The Bush Family : A family of Assassins
Raymond
“If the American people knew what we have done, they would string us
up from the lamp posts.”
--- George H. W. Bush
"Though those that are betray'd Do feel the treason sharply, yet the
traitor Stands in worse case of woe”
William Shakespeare quotes (English Dramatist, Playwright and Poet,
1564-1616)
Flynt Charges GW Bush "Involved In" 1970's Abortion
http://groups.google.com/group/alt.politics/browse_thread/thread/1a82159fb299e9d2/8f8c10e3e47b21d9?lnk=gst&q=bush+and+abortion+of+girl#8f8c10e3e47b21d9
Baby Bush was aborted.
During 1971, Bush got his girlfriend pregnant and arranged an illegal
abortion.
This happened about two years BEFORE the Roe-v-Wade decision.
Arrangements were made for the abortion at Twelve Oaks Hospital in
Houston, Texas.
This hospital was later renamed the Bayou City Medical Center.
A witness visited the girlfriend at the hospital after the abortion.
But this is not the word of just one witness.
There exists the affidavits of four witnesses.
Details of Bush's romance with his girlfriend plus the details of the
subsequent abortion are on record.
The identity of the girlfriend is on record.
The identity of the doctor who performed the abortion is on record.
Bush is now President.
And he now takes a position on the abortion issue.
Bushites claim that this abortion never happened.
They say it's a liberal lie.
Barbara Bush gets into this too in her memoirs
The JFK Assassination
Kitty Kelley's Book [2005] "The Family" stated George Herbert and
Barbara
flew into Dallas, Nov 21st, Thurs, to stay at the Shearton Hotel.
This is where White House Communications had been set-up for the
Dallas
trip. Friday morning, he and Barbara were flown to Tyler, GHWB was to
speak at a Kiwanis Club Luncheon. Just as he was to speak, he was told
of
the JFK shooting. He and Barbara were flown back to Dallas and the
Shearton Hotel. Years later he denied the call to Houston [James
Parrott].
Then documents were produced
Bush in Dallas
http://www.tomflocco.com/Docs/63/BushJfkBookDepo.htm
George H.W. Bush remembers exactely ? where he was on 11/22/63 he was
about to " give a speech at a ROTARY CLUB luncheon in Tyler Texas when
they heard the news of the Kennedy assassination
Joint meetings are occasionally held with the Kiwanis Club.
Rotary Club, Woman's Bldg 911 S Brodway Tyler, TX 75701-1611
The FBI memo recording George Bush’s “I was in Tyler” alibi
Family of Secrets’
Russ Baker
One of most tantalizing threads centers on Bush’s long-time
relationship to George de Mohrenschildt, a mysterious right-wing White
Russian who was Lee Harvey Oswald’s “mentor.” Bush has long stated
that he does “not recall” where he was on the day that Kennedy was
killed, making him one of the only Americans who was an adult at the
time not to remember that day—but his lapse of memory becomes even
more strange when one considers Bush’s similar evasions on Iran-
Contra.
Baker cuts through the multiple layers of noise (he would say
disinformation) to establish once and for all Bush’s whereabouts on
that fateful day.
The timeline of Bush’s movements are almost impossible to read without
raising suspicions:
1. George Bush Sr. spent the night of November 21—and early the next
day morning—in Dallas at the Sheraton Hotel. The next day, November
22, Bush flew out of Dallas on a friend’s private plane to nearby
Tyler, Texas, AROUND 12:30 PM, the time of the shooting.
2. Surfacing in Tyler AROUND 1 PM, he begins a scheduled talk to a
local KIWANIS CLUB. After being interrupted with the tragic news, he
stoically halts the speech. At 1:45 he calls the FBI in Houston to
claim that a local [Dallas] GOP employee, James Parrott, was acting
suspiciously and might be JFK’s shooter. Parrott turns out to be
harmless and childlike.
3. Later that same day he flies BACK to Dallas again, but leaves
immediately—on a civilian flight—to return to Houston, where he lives.
Unsurprisingly, Bush “does not recall” making the FBI call from Tyler,
which Baker sees as a transparent ploy to establish an alibi. Barbara
Bush has added another layer of doubt by admitting, in her vaguely
sketched memoir, “Barbara Bush: A Memoir,” to spending the 22nd with
the wife of Al Ulmer, a CIA “coup expert.” While Baker may be too
quick to interpret these facts in the most damning possible light—that
Bush was directly involved in the assassination—Bush’s actions
certainly cast doubt on his claim to “not recall” where he was on that
momentous day. Which raises the truly serious question of what he is
trying to hide.
Baker reveals that in addition to Bush, a dazzling line-up of powerful
players, who each harbored hatred of Kennedy—including Richard Nixon,
who gave a speech to a beverage convention—were in Dallas on or around
November 22. Allen Dulles, who had been purged by Kennedy from his CIA
directorship in 1961 after the Bay of Pigs fiasco, spent time in
Dallas in late October, ostensibly on a book tour promoting his tell-
nothing memoir, “The Craft of Intelligence.” (Baker does not mention
the fact that Dallas’s mayor, Earl Cabell, was the brother of Air
Force General C.P. Cabell—the CIA’s Deputy Director under Dulles.)
While Baker admits that all of these facts could amount to nothing
more than an incredible series of coincidences, at the very least his
portrayal of the elite’s powerful and coordinated behind-the-scenes
machinations to consolidate power – which reached critical mass at the
time of Kennedy’s assassination, and culminated in George W. Bush’s
stolen election in 2000 – reminded me of the Roman Republic’s
transition to empire as described in Edward Gibbon’s “Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire.” Indeed, Baker’s W. seems eerily reminiscent of
Gibbon’s Augustus, who “at the age of nineteen [assumed] the mask of
hypocrisy, which he never afterwards laid aside.” Augustus, Gibbon
adds, “was sensible that mankind…would submit to slavery, provided
they were assured that they still enjoyed their ancient freedoms.”
Bush Senior Grins at the words "Deluded Gunman"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mwt_xKs2hFE&feature=related
Was George Herbert Walker Bush Involved in Kennedy Assassination?
