Two Oswalds 40: Yellow Roses
Dreitzes
Armstrong.
Malcolm E. "Mac" Wallace came to Washington to work for Senator Lyndon B.
Johnson before being appointed as an economist to the Department of
Agriculture. Wallace was the convicted murderer of John Douglas Kinser, a
professional golfer then dating Senator Lyndon B. Johnson's sister, Josefa
Johnson. The murder had taken place on October 22, 1951. Wallace shot Doug
Kinser five times with a .25 caliber automatic handgun. When the case came to
trial in the 98th District Court of Travis County before Judge Charles O.
Betts, Wallace was represented by Lyndon Baines Johnson's longtime personal
lawyer, John Cofer. On March 27, 1952, Wallace was convicted of "murder with
malice aforethought" -- murder in the first degree -- for which he received a
five year suspended sentence. He walked away essentially a free man (J. Evetts
Haley, A Texan Looks at Lyndon, 107-8).
In 1961, State Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation official Henry
Marshall was investigating a broad series of fraudulent government subsidies --
amounting to figures in the seven or eight digit range -- allotted to Billie
Sol Estes, a close personal friend of Senate Majority Leader then
Vice-President Lyndon B. Johnson. Marshall had uncovered a paper trail that was
leading him closer and closer to Johnson himself.
On June 3, 1961, Mac Wallace knocked Henry Marshall unconscious with a blunt
object, fed the unconscious man carbon monoxide from a hose attached to
Wallace's pick-up truck, then shot him five times with a bolt-action .22
caliber rifle and dumped him in a remote corner of Marshall's farm near
Franklin, Texas. Justice of the Peace Lee Farmer pronounced the death a suicide
and ordered Marshall buried without an autopsy -- over the protests of
Marshall's widow. The verdict remained unchanged until 1984, when Billie Sol
Estes, under a grant of immunity, told a grand jury that Wallace had been
Marshall's killer, and that the order came from Vice-President Lyndon B.
Johnson through White House aide Cliff Carter. Based on Estes' testimony and
supporting evidence, the grand jury changed the earlier ruling of suicide to
murder. Mac Wallace could not be indicted; he died in an automobile accident in
Pittsburgh, Texas, on January 7, 1971.
On December 25, 1961, LBJ's sister, Josefa Johnson, was found dead in bed at
her Fredericksburg, Texas home at 3:15 am. The cause of death was stated to be
a brain hemorrhage. Josefa Johnson had returned home at 11:45 pm from a
Christmas party at Lyndon Johnson's ranch. There was no autopsy and no inquest;
the death certificate was executed by a doctor who was not present to examine
the deceased. Ms. Johnson was embalmed on Christmas Day and buried on December
26th (Walt Brown, "The Sordid Story of Mac Wallace," JFK/Deep Politics
Quarterly, July 1998).
A Pecos doctor, John Dunn, picked up Henry Marshall's investigation. Despite
filing his report on Johnson and Estes with numerous law enforcement agencies
and US congressmen and senators, Dunn could not convince a single press outlet
to report his findings, and no one in Washington would take any action. Out of
desperation, Dunn and an associate bought their own newspaper, the Pecos
Independent and Enterprise, and began running the Johnson-Estes stories on
February 12, 1962. A month later, Billie Sol Estes was in jail; he would
receive a light sentence with the help of Johnson's ever-helpful John Cofer.
The Senate Investigations Subcommittee chaired by John McClellan conducted a
brief and superficial series of hearings that swiftly exonerated Johnson of
wrongdoing without any substantial investigation. Dr. John Dunn was soon
disbarred from practicing medicine and charged with malpractice and claims that
he had taken advantage of a patient, a young black woman, all of which Dunn
vigorously denied (Haley, 119-24).
"On the night of April 4, 1962, at the western end of Texas, a ranchman came
upon the body of George Krutilek in the sandhills near the town of Clint,
slumped in his car with a hose from his exhaust stuck in the window. He had
been dead for several days, and the El Paso County pathologist, Dr. Frederick
Bornstein , held that he certainly did not die from carbon monoxide poisoning
(San Angelo Standard Times, April 5, 1962; Haley, 137).
