terrorism,
radical Islamism or international crime. This development would threaten the
stability of the whole of Sub-Saharan Africa and therefore the security of
several African states and, in the long run, of Europe as well" 71.
Let us recall the fact that this conclusion, as indicated above, is based on
the analysis of two incidents that took place in Mauritania in which Mr.
Moniquet has tried, in defiance of any rational and empirical scrutiny, to
implicate the POLISARIO Front.
I think that Mr. Moniquet would have done the academic world a great service
if he had dedicated his energies and resources to investigating terrorism
and the emergence of Islamic extremism in the Kingdom of Morocco. This is
for the simple reason that the miserable socio-economic and political
conditions of many Moroccans, brought about by an irresponsible
authoritarian regime, has given rise to serious types of extremism. In
effect, this Morocco-made extremism not only would threaten the stability of
Africa but has actually struck Europe!
Another conclusion is that "the Polisario Front does not seem, for lack of
in-depth reform, to be able to play a part in any possible negotiated
political solution" 72 . First, the POLISARIO Front, as any social and
political organisation, is always improvable and it is up to the Saharawis
only to conduct whatever reforms they deem necessary. Second, although Mr.
Moniquet remains silent on the nature of this so-called political solution,
the fact remains that the POLISARIO Front is the other party to the
conflict, and therefore no solution, whatever form it may take, can be
viable and lasting without its full participation. This is the fact that Mr.
Moniquet seems, wittingly or unwittingly, to ignore.
"B. Recommendations"
In this section, Mr Moniquet presents a number of recommendations that,
similarly to his conditions, exhibit an attitude of unparalleled
pretentiousness. It is here where oddly enough he appears to appeal to the
international community and the United Nations, where in the report he often
seems oblivious and even disrespectful towards its resolutions regarding
Western Sahara. Expectedly, the recommendations are based on the preceding
analysis that has been shown to be flawed and outrageously biased.
MY CONCLUSIONS
In view of the preceding overall review of the ESISC report on the POLISARIO
Front, I would like to underline the following conclusions:
The report presents itself as an academic examination of the genesis and
evolution of the POLISARIO Front, but in reality it amounts to nothing more
than a series of unfounded assertions and half-truths about its professed
subject matter.
By heavily drawing on selective and incoherent readings and clearly
preconceived ideas about its subject matter, the report boils down to a
preposterously biased, ill-informed, and politically motivated exercise of
misrepresentation. As a result, it not only violates the tenets of scholarly
detachment and academic rigour but also discredits a European institution
that is supposed to produce informed and disinterested enquiries.
This declared agenda of misrepresentation is quite revealing of the politics
underlying the report and the keen interest of its authors in rendering a
service (paid or otherwise) to those who have vested interests in
propagating this type of reports on the POLISARIO Front.
It is therefore very clear that Mr. Moniquet and his team have fallen prey,
wittingly or unwittingly, to the Moroccan propaganda and have ended up
merely rehashing the much-trumpeted assertions made by Moroccan officials
and disseminated by the Moroccan official news agency, MAP.
If Mr. Moniquet personally is prejudiced against the POLISARIO Front, for
reasons best known to him, this is his own problem. However, his attempt to
reformulate his prejudices into an ostensibly scholarly work on this
national liberation movement is certainly an unobjectionable enterprise
worthy of serious condemnation. Besides, to project one's prejudices as an
academic research does not earn one but discredit and mistrust.
The POLISARIO Front, as all internationally recognised national liberation
movements, can be a very interesting subject matter for academic enquiry.
Indeed, there has been a growing literature on the Saharawi question in
general, in which the study of the liberation movement is a prime component.
However, the serious blunder committed by Mr. Moniquet and other like-minded
"experts", is to consider the POLISARIO Front as a homogenous movement that
can be pigeonholed into a "leftist", or "Marixist" organisation. As the sole
and legitimate representative of the Saharawi people, the POLISARIO Front
is, in essence, an umbrella organisation encompassing a variety of
ideological and political tendencies reflecting the different opinions of
the Saharawi society. It has never been a single party or movement, and the
Saharawis are very keen to maintain and boost its heterogeneous and
democratic character. However, all these tendencies are united by the
unwavering support for the raison d'être of the POLISARIO Front itself:
leading the struggle of the Saharawi people for self-determination and
independence and recovering the sovereignty of the Saharawi republic over
the entire internationally recognised borders of Western Sahara.
It is an undeniable fact that the POLISARIO Front has never been associated
with any form of terrorism during or after the 16 years of armed conflict
with Morocco. The attempt to implicate this liberation movement, actually or
potentially, in acts of terrorism, while falling back on two incidents that
took place in a neighbouring country, is particularly preposterous.
In fine, in view of the overall appraisal of the ESISC report on the
POLISARIO Front, as shown above, I do not think that Mr. Moniquet and his
team are qualified, either politically or academically, to make any
recommendations regarding the POLISARIO Front or the future of the Western
Sahara conflict. This is for the simple reason that throughout the entire
report, they have shown themselves, beyond any doubt, to be untrustworthy
and literally prejudiced persons regarding the POLISARIO Front.
______________________________________________
[1] Sidi M. Omar is a researcher in Peace and Conflict Studies at the UNESCO
Chair of Philosophy for Peace, Universitat Jaume I, Castellón, Spain.
[1] "The Polisario Front: Credible Negotiations Partner or After-Effect of
the Cold War and Obstacle to a Political Solution in Western Sahara?", under
the leadership of Claude Moniquet, ESISC President, at:
http://www.esisc.org/THE%20POLISARIO%20FRONT.pdf [retrieved on 29-11-2005]
[1] Due to the centrality of Mr. Moniquet in elaborating this report, and in
view of his opinions on the POLISARIO Front, appearing in some magazines, I
will take him as the source of this report and thus representative of the
team that is said to be behind the report.
[1] I would like to note that all quotations here are cited from the report,
unless otherwise is indicated. However, in the absence of page numbers on
the English version of the ESISC Report (which is the source of this
review), I will indicate the number of pages staring from the first page as
page 1. Therefore, this quote is shown as: ESISC report, p. 9
[1] ESISC report, p.10
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.10-11
[1] Ibid., p. 13
[1] Ibid., p. 12
[1] International Court of Justice, WESTERN SAHARA, Advisory Opinion of 16
October 1975, at:
http://www.icj-cij.org/icjwww/idecisions/isummaries/isasummary751016.htm,
[retrieved on 30-11-05]
[1] Report of the United Nations Visiting Mission to Spanish Sahara, 1975,
United Nations General Assembly Official Records, 30th session, supplement
no. 23 (A/10023/Rev.I). New York: United Nations, 1977.
[1] ESISC report, p. 13
[1] Ibid., p. 14
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.15
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.19
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Western Sahara Anthony G. Pazzanita Scarecrow Press; Second Edition
edition (June, 1994)
[1] The Green March In Historical Perspective, Jerome B. Weiner. The Middle
East Journal (Washington, DC), Vol.33, no. I (Winter 1979), p.20-33
[1] Morocco and its Neighbours, Part I: Morocco and Spain, Charles F.
Gallagher. New York: American University Field Staff, Reports Service, March
1967.
[1] For more on the inherent crisis of legitimacy of the Moroccan regime,
see the author's paper entitled "the Kingdom of Morocco: an absolute
monarchy averse to democratic reform", at
http://sahara_opinions.site.voila.fr/ [retrieved on 02-12-2005]
[1] For more on this, see, for instance, "Memorandum of the Kingdom of
Morocco on the regional dispute on the Sahara September 24, 2004" at
http://www.map.ma/mapeng/folder/speeches/speeches2004/memorandum260904.htm
[retrieved on 13-12-2005]
[1] ESISC report, p. 26
[1] Ibid., p. 32
[1] Ibid., p. 37
[1] Ibid,. p. 41
[1] Ibid., p. 42
[1] In the same article referred to by the report, we can see how Mr.
Louveaux also uncritically buys into Moroccan propaganda, when he says, "The
Polisario Front, an independence and socialist radical movement, was
supported by the USSR and all the socialist countries until the fall of
Communism". At http://www.rthonbrucegeorgemp.co.uk/pdfs/18.pdf [retrieved
16-12-05]
[1] ESISC report, 46
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid.,
[1] See Khatry Beirouk, "Algeria & the conflict of Western Sahara:
Separating facts from fiction, in Morocco's media unrelenting attack" (24
Sep 04) at: http://sahara_opinions.site.voila.fr/ [retrieved on 15-12-05]
[1] ESISC report, p. 46
[1] Ibid., p. 47
[1] Ibid., p. 50
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p. 51
[1] See, for instance, John Thorne's article "Sahara refugees from a
progressive society" at: http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0326/p04s01-wome.html
[retrieved on 16-12-05]
[1] ESISC report, p. 52
[1] See "UNHCR letter addressed to the Moroccan News Agency (MAP) 24 March
2005" at http://www.arso.org/hcr240305.pdf [retrieved on 13-12-2005]
[1] ESISC report, p. 52
[1] See "the complete text of Polisario response to France Libertés
Foundation's report" at: http://www.spsrasd.info/sps-e220903.html [retrieved
on 15-12-05]
[1] ESISC report, p. 57
[1] Ibid., p.66
[1] In his letter addressed to President of the Security Council on 29
January 2002, the Under-Secretary-General for Legal Affairs, the Legal
Counsel, Mr. Hans Corell, states that, ( para.6), "The Madrid Agreement
[signed between Spain, Morocco and Mauritania on 14 November 1975] did not
transfer sovereignty over the territory, nor did it confer upon any of the
signatories the status of an administering Power- a status which Spain alone
could not have unilaterally transferred. The transfer of administrative
authority over the territory to Morocco and Mauritania in 1975, did not
affect the international status of Western Sahara as Non-Self-Governing
Territory".
[1] ESISC report, p.68
[1] Ibid., p. 69
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.70
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p. 71
[1] See again John Thorne's article "Sahara refugees from a progressive
society" at: http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0326/p04s01-wome.html [retrieved
on 16-12-05]
[1] ESISC report, p.71
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.72
[1] Notice that the Saharawi dialect is commonly called "Hassanya", not
"Hassani" as mentioned in the report.
[1] Ibid., p.73
[1] Ibid., p.72
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.74
[1] The continued invocation of the right to self-determination in
international law and practice has given it the status of a peremptory norm,
meaning that it trumps other legal principles. See, e.g., Hector Gros
Espiel, "Implementation of United Nations Resolutions Relating the Right of
People Under Colonial and Alien Domination to Self-Determination," Special
Rapporteur, Document E/ CN.4/Sub.405 of 20 June, 1978, pp. 33-5.
[1] ESISC report, p. 74
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.75
[1] In this resolution, among others, the UN General Assembly reaffirms "the
inalienable right of the Saharawi people to self-determination and
independence".
[1] ESISC report, p. 3
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid., p.4
[1] Ibid.,
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Boris Ryser
ESISC to sue Le Journal Hebdomadaire
By Morad Aziz
Morocco TIMES
12/23/2005
Director of the European Strategic Intelligence and Security Centre
(ESISC), Claude Moniquet, and National Coordinator of the Moroccan
Liberal party, Mohamed Ziane, organised, on Tuesday, a press
conference in reaction to the article written by the Moroccan weekly
Le Journal Hebdomadaire on Dec. 3, 2005, in which it raised suspicion
over the ESISC's credibility.