By John Simkin
Mar 30 2010, 03:14 PM
http://www.webwire.com/ViewPressRel.asp?aId=114869
Los Angeles, CA, March 29, 2010 –With all the rancor and acrimony in
Washington these days, now’s a perfect time to revisit…The
assassination of JFK! And filmmaker John Hankey believes our former
president and CIA Director George H.W. Bush had something to do with
it.
That black day in November 1963 will never, be put to rest, its
ghosts
doomed to walk the earth and compel us to keep digging. An issue as
durable as it is nonpartisan, conspiracy theorists, mere theorists
and
armchair speculators will debate the assassination till the end of
time. Why? Only 22 percent of the American public believes in the
official account of the shooting. A majority believe there was more
than one shooter. But no has come along to blow the lid off the case
until John Hankey, a Southern California high school teacher who has
spent years researching the case and assembling connections from
historical sources, interviews and detective spadework.
A spirited, well-documented indictment of George Herbert Walker Bush,
the film makes a very strong case establishing Bush was part of the
chain of command in the conspiracy to assassinate John F. Kennedy.
The
evidence is compelling; one letter from the FBI places George Bush,
an
acknowledged CIA agent who rose to the top of its ranks, in Dallas
during the assassination. Bush, once asked about it, said that was
some OTHER George Bush, also in the CIA. As Hankey says, "If we could
present this evidence to a jury in Texas, he would pay with his life"
Equally raw, direct, opinionated and compelling, this video explores
the tangled web of connections between George Bush and the Kennedy
assassination and makes a very convincing argument that the elder
Bush
helped in the most important coup in American history. And lest
Hankey
be dismissed as a crackpot or a partisan, he’s got company from
across
the political spectrum. Independent Jesse Ventura is touring the
country promoting his book American Conspiracies: Lies, Lies, and
More
Dirty Lies that the Government Tells Us. In the book he argues the
assassination of Kennedy needs to be re-examined. Back in 2007,
fellow
Republican Brice Willis told Vanity Fair, "They still haven’t caught
the guy that killed [President] Kennedy…I’ll get killed for saying
this, but I’m pretty sure those guys are still in power, in some
form….”
With this documentary, Hankey joins the debate in a calm but
energetic, engaging way, that will leave viewers convinced, or
forever
unsure. And if that weren’t enough, he concludes, “Who killed JFK
Jr.?” he’s got some ideas about THAT too. But that’s another movie.
http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=15692
Bush, standing to the left of the doorway of the building just after
the assassination
by Tom Flocco
Dallas—March 23, 2006—TomFlocco.com—A November 29, 1963 Freedom of
Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit memo unearthed in 1977-78 proves that
former President George H. W. Bush was a member of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the recipient of a full briefing on the
day after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy on November
22, 1963 when Bush was 39 years old, despite his protestations to the
contrary.
Additional evidence linking Bush 41 directly to the scene of the
crime
is available and is circulating the internet over the past few days
in
the form of a U.S. intelligence-leaked photo taken just after the JFK
assassination at the door of the Texas Book Depository in Dealey
Plaza.
The individual in the photo has the identical profile and hairline of
a more youthful George H. W. Bush, standing to the left of the
doorway
of the building just after the assassination looking in the opposite
direction of the authorities who were intent upon locating Lee Harvey
Oswald.
The image of the elder Bush at the Texas Book Depository is authentic
and can be verified by the intelligence operatives who took the
picture and would testify if subpoenaed, according to U.S.
intelligence expert Thomas Heneghan, who provided TomFlocco.com with
the photo which was leaked to several others.
http://www.tomflocco.com/Docs/63/BushJfkBookDepo.htm
Jack Anderson's papers contain information on George H. W. Bush's
role in Dallas in November 1963. Dubya ordered papers seized and
withheld
as 'classified' U.S. government documents. It is clear that the man
standing in front of the Texas School Book Depository and his son
have much to be worried about.
Letter To Chief
Justice Rehnquist
From Stephen M. St. John
2-10-5
Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist
Supreme Court of the United States
1 First Street, N. E. Washington, DC 20543
January 31, 2005
Dear Chief Justice Rehnquist,
I write to you as a concerned citizen of the United States who is a
Federal employee under oath to protect and defend the Constitution of
the United States. I am asking you to focus on a very grave matter
fraught with serious implications touching on the conduct of former
President George Herbert Walker Bush. Primary documentary evidence,
as
set forth below and in attachments to this letter, shows that George
H. W. Bush was in Dallas, Texas on the day of the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy and that on the next day he served as a
conduit of disinformation so as to promote a misleading public
perception of the person accused of the crime, Lee Harvey Oswald.
My doubts about former President Bush emanate from careful
consideration of two memos of the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
one
written by the Director John Edgar Hoover and dated 29 November 1963,
and the other by Special Agent Graham W. Kitchel and dated 22
November
1963, the very day of the JFK assassination. (I became aware of the
Hoover memo in 1990 and obtained a copy of it directly from FBI
Headquarters in Washington, DC on a visit there in June of 1991. This
Hoover memo was published the same year in Mark Lane's Plausible
Denial and a year later in Robert Morrow's Firsthand Knowledge. I
became aware of the Kitchel memo in 2003 and that same year obtained
a
copy of it by mail from the National Archives. The Kitchel memo is
not
as well known to researchers as the Hoover memo and as far as I know
it has never been published.)
As I will explain below, the Hoover and Kitchel memos help interpret
each other. Perhaps by coincidence only and certainly unbeknownst to
me at the time, the Kitchel memo was declassified on 15 October 1993,
exactly two days after I had hand-delivered complaints of judicial
misconduct (93-8533 and 93-8534), which are relevant to the topic of
this letter, to the Clerk of the United States Court of Appeals, 2nd
Circuit, according to provisions set forth in the Judicial Conduct
and
Disability Act of 1980 (28 U.S.C.372(c)). Whatever the case, the
Kitchel memo establishes George H. W. Bush's whereabouts in Dallas
the
day Kennedy died and the next day, 23 November 1963, the day before
the assassination of the accused, Lee Harvey Oswald.
After perusal of the Kitchel memo (see attached) obvious questions
arise, which I believe explain why this memo remained hidden from
certain investigators for three decades and from me for four decades.