"Krutilek was a forty-nine-year old certified public accountant who had
undergone secret grilling by FBI agents on April 2, the day after Billie Sol
Estes' arrest. . . . Krutilek had worked for Estes and had been the recipient
of his favors, but he was never seen or heard of again after the FBI grilling
until his badly decomposed body was found" (Haley, 137).
Harold Eugene Orr was the president of the Superior Manufacturing Company of
Amarillo, Texas when he was indicted for his role in Estes' fraudulent
enterprises, and sentenced to a ten-year prison term. On February 28, 1964,
just before Orr was to begin his prison term, he was found dead of carbon
monoxide poisoning in his garage. It was ruled an accidental death. A few weeks
later, Howard Pratt, the Chicago office manager of Commercial Solvents, a
supplier of farm products for Billie Sol Estes, was also found dead in his car,
a victim of carbon monoxide poisoning. This strange series of carbon monoxide
deaths was discussed in an Amarillo Globe-Times article of March 26, 1964, by
reporter Clyde Walters (Haley, 137-38).
Coleman Wade was a building contractor out of Altus, Oklahoma, who had
contracted with Billie Sol Estes for many of Estes' storage facilities. In
early 1963, Wade was flying home from Pecos, Texas, in his private plane when
the craft went down in the area of Kermit, Texas, its occupants instantly
killed. "Government investigators swept in and instead of expeditiously
cleaning up the wreckage in their routine way, kept the area roped off for
days" (Haley, 141).
When Lyndon Johnson's friend, Mayor Tom Miller of Austin, died, Johnson flew
down for the funeral. During his return flight, he made an unscheduled stop in
Midland, Texas, where Billie Sol Estes and an unidentified lawyer were quietly
escorted on board. The men met for an hour while the plane was guarded by
Secret Service men. When reports of this secret meeting leaked out from
eyewitnesses, an investigator tried to obtain the flight records for the
Midland airport. He found the records were sealed by government order (Haley,
147).
A decade after LBJ's death, a friend of Estes, a federal marshal, talked Estes
into coming forward with what he knew about Henry Marshall's death. Then on
August 9, 1984, following Billie Sol Estes' grand jury testimony regarding Mac
Wallace's murder of Henry Marshall, Estes' attorney, Douglas Caddy sent a
letter to Stephen S. Trott, Assistant Attorney General, Criminal Division, of
the US Department of Justice. The letter reads:
Dear Mr. Trott:
My client, Mr. Estes, has authorized me to make this reply to your letter of
May 29, 1984.
Mr. Estes was a member of a four-member group, headed by Lyndon Johnson, which
committed criminal acts in Texas in the 1960s. The other two, besides Mr. Estes
and LBJ, were [White House aide] Cliff Carter and Mac Wallace. Mr. Estes is
willing to disclose his knowledge concerning the following criminal offenses:
1. Murders
1. The killing of Henry Marshall
2. The killing of George Krutilek
3. The killing of Ike Rogers and his secretary
4. The killing of Harold Orr
5. The killing of Coleman Wade
6. The killing of Josefa Johnson
7. The killing of John Kinser
8. The killing of President J. F. Kennedy
Mr. Estes is willing to testify that LBJ ordered these killings, and that he
transmitted his orders through Cliff Carter to Mac Wallace, who executed the
murders. In the cases of murders nos. 1-7, Mr. Estes' knowledge of the precise
details concerning the way the murders were executed stems from conversations
he had shortly after each event with Cliff Carter and Mac Wallace.
In addition, a short time after Mr. Estes was released from prison in 1971, he
met with Cliff Carter and they reminisced about what had occurred in the past,
including the murders. During their conversation, Carter orally compiled a list
of 17 murders which had been committed, some of which Mr. Estes was unfamiliar
[sic]. A living witness was present at that meeting and should be willing to
testify about it. He is Kyle Brown, recently of Houston and now living in
Brady, Texas. . . .