The Moroccan weekly said that the ESISC's report on the Algeria-backed
Polisario movement that lays claims to Morocco's southern provinces -
which the Kingdom regained from Spanish occupation under the Madrid
Accords - is 'guided' and only reiterates the official theses of
Morocco.
"It [the report] is a document made to please the Moroccan
authorities," reported the Moroccan weekly.
Moniquet affirmed that the Moroccan state is not a client of the ESISC
and did not 'order' the report. However, it is the probable terrorist
tendencies of a Polisario at bay that motivated this report.
"We refuse to accept finance from any party concerned in our
researches," said Moniquet in the press conference.
According to him, the weekly - Le Journal Hebdomadaire - did not
respect the main bases of journalism, that is, contacting a person
before writing about them, especially as the ESISC is accessible on
internet.
In addition, Moniquet added that he vainly tried to contact the
director of the weekly, Aboubakr Jamaî, to publish a clarification in
reaction to the information released on Dec. 3, 2005.
Faced with the absence of any response, Moniquet said he reserved
himself the right to suit the weekly's director for the defamation
committed against the ISESC.
While Claude Moniquet was calm in his analysis of the situation,
Mohamed Ziane did not mince his words.
He considered the weekly's dossier as sapping all the efforts
undertaken by Moroccans living abroad to heighten awareness to the
national cause of Moroccan territorial integrity.
Those who provoked this report, Ziane said, are professionals of
Moroccan origins, fully integrated in the different European
countries.
These Moroccans, he added, are trying to put an end to the artificial
problem about Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces. They
have grown weary of seeing Morocco described as a coloniser following
the impact of the Polisario's propaganda abroad.
Ziane concluded that the weekly must be accountable for the scarcely
professional treatment that it reserved for the ESISC's very credible
report.
The ESISC's report accuses the Polisario of deficit of internal
democracy. It is also accused of keeping, against their will,
thousands of Sahrawis in the Tindouf camps, southern Algeria.
The report also noted that the Polisario leadership has been accused
regularly of diverting the humanitarian aid intended for refugees in
the camps.
"Today, the way the Polisario is evolving is giving rise to new fears:
those of seeing some of its combatants and leaders turn to terrorism,
radical Islamism or international crime. This development would
threaten the stability of the whole of Sub-Saharan Africa and
therefore the security of several African states and, in the long run,
of Europe as well."
"In any event, the Polisario Front does not seem, for lack of in-depth
reform, to be able to play a part in any possible negotiated political
solution. Only a regenerated organization, which has settled its
accounts with the past and assumed its responsibilities, could be
involved in such a solution," the report said.
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.moroccotimes.com/paper/article.asp?idr=2&id=11724
_______________________________________________
For a background on this story, see also:
Review of the ESISC Report on the POLISARIO Front:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-Update/message/1669
Boris Ryser
That Morocco, for instance, calls those occupied territories "Sahara" only
does not change anything as to their internationally recognised name and
status, namely Western Sahara.
"Boris Ryser"
<fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> a écrit dans le message de
Boris Ryser
Thursday 29 December 2005, 3:54 Makka Time, 0:54 GMT
Uruguay says it has recognised the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic,
proclaimed by the Polisario Front in Moroccan-ruled Western Sahara,
triggering an angry response from Rabat.
The Moroccan Foreign Ministry said: "By this hostile and unfriendly act ...
Uruguay assumes the heavy responsibility of striking a fatal blow against
the close relations between the two countries.
"This decision constitutes an affront to the unanimous sentiments of the
[Moroccan] people."
The Uruguayan Foreign Ministry's website said the Latin American country had
established diplomatic relations with the "sole Spanish-speaking Arab
nation", referring to Western Sahara's former status as a Spanish colony.
Montevideo said the move demonstrated its commitment to "self-determination,
non-interference by other nations in domestic affairs and national
sovereignty".
But the Moroccan Foreign Ministry said Uruguay's arguments were "feeble" and
"incoherent", and showed "profound ignorance of the actual and historical
realities of the region".
Polisario praise
The Polisario Front, which fought a lengthy guerrilla war against Moroccan
forces before a ceasefire in 1991, embraced Montevideo's announcement as "a
victory for the Sahrawi people in their fight for self-determination".
Moamed Khedad, a Polisario spokesman, said: "This recognition shows the
pressing problem of the Western Sahara and the growing isolation of Morocco
on the international scene."
He said Uruguay had joined about 70 countries, mostly Asian and African but
also "at least 20 in Latin America", which recognised the republic.
The 266,000 square kilometres (90,000 square miles) of phosphate-rich desert
flatlands on Africa's northwestern coast is the only territory on the
continent whose post-colonial legal status has not been resolved.
Western Sahara was annexed by Morocco in 1975 after Spain gave up its rule.
Rabat has dismissed the last United Nations attempt to settle the dispute -
a proposal for a five-year period of autonomy followed by a
self-determination referendum.
The so-called Baker Plan was named after James Baker, the former US
secretary of state, who threw in the towel in June 2004, expressing his
frustration over lack of progress.
Recent months have seen clashes between pro-independence protesters and
police in the main Western Saharan town of Laayoune.
_______________________________________________
Source:
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/912B0A5C-4383-44DB-B878-FFD7D8D6C7B7.htm
_______________________________________________
Forwarded by:
_______________________________________________
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
wsa...@online.no
*** Referendum now! ***
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-update
_______________________________________________
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Boris Ryser
Western Sahara impasse
Le Monde diplomatique
January 2006
Last year there were demonstrations in Western Sahara in support of its
secession from Morocco: these were aggressively suppressed. Despite an
attempt at UN mediation, both sides are recalcitrant and unwilling to make
any of the necessary compromises.
By Khadija Finan
Aboubakr Jamal, the director-in-chief of the Moroccan weekly Le Journal,
published an open letter to King Mohammed VI last August. "The way in which
the situation in Western Sahara has developed", he wrote, "has been to
Morocco's disadvantage. Public opinion here has a confused sense that
support for our case is weakening. There is also a fear that an unfavourable
outcome to this conflict could herald a period of instability that could
prove disastrous for the future of the country. Failure would threaten the
monarchy and cost the country dear."
Since May 2005 there have been a series of demonstrations in two major
Western Saharan towns, Laayoune and Smara, calling for secession. The
violence with which these were put down, particularly in October (see "A
fresh generation of protest"), has made the situation more explosive. In an
attempt to resolve the crisis, the United States used its diplomatic
influence to help secure the release in August 2005 of the last 404 Moroccan
prisoners held by the Polisario Front (PF). In September, following the
resignations of James Baker and Alvaro de Soto, the secretary general of the
United Nations nominated Peter Van Walsum as his personal envoy for Western
Sahara.
These events mark a turning point in the history of the conflict. With both
protagonists clinging to irreconcilable positions, the UN realises how
difficult it will be to find a settlement to this 30-year-old dispute. The
demonstrations in Laayoune and Smara show that there is more at issue here
than phosphates, fishing resources and the political ambitions of Morocco
and Algeria. If there is to be a settlement, politicians will have to come
up with new and original ideas.
Morocco's claim to this former Spanish colony goes back to 1975 and is based
upon historical rights. Since 1979, when Mauritania withdrew its claim,
Morocco has occupied the territory. The PF, supported by Algeria, seeks
independence in the name of national self-determination. During the early
stages of the conflict, both Morocco and Algeria exploited the tension to
consolidate their new status as sovereign states. But as time went on it
became an obstacle to bilateral cooperation and to the construction of the
Arab Maghreb Union (UMA).
The Moroccan monarchy has used the war to inspire national unity, to defuse
criticism from the left, to divert the energies of the army and to restore
its own legitimacy after the damaging social and political crises of the
1970s (1). As far as Algeria is concerned, although it has no official claim
to Western Sahara, the territory has always been a domestic political issue.
At least until the death of President Houari Boumedične in 1978, the
government sought to prevent too close a relationship between Morocco and
the West (2), while the Algerian military tried to consolidate its influence
by playing the nationalist card.
The referendum that wasn't
Throughout the late 1970s Morocco refused to give up even an inch of what it
insisted was an integral part of its territory. But the PF guerrillas'
superior knowledge of the local terrain allowed them to inflict a series of
serious reverses upon Moroccan armed forces. Although in 1981 King Hassan II
agreed in principle to a referendum on self-determination, he continued to
build up his forces. The construction of defensive walls protecting
inhabited areas from PF incursions allowed the army to end guerrilla
activity and transformed the conflict into a more advantageous war of
attrition.
The king's hope was that he would eventually secure victory by neutralising
the enemy's mastery of the terrain and taking the dispute to international
arbitration. Two events in 1988 confirmed this expectation. Algeria
re-established diplomatic relations after a 12-year break. And the dominance
of the Reguibat over other tribes precipitated a crisis within the
Polisario, which resulted in a number of Sahrawis from the Tindouf refugee
camps in western Algeria abandoning the front and answering Hassan's appeal
to "rejoin the merciful and forgiving fatherland".
Morocco has sought to present the Sahara conflict as an internal, rather
than an international issue. Hassan especially hoped that the PF
malcontents' support would render the referendum redundant. His mercy
reflected the traditional process of securing expansion by persuading tribes
to swear allegiance to the crown. Hoping to integrate the people of Western
Sahara through a policy of regional development, he refused to negotiate
directly with the PF.
Both sides eventually agreed to a UN peace plan and the referendum on
self-determination was scheduled for 1992. But the failure to agree on who
should be eligible to vote prevented it from taking place. Since then, all
the UN's proposals, including special envoy James Baker's plan for a four-
or five-year period of autonomy leading to a final, decisive referendum,
have been rejected by one side or the other.
While the PF and Algeria always supported the referendum, Morocco preferred
to wait for Algerian support for the Sahrawis to waver, hoping that the
death of Boumedične might open the way to an agreement with his successor,
Chadli Bendjedid. Later, during the 1990s, Morocco's war against Islamist
terrorists was predicated upon Algeria's weakness. Although the Algerian
executive has rallied round the current president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the
army and the security services remain powerful and the general consensus on
Western Sahara, and more generally on relations with Morocco, makes
compromise unlikely.
Trading partner and ally
The US values Algeria as an important trading partner and an ally in the
global war on terror. Algeria has re-established its position on the
international and African stages. South Africa's recognition in 2004 of the
Arab Sahrawi Democratic Republic somewhat marginalised Morocco, which
refused to join the African Union because of its recognition of Sahrawi
claims. Despite the appointment of Larbi Belkheir as ambassador to Morocco
(3), there seems no reason why Algeria should soften its position.
Morocco cannot really afford to be equally stubborn. Its official offer of
significant autonomy to Western Sahara is low on detail:not surprising,
since the political and institutional implications would require a revision
of the constitution. Morocco wants to retain formal national sovereignty at
the same time as granting real autonomy to a population that seeks complete
independence. Having survived 30 years of separatist war, the Sahrawis will
not settle for limited freedom as a region of Morocco.
In an attempt to define the limits of Saharan autonomy, Hassan announced
that "apart from stamps and the flag" everything was negotiable. He assumed
that if this formula appealed to Sahrawis within the PF, he could count on
the others. But during the past six months it is precisely the latter group,
the people of Laayoune and Smara, who have clamoured for independence.