Why did George H. W. Bush wait until after JFK was pronounced dead to
inform on a Houston resident who allegedly was making threats against
the president? Why did Bush wait a day, until after JFK had visited
Houston on 21 November, to pass this information to the FBI? Why did
Bush withhold potentially useful information known to him for weeks
before JFK's trip to Texas and then reveal it to the FBI when it was
too late to act upon? Why did Bush fail to give a timely warning?
Will
George H. W. Bush take the answers to these questions to the grave? I
hope not!
Bearing in mind that the Kitchel memo reveals Bush's need for
confidentiality with respect to his untimely reporting of hearsay
from
a "source unknown" as well as his advice to the FBI to contact his
colleagues at the Harris County Republican Party Headquarters for
further information, I have concluded that Bush was establishing in
his telephone contact with Kitchel a pretext for being in Dallas on
the 22nd and 23rd of November 1963 so as to disguise a purpose
entirely different than simply giving what we now know with benefit
of
hindsight to be useless information. That entirely different purpose
is revealed in the Hoover memo (see attached).
Written on 29 November 1963, one week after the JFK assassination and
on the very day of the establishment of the Warren Commission by
executive order, the Hoover memo ostensibly concerns itself with the
reaction of the Cuban community in south Florida to the events of the
previous week in Dallas. Implicit in Hoover's words is the
understanding that Oswald's pro-Castro public persona could
potentially cause dangerous international ramifications with Cuba or
Cuba's sponsor, the erstwhile Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
But let us delve into the matter of Oswald's pro-Castro public
persona, which had the potential of not only setting off a nuclear
war
of mutually assured destruction, but also, as an inviting alternative
according to the logic that prevailed at the time, of letting one
man,
taken from prison and from judgment, die so that others may live.
This
pro-Castro public persona of Oswald was established at a press
conference inside the Dallas Police Headquarters on the night of 22
November when Jack Ruby, who later shot and killed Oswald on 24
November, corrected Dallas District Attorney Henry Wade's assertion
that Oswald was with the anti-Castro "Free Cuba" movement by telling
him before assembled reporters from around the world that Oswald was
with the pro-Castro "Fair Play for Cuba" movement, which Wade
instantly accepted as though in deference to a higher authority.
(Ruby's correction of Wade's statement was recorded by news
organizations and Ruby later recollected the event under direct
questioning by Chief Justice Earl Warren on 7 June 1964 during a
deposition taken in Dallas as per The Warren Commission Hearings,
Volume 5, page 189.) Thus this supposed "two bit gangster and minor
trafficker in women and narcotics" established Oswald's pro-Castro
public persona as accepted fact even though official investigations
were barely under way that night and the mandate of the Warren
Commission was still six days into the future. Such is the provenance
of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona.
Later, in 1968, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison
established
that Oswald worked with anti-Castro groups within the intelligence
community in New Orleans where he was "sheep-dipped" to take on the
guise of a pro-Castro agitator. Hence the false and misleading
characterization of Oswald as pro-Castro, which was all too readily
made available to the news media soon after his arrest. Oswald
insisted all along that he was a "patsy"; i.e., a person who is
easily
manipulated or victimized. Oswald said "I never killed anybody" but
never exercised his basic civil right to defend himself against false
accusations in a court of law.
And so the day before Jack Ruby killed Oswald, when the airwaves were
pulsing with Jack Ruby's pro-Castro spin on Oswald, United States
Government officials had already essentially ratified Oswald's pro-
Castro public persona by monitoring the Cuban exile community in
south
Florida for possible untoward reactions in the aftermath of the JFK
assassination and reporting back their somewhat reassuring findings,
which are memorialized in Hoover's memo, which concludes: "The
substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr.
George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William
Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by
Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau."
George H. W. Bush, not by his phone in his Houston office on 23
November 1963, was nevertheless readily available by phone or by
personal visit because he had told Graham Kitchel that he would be
staying at the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel on 22 and 23 November.
As the Hoover memo demonstrates, not only did the FBI know how to
contact George H. W. Bush on the road, but the exchange of
information
between Mr. W. T. Forsyth and George H. W. Bush certainly had nothing
to do with the ostensible reason for Bush's contact with the FBI the
previous day; namely, a college student in Houston who according to
sources unknown was shooting off his mouth about JFK in the weeks
prior to JFK's visit to Texas. This exchange of information was all
about everybody getting the story straight. Hoover, it seems, wanted
everybody reading in unison from the same page; namely, the pro-
Castro
portrayal of Oswald as spun by Jack Ruby. But did Hoover treat George
H. W. Bush as a person with a need to know, or was it the other way
around?
Chief Justice Rehnquist, at the start of this letter I asked you to
focus on a very grave matter touching on the conduct of former
president George H. W. Bush. I thank you for having read thus far.
But
now I would like to ask you to use your power as the highest judicial
officer in these United States to investigate this matter with a view
toward the administration of justice, the confirmation of historical
truth, and the exercise of accountability on the part of a public
servant.
To conclude, I also wish to go briefly into two areas of the JFK
assassination which are not common knowledge but are nevertheless
necessary to consider in order to reach sound conclusions.
In this day and age when weapons of mass destruction in the Middle
East are a big concern, a reopening of the JFK assassination
investigation would be quite apt for the times. Let me explain.
Elected in 1960, by 1961 JFK was locked in a bitter behind-the -
scenes
struggle with the Zionist state's Prime Minister David Ben Gurion
over
the Zionist state's nuclear weapons program that had been started at
Dimona in the Negev in 1956. This fact was brought to light more than
three decades later, in 1991, with the publication of Seymour Hersh's
The Samson Option, in chapter eight, "A Presidential Struggle." JFK
wanted to end the Zionist state's nuclear weapons program because he
foresaw that such a program would only result in a regional arms race
for countervailing weapons of mass destruction. This very wise policy
ended with his assassination, which enabled the Zionists to prevail
in
their determination to maintain the threat of nuclear weapons
capability.