It continues for several more pages, detailing many other crimes Estes had
knowledge of, including illegal cotton allotments and payoffs.
Estes' testimony was conditional on certain demands, including immunity from
prosecution, a full pardon, and absolution of past income tax debts. Talks
between the Justice Department and Billie Sol Estes broke off later in the
year.
On June 19, 1992, US Marshall Clint Peoples told a friend of his that he had
documentary evidence that Mac Wallace was one of the shooters in Dealey Plaza.
On June 23rd, Peoples, a former Texas Ranger and a onetime friend of Henry
Marshall, was killed in a mysterious one-car automobile accident in Texas.
Investigator Harrison Livingstone spoke to Kyle Brown, named as a witness in
the above letter, at length in 1993, and Brown backed up everything Livingstone
had heard. Kyle Brown, to this day, is one of Billie Sol Estes' closest
friends.
On March 12, 1998, a 1951 fingerprint of Malcolm "Mac" Wallace was positively
matched with a copy of a fingerprint labeled "Unknown," a fresh print lifted on
November 22, 1963, from a carton by the southeast sixth floor window of the
Texas School Book Depository. This carton was labeled "Box A," and also
contained several fingerprints identified as those of Lee Harvey Oswald. The
identification was made by A. Nathan Darby, a Certified Latent Print Examiner
with several decades experience. Mr. Darby is a member of the International
Association of Identifiers, and was chosen to help design the Eastman Kodak
Miracode System of transmitting fingerprints between law enforcement agencies.
Mr. Darby signed a sworn, notarized affidavit stating that he was able to
affirm a 14-point match between the "Unknown" fingerprint and the "blind" print
card submitted to him, which was the 1951 print of Mac Wallace's. US law
requires a 12-point match for legal identification; Darby's match is more
conclusive than the legal minimum. As cardboard does not retain fingerprints
for long, it is certain that Malcolm E. Wallace left his fingerprint on "Box A"
on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository early on November 22,
1963.
The FBI currently has custody of the Mac Wallace fingerprint, Nathan Darby's
sworn affidavit, and several hundred pages of corroborative evidence developed
by Texas research group which is currently remaining anonymous. Brown has
received permission from the group to release the name of one eyewitness to
some of the covert business dealings between Lyndon B. Johnson and members of
the assassination plot. This is Barr McClellan of Houston, Texas, onetime
attorney for the law firm led by Ed Clark, which had represented Lyndon B.
Johnson in the 1960s.
Biographer Robert A. Caro, author of two volumes to date in the groundbreaking
series The Years of Lyndon Johnson writes:
"Because Lyndon Johnson would have been only sixty-seven years old, when, in
1975, I began my research on his life, most of his contemporaries were still
alive. This made it possible to find out what he was like while he was growing
up from the best possible sources: those who grew up with him. And it also
makes it possible to clear away . . . the misinformation that has surrounded
the early life of Lyndon Johnson.
"The extent of this misinformation, the reason it exists, and the importance of
clearing it away, so that the character of our thirty-sixth President will
become clear, became evident to me while researching his years at college. The
articles and biographies which have dealt with these years have in general
portrayed Johnson as a popular, even charismatic, campus figure. The oral
histories of his classmates collected by the Lyndon Johnson library portray him
in the same light. In the early stages of my research, I had no reason to think
there was anything more to the story. Indeed, when one of the first of his
classmates whom I interviewed, Henry Kyle, told me a very different story, I
believed that because Kyle had been defeated by Johnson in a number of campus
encounters, I was hearing only a prejudiced account by an embittered man, and
did not even bother typing up my notes of the interview.
"Then, however, I began to interview other classmates. . . . When I found them,
I was told the old anecdotes that had become part of the Lyndon Johnson myth.