Although official positions remain set, regional and internal politics have
changed significantly. The Algerian and Moroccan governments may seek to
monopolise the question, but associations and political parties are trying
to understand the crisis and maybe contribute to a solution. Moroccan
political parties seem actively to be looking for a way out that will suit
their own agendas.
Istiqlal (4), fearful of losing its traditional position as the defender of
territorial integrity, opposes autonomy and has suggested a regional
framework encompassing Western Sahara. The moderate Islamist Justice and
Development party (PJD), founded in 1998 and now with 42 MPs, has dug its
heels in over the issue, which could test its loyalty to the crown. Since it
was accused of moral responsibility for the Casablanca bomb attacks of May
2003 the PJD's leaders have tried to emphasise their nationalist
credentials.
Other parties, such the young, centrist (not that the term means much in
Morocco) Liberty Alliance, view the Western Sahara crisis as an opportunity
to democratise the kingdom. The journalist Aboubakr Jamai has suggested that
the relaxation of political controls will lead to a resolution to the Sahara
question. But with current tensions in danger of destabilising the country,
time is important.
Not in control
The violently suppressed secessionist demonstrations in Laayoune and Smara
give the impression, locally and abroad, that Morocco is not entirely in
control of the situation in Western Sahara. Some observers have pointed out
how the situation has evolved since 1999, when Laayoune witnessed a week of
police violence against Sahrawi students calling for higher grants and
better transport. On that occasion the king managed to re-establish control
by sending ministers to listen to and reassure the Sahrawis.
But the exclusively social protests of 1999 have now become essentially
political. The demonstrators do not openly support the PF, but they have
called for independence on internet sites (5) and in discussion groups, as
well as on the streets. The lack of any response serves only to harden
Sahrawi attitudes towards the government in Rabat.
So will the changed internal and regional situation reawaken open conflict?
Many north Africans are praying that the renewed US interest in the region
will help end the crisis. The US wants to extend Nato's sphere of influence
and hopes to use the Moroccan army to secure regional stability; but this
will be impossible if Morocco becomes involved in local disputes,
particularly with Algeria. US companies have invested in the development of
Algeria's oil and gas reserves and want tensions reduced. Above all, the US
seeks greater control over the Sahel, the semi-arid region south of the
Sahara, which it believes has become a refuge for Islamist terrorists, who
it fears may be joined by Sahrawis searching for meaning and motivation.
Whatever its aims, the US will find it difficult to act alone and would
prefer to secure the support and cooperation of countries such as Spain,
France and Mauritania, which have an interest in securing peace in the
region. The US must also take account of popular aspirations and come up
with imaginative responses: any solution that hands total victory to one
side risks sowing the seeds of future conflict. Morocco has staked
everything on its territorial integrity, while the Algerians and Sahrawis
have made a similar commitment to self-determination. It will be hard to
resolve the conflict without appearing to vindicate one side and
delegitimise the other.
Khadija Finan is a researcher at the French Institute for International
Relations and teaches at the Institute for Political Studies (Sciences Po),
both in Paris
(1) In 1971 Colonel Mohamed Ababou attempted a coup. The following year King
Hassan II escaped from an air attack on his jet.
(2) See Lahouari Addi, "Algiers and Rabat, still miles apart", Le Monde
diplomatique, English language edition, December 1999.
(3) Belkheir, a political insider with close ties to the army generals, and
Bouteflika's special adviser until his appointment as ambassador, initiated
the attempted reconciliation with Morocco in 1988.
(4) Istiqlal, one of Morocco's oldest political parties, rode to national
importance on the issue of independence. It has drawn up a map of a Greater
Morocco, which would extend far beyond present frontiers to enclose parts of
Mali, Mauritania and Western Sahara.
(5) See www.cahiersdusahara.com (in French and Arabic).
_______________________________________________
Source: http://mondediplo.com/2006/01/11impasse (subscription needed)
_______________________________________________
Forwarded by:
_______________________________________________
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
wsa...@online.no
*** Referendum now! ***
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Mo
Happy new year,
Mo
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message
news:43c8bde5$1...@news.vsnet.ch...
Boris Ryser
> Hi Boris, very good article about Morocco invasion of Western Sahara.
> Happy new year,
> Mo
Yes Mo, "le monde diplomatique" est un grand journal.
2006 ...one year in more for our long road to freedom...
Referendum now !
boris ryser
Boris Ryser
Press Release
SADR Onshore Oil & Gas License Offering
Further Announcement regarding Western Sahara Licensing Oil and Gas
Initiative
Following discussions with international companies, and a successful
offshore licensing initiative, the Government of the Saharawi Arab
Democratic Republic ('SADR'), formally announces the commencement of
an onshore licensing initiative to enable international oil and gas
companies to participate in the exploration of its onshore sovereign
territory.
The SADR is a full member of the African Union and is the sovereign
authority for the territory referred to as Western Sahara. The
Polisario Front is internationally recognised as the representative of
the Saharawi people.
This initiative has been undertaken in preparation for full recovery
of all Saharawi territory, under the UN decolonisation process and
mediation between SADR and Morocco. Previous exploration of the
onshore Aaiun and Tindouf basins is largely limited to activity during
the 1960's during colonial occupation.
Participation in onshore licensing is open to all competent and
qualified companies, and has been arranged in accordance with UN legal
opinion regarding commercial activities in Western Sahara.
Details of the acreage available and the licensing process are
available from our website (www.sadroilandgas.com).
Emhamed Khadad, advisor to the SADR President, comments "The SADR
Government is delighted by the response to the offshore license
offering and to the strong support it has received from international
companies. The Government recognises the vital role energy supply will
have in development of the country following independence, and
accordingly the need to balance offshore programmes with more
immediate onshore projects. International companies are invited to
contact the SADR Petroleum Authority to discuss participation in this
licensing initiative."
Contact:
SADR Petroleum Authority
in...@sadroilandgas.com
Kamal Fadel
kfa...@sadroilandgas.com
+61 92658258
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Boris Ryser
Upstream Online
17.01.2006
By Upstream staff
Six UK companies are in talks with Western Sahara's independence movement,
the Polisario Front, about licences to explore off the disputed territory, a
representative for the movement said today.
Kamal Fadel said the UK players were small and medium sized, listed and
unlisted, and added that none of the big E&P players, such as Shell or BP,
were involved.
"We are in a very advanced stage of negotiations. We have initial agreements
with these companies, and we will make an announcement either in the next
month or the first week in March," Fadel told Reuters in a telephone
interview.
Morocco seized Western Sahara in 1975, immediately after the territory
gained independence from Spain.
Rabat has already issued exploration rights off Western Sahara to US outfit
Kerr-McGee. The company has come under pressure from investors and
campaigners for its involvement. The UK outfits would not be able to explore
while Morocco remained in control of Western Sahara, Fadel said, but they
would have gained a head start on rivals.
United Nations peacekeepers have tried for 14 years - without success - to
stage a referendum on independence in Western Sahara. The Polisario supports
a vote, but Morocco has ruled out any such move.
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.upstreamonline.com/eceRedirect?articleId=104213
(subscription needed)
For further background, see also:
- Dec 15, 2005: Oilbarrel: Oil Companies Hover Over Western Sahara But Who
Calls The Shots?
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Boris Ryser
African News Dimension (AND)
19 January 2006
By ANDnetwork Journalist
A Moroccan human rights organisation asked on Tuesday for the release of
14 Saharawi political prisoners, currently detained in the Carcel Negra in
the occupied city of El Aaiun.
It also expressed "concern" about the situation of human rights in Western
Sahara, the Algerian Press Service has reported.
In a press release concluding the works of the meeting of its Central
Bureau on Monday, the Moroccan Human Rights Association (AMDH) asked for
the immediate release of all Saharawi human rights activists and the
stopping of all lawsuits engaged by the Moroccan justice against Saharawi
political prisoners.
AMDH underlined that it is following with "concern" the situation of 14
Saharawi political prisoners, whose trials will take place this January
the 24th after many postponements and a first heavy sentences pronounced
by Moroccan colonial court last December against the prisoners.
The press release of the Moroccan NGO's Central Bureau also denounced "all
human rights violations they (Saharawi activists) underwent since their
arrest to their condemnation by an illegal justice".
The 14 Saharawi human rights activists, the majority of whom were arrested
after the peaceful demonstrations started by the Saharawi population in
the occupied El Aaiun and in other Saharawi cities and communities since
last May 2005 to ask for the independence of Western Sahara, were
condemned last December the 13 and 14 to sentences going between 6 months
to 3 years, it should be recalled.
The defence of the Saharawi activists appealed against these sentences and
the trials will be undertaken this Tuesday the 24th of January.
Many international organisations, including Amnesty International and
Human Right Watch estimated that the Saharawi activists were condemned
after doubtful and unfair trials.
----
Source:
http://www.andnetwork.com/app?service=direct/1/Home/$StorySummary$0.$DirectLink$2&sp=l13168
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Boris Ryser
More talks ahead in W. Sahara impasse - UN envoy
Reuters
18 January 2006
By Irwin Arieff
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 18 (Reuters) - The latest U.N. envoy charged with
ending a decades-long impasse over the fate of Western Sahara told the
Security Council on Wednesday that more talks were the only way out of the
deadlock over the desert territory.
Dutch diplomat Peter van Walsum said during his first council briefing
that all sides should be invited to participate in negotiations including
Algeria, which has clashed with Morocco over the territory, according to
diplomats present at the closed-door meeting.
The Western Sahara, which is rich in phosphates and fisheries and also may
have offshore oil deposits, was seized by Morocco in 1975 immediately
after it gained independence from Spain.
That move prompted the Algerian-backed Polisario Front independence
movement to wage a low-intensity guerrilla war with Morocco that went on
until a U.N.-brokered cease-fire in 1991.
A U.N. peacekeeping mission has tried ever since -- so far without success
-- to hold a referendum on independence there, and the Security Council
regularly adopts resolutions pressing Morocco and the Polisario Front to
resolve their differences.
Van Walsum, who was named last July as U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan's
new special envoy for the northwest African territory of about 260,000
people, declined to discuss his views with reporters.
In a visit to the region last October, he said he saw the parties'
positions as almost irreconcilable but believed there was a desire to
break the impasse.
Van Walsum succeeded James Baker, the former U.S. Secretary of State, who
resigned the post after seven years of unsuccessful efforts to reach
agreement on the territory's future status.
Baker had proposed giving the territory semi-autonomy for four to five
years, after which a referendum would let residents pick independence,
semi-autonomy or integration with Morocco. The Polisario endorsed the plan
but Morocco said it would never give up sovereignty over the territory.
----
Source: http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/N18222752.htm
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Boris Ryser
(Reuters)
22 January 2006
RABAT - Morocco plans to submit a proposal in April to grant autonomy
to Western Sahara, home to Africa's longest-running territorial
dispute, a Moroccan source close to the situation said on Friday.
Morocco seized the Western Sahara after the territory gained
independence from Spain in 1975 and waged a low-intensity guerrilla
war with the Polisario Front liberation movement until the UN brokered
a ceasefire in 1991 and sent in peacekeepers.