However, the cui bono test has never been applied to the Zionist
state
in any official investigation of the JFK assassination. But a highly
intelligent and patriotically motivated researcher by the name of
Michael Collins Piper has applied the cui bono? test to the Zionist
state and the international web of conspiracy which he describes in
detail in his book, Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK
Assassination Conspiracy, is indeed quite startling. Michael Collins
Piper has shined a light in some rather dark places. In the name of
peace and justice, I implore you, Chief Justice Rehnquist, to look at
his work which I believe you will find compelling, for it may well be
that deeply rooted treason and corruption have prevented a truly just
and comprehensive peace in the Middle East, including a region from
the Nile to the Euphrates rivers free from the threat of weapons of
mass destruction. (Piper's Final Judgment may be obtained at 888 699
6397.)
Finally, I note that the Talmudic law of the moser, or the law of the
Jewish informer, is essentially a covenant prohibiting a Jew from
informing on another Jew to a non-Jew, which is diametrically opposed
to the adversarial process of our own legal system and therefore
conducive toward obstruction of justice. Furthermore, among employees
at all levels in our intelligence and law enforcement communities,
the
law of the moser constitutes an impediment to frank and uninhibited
exchanges of information in the discharge of their duties and
therefore poses a threat to our national security. I cannot
overemphasize the great importance of this very real issue of the law
of the moser, or law of the Jewish informer, the history of which you
can read online at www.JewishEncyclopedia.com.
In my complaint of judicial misconduct docketed under Miscellaneous
Number 01-0030 on 1 June 2001 by the Clerk of the United States Court
of Appeals, 11th Circuit, I cite a living rabbi's more recent (1997)
published article promulgating the law of the moser or law of the
Jewish informer. Again, this is a very real issue, not unlike the
Mafioso code of omerta. The Warren Commission was oblivious to it. So
was the 9/11 Commission. We continue to ignore this issue at our
national peril. Let us address in a forthright manner this issue of
the Talmudic law of the moser or law of the Jewish informer and its
legal, national security and foreign policy implications.
Very truly yours,
Stephen M. St. John
Copy to: Associate Justice John Paul Stevens
Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor
Associate Justice Antonin Scalia
Associate Justice Anthony M. Kennedy
Associate Justice David Hackett Souter
Associate Justice Clarence Thomas
Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
Associate Justice Stephen G. Breyer
Michael Collins Piper
Et al.
The following two sections A & B show verbatim reproductions of the
texts of the 29 November 1963 Hoover memo and the 22 November 1963
Kitchel memo. Any reader may obtain free copies of the originals by
requesting them with either a stamped self-addressed envelope
(postage
sufficient for carrying three pages) or a fax number for anywhere in
the USA, Mexico or Canada. Direct requests to: Stephen M. St. John,
Post Office Box 449, New York, NY, 10185 or by phone or fax to 212
534
5024 or by e-mail to metatron.metatron @verizon.net. The original
copies show time stamps, routing designations, declassification
stamps, signatures, handwritten initials and the like, whereas the
verbatim reproductions that follow show only the text. [Copies of the
originals were attached to letter mailed to Chief Justice Rehnquist.]
A ***Verbatim Reproduction of 29 November 1963 Hoover FBI Memo***
Date: November 29, 1963
To: Director
Bureau of Intelligence and Research
Department of State
From: John Edgar Hoover, Director
Subject: ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY
NOVEMBER 22, 1963
Our Miami, Florida, Office on November 23, 1963, advised that the
Office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Miami advised that the
Department of State feels some misguided anti-Castro group might
capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized
raid
against Cuba, believing that the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy might herald a change in U. S. policy, which is not true.
Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matters in the Miami
area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban
community is one of stunned disbelief and, even among those who did
not entirely agree with the President's policy concerning Cuba, the
feeling is that the President's death represents a great loss not
only
to the U. S. but to all of Latin America. These sources know of no
plans for unauthorized action against Cuba.
An informant who has furnished reliable information in the past and
who is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami has advised that
these individuals are afraid that the assassination of the President
may result in strong repressive measures being taken against them
and,
although pro-Castro in their feelings, regret the assassination.
The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to
Mr.
George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William
Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by
Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau.
***Verbatim Reproduction of 22 November 1963 Kitchel Memo***
B ***Verbatim Reproduction of 22 November 1963 Kitchel FBI Memo***
TO: SAC, HOUSTON DATE: 11-22-63
FROM: SA GRAHAM W. KITCHEL
SUBJECT: UNKNOWN SUBJECT;
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT
JOHN F. KENNEDY
At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE H. W. BUSH, President of the Zapata Off-Shore
Drilling Company, Houston, Texas, residence 5525 Briar, Houston,
telephonically furnished the following information to writer by long
distance telephone call from Tyler, Texas.
BUSH stated that he wanted to be kept confidential but wanted to
furnish hearsay that he recalled hearing in recent weeks, the day and
source unknown. He stated that one JAMES PARROTT has been talking of
killing the President when he comes to Houston.
BUSH stated that PARROTT is possibly a student at the University of
Houston and is active in political matters in this area. He stated
that he felt Mrs. FAWLEY, telephone number SU 2-5239, or ARLINE
SMITH,
telephone number JA 9-9194 of the Harris County Republican Party
Headquarters would be able to furnish additional information
regarding
the identity of PARROTT.
BUSH stated that he was proceeding to Dallas, Texas, would remain in
the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel and return to his residence on 11-23-63.
His
office telephone number is CA 2-0395.
Bush was in Dallas at 12:30 PM Dallas time.
Stephen M. St. John Post Office Box 449 New York, NY 10185 212 534
5024 metatron.metat...@verizon.net
http://www.rense.com/general62/letter.htm
JFK Assasination--CIA ordered records destroyed in 1986 under ...
FROM: SA GRAHAM W. KITCHEL SUBJECT: UNKNOWN SUBJECT; ASSASSINATION OF
PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE H. W. BUSH,
President of the Zapata Oil.....
http://www.aarclibrary.org/notices/Affidavit_of_George_William_Bush_8...