But over and over again, the man or woman I was interviewing would tell me that
these anecdotes were not the whole story. When I asked for the rest of it, they
wouldn't tell it. A man named Vernon Whiteside could have told me, they said,
but, they said, they had heard that Vernon Whiteside was dead.
"One day, however, I phoned Horace Richards, a Johnson classmate who lived in
Corpus Christi, to arrange to drive down from Austin to see him. Richards said
that there was indeed a great deal more to the story of Lyndon Johnson at
college than had been told, but that he wouldn't tell me unless Vernon
Whiteside would too. But Whiteside was dead, I said. "Hell, no," Richards said.
"He's not dead. He was here visiting me just last week.
". . . I traced Mr. Whiteside to a mobile home court in Highland Beach, Florida
. . . flew there to see him, and from him heard for the first time many of the
character-revealing episodes of Lyndon Johnson's years at San Marcos at which
the other classmates had hinted. And when I returned to these classmates, they
confirmed Whiteside's account; Richards himself added many details. And now
they told additional stories, not at all like the ones they had told before . .
. [a]nd the portrait of Lyndon Johnson at San Marcos that finally emerged was
very different from the one previously sketched.
"The experience was repeated again and again during the seven years spent on
this book. Of the hundreds of persons interviewed, scores had never been
interviewed before, and the information these persons have provided -- in some
cases even though they were quite worried about providing it -- has helped form
a portrait of Lyndon Johnson substantially different from all previous
portraits" (Caro, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The Path to Power, 769-70).
This passage demonstrates the power that Lyndon Baines Johnson wielded over
people; even people who hadn't seen him in fifty years; even people who knew
nothing of him but his childhood and teen years -- people who knew no secrets
of state, no political ammunition, little more than gossip; people who
continued to fear him and "his people" even after Lyndon Baines Johnson, in
fact, was dead.
Caro continues:
"Prior to his entrance into campus politics at San Marcos, 'no one,' as another
student recalled, 'cared about campus politics.' Elections -- for class offices
or the Student Council -- were casual affairs. But Johnson saw in those
elections an opportunity to obtain a measure of control, small but pivotal,
over the fate of some of his fellow students. At this 'poor boys' school,' a
diploma was for many students the only hope of escape from a life of poverty
and brutal physical toil on their families' impoverished ranches and farms, and
in the Depression, campus jobs, with their tiny cash stipends, represented the
only means by which these young men could stay in school and obtain their
diplomas. Johnson saw a method by which the victors in campus politics could
obtain authority to dispense those jobs. And to obtain this power that no one
else had focused on, he did what no one else on the sleepy campus had done:
created, out of a small social club, a disciplined and secret political
organization. And when, because of his personal unpopularity, the club could
not, despite his organizing, win elections, he taught unsophisticated farm boys
how to steal elections (and how to win them by other methods: 'blackmailing' a
popular rival woman candidate out of a race over a meaningless indiscretion,
for example; 'things we would never have dreamt of if it hadn't been for
Lyndon'). College Hill's pattern was repeated on Capitol Hill in 1933 and 1934.
The 'Little Congress' of congressional aides was a social organization. But
Lyndon Johnson saw in its presidency a means of entree to men of power. Again
there were repeated complaints, this time from fellow Little Congress members,
that he had 'stolen' elections ('Everyone said it: "In that last election that
damn Lyndon Johnson stole some votes again"'). When, in 1933 and 1934, Johnson
was accused of 'stuffing' a ballot box, he was not yet represented by Abe
Fortas, and his accusers succeeded in accomplishing what Fortas prevented
Johnson's 1948 accusers from accomplishing: opening the ballot box. When the
Little Congress box was opened, it was found that the accusations against
Johnson were true. Again, as at college, what he had done was unprecedented: no
one had ever stuffed a Little Congress ballot box before. (And, perhaps no one
would ever stuff one again, for after his departure the organization quickly
reverted to its easygoing social role; 'My God, who would cheat to win the
presidency of something like the Little Congress?') In his first campaign for
the Senate, he stole thousands of votes, and when they proved insufficient ('He
['Pappy' O'Daniel] stole more votes than we did, that's all'), his reaction was
to try to steal still more, and his failure in this attempt was due only to
[an] irredeemable tactical error, not to any change in the pattern . . . At
each previous stage of his career, then, Johnson's election tactics had made
clear not only a hunger for power but a willingness to take (within the context
of American politics, of course; the coups and assassinations that characterize
other countries' politics were not and never would be included in his
calculations) whatever political steps would be necessary to satisfy that
hunger. Over and over again, he had stretched the rules of the game to their
breaking point, and then had broken them, pushing deeper into the ethical and
legal no-man's-land beyond them than others were willing to go. Now, in 1948 .