Since then, several attempts at a referendum to decide the fate of the
territory have come to nothing even though the UN Security Council
regularly adopts resolutions pressing Morocco and the Polisario to
resolve their three-decade impasse.
Pressure for a solution has grown since October when the Security
Council renewed its mission for six more months despite skepticism
from US Ambassador John Bolton over how long it should be maintained
without progress on the political front.
"Morocco will certainly present a paper (in April) in the framework of
an autonomy, but not an independence," the source told Reuters. "The
UN has stated that it would welcome any Moroccan proposal in this
direction." The Rabat government had repeatedly said it had a new plan
to unblock the diplomatic impasse over the territory but it has never
set a date for unveiling it.
The Western Sahara is rich in phosphates and fisheries and may also
have offshore oil deposits.
The UN has tried for some 15 years to stage a referendum on
independence but Rabat has ruled out such a vote as long as the
Polisario demands one.
Dutch diplomat Peter van Walsum has said the parties' positions seem
almost irreconcilable but that he believed there was a desire to break
the impasse.
_______________________________________________
Source:
http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticle.asp?xfile=data/middleeast/2006/January/middleeast_January575.xml§ion=middleeast&col=
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Boris Ryser
22 Jan 2006 12:04:01 GMT
Source: Reuters
By Nick Tattersall
KHARTOUM, Jan 22 (Reuters) - Western Sahara's liberation movement,
Polisario, is attracting the support of a growing number of foreign oil
firms with the promise of exploration rights if it achieves independence, a
top official said.
Morocco seized Western Sahara after it gained independence from Spain in
1975 and waged a low-intensity guerrilla war with the Polisario Front until
the United Nations brokered a ceasefire in 1991 and sent in peacekeepers.
"We anticipate our independence and since we have very concrete indications
that Western Sahara will be a producer of oil, we've started building our
own oil policy, offering licences onshore and offshore," Khadad Mhamed, a
senior Polisario official, told Reuters late on Saturday.
"On the basis that they consider international legality on our side,
companies are signing with us to buy licences for the future, which will be
implemented just after independence," he said on the sidelines of an African
Union meeting in Sudan.
Polisario set up the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in 1976, which
is recognised by the 53-member African Union (AU), although the territory is
largely controlled from Rabat.
Six small and medium-sized UK companies were in talks with the SADR
government about licences to explore offshore, while two or three other
European firms had expressed interest in onshore licences offered earlier
this month, Mhamed said.
He said the six firms were interested in eight of a total 13 offshore
blocks, while seven onshore blocks were up for grabs, all part of the El
Aaiun basin which stretches into northern Mauritania, itself due to start
pumping oil this quarter.
"It is a very courageous position. They are basing their position on
international law. For them, the Sahrawis have the right of
self-determination," Mhamed said, adding the offshore deals would be
announced by early March.
DISPUTED RIGHTS
With oil prices soaring to near-record highs, foreign oil firms are
increasingly venturing into riskier projects in remote corners of West and
North Africa in search of new supplies.
Morocco has already issued exploration rights offshore Western Sahara to
U.S. oil firm Kerr-McGee <KMG.N>, although Polisario warned in October that
the company's personnel could be at risk if they proceeded with plans to
start drilling.
The U.N.-mediated cease-fire came with the promise of a referendum on
Western Sahara, rich in fisheries and phosphates and home to Africa's
longest-running territorial dispute, but Morocco has refused to allow a vote
on self-determination.
Pressure for a solution has grown since October when the U.N. Security
Council renewed its mission for six more months despite scepticism from U.S.
Ambassador John Bolton over how long it should be maintained without
progress on the political front.
Rabat plans to submit a proposal in April to grant autonomy to the
territory, a Moroccan source told Reuters on Friday, but Mhamed said a
referendum was the only solution.
"We are very open-minded if we win the referendum, about discussing the
future with Morocco, about future cooperation, on the economic level, on the
political level, on the security level. We know that it is necessary," he
said.
"But on one thing we will not accept any kind of compromise: our right to
decide about our future. That is the red line."
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L22763467.htm
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Boris Ryser
Norway summons Moroccan diplomat over Sahara incident
Oslo, 27. January (EFE).
[Original text in Spanish, translation by Sahara Update]
The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs today summoned the chargé
d'affaires at the Moroccan embassy, Abdelhakim El Amrani, after Morocco had
prohibited the entry to Western Sahara by a Nordic diplomatic delegation.
This was confirmed to EFE by diplomatic sources.
Morocco blocked access to El Aaiun, in Western Sahara, to a delegation of
diplomats from the embassies of Norway , Sweden and Finland in Rabat last
Tuesday, according to information provided to EFE by the president of the
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara, Ronny Hansen.
" The delegation had finalized all their preparations and had a green light
from Rabat but on Monday evening they called [the embassies] to prohibit the
visit", he said.
The diplomats were planning to meet a group of Sahrawi Human Rights
activists, the UN Mission for a Referendum in Western Sahara (Minurso) and
various Moroccan authorities.
"It's correct that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has had a meeting with
the Moroccan chargé d'affaires - the ambassador Bouaachab Yahdih has not
been appointed yet - in relation to a planned visit to Western Sahara by
diplomats from Sweden, Finland and Norway", said Rune Bjastad, spokesman for
the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Bjastad said that the chargé d'affaires explained "why the Moroccan
authorities had considered the visit as inappropriate" and that Norway had
demanded that " Morocco modify its decision in this case in order to allow
the visit to go ahead"
Similarly, the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs also summoned the
Moroccan ambassador to Helsinki today in order to hear his version of the
facts and to present him with a "strong protest". Sweden will convene the
representative from Rabat next week, said Hansen.
It's the second time that Morocco thwarts a visit by Nordic diplomats to
Western Sahara since last November.
Diplomatic sources revealed that the Moroccan deputy minister of foreign
affairs, Tayeb Fassi Fihri, at the time gave a guarantee to the Swedish
minister of foreign affairs, Laila Freivalds, that it had all been a great
misunderstanding and that it wouldn't happen again. Freivalds has to the
Swedish parliament described the Moroccan attitude as "unfortunate" and
lamented Morocco's "lack of openness and its unwillingness" to allow
contacts with civil society.
The minister emphasized that Sweden will demand that the European Union
examine the Human Rights situation in Western Sahara and confirmed that she
will discuss the matter with her Moroccan colleagues.
EFE je/rz/ma
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SPONSORED LINKS Humanitarian organizations Sahara
Mo
Norway summons about Sahara.
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> wrote in message
news:43db56b0$1...@news.vsnet.ch...
Boris Ryser
> Hi Boris, A Loha is pretending not see the article about the demand of
> Norway summons about Sahara.
Hé! Ho ! Haloha !
Toujours pas de réponse !
No answer ?
Melk ?
boris ryser
Boris Ryser
The Saharawi political prisoners start a 48 hours hunger strike
El Aaiun (occupied territories), 30/01/2006 (SPS) The Saharawi political
prisoners decided to begin a 48 hours hunger strike, starting from January
the 31st 2006, in protest against the inhumane treatments they are submitted
to by the Moroccan penitentiary administration and agents, indicated a press
release, publicised on Sunday, of which SPS received a copy.
Saharawi human rights activists and political prisoners, incarcerated in
Moroccan prisons: the Carcel negra (Black Jail) in El Aaiun, Smara (Western
Sahara), Ait Melloul, Kenitra, Tiznit and Galaat Sraghna (Morocco),
condemned, in their press release, the inhumane treatments, such as torture,
repression, humiliation and threat of assassination, all the Saharawi
prisoners are subjected to.
Mr. Amidan El Ouali and Mr. Moussaoui Sid'Ahmed, were tortured inside the
Moroccan criminal police's vehicle tha was transporting them from the
colonial appealing court in El Aaiun to their cell in the Carcel Negra, last
January the 24th.
Mr. Sid'Ahmed Alouat, political prisoner in the Carcel negra of El Aaiun,
Mahmoud Haddi El Kainan, political prisoner in the local prison of Ait
Melloul (Morocco) and Mr. Ali Agdadi, political prisoner in the local prison
of Tiznit (Morocco), were all victims of ill-treatment and tortured.
Another Saharawi political prisoner, Mr. Heddi Chrif, was abusively
transferred from El Aaiun to Ait Melloul and from this last city to the
prison of the Moroccan city of Tznit, the press released.
Saharawi human rights activists and political prisoners, in Moroccan
prisons, finally, launched an appeal to the international human rights
organisations and to the international public opinion, to help them defend
their rights as human beings and as political prisoners.(SPS)
070/090/000/TRD 301215 Jan 06 SPS
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.spsrasd.info/index.html
_______________________________________________
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Boris Ryser
03 Feb 2006 22:16:32 GMT
Source: Reuters
By Irwin Arieff
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 3 (Reuters) - The Polisario Front, the Western Sahara
independence movement, on Friday rejected in advance a plan by Morocco to
propose to the United Nations that the desert territory be made an
autonomous part of Morocco.
Only holding of a referendum on independence "offers real possibilities for
a just and lasting resolution of the conflict of Western Sahara," Polisario
representative Ahmed Boukhari said in a letter to U.S . Ambassador John
Bolton, the U.N. Security Council president for February.
The northwest African territory of about 260,000 people has become home to
the continent's longest-running territorial dispute since it was seized by
Morocco after gaining independence from Spain in 1975.
That triggered a low-intensity guerrilla war between the Polisario Front and
Rabat that simmered on until 1991, when the United Nations brokered a
cease-fire and sent in peacekeepers in anticipation of a referendum to
decide the territory's fate.
But attempts at a referendum have come to nothing despite repeated Security
Council resolutions pressing Morocco and the Polisario to resolve their
three-decade impasse.
The main obstacle has been Morocco's insistence that independence could not
be an option, even as the Polisario Front insisted that it had to be.
Moroccan officials then announced last month that Rabat would put forward in
April a formal plan for autonomy for the area, which is rich in phosphates
and fisheries and may also have offshore oil deposits.
While Rabat has repeatedly promised to propose a plan to end the deadlock,
it has never set a date for unveiling it.
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/N03354307.htm
Boris Ryser
Boris Ryser
SADR/RED CRESCENT/APPEAL
The Saharawi Red Crescent calls for an "urgent" humanitarian aid for the
refugees
Chahid El Hafed, 05/02/2006 (SPS)
The Saharawi Red Crescent (SRC) launched an "urgent" call addressed to all
the international humanitarian organisations to bring help to thousands
Saharawi children, women and old men, who are refugees in the south of
Algeria, considering the UN's bodies, especially HCR and WFP, as responsible
of "what may result of this critical situation".
In a press release publicised on Saturday, the Saharawi NGO denounced "the
silence exercised by these two UN's bodies", drawing the attention of the
international community on "the difficult situation the Saharawi refugees
are facing".
In front of this situation, the Saharawi NGO launched an "urgent" appeal
addressed to Governments, international organisations, NGOs and the social
society through the world, "for an urgent assistance", in particular by
providing basic food, especially that "the stocks of emergencies of this
products will be used by this March", SRC warned.
The Saharawi NGO also indicated that it already "started using the stock of
security of the basic food, since January 2006, so as to provide for the
minimum of the urgent needs of 158.000 Saharawi refugees".