Oswald's Mother
Essays on the assassination of JFK
Wednesday, April 29, 2009
Poppy’s Alibi
Poppy, the family nickname for our 41st president, has lived quite a
full life. From naval aviator in WWII to Texas oil baron, CIA
operative, Congressman, Ambassador to the UN, CIA Director, Vice
President and finally, President of the United States. He was also
the
only person living in America at the time of the Kennedy
assassination
that claims not to know where he was on that day. But even if he does
not recall where he was he certainly worked hard enough to leave a
paper trail for himself on November 22, 1963.
By the fall of 1963 Poppy was running for Senate. The evening of
November 21, Bush was speaking at the AAODC convention at the
Sheraton
hotel in Dallas. On the morning of 22nd Poppy and wife Barbara flew
out on a private plane. Coincidentally, Richard Nixon was in the town
the day before speaking at a bottler’s convention and also flew out
the same morning.
At 12:30 the assassination took place. In the memo written by SA
Graham Kitchel, at 1:45 PM the FBI received a call from George Bush
in
Tyler, reporting a rumor he had heard about a GOP campaign volunteer
possibly making threats against President Kennedy’s life. The suspect
in question was James Parrot who lived in Houston. Bush also listed
two other campaign staffers, Mrs. Fawley and Arline Smith as possibly
knowing more about the threats. (They did not.) However, Poppy never
stated he had been in Dallas the night before and morning of, the
assassination. He also said he would be in Dallas and staying at the
Sheraton if they needed any more information. Bush did fly to Dallas
on the 22nd but did not stay in at the hotel and in fact, took a
commercial flight back to Houston.
Here, George Bush establishes a paper trail for himself of being in
Tyler, Texas just moments after the shooting of the President. But
interesting enough, he also gives the suspect an alibi as well.
The FBI investigated James Parrot and found him to be innocent and
completely harmless. He had apparently made no such threats against
the President or anyone else. Parrot lived at home with his mother.
He
had been discharged from the air force on psychological grounds and
had a seventh grade education. He was self-employed as a sign
painter.
And importantly, he had two alibis—one was from his mother. She said
he was home at the time of the shooting.
But here is the kicker—Parrot’s second alibi comes from Bush campaign
member Kearney Reynolds. It seems at the time Poppy was making his
call to the FBI to report Parrot, Reynolds was sent to Parrot’s house
to tell him of the assassination and request a sign to be made for
the
campaign. So not only does George Bush create an alibi for himself
but
gives one to the man he is fingering as a suspect by using with one
of
his own associates!
James Parrot was given a soft landing. He never knows who accused him
till years later. He even worked as a volunteer on Bush’s 1992
presidential campaign not knowing the full extent of what happened.
Bush claims to have never known Parrot but he would have to know more
than he let on to send Reynolds to the guy’s house to ask for
campaign
signage. After all, this was Poppy’s suggestion.
Barbara Bush gets into this too in her memoirs. She includes a letter
she claims to have written to her children in a Tyler beauty parlor
the day of the assassination. It starts out “Dearest Family” but all
of her children are under 10 years of age and the eldest, George W.,
is away in prep school. Also, she’ll be home in a few days so by the
time she would have mailed the letter they would have been home
before
the letter arrived. She makes no mention of Poppy’s call to the FBI.
In fact, the letter is rather bland but not without hopeful thoughts
that a commie did it. She signs it “Bar” and not as “mother” or any
maternal identifier as one would for small children. Nobody ever
knows
of this letter till it is published in her memoirs. It is unspecified
if the letter was even mailed. So, if Poppy can’t remember, Bar can.
Here we have George Bush providing cover for himself on this fateful
day. But it raises the question; if he was not involved in the crime,
then why go to such effort to create an alibi? He was running for
Senator at the time, an unsuccessful bid that would have him loosing
to Democrat Lloyd Benson. Poppy was deeply embedded with the Texas
oil
oligarchy. They were very antagonistic to Kennedy, even running
hostile ads in the local Dallas paper the day of the assassination.
(D. H. Byrd, a Texas oil businessman, and virulent Kennedy hater,
owned the School Book Depository building.) Perhaps Poppy didn’t want
any blow-back from that if they came under tighter scrutiny?
Of course, the only other explanation was that George Bush was
involved in a conspiracy.
It makes it even more interesting to consider that George Bush Sr.
was, at least circumstantially, a CIA operative during this time. His
business partner in Zapata Oil, Thomas Devine, was a CIA staff
employee. This relationship dates as far back as 1953. We know this
from a CIA memo. In 1985 Journalist Joseph McBride, while researching
a piece for Daily Variety stumbled upon a document that would provide
more fuel for the Kennedy assassination researchers. It was a memo
written by FBI Director Hoover mentioning a briefing given to two
individuals on November 29, 1963. One man was Capt William Edwards of
the DIA and the other was George Bush of the CIA. Bush was CIA
Director for one year, 1976-77 and denied ever being connected with
the Agency prior to that. When questioned, the CIA said it was a
different man, a George William Bush. McBride found the man in
question who denied that he ever received such a briefing, as he was
a
GS-5 probationary civil servant—a night clerk. Poppy will answer no
questions regarding this issue. (Vince Buglosi in his Reclaiming
History End Notes says that the ARRB found no connection to Bush Sr.
and that former CIA Director Allen Dulles had a Major General George
Bush in his appointment calendar. Buglosi makes no determination on
any of this. The ARRB simply didn’t look into it deeply enough or
else
wanted to avoid a conflict.)
So there you have it—one more unsolved mystery in the Kennedy
assassination. George H. W. Bush is an enigmatic figure in American
history. His life is one association after the other with other
mysterious people and situations. He’s at the cusp of historical
events from the Bay of Pigs, to Dallas, to Watergate. On November 22,
1963 he claims he doesn’t know where he was at though he apparently
went through a lot of trouble for a self-serving “CYA” exercise that
resulted in a huge waste of the FBI’s time and resources on one of
the
most important days in American history. A strange one, this man.