. . he was operating beyond the loosest boundaries of prevailing custom and
political morality. What had been demonstrated before was now underlined in the
strongest terms: in the context of the politics that was his life, Lyndon
Johnson would do whatever was necessary to win. Even in terms of the most
elastic political morality -- the political morality of 1940s Texas -- his
methods were amoral" (Robert A. Caro, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: Means of
Ascent, 397-98).
Lyndon Johnson could not have acted without the assistance of his best friend,
the most powerful law enforcement agent in the world, J. Edgar Hoover, Director
of the FBI. An operation such as this could not be run without enormous cash
reserves, businesses in which to launder funds and transmit orders, to set up
trusts for beneficiaries at a later date; the kind of money that H. L. Hunt
had; the kind of money that Clint Murchison had. In 1963, oilman H. L. Hunt was
literally one of the richest men in world, estimated to be worth five billion
dollars.
H. L. Hunt had the kind of money that could buy trucks, jeeps, guns, and
explosives for the Minutemen and the John Birch Society; could fund a radio
station making daily broadcasts interpreting the day's news in light of the
terrible "Communist threat" in the inner corridors of Washington; could build
munitions plants and helicopter factories just in case a war should suddenly
erupt; could keep active men with valuable connections such as Sergio Arcacha
Smith and Jack Ruby on the payroll.
Hunt and his sons had a private intelligence agency up and running to combat
the Communist threat, having hired intelligence agents away from their
government positions to charge for their loyalties by the hour. Their man in
charge was Paul Rothermel, an ex-FBI agent presiding over a host of ex-FBI
agents, and ex-CIA assets could also be counted on to keep their mouths shut.
Hunt's top aide for many years, John Curington, eventually left the
organization, fed up playing cops and robbers without a badge.
He told Harrison Livingstone that not only was Lamar Hunt chatting with Ruby on
November 21st, but shortly after Oswald's arrest, H. L. himself requested that
Curington personally take a stroll over to DPD headquarters to see how tight
security was around the suspect. He added that Curington should make a point to
check out the elevators they were using to transport the prisoner. Curington
strode into the building, rang for the elevator, and when the doors opened he
found himself face to face with Lee Harvey Oswald. Oswald's police escort
introduced the two men (Livingstone, Killing the Truth, 502). His employer was
pleased to learn that security around the prisoner was rather lax.
Curington saw Marina Oswald depart from a private meeting with H. L. Hunt one
evening in December 1963. "Hunt asked me to lock everything up and prevent
anyone from coming upstairs on the elevator. As I waited, an elevator came down
and Marina Oswald came out of it, left the building, and got into a waiting
car. I'm absolutely sure it was her" (Livingstone, Killing the Truth, 501).
Marina first denied the story, but has conceded that she met with many people
she didn't know after the assassination.
Eventually, the Hunt "security" agency became so intricate that the
billionaire's billionaire son, Nelson Bunker Hunt, would feel the need to
institute his own counterintelligence program to weed out intruders and
turncoats; it would cost him. Paul Rothermel, the former G-man, went public
with incredible charges against the younger Hunt, whom, Rothermel charged,
asked him to help start a private army to be called the American Volunteer
Group (AVG), drawn from the ranks of General Edwin A. Walker's John Bircher
brigade. Hunt's goal was a top-secret paramilitary based in southern California
that could be called upon to act when Communists and liberals got too pushy.