SRC recalled that the stocks of drugs for the Saharawi refugees provided
these last years by the European Bureau for Humanitarian Aid (ECHO) "are
completely finished". The Saharawi organisation warned against a serious
deterioration of the already precarious state of health of the Saharawi
refugees.
In this respect SRC informed that the budget consecrated by ECHO to the
medical assistance "represents only 25 per cent of the first degree needs of
the Saharawi refugees", underlining that the European organisation "did not
supply this aid though it was supposed to do that last November", the same
source said.
SRC finally stressed that because "of the delays registered in the
humanitarian aid, in addition to its insufficiency, more than 66% of mature
women and 68% children under 15 years old suffer from anaemia, in addition
to malnutrition for 7,7% of the children".
158.000 Saharawis, in particular children, women and old men depend
completely on humanitarian aid they receive from international bodies, it
should be recalled. (SPS)
020/090/000/TRD 051200 Feb 06 SPS
_______________________________________________
Source: http://www.spsrasd.info/sps-e050206.html
Boris Ryser
tu n'es plus très attentif !
Il se passe plein de choses sur soc.culture.maghreb
rejoins-nous y !
boris ryser
Boris Ryser
Mr. Luke R.Corbett,
Chairman and Chief Executive Officer,
Kerr-McGee Corporation
Kerr-McGee Center
123 Robert S. Kerr Avenue, Oklahoma City
OKLAHOMA, USA, 73102
Dear Mr. Corbett,
We, the Saharawi human rights activists and prisoners of conscience of
the prison of El Aiún, would like to address to you this letter to
express our deep concern regarding your company's past and current
activities offshore the territories of Western Sahara under Moroccan
occupation.
As you may be aware, since 1975 when Morocco, in flagrant violation of
the ruling of the International Court of Justice of The Hague, invaded
Western Sahara, the Saharawi people have been enduring the dire
consequences of occupation, including hundreds who have perished in
Moroccan jails or disappeared in addition to dozens of prisoners of
conscience. Recently, since 21 May 2005, there have been massive and
mounting peaceful demonstrations all over the occupied territories of
Western Sahara in which the Saharawis have been taking to streets to
protest against Morocco's illegal occupation. The demonstrators have
also been demanding the respect of their fundamental human rights,
namely the inalienable right to self-determination and independence to
be exercised through a free, fair, democratic, UN-supervised referendum,
in accordance with the dictates of international legality.
The reaction of the Moroccan occupying authorities has been extremely
brutal and violent, as documented by international media and evidenced
by testimonies of human rights organisations such as Amnesty
International, the International Organisation against Torture, and
Moroccan Human Rights Organisations (AMDH). We who write this letter to
you are at this very moment detained at the "Black Jail" in El Aiún, the
capital of the occupied Western Sahara, in harsh and degrading
conditions. All of us have been arrested and brought to a show trial to
face unfair sentences, only for speaking out our right. Two of our
compatriots have already been cold-bloodedly assassinated. Many of us
have also been seriously intimated, jailed and tortured.
Our peaceful resistance bears clear testimony to the dramatic failure of
the policy that the Moroccan authorities have been pursuing for the past
three decades with a view to winning the hearts and minds of the
Saharawi population. Thirty years of occupation and repression have not
made the Saharawis into Moroccans, for they remain attached to their
identity and legitimate aspiration for living in a free and sovereign
state of their own.
We find it very frustrating to repeatedly hear that Kerr-McGee claims to
support the UN efforts to solve the conflict, and that your activities
are to the benefit of the people of Western Sahara. You see, over the
last years, there has been a very limited progress in the UN efforts to
organise our promised referendum. The reason is that Morocco, in their
hunger for the natural resources in Western Sahara, today refuses any
referendum to take place. Your company, and your two US partners,
Pioneer and Kosmos, are now the only three oil companies in Western
Sahara. Through its presence, Kerr-McGee constitutes today a corner
stone in Morocco's plans for our land.
We know it might be difficult for you to understand, but since
Kerr-McGee signed the contract with Morocco in 2001, the situation for
us has been increasingly difficult. A UN solution seems now even more
distant than only a few years back. Kerr-McGee's important role in
Morocco's political game over Western Sahara cannot be ignored.
According to international law, an oil reconnaissance contract in an
occupied territory, if it is not to the benefit or wishes of the local
population, would be illegal. We invite you, Mr. Corbett, to come to El
Aiún and speak with our Saharawi friends who are not yet in jail, and
try to assess for yourself whether Kerr-McGees' activities will be to
the benefit of our people, as your company claims to the international
press.
In view of the foregoing, we, the Saharawi human rights activists and
prisoners of conscience, would like to add our voice to all those who
have expressed on many occasions their disaffection and disagreement
with the contract signed by Kerr-McGee with the Kingdom of Morocco to
explore for oil offshore the territories of Western Sahara under
Moroccan occupation.
We would also like to request Kerr-McGee to do the right thing by
seizing on this historic opportunity and announce its withdrawal from
Western Sahara, by choosing not to renew the contract that expires in
April 2006. Only then can Kerr-McGee really claim to be supporting the
UN efforts. Such a gesture will be welcomed by the Saharawi people, and
by all those who believe in the rule of law and in the paramount
sovereignty of peoples over their natural resources.
In doing this, you will also demonstrate that Kerr-McGee is abiding by
the same ethical guidelines that led all your previous subcontractors
(TGS-Nopec, Fugro, Thor Offshore) to withdraw from Western Sahara, and
to the same standards as some of your previous shareholders who have
been opposing your activities.
By withdrawing from Western Sahara Kerr-McGee would send a clear message
to the international community that it does not support abuses of human
rights and violation of international law, committed by your current
contractual partner.
While in prison, we have been told by someone that Jesus said, "I was
hungry and you gave me something to eat. I was thirsty and you gave me
something to drink. I was a stranger and you invited me in. I needed
clothes and you clothed me. I was sick and you looked after me. I was
in prison and you came to visit me."
Jesus then said, "I tell you the truth, whatever you did for one of the
least of these brothers of mine, you did for me. Whatever you did not
do for one of the least of these, you did no do for me."
We the prisoners in Black Prison as well as all Sahrawis living in
prison under the Moroccan occupation, are hoping that KMG and the
Christian community of Oklahoma, will not forget the words from Jesus.
We won't. Please do the right thing, the Christian thing.
We look forward to hearing from you soon. Yours sincerely,
The Saharawi Human Rights Activists and prisoners of conscience,
The "Black Jail" El Aiún, the capital of the occupied Western Sahara
NB: A copy of this letter is sent to your partners, Pioneer Natural
Resources and Kosmos Energy.
_________________________________
Forwarded by:
__________________________________
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
*** Referendum now! ***
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Boris Ryser
Ecuador and the Saharawi Republic declare the re-establishment of
diplomatic relations
Sahara Presse Service (SPS)
Quito (Ecuador)
08 February 2006
The Republic of Ecuador and the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic
announced the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the two
States, The Ministries for Foreign Affairs of the two countries declared
Today in a joint press release, of which SPS received a copy.
Below is the complete text of the press release, signed Today in
Quito by
the Saharawi Minister for Foreign Affairs and his Equatorial
counterpart, respectively Mohamed Salem Ould Salek and Francisco Carrión
Mena:
Joint press release
Inspired by the principles and objectives of the United Nations' Charter
and conforming to the Geneva Convention on diplomatic relations, the
Governments of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic and the Republic of
Ecuador both decided Today to re-establish diplomatic relations to the
benefit of the ties of friendship and cooperation of the two peoples and
Governments.
By signing this joint press release, the Government of the Republic of
Ecuador affirms the universal character of its foreign policy, as well
as its respect of all peoples right to self-detrmination as well as the
juridical equality of States, as pillars of peace, security and
cooperation in the international relations.
----
This press release was signed in the Quito city, on February the 8th
2006.
On behalf of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic
Mohamed Salem Ould Salek
Foreign Affairs Minister
On behalf of the Republic of Ecuador
Francisco Carrión Mena
Foreign Affairs Minister.
(SPS)
060/090/100 082007 Feb 06 SPS
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------------ And now a word from our sponsor ------------------
Boris Ryser
Press statement
Rafto Foundation
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
Oslo/Bergen,
Thursday, February 9, 2006
Appeal to the Norwegian Government to put pressure on the Moroccan
authorities
Since the intifada in Western Sahara during the summer of 2005, the
situation for the Saharawi people has become increasingly more difficult,
and Moroccan authorities are treating people who oppose the occupation
with increased harshness and injustice.
The World Organization against Torture (OMCT) published on January 31,
2006* an urgent appeal regarding the situation for the Saharawi human
rights activists and political prisoners after the demonstrations in
Western Sahara in June and July 2005.
On December 13, 2005 fourteen Saharawi political prisoners were put on
trial in the town of El Aaiun. The court handled cases extremely quickly
and the trial was finished already on December 14, 2005. The fourteen
indicted human rights activists received sentences varying from seven
months to two years in prison.
The appeal trial took place on January 24, 2006. The accused activists
were not allowed to present witnesses. The accusations against them were
based only on police testimonies. The sentences were extended for Mr. Ali
Salem Tamek (with two more months) and Mr. El Quali Amidan (with six more
months)
The OMCT report states that the prisoners and especially Mr. El Quali
Amidan was tortured inside a police van during transportation from El
Aaiun court to the Carcel Negra (Black Prison) on January 24.
Considering all these facts, the Rafto Foundation and the Norwegian
Support Committee for Western Sahara consider the trials as unfair and
biased. We are deeply concerned with the security and health situation of
these Saharawi activists, as well as for the political prisoners who have
repeatedly carried out hunger strikes in different prisons in Western
Sahara and Morocco since August 8, 2005.
Moreover, Morocco continues to violate their promises given to foreign
governments; Norwegian diplomatic delegations have twice been promised
access to Western Sahara, and both times the entry was denied. The Rafto
Foundation and the Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara are
appalled with the continuing Moroccan oppression. We strongly urge the
Norwegian Government to put a more active and pronounced pressure on
Morocco. The difficult situation in the area prompts for reliable insight
and reports from Western Sahara in order to lift the Moroccan pressure on
Saharawi civilians.
The undersigned non-governmental and independent organizations appeal to
the Norwegian Government to:
1. Put pressure on the Kingdom of Morocco to stop inhumane treatments,
such as torture, repression, humiliation and threat of assassination of
Saharawi human rights activists and political prisoners incarcerated in
Moroccan prisons; guarantee their security and access to medical
assistance.
2. Put pressure on the Moroccan authorities to bring up the case of
these fourteen Saharawi political prisoners for a new, impartial,
independent and fair court.
3. Ensure that government representatives of Norway, as well NGOs and
media are given undisturbed access to all relevant territories inside
occupied Western Sahara.
Signed:
Arne Liljedahl Lynngård
Chairman of the Board of the Rafto Foundation
Spokesman of the Norwegian Support
Rolf Wermundsen
Spokesman
The Norwegian Support
Committee for Western Sahara
* Western Sahara / Morocco: Sentencing of 14 Saharawi political prisoners
by the Court of Appeal, dated January 31, 2006 available at
Background:
In 2002 Mr. Sidi Mohamed Daddach, a former Saharawi prisoner of
conscience, was awarded the Rafto Prize. Daddach is a strong symbol for
the suffering of the Saharawi people and their struggle for
self-determination. In spite of having spent more than half his life as a
prisoner of conscience, Daddach has never given up the struggle for the
Saharawi people's basic rights and for human dignity. He has pointed out
serious violations of Human Rights, not least the political prisoners'
situation and the destiny of the many hundred Saharawis who have
"disappeared" since 1975. Daddach met with former Prime Minister Bondevik
, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Parliament in Oslo in November
2002 during his visit to Norway to receive the Rafto award.