Only time will tell what else will be revealed.
http://oswaldsmother.blogspot.com/2009/04/poppys-alibi.html
Sources: Baker, Russ, Family of Secrets; Bush, Barbara, A Memoir;
Bugliosi, Vince, End Notes 695-1126; CIA and FBI memos,
maryferrell.org
assassination
Posted by George Bailey at 8:08 AM
Labels: assassination, Bush 41, CIA, conspiracy, Dallas, FBI, George
H. W. Bush, jfk, Kennedy, lho, Oswald, Poppy
Wellstone Assassinated by Group linked To Bush Sr.
http://www.voxfux.com/archives/00000039.htm
08/10/2002 Entry: "Bush Family Involvement in Reagan Assassination
Attempt"
HINCKLEY AND BUSH FAMILIES WERE CLOSE FRIENDS
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Bush Family Involvement in Reagan Assassination Attempt
The Unsolved Mystery of the Bush/Hinckley Dinner Date
http://www.voxfux.com/articles(closed)/00000013.htm
by art guerrilla
What was the truth of the matter? The Roman common sense of Lucius
Annaeus Seneca (who had seen so many of Nero's intrigues, and who
would eventually fall victim to one of them) would have dictated that
the person who would have profited most from Reagan's death be
scrutinized as the prime suspect. That was obviously Bush, since Bush
would have assumed the presidency if Reagan had succumbed to his
wounds. The same idea was summed up by an eighth grade student at the
Alice Deal Junior High School in Washington DC who told teachers on
March 31: "It is a plot by Vice President Bush to get into power. If
Bush becomes President, the CIA would be in charge of the country."
The pupils at this school had been asked for their views of the
Hinckley assassination attempt of the previous day. [fn 17]
Back at the White House, the principal cabinet officers had assembled
in the
situation room and had been running a crisis management committee
during the
afternoon. Haig says he was at first adamant that a conspiracy, if
discovered, should be ruthlessly exposed: "It was essential that we
get the
facts and publish them quickly. Rumor must not be allowed to breed on
this
tragedy. Remembering the aftermath of the Kennedy assassination, I
said to
Woody Goldberg, 'No matter what the truth is about this shooting, the
American people must know it." [fn 11] But the truth has never been
established.
Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger's memoir of that afternoon reminds
us of
two highly relevant facts. The first is that a "NORAD [North American
Air
Defense Command] exercise with a simulated incoming missle attack had
been
planned for the next day." Weinberger agreed with General David Jones,
the
chiarman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, that this exercise should be
cancelled. [fn 12]
Weinberger also recalls that the group in the Situation Room was
informed by
James Baker that "there had been a FEMA [Federal Emergency Management
Administration] exercise scheduled for the next day on presidential
succession, with the general title 'Nine Lives.' By an immediate
consensus,
it was agreed that exercise should also be cancelled." [fn 13]
As Weinberger further recalls, "at almost exactly 7:00, the Vice
President
came to the Situation Room and very calmly assumed the chair at the
head of
the table." [fn 14] According to Weinberger, the first item discussed
was
the need for someonme to sign the Dairy Price Support Bill the next
day so
as to reassure the public. Bush asked Weinberger for a report on the
status
of US forces, which Weinberger furnished.
Another eyewitness of these transactions was Don Regan, whom the Tower
Board
later made the fall-guy for Bush's Iran-contra escapades. Regan
records that
"the Vice President arrived with Ed Meese, who had met him when he
landed to
fill him in on the details. George asked for a condition report: 1) on
the
President; 2) on the other wounded; 3) on the assailant; 4) on the
international scene. [...] After the reports were given and it was
determined that there were no international complications and no
domestic
conspiracy, it was decided that the US government would carry on
business as
usual. The Vice President would go on TV from the White House to
reassure
the nation and to demonstrate that he was in charge." [fn 15]
As Weinberger recounts the same moments: "[Attorney General Bill
French
Smith] then reported that all FBI reports concurred with the
information I
had received; that the shooting was a completely isolated incident and
that
the assassin, John Hinckley, with a previous record in Nashville,
seemed to
be a 'Bremmer' type, a reference to the attempted assassin of George
Wallace." [fn 16]
Those who were not watching carefully here may have missed the fact
that
just a few minutes after George Bush had walked into the room, he had
presided over the sweeping under the rug of the decisive question
regarding
Hinckley and his actions: was Hinckley a part of a conspiracy,
domestic or
international? Not more than five hours after the attempt to kill
Reagan, on
the basis of the most fragmentary early reports, before Hinckley had
been
properly questioned, and before a full investigation had been carried
out, a
group of cabinet officers chaired by George Bush had ruled out a
priori any
conspiracy. Haig, whose memoirs talk most about the possibility of a
conspiracy, does not seem to have objected to this incredible
decision.
From that moment on, "no conspiracy" became the official doctrine of
the US
regime, for the moment a Bush regime, and the most massivew efforts
were
undertaken to stifle any suggestion to the contrary. The iron curtain
came
down on the truth about Hinckley.
What was the truth of the matter? The Roman common sense of Lucius
Annaeus
Seneca (who had seen so many of Nero's intrigues, and who would
eventually
fall victim to one of them) would have dictated that the person who
would
have profited most from Reagan's death be scrutinized as the prime
suspect.
That was obviously Bush, since Bush would have assumed the presidency
if
Reagan had succumbed to his wounds. The same idea was summed up by an
eighth
grade student at the Alice Deal Junior High School in Washington DC
who told
teachers on March 31: "It is a plot by Vice President Bush to get into
power. If Bush becomes President, the CIA would be in charge of the
country." The pupils at this school had been asked for their views of
the
Hinckley assassination attempt of the previous day. [fn 17]
Curiously enough, press accounts emerging over the next few days
provided a
compelling prima facie case that there had been a conspiracy around
the
Hinckley attentat, and that the conspiracy had included members of
Bush's
immediate family. Most of the overt facts were not disputed, but were
actually confirmed by Bush and his son Neil.
On Tuesday, March 31 the Houston Post published a copyrighted story
under
the headline: "BUSH'S SON WAS TO DINE WITH SUSPECT'S BROTHER, by
Arthur
Wiese and Margarte Downing." The lead paragraph read as follows:
Scott Hinckley, the brother of John Hinckley Jr., who is charged with
shooting President Reagan and three others, was to have been a dinner
guest
Tuesday night at the home of Neil Bush, son of Vice President George
Bush,
The Houston Post has learned.