Like father, like son; just before November 22, 1963, H. L. Hunt told a
gathering of compatriots that the only way to get Communists like the Kennedy
brothers out of office is to "shoot 'em out."
When Rothermel refused to participate, he found himself spied upon and his
phone tapped. Nelson Bunker Hunt would eventually plead guilty "to a
misdemeanor stemming from a massive wiretapping conspiracy in which he'd hired
a Houston detective agency to eavesdrop upon his own security force, a force
composed largely of former FBI agents" (Jim Hougan, Spooks, 74-75). Hunt denied
the AVG charge, however, journalist Peter Noyes confirmed that the AVG was up
and running for at least a brief period of time. His sources were a number of
active California Minutemen, a group which had been tapped by the Hunts for
recruits, but who found the Hunts a bit extreme even for their taste (Hougan,
75).
H. L. Hunt once wrote a novel called Alpaca, about a utopian democracy that
based citizenship rights on property ownership and educational qualifications.
(Hunt dropped out of school in the sixth grade.) Elections in this best of all
possible worlds were determined by the amount of taxes one paid; the more you
pay, the more votes you get.
A source requesting anonymity told Harry Livingstone, "H. L. had every lawyer
in Dallas doing something for him. He'd give them all a little piece of the
pie, and nobody could find a lawyer big enough to stand up to him." Madeleine
Brown - Lyndon B. Johnson's longtime mistress and mother of his illegitimate
son Steven, as well as a personal friend of the Hunts for a number of years --
said, "If they didn't play his game, they went in and took it. They pulled no
punches. The had no morals. They had no rules. It was strictly power. They were
absolutely ruthless" (Killing the Truth, 496-97). Madeleine has come to regret
merely standing by and watching.
John Curington told Livingstone that H. L. Hunt had a personal line to Lyndon
Johnson through their mutual friend Boothe Mooney (Killing the Truth, 500).
If Hunt and LBJ were birds of a feather, Johnson also flocked around his close
friend J. Edgar Hoover's generous benefactors, the family of oil baron Clint
Murchison. Murchison is now well known to have hosted the FBI director for any
number of paid vacations both to his home and private race track as well as
other glamorous jaunts, often hobnobbing with the gangsters the FBI would
presumably be prosecuting were they not devoting all their manpower to fighting
the Red Menace. Hoover had been arguably the most powerful man in Washington
for some decades, and it was common knowledge that JFK was going to put him out
to pasture following the 1964 election, just as Kennedy was going to do to
Lyndon.
Lyndon's scandalous wheeling and dealing with Bobby Baker from his Senate days
were catching up with him even faster than the Billie Sol Estes affair, and it
would bring the whole Democratic party down with it if the key players weren't
thrown overboard. Estes and to a lesser degree Johnson were the primary
benefactors of their doings, while everyone on Capitol Hill knew Bobby Baker,
and every lawyer, lobbyist, and lawmaker wanted a piece of the action -- and
Bobby was LBJ's boy. The dealings had been too many to keep quiet with a quick
"Texas suicide." LBJ wasn't just looking at the end of his political career; he
was looking at hard time.
Within 24 hours of the assassination, Lyndon Johnson called Captain Will Fritz,
chief of the Homicide Bureau of the DPD, and personally informed him he had his
man in custody and the investigation was over. Johnson aide Cliff Carter phoned
the same message to Texas DA Waggoner Carr, who was none too pleased to receive
it. When Lee Harvey Oswald lay dying in Parkland Hospital on November 24, 1963,
Dr. Charles Crenshaw was astonished to pick up a phone call and find himself
talking to the President of the United States, who said he wanted a confession
from Oswald; he didn't get it. Johnson created the Warren Commission, which
answered only to him, thereby preempting the numerous proposed investigations
in Texas and on Capitol Hill. Then Johnson locked up as much of the evidence as
he could, all with the help of J. Edgar Hoover, who buried or