For more Information, please contact:
. Arne Liljedahl Lynngård, Chairman of the Rafto Foundation, +47 951 52 290
. Rolf Wermundsen, Spokesman of the Norwegian Support Committee for
Western Sahara, +47 930 41 983
Boris Ryser
Oxford Analytica
23 January 2006
Event: The separatist POLISARIO Front is about to announce the results
of its oil licensing round for the waters of the Western Sahara.
Significance: The award challenges Rabat's claims to sovereignty just as
US company Kerr-McGee is believed to be preparing for exploratory
drilling under a Moroccan licence. In 2006, resource sovereignty will be
a key battleground in the Western Sahara dispute.
Analysis: High energy prices, and Morocco's need for export earnings and
employment generation, are pushing oil, fisheries and phosphates to the
fore in the 30 year-old conflict over Western Sahara, adding economic
motivation to Rabat's determination to maintain its claims. These three
natural resources are of crucial importance to Morocco:
The kingdom has no oil of it own. Even before a 63% rise in spending on
oil imports in 2005, oil accounted for around one fifth of the total
import bill.
Fishing provides 400,000 Moroccans with jobs and accounts for some 15%
of exports.
Phosphates have long been the backbone of the kingdom's industrial
exports.
Resources priority. The Western Sahara is now crucial to Morocco on all
three counts:
Commercial oil and gas discoveries in Mauritania emphasise that it is
Saharan not Moroccan waters that might yield hydrocarbons.
Shoal migration and overfishing to the north mean the Western Sahara now
accounts for the bulk of the Moroccan fleet's catch.
The territory's Bou Craa phosphates amount to around a tenth of Moroccan
output, and Saharan reserves give Morocco 'swing capacity' that
underpins its market dominance.
The increasing significance of natural resources has not only brought
the licensing of Kerr-McGee (and, originally, Total) to look for oil,
but also steered Moroccan state investment towards Saharan fishing
ports. At the diplomatic level, it encourages Rabat to reject the Baker
Peace Plan. The degree of autonomy that the plan would give, pending a
referendum on the long-term future, would imperil Moroccan control over
natural resource revenues. The late King Hassan II said the Sahrawis
could have self-government if the stamp and flag were Moroccan. Today,
the stamp and flag are no longer enough.
Legal challenges. In October, Kerr-McGee signed a licence extension with
Rabat covering Western Saharan waters, probably an indication that
results of seismic work were positive and the company was planning
exploration drilling. In July, a deal was reached that, if ratified in
March or April, will see EU fishing vessels return to Saharan waters.
Prior to 2001, European vessels operated there under arrangements
inherited from the Spanish-Moroccan-Mauritanian Madrid Accords of 1975.
Now a purpose-drafted agreement would specifically and explicitly
include all "the waters over which the Kingdom of Morocco has
sovereignty or jurisdiction".
The EU-Morocco fishing agreement and the possibility of drilling for oil
will bring matters to a head. POLISARIO views both as backdoor
legitimation of Moroccan claims to the territory at a time when the UN
Security Council is reluctant to push Rabat into signing up to the Baker
Plan. It is considering legal challenges on both fronts:
1. Fisheries. The Swedish Foreign Ministry publicly opposes the
fishing agreement and might go to law to try to block it. Meanwhile,
Stockholm is lobbying other EU members to build a blocking minority. The
deal is strongly supported by France, Morocco's key ally, and Spain. The
political ramifications are wide, but the economic implications for
Europe are limited to Spain where the government will have to weigh
safeguarding fishery jobs against a very large pro-POLISARIO lobby.
2. Oil exploration. A move from seismic work to drilling by
Kerr-McGee would reopen debate around the 2002 opinion of Hans Correl,
then the UN under-secretary-general for Legal Affairs. That opinion was
widely interpreted to mean that data-gathering was permissible but that
any activity generating wealth from Saharan resources would have to be
for the benefit of the people of the territory. That would plunge the
whole debate back into the realm of the political dispute over the
identity of the Sahrawis, the very root of 30 years of conflict.
Furthermore, Correl himself has now hinted at a more restrictive reading
of his opinion. Kerr-McGee's activity is also beginning to arouse
interest among the small band of concerned US congressmen, who believe
that operating in the territory appears to be at odds with established
government policy: The US-Morocco Free Trade Agreement does not include
the Western Sahara. Assistance given by the US Trade and Development
Agency to the Moroccan state oil company also excludes the territory.
Campaign groups have secured promises from several oilfield service
companies and small exploration companies that they will stay out of the
Western Sahara. They are now targeting fund gatekeepers in Europe and
North America. After oil industry embarrassments over work in Sudan and
Burma, there may not an appetite for running reputational risk over
Western Sahara. The Norwegian Oil Fund last year withdrew from
investment in Kerr-McGee because of its work in Western Sahara, and
Sweden's largest pension fund manager has followed suit.
3. Phosphates. Late in 2005, Yara, the agro-chemical spin-off from Norsk
Hydro, gave public assurances it would not import phosphates from the
Western Sahara. In addition, the Australian government counselled
Wesfarmers Ltd to seek legal advice over the permissibility of importing
Saharan phosphates.
4. Sahrawi unrest. Feeding into calculations over reputational risk (for
governments as well as companies) is the continuing unrest in the
territory. The Sahrawi civil rights movement has sustained protests
since May despite the detention of dozens of leading activists.
The unrest is dangerous and embarrassing for Rabat:
It is explicitly political in its demands, calling for
self-determination.
It is not directly controlled by the external POLISARIO leadership.
It is much more widespread than expected, taking in formerly quiescent
areas from Dakhla in the south of the territory north to Assa and other
towns within the internationally recognised borders of Morocco.
Customary use of tribal elders to police the community appears to be
failing.
Rabat has responded by supplementing the widely loathed Groupe Urbaine
Securitaire riot squads with troops of the regular army. It has refused
entry to a number of Spanish delegations and to Nordic diplomats. Due
process of law has not been followed in many cases. Activists on the
ground have kept the protests peaceful, but say they fear Moroccan
forces will organise a provocation to incite ethnic conflict between
settlers and Sahrawis, justify a further crackdown, and persuade outside
observers that Sahrawi nationalists are 'terrorists'.
Conclusion: In 2006, plans to explore for oil and to fish in Saharan
waters will be contested, perhaps in courts of law. The outcome will
determine whether Morocco can begin to attract foreign investment into a
territory over which its sovereignty is not recognised by any other
country. The level of political protest in the territory and how Morocco
confronts it will also be a key factor in determining whether the
territory is viewed as conducive to investment.
---
Source: http://www.oxan.com/display.aspx?ItemID=DB123665
_________________________________
Boris Ryser
Sahara Presse Service
Chahid El Hafed (Saharawi refugee camps)
11 February 2006
Torrid falls, "never seen in the region since 1994", and floods stroke
all the Wilayas and Dairas of the Saharawi refugee camps, during these
three last days, causing material damages estimated to "more than 50 per
cent" of the camps' structure, declared the Saharawi Ministry of
Interior the same day in a press release SPS received.
Torrid rain, never seen in the region since that of 1994, has stroke the
Saharawi refugee camps, without interruption, starting from Thursday,
and continued for Friday and the first hours of Saturday", the press
release stressed, indicating that the inundations that followed the rain
caused "material damages and many wounded within the Saharawi refugees".
Here is the complete text of the press release, of which SPS received a
copy:
Ministry of Interior
Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic
Press release
February 11, 2006
Torrid rain, never seen in the region since that of 1994, has stroke the
Saharawi refugee camps in the Algerian region of Tindouf, without
interruption, starting from Thursday, and continued for Friday and the
first hours of Saturday, causing material damages and many wounded
within the Saharawi refugees.
The damages, which were registered, touched the shelters of the citizens
as well as the institutions such as schools, hospitals and other
Governmental institutions, damaging more than 5O per cent of the refugee
camps' structure.
Despite the precarious situation, the Ministry of Interior would like to
inform the Saharawi citizens, everywhere, as well as the public opinion
that its services did not record cases of human death or serious wounds
among the refugees, that to God.
The Ministry also calls on the Saharawi citizens to increasing
solidarity, cooperation and mutual help so as to face the results of
this rain, inciting them to avoid the utilisation of damaged buildings.
It further incite them to maintain their environment clean, hygiene and
to avoid the use of non treated waters so as to prevent epidemic
diseases or sickness that can result from such a situation.
/ends
(SPS)
060/090/100 111749 Feb 06 SPS
For photos of the damages, see: http://www.spsrasd.info/sps-110206.html#2
_________________________________
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__________________________________
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Boris Ryser
Press release
Campaign "Fish Elsewhere"
13 February 2006
Campaigners from 19 European countries came together today to stop the
European Union ratifying an Agreement which will violate international law
and see European boats fishing in the waters of Africa's last colony.
The campaign, Fish Elsewhere, calls on Members of the European Parliament
and the EU's member states to specifically prohibit EU vessels from
fishing in the waters of the Western Sahara. The Agreement, which is due
to be approved by the European Parliament and Council of Ministers in
coming weeks, currently fails to specify the southern limit of Morocco,
thereby allowing fishing licenses to be granted in the waters of Western
Sahara, a territory which Morocco has oc cupied for 30 years. The
Agreement could also see the EU funding development projects for illegal
Moroccan settlers in the territory. The EU remains sharply divided on the
issue, as Saharawi waters constitute an excellent fishing resource which
many European countries would like to access.
Nick Dearden, Campaigns Officer from War on Want, said: "In the very year
in which the Saharawi people commemorate 30 years spent in refugee camps,
the EU is signing an Agreement which will allow European countries to
profit from their misery. We are calling on the EU to amend this
Agreement, which in its current state violates the policy of EU member
states and the EU itself."
Carlos Wilson from Western Sahara Resources Watch, said: "If the United
States can preclude Western Sahara from its Free Trade Agreement, there is
no excuse for the EU failing to make a similar preclusion. The Saharawi
have lived a desperate life for 30 years now. It's about time the EU put
its resources into solving this conflict, not inflaming it."
Background:
In 1975, Morocco invaded the Western Sahara against the express wishes of
the United Nations and International Court of Justice. Tens of thousands
of Saharawi fled for their lives into the Algerian Desert, where 165,000
refugees still live today, in some of the harshest conditions on earth.
Although the United Nations promised a referendum in Western Sahara in
1991, the peace process has been stalled. Since last summer, Morocco has
harshly repressed Saharawi demonstrations in the Occupied Territory, where
tens of thousands of Saharawi still live in a police state.
Primary contacts for this Press Release:
Nick Dearden, War on Want, UK, tel (+44) 7932-335-464,
ndea...@waronwant.org
Carlos Wilson, Western Sahara Resource Watch -United States, tel (+1)
858-755-9440 csah...@sbcglobal.net
For more information, including European contacts, see:
www.fishelsewhere.org.