According to the article, Neil Bush had admitted on Monday, March 30
that he
was personally acquainted with Scott Hinckley, having met with him on
one
occasion in the recent past. Neil Bush also stated that he knew the
Hinckley
family, and referred to large monetary contributions made by the
Hinckleys
to the Bush 1980 presidential campaign. Neil Bush and Scott Hinckley
both
lived in Denver at this time. Scott Hinckley was the vice president of
Vanderbilt Energy Corporation, and Neil Bush was employed as a land
man for
Standard Oil of Indiana. John W. Hinckley Jr., the would-be assassin,
lived
on and off with his parents in Evergreen, Colorado, not far from
Denver.
Neil Bush was reached for comment on Monday, March 30, and was asked
if, in
addition to Scott Hinckley, he also knew John W. Hinckley Jr., the
would-be
killer. "I have no idea," said Neil Bush. "I don't recognize any
pictures of
him. I just wish I could see a better picture of him."
Sharon Bush, Neil's wife, was also asked about her acquaintance with
the
Hinckley family. "I don't even know the brother," she replied,
suggesting
that Scott Hinckley was coming to dinner as the date of a woman whom
Sharon
did know. "From what I know and have heard, they [the Hinckleys] are a
very
nice family...and have given a lot of money to the Bush campaign. I
understand he [John W. Hinckley Jr.] was just the renegade brother in
the
family. They must feel awful."
It also proved necessary for Bush's office to deny that the vice-
president
was familiar with the "Hinckley-Bush connection." Bush's press
secretary,
the British-born Peter Teeley, said when asked to comment: "I don't
know a
damn thing about it. I was talking to someone earlier tonight, and I
couldn't even remember his [Hinckley's] name. All I know is what
you're
telling me." Teeley denied that Bush had revealed that he knew
Hinckley or
the Hinckley family when he first heard the assassin's name; the vice
president "made no mention of it whatsoever." Bush, repeated Teeley,
"certainly didn't indicate anything like that."
Chase Untermeyer of Bush's staff, who had been with him throughout the
day,
put in that in his recollection Bush had not been told the assailant's
name
through the time that Bush reached the Naval Observatory in Washington
on
his way to the White House.
On April 1, 1981, the Rocky Mountain News of Denver carried an account
of a
press conference given the previous day in Denver by Neil Bush. During
most
of the day on March 31, Neil Bush had refused to answer phone calls
from the
media, referring them to the vice presidential press office in
Washington.
But then he appeared in front of the Amoco Building at East 17th
Avenue and
Braodway in Denver, saying that he was willing to meet the media once,
but
then wanted to "leave it at that." As it turned out, his wishes were
to be
scrupulously respected, at least until the Silverado Savings and Loan
scandal got out of hand some years later.
The Rocky Mountain News article signed by Charles Roos carried Neil
Bush's
confirmation that if the assassination had not happened, Scott
Hinckley
would have been present at a dinner party at Neil Bush's home that
very same
night. According to Neil, Scott Hinckley had come to the home of Neil
and
Sharon Bush on January 23, 1981 to be present along with about 30
other
guests at a surprise birthday party for Neil, who had turned 26 one
day
earlier. Scott Hinckley had come "through a close friend who brought
him,"
according to this version, and this same close female friend was
scheduled
to come to dinner along with Scott Hinckley on that last night of
March,
1981.
"My wife set up a surprise party for me, and it truly was a surprise,
and it
was an honor for me at that time to meet Scott Hinckley," said Neil
Bush to
reporters. "He is a good and decent man. I have no regrets whatsoever
in
saying Scott Hinckley can be considered a friend of mine. To have had
one
meeting doesn't make the best of friends, but I have no regrets in
saying I
do know him."
Neil Bush told the reporters that he had never met John W. Hinckley,
Jr.,
the gunman, nor his father, John W. Hinckley, president and chairman
of the
board of Vanderbilt Energy Corporation of Denver. But Neil Bush also
added
that he would be interested in meeting the elder Hinckley: "I would
like [to
meet him]. I'm trying to learn the oil business, and he's in the oil
business. I probably could learn something from Mr. Hinckley.
Neil Bush then announced that he wanted to "set straight" certain
inaccuracies that had appeared the previous day in the Houston Post
about
the relations betyween the Bush and Hinbckley families. The first was
his
own wife Sharon's reference to the large contributions from the
Hinckleys to
the Bush campaign. Neil asserted that the 1980 Bush campaign records
showed
no money whatever coming in from any of the Hinckleys. All that could
be
found, he argued, was a contribution to that "great Republican," John
Connally.
The other issue the Houston Post had raised regarded the 1978 period,
when
George W. Bush of Midland, Texas, Neil's oldest brother, had run for
Congress in Texas' 19th Congressional district. At that time Neil Bush
had
worked for George W. Bush as his campaign manager, and in this
connection
Neil had lived in Lubbock, Texas during most of the year. This raised
the
question of whether Neil might have been in touch with gunman John W.
Hinckley during that year of 1978, since gunman Hinckley had lived in
Lubbock from 1974 through 1980, when he was an intermittent student at
Texas
Tech University there. Neil Bush ruled out any contact between the
Bush
family and gunman John W. Hinckley in Lubbock during that time.
The previous day, elder son George W. Bush had been far less
categorical
about never having met gunman Hinckley. He had stated to the press:
"It's
certainly conceivable that I met him or might have been introduced to
him."
"I don't recognize his face from the brief, kind of distorted thing
they had
on TV, and the name doesn't ring any bells. I know he wasn't on our
staff. I
could check our volunteer rolls." But now Neil was adamant: there had
been
no contact.
Neil was a chip off the old block, and could not resist some
hypocritical
posturing at the end of the press conference: "Let me say that my
heart goes
out--as does the heart of every American--to the people suffering in
this
tragedy." He mentioned Reagan, Brady, the wounded Secret Service agent
and
District of Columbia policeman. "And the Hinckley family, for the
tremendous
pain thbey must be suffering now." And finally: "I only ask now that
we can
try to put this behind us and move forward in dealing with the
problems."
Neil Bush's confirmation of his relations with Scott Hinckley was
matched by
a parallel confirmation from the Executive Office of the Vice
President.
This appeared in The Houston Post, April 1, 1981 under the headline
"VICE
PRESIDENT CONFIRMS HIS SON WAS TO HAVE HOSTED HINCKLEY BROTHER" by
Post
Washington Bureau Chief Arthur Wiese. Here the second-string press
secretary, Shirley Green, was doing the talking. "I've spoken to
Neil," she
said, "and he says they never saw [Scott] Hinckley again [after the
birthday
party]. They kept saying 'we've got to get together,' but they never
made
any plans until tonight." Contradicting Neil Bush's remarks, Ms. Green
asserted that Neil Bush knew Scott Hinckley "only slightly."
Shirley Green described the Tuesday night dinner appointment as "a
bizarre
happenstance, a weird occurence."
Later in the day Bush spokesman Peter Teeley surfaced to deny any
campaign
donations from the Hinckley clan to the Bush campaign. When asked why
Sharon
Bush and Neil Bush had made reference to large political contributions
from
the Hinckleys to the Bush campaign, Teeley responded, "I don't have
the
vaguest idea." "We've gone through our files," said Teeley, "and we
have
absolutely no information that he [John W. Hinckley Sr.] or anybody in
the
family were contributors, supporters, anything."
A summary of this material was made generally available through the
Associated Press, which published the following short note on March
31:
The family of the man charged with trying to assassinate President
Reagan is
acquainted with the family of Vice President George Bush and had made
large
contributions to his political campaign....Scott Hinckley, brother of
John
W. Hinckley Jr. who allegedly shot at Reagan, was to have dined
tonight in
Denver at the home of Neil Bush, one of the Vice President's
sons....The
Houston Post said it was unable to reach Scott Hinckley, vice
president of
his father's Denver-based firm, Vanderbilt Energy Corp., for comment.
Neil
Bush lives in Denver, where he works for Standard Oil Co. of Indiana.
In
1978, Neil Bush served as campaign manager for his brother, George W.
Bush,
the Vice President's eldest son, who made an unsuccessful bid for
Congress.
Neil lived in Lubbock, Texas, throughout much of 1978, where John
Hinckley
lived from 1974 through 1980.
It is not known how many newspapers chose to print this AP despatch;
it
would appear that the Washington Post for one did not do so. The
electronic
media also do not appear to have devoted much attention to this story.
Once
the cabinet had decided that there had been no conspiracy, all such
facts
were irrelevant anyway. There is no record of Neil Bush, George W.
Bush, or
Vice President George H.W. Bush ever having been questioned by the FBI
in
regard to the contacts described. They never appeared before a grand
jury or
a Congressional investigating committee. No special prosecutor was
ever
appointed. Which is another way of saying that by March, 1981, the
United
States government had degenerated into total lawlessness, with special
exemptions for the now ruling Bush family. Government by laws had
dissolved.
The media were not interested in the dinner date of Neil Bush and
Scott
Hinckley, but they were very interested indeed in the soap opera of
what had
gone on in the Situation Room in the White House during the afternoon
of
March 30. Since the media had been looking for ways to go after Haig
for
weeks, they simply continued this line into their coverage of the
White
House scene that afternoon. Haig had appeared before the television
cameras
to say:
Constitutionally, gentlemen, you have the President, the Vice
President, and
the Secretary of State, in that order, and should the President decide
that
he wants to transfer the helm he will do so. He has not done that. As
of
now, I am in control here, in the White House, pending the return of
the
Vice President and in close touch with him. If something came up, I
would
check with him, of course.
This led to an immense hue and cry, mightily stoked by the Bush
networks, on
the theme that Haig wanted to usurp the presidential succession. More
than
this garbled statement by Haig, Bush was certain to have been
disturbed by
Haig's refusal a few seconds later to rule out conspiracy a priori :
Q: Any additional measures being taken --was this a conspiracy or was
this
a....
Haig: We have no indication of anything like that now, and we are not
going
to say a word on that subject until the situation clarifies itself.
[fn 18 ]
But when Bush returned, the cabinet soon decided otherwise.
The "I'm in control here" story on Haig was made into the Leitmotif
for his
sacking, which was still a year in the future. Reagan's own
ghostwritten
biography published the year after he left office gives some idea what
Baker
and Deaver fed the confused and wounded president about what had gone
during
his absence:
On the day I was shot, George Bush was out of town and Haig
immediately came
to the White House and claimed he was in charge of the country. Even
after
the vice-president was back in Washington, I was told he maintained
that he,
not George, should be in charge. I didn't know about this when it was
going
on. But I heard later that the rest of the cabinet was furious. They
said he
acted as if he thought he had the right to sit in the Oval office and
believed it was his constitutional right to take over-- a position
without
any legal basis. [fn 19]
This fantastic account finds no support in the Regan or Weinberger
memoirs,
but is a fair sample of the Bushman line.
What did interest the media very much was the story of John W.
Hinckley
Jr.'s obsession with the actress Jodie Foster, who had played the role
of a
teenage prostitute in the 1976 movie Taxi Driver. The prostitute is
befriended by a taxi driver, Travis Bickle, who threatens to kill a
senator
who is running for president in order to win the love of the girl.
Young
John Hinckley had imitated the habits and mannerisms of Travis Bickle.
When John Hinckley Jr. had left his hotel room in Washington DC on his
way
to shoot Reagan, he had left behind a letter to Jodie Foster:
Dear Jodie,
There is a definite possibility that I will be killed in my attempt to
get
Reagan. It is for this reason that I am writing you this letter now.
As you
well know by now, I love you very much. The past seven months I have
left
you dozens of poems, letters, and messages in the faint hope you would
develop an interest in me. [...] Jodie, I'm asking you to please look
into
your heart and at least give me the chance with this historical deed
to gain
your respect and love.
I love you forever.
[signed] John Hinckley [fn 20]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Let us prey".
-- The Bush Family
V E N D E T T A
John Fartlington Pysnagel
many of us had thought!
May lives have been ruined by unwanted pregnancies.
And, no, we're not including the untold numbers of UNVIABLE TISSUE
MASSES that have been terminated.
Garabito
A LOT A PEOPLE HERE, we need a cleaner :