/ends
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Boris Ryser
Boris Ryser
agency
UN News Centre
New York
13 February 2006
The United Nations refugee agency (UNHCR) said today it is mounting an
emergency operation to assist around 50,000 refugees in Algeria, after
their homes and shelters in three refugee camps were washed away by
torrential rains.
In a statement from Algeria, UNHCR said it was planning an airlift of
around 12,000 tents, 7,000 kitchen sets, 60,000 blankets and other living
essentials to the camps, which house Sahrawi refugees who fled Western
Sahara in 1975.
"We are very concerned about the effect the flood damage will have on the
Sahrawi refugees who have already lived under very difficult circumstances
for so long," said Radhouane Nouicer, UNHCR's Geneva-based deputy director
for the region.
"We will join hands with all concerned agencies to address this situation
without delay."
On Saturday, a joint rapid assessment mission by UNHCR, the World Food
Programme and local aid agencies visited two of the three affected camps
in the Tindouf region, in the west of the country. In Awserd and Smara
where the overwhelming majority of refugees live in mud-brick houses and
some 25 percent live in tents, the structural damage was found to be
enormous with 50 percent of the houses completely destroyed.
The UNHCR said it could not reach the third affected camp but a local aid
agency managed to get there on Friday, before the last heavy downpour that
night, and even at that stage they reported 25-30 percent of the mud-brick
houses were completely destroyed, with at least 70 percent of families'
food stocks ruined.
The refugee camps in the Tindouf area host refugees who fled Western
Sahara in the mid-1970s during the conflict over the right to govern the
Territory after Spain withdrew from the region. UNHCR is presently
supporting 90,000 of the most vulnerable refugees in five camps.
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alou...@gmail.com
voyager vers le sud du
Maroc", a déclaré un homme à la télévision 2M.
Mensonge, je vous defi de nous montrer cette sois disant declaration.
et vous savez pourquoi je suis sure que c des mensonge, car je sais que
pour tout les marocain, le Nord c Tanger et le Sud est Lagouira.
Et ce n'ai pas a cause d'une poigne de missionaire algerien, que l'on
va dire le contraire.
P.S : Au cas ou la question ce posera, je suis effectivement Marocain
et fiere de l'etre de pere en fils du sud du Maroc. Ah! avant que je
n'oublie je suis qu'un simple Informaticien au cas ou vs penserz que c
les services secret ou je ne sais pas koi.
J'attend impatiament votre reponse
Cordialement
Boris Ryser
Reuters.
TINDOUF, Algeria,
16 February 2006
By Lamine Chikhi
Uprooted by floods in one of Africa's remotest corners, Sahrawi refugees
rebuilt their mud-brick homes in southern Algeria on Thursday and appealed
for more emergency aid to stave off malnutrition and disease.
Heavy rains over the past few days washed away the homes of about 50,000
of the 158,000 refugees who have lived in desert camps near the Algerian
town of Tindouf since fleeing the disputed Western Sahara territory.
The mood in the ramshackle settlements, product of Africa's
longest-running territorial dispute, was defiant.
"I am happy because I am alive," said Baghia Salem, 27, breastfeeding her
two-month-old daughter inside a newly donated refugee tent.
"I do not care about the flood: It happens. We will overcome the situation
soon. But we do need humanitarian aid."
According to the World Food Programme, 95 percent of the refugees are
dependent on food aid even in normal times, and serious food shortages
often occur because of a lack of funds.
In addition, a limited diet over decades has left many malnourished. The
basic WFP food package does not include meat, vegetables or fruit. It
contains flour, lentils, vegetable oil, salt and sugar.
Morocco seized Western Sahara after former colonial power Spain withdrew
in 1975, waging a low-intensity guerrilla war with the Polisario Front
until the United Nations brokered a ceasefire in 1991 and sent in
peacekeepers.
The U.N.-mediated truce came with the pledge of a referendum on Western
Sahara, but Morocco has refused to allow a vote on self-determination.
Polisario's principal backer is Algeria.
The refugees now live in five camps near the border with the
Moroccan-controlled territory.
Standing outside the rubble of a makeshift school, Ahmed Mohamed, 14, said
restarting education in the camps would require outside help. "We
desperately need support and aid from the international community," he
said.
Mohamed's headmaster, Hamad Yahya, in charge of 500 pupils and 52
teachers, said he needed "a rapid solution" to restart classes.
"Obviously what I need is educative stuff such as books, pens, and bags,"
he said.
The U.N. refugee agency is currently organising an airlift of tents,
blankets, jerry cans, mattresses and plastic sheeting.
Malia Bent Ali, a woman who lost her home and possessions, thanked
Algerian authorities and Spanish humanitarian aid groups for rushing in
aid. But she was worried about the cold: Temperatures in the desert can
plunge to freezing in the early morning.
"We got new tents, clean water, and healthcare. The Algerians arrived here
first, then the Spanish. My number one concern now is how to rebuild my
house and protect my children from cold," she told Reuters.
----
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Boris Ryser
out shelters
Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN)
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
DAKAR
16 February 2006
Aid agencies are rushing to help some 60,000 Western Sahara refugees after
freak rains late last week wiped out houses and schools and damaged
hospitals in camps in eastern Algeria.
Because the rains - reportedly the worst seen in the area since 1994 -
came on the heels of the UN World Food Programme's February distribution,
refugees have lost an entire month's food supply, a WFP official told IRIN
on Wednesday.
"Heavy, concentrated rains [at the end of last week] basically melted
houses, administration buildings, the Red Cross building and schools,"
said Michelle Iseminger, head of WFP's office in Tindouf, Algeria. Aid
workers say flooding also severely damaged hospitals and markets.
"[Refugees] had just received their monthly distribution," she said.
It is estimated that more than 150,000 Sahrawis - people from the disputed
territory of Western Sahara - have lived in five refugee settlements near
Tindouf since 1975; it is not clear exactly how many are currently in the
camps. UN humanitarian agencies are assisting some 90,000 of the most
vulnerable refugees.
The UN refugee agency UNHCR said the rains destroyed up to 50 percent of
the mud brick houses in Awserd, Laayoune and Smara camps, leaving another
25 percent of shelters "seriously damaged and on the verge of collapse." A
fourth settlement was also severely damaged.
Using its own emergency funds, WFP will begin a one-month distribution to
replace the food destroyed by the rains. But the agency says the refugees'
new plight will put a burden on already strained food aid resources for
the Sahrawi refugees.
"This makes WFP's needs tremendously more urgent," Iseminger said.
In a statement on Thursday, WFP said it needs about US $3.6 million to
cover food needs for the refugees over the next six months. "WFP intends
to continue helping the refugees but it can only do so with the help of
the international community," WFP regional director Amir Abdulla said
after a visit to the camps. "That help is needed more than ever."
He added, "These people are already facing hardship. Now many are homeless
and in urgent need of emergency assistance."
WFP says 35 percent of children under five in the camps suffer chronic
malnutrition.
UNHCR is preparing an airlift of tents, blankets, jerry cans, mattresses
and plastic sheeting from the agency's regional warehouse in Jordan, a
UNHCR statement said. A UNHCR official at headquarters in Geneva said the
airlift is expected "in the coming days." The agency will also send an
emergency team - including a water and sanitation specialist and a site
planner - to the area to work with UN officials already on the ground.
The Algerian government has provided tents and other supplies in recent
days, humanitarian officials said.
Western Sahara - a 266,000-kilometre area of desert lying between
Mauritania and Morocco - has been at the centre of a sovereignty dispute
since Spain let go its colonial grip in 1975.
The following years saw sporadic fighting between Morocco and the
Polisario Front - the group seeking independence for Western Sahara -
until the parties signed a ceasefire in 1991.
[ENDS]
---
Source:
http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=51750&SelectRegion=West_Africa&SelectCountry=WESTERN_SAHARA
Boris Ryser
Reuters
TINDOUF, Algeria
17 February 2006
By Lamine Chikhi
Floods that uprooted 50,000 refugees are a reminder that the world
urgently needs to solve Africa's longest-running territorial dispute,
the leader of the Western Sahara independence movement said on Friday.
Heavy rains over the past few days washed away the homes of about 50,000
of the 158,000 refugees who have lived in desert camps near the Algerian
town of Tindouf for 30 years since fleeing the disputed Western Sahara
territory.
"This catastrophe shows once again that the Sahrawi issue must be solved
as soon as possible," Polisario Front President Mohamed Abdelaziz told
Reuters.
"The time has come to pressure Morocco to accept the referendum solution
as the only and unique solution," he said, referring to a plan to allow
Sahrawis to vote on whether they want the territory to remain part of
Morocco.
Morocco seized most of Western Sahara after Spain withdrew in 1975,
claiming historical rights to the mineral-rich desert territory which
may also have offshore oil deposits.
The move triggered a 16-year war with the Algerian-backed Polisario,
which set up the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic in 1976 and wants
independence for the region.
The U.N.-mediated truce came with the pledge of a referendum on Western
Sahara, but Morocco has refused to allow a vote on self-determination.
Polisario's principal backer is Algeria.
The Sahrawi refugees live in five camps in the desert near the border,
totally dependent on outside assistance.
"We are used to catastrophes. It makes us stronger. I thank Algeria and
the international community for the aid and support to the Sahrawi
refugees living in the camps," Abdelaziz said.
In Geneva, the U.N. refugee agency said it would start flying in
emergency aid on Friday from Jordan.
"Dozens of flights are needed during the coming week to quickly bring
more than 2,000 light-weight tents, blankets, mattresses, plastic sheets
and jerry cans to the affected refugees," a UNHCR statement said.
Fifty percent of the shelters in three of the five camps -- Awserd,
Smara and Laayoune -- were destroyed, and 25 percent were severely
damaged, the agency said.
"Half of the infrastructure of the (three) camps has also collapsed --
none of the clinics can be used, most hospitals, their pharmacies and
equipment are heavily damaged and all schools have been destroyed," it
said.
Many Sahrawis said they are optimistic a solution will be found to the
dispute, which has been a constant cause of friction between Algeria and
Morocco and a major obstacle to ambitious plans for regional trade and
political integration.
----
Source: http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L17127768.htm
"I grew up in this camp. I have always been a refugee," Salam Dah Manai
said. "I am now 30 years old. I learned how to be patient. One day, we
will be free."
_________________________________
Forwarded by:
__________________________________
Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
*** Referendum now! ***
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-update
_________________________________
Boris Ryser
Index on Censorship
21 February 2006
Managing editor Abubakr Jamai and deputy editor Fahd Iraqi, of Le Journal
Hebdomadaire were fined three million and 50,000 dirhams (350,000 euros)
for defamation on 16 February by a civil court in Rabat.
The fine, which is equal to 138 years of a minimum wage salary in Morocco,
is the highest ever given to journalists in the country. The newspaper was
sued by the Brussels-based European Strategic Intelligence and Security
Centre (ESISC), after Le Journal Hebdomadaire published an article
questioning the objectivity of a ESISC report on the Polisario movement,
which opposes Morocco's annexation of Western Sahara. Lawyers for the two
journalists said they would appeal.
Boris Ryser
http://fr.news.yahoo.com/17022006/202/rsf-sous-le-choc-apres-une-lourde-amende-contre-un.html
RABAT (AFP) - L'association Reporters sans frontières (RSF) a affirmé être
"sous le choc" après la condamnation jeudi à Rabat du Journal Hebdomadaire
(indépendant) à une lourde amende pour diffamation, dans un communiqué
parvenu vendredi à l'AFP.
"RSF est sous le choc de la condamnation d'Aboubakr Jamaï et de Fahd Iraki",
affirme RSF, ajoutant qu'il s'agit de "la somme la plus élevée jamais
prononcée contre des journalistes au Maroc".
Les deux journalistes, respectivement directeur de la publication et
rédacteur, ont été condamnés jeudi en première instance à verser trois
millions de dirhams (270.000 euros) de dommages et intérêts à un centre de
recherche européen qui les poursuivait en diffamation. Ils doivent également
verser chacun à la justice une amende de 50.000 dirhams (4.500 euros).
"A travers cette sentence démesurée, la justice veut faire taire l'une des
meilleures publications indépendantes du Maghreb où la presse est trop
souvent aux ordres du pouvoir", affirme RSF en accusant les autorités
marocaines de vouloir "asphyxier les journaux et les journalistes".
Le Journal Hebdomadaire avait mis en doute la probité d'une étude de l'ESISC
(Centre européen de recherche, d'analyse et de conseil en matière
stratégique (ESISC)", basé à Bruxelles, sur le Front Polisario - qui dispute
au Maroc la souveraineté sur le Sahara occidental.
L'ESISC avait notamment affirmé dans son rapport, très critique, que les
cadres du Polisario pourraient se tourner vers le terrorisme ou la
criminalité internationale.
"Les mauvais arguments d'un rapport +téléguidé+ par Rabat", avait notamment
rétorqué Le Journal Hebdomadaire au contenu du rapport, assurant qu'il y
avait des arguments plus puissants pour défendre la position marocaine sur
le conflit du Sahara.
Boris Ryser
Photo
agrandir la photo
RABAT (AFP) - Le directeur du Journal Hebdomadaire (indépendant), condamné
en première instance à une lourde amende pour diffamation, a dénoncé mardi
un "terrorisme judiciaire" contre la presse marocaine indépendante, lors
d'une conférence de presse à Rabat.
Aboubakr Jamaï, directeur de la publication et Fahd Iraki, journaliste, ont
été poursuivis en diffamation par un centre de recherche européen, et
condamnés le 16 février à verser un montant global équivalent à 280.000
euros comme amendes et dommages et intérêts.
"Il y a un terrorisme judiciaire qui fait que n'importe qui peut vous
torpiller", a déclaré Aboubakr Jamaï lors d'une conférence de presse tenue
au siège du Syndicat national de la presse marocaine (SNPM).
"Nous allons interjeter appel", a-t-il ajouté, en affirmant toutefois "ne
pas avoir un gramme de confiance dans la justice". "Il ne s'agissait
nullement d'un procès équitable, mais d'un procès politique", a-t-il dit.
Le Journal Hebdomadaire avait mis en doute la probité d'une étude de l'ESISC
(Centre européen de recherche, d'analyse et de conseil en matière
stratégique (ESISC)", basé à Bruxelles, sur le Front Polisario - qui dispute
au Maroc la souveraineté sur le Sahara occidental.
L'ESISC avait notamment affirmé dans son rapport, très critique, que les
cadres du Polisario pourraient se tourner vers le terrorisme ou la
criminalité internationale.
"Les mauvais arguments d'un rapport téléguidé par Rabat", avait notamment
rétorqué Le Journal Hebdomadaire au contenu du rapport, assurant qu'il y
avait des arguments plus puissants pour défendre la position marocaine sur
le conflit du Sahara.
"Il ne faudrait pas que ce droit (de recourir à la justice contre la presse)
se transforme en vengeance, en règlements de compte et en rétrécissement de
la liberté de la presse", a déclaré le SNPM dans un communiqué distribué
mardi aux journalistes.
Aboubakr Jamaï a également dénoncé l'organisation, le 14 février, d'une
manifestation devant le siège de son journal au sujet des caricatures du
prophète Mahomet. "Elle a été encadrée par des agents du ministère de
l'Intérieur à Casablanca", a-t-il affirmé.
Le porte-parole du gouvernement, Nabil Benabdellah, avait affirmé que "le
gouvernement n'a rien à voir avec tout cela".
Le Journal Hebdomadaire avait publié la photo d'un journal étranger
reproduisant les caricatures de Mahomet, mais les avait barrées de noir, les
rendant quasi-invisibles.
Boris Ryser
BRAZZAVILLE - Le chef de l'Etat congolais Denis Sassou Nguesso, président en
exercice de l'Union africaine (UA), et le roi du Maroc Mohammed VI se sont
longuement entretenus mercredi en tête-à-tête et à huis clos à Brazzaville,
a constaté un journaliste de l'AFP.
http://www.romandie.com/infos/news/060222170233.cx24lgrq.asp
Les deux hommes n'ont fait aucune déclaration à l'issue de leur entretien,
mais les relations entre le Maroc et l'UA, dont Rabat ne fait plus partie
depuis la reconnaissance en 1984 par l'ancêtre de l'organisation
panafricaine de la République arabe saharaouie démocratique (RASD), devaient
figurer parmi les principaux sujets abordés.
"Nous sommes membres de la famille africaine mais nous ne sommes pas membres
de la famille institutionnelle de l'UA parce que nous attendons que le péché
originel soit corrigé, car nous ne connaissons pas la RASD, ni où se
trouvent ses frontières", a déclaré le ministre marocain délégué aux
Affaires étrangères, Taïeb Fassi Firhi, lors d'une conférence de presse
mardi soir.
"Nous avons quitté l'OUA (Organisation de l'unité africaine, ancêtre de
l'UA) dans un contexte particulier après la reconnaissance de la RASD qui a
divisé le Maghreb et l'Afrique. Nous sommes ouverts à une négociation menée
par les Nations unies sur le Sahara occidental", a-t-il ajouté.
La RASD a été proclamée le 27 février 1976 par le Front Polisario, qui lutte
pour l'indépendance du Sahara occidental, ancienne colonie espagnole annexée
en 1975 par le Maroc.
L'admission de la RASD en 1984 au sein de l'OUA a provoqué le départ de
Rabat, qui revendique ce territoire quasi-désertique de 266.000 km2, situé
sur la côte Atlantique, bordé au nord par le Maroc, au sud par la Mauritanie
et à l'est par l'Algérie.
"L'Afrique regrette l'absence du Maroc à l'UA" et "souhaite que soit mis fin
à cette situation", avait déclaré avant l'entretien entre M. Sassou Nguesso
et Mohammed VI le ministre congolais des Affaires étrangères Rodolphe Adada,
sans plus de précisions.
Il n'a pas exclu que le sujet figure au centre de cet entretien.
Le Congo avait été l'un des premiers pays africains à reconnaître la RASD
sous la première présidence de M. Sassou Nguesso (1979-1992). Son successeur
Pascal Lissouba (1992-1997) était revenu sur cette reconnaissance en 1996,
une décision que n'a pas modifié M. Sassou Nguesso, revenu au pouvoir en
1997.
Le souverain chérifien est arrivé mardi soir pour sa première visite
officielle au Congo, deuxième étape d'une tournée africaine qui l'a conduit
en Gambie et qui se poursuivra à partir de jeudi au Gabon pour un séjour
privé, puis en République démocratique du Congo (RDC).
Mercredi, le Maroc et le Congo ont signé quatre accords de coopération dans
les domaines de l'agriculture, de la pêche et de la santé.
(©AFP / 22 février 2006 18h02)
Boris Ryser
UNHCR airlift delivers vital aid to flood-stricken Tindouf camps
/noticias.info/ TINDOUF, Algeria, Feb. 21 (UNHCR) - A UNHCR airlift
supported by Portugal and Italy entered its third day Monday,
delivering tonnes of urgently needed tents and other relief items to
tens of thousands of Sahrawi refugees made homeless by severe floods
in western Algeria.
The first two flights over the weekend by Italian and Portuguese Air
Force C-130 cargo planes delivered 440 lightweight tents from UNHCR's
regional warehouse in Jordan to Tindouf and Oran in western Algeria.
The tents, weighing some 20 tonnes, were then transported by Algerian
trucks to the flood-hit camps. UNHCR teams began distribution of the
family-size tents on Monday. Algerian authorities also provided tents,
which were distributed earlier.
"These flights are essential to help us bring over 200 tonnes of
relief items to the camps," said Radhouane Nouicer, UNHCR's
Geneva-based regional deputy director who just returned from Tindouf.
"We continue to appeal for additional air and financial support to
help as many of the affected Sahrawi refugees as quickly as possible."
More than 25 flights will be needed to airlift all of the supplies,
including more than 2,000 lightweight tents, plus tens of thousands of
blankets, mattresses, plastic sheets and jerry cans.
The European Commission's Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO) is providing
?500,000 to help supply tents, blankets and sheets to the affected
population. ECHO has been a major donor of assistance to Sahrawi
refugees for some years.
Nouicer was among several UNHCR and World Food Programme (WFP)
officials as well as donor representatives who visited the devastated
camps over the weekend. The team visited two of the most affected
camps, Awserd and Smara, as well as two damaged boarding schools.
"We saw significant destruction," Nouicer said. "What is worse is that
many of the damaged houses will most probably collapse as soon as the
mud dries."
More than half of the houses in Awserd, Smara and Laayoune camps were
destroyed by the floodwaters, and 25 percent were badly damaged. The
camp infrastructure also suffered enormous damage, including collapsed
community buildings. None of the health clinics can be used. Hospitals
were also badly damaged, including pharmacies and medical equipment.
All schools were destroyed in the three affected camps.
UNHCR, UNICEF and WFP are cooperating closely with local agencies and
officials to provide relief.
Last week, UNHCR deployed an emergency coordinator and a water and
sanitation expert. In addition to immediate emergency support, UNHCR
will focus on the rehabilitation and reconstruction of vital camp
infrastructure, including schools, medical clinics, centres for the
disabled, and water and sanitation systems.
While the Tindouf region has experienced smaller floods in the past,
the recent flooding is the worst to hit the area since 1994, when
UNHCR had to relocate all of Awserd camp to higher ground.
Sahrawi refugees started arriving in Algeria in 1976 after Spain
withdrew from the Western Sahara and fighting broke out over its
control. Most of the Sahrawi refugees have been living for more than
30 years in the desert regions of western Algeria, totally dependent
on outside assistance. UNHCR is currently supporting 90,000 of the
most vulnerable refugees.
________________________________________________________
Source: http://www.noticias.info/asp/aspComunicados.asp?nid=148678&src=0#
________________________________________________________
Forwarded by:
The Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara
*** Humanitarian aid to the Saharawi refugees NOW! ***
wsa...@online.no
________________________________________________________
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Boris Ryser
would you actualy think that such an help
would be sent to a terrorist group by the UNHCR ???
So, up from now... please talk correctly about Polisario !
If you're really a man !
Otherwise we can offord your presence on that forum (as we do it for 9 years
now !)
boris ryser
"Boris Ryser" <fdcc...@netVIRUSplus.ch> a écrit dans le message de
news:43fc...@news.vsnet.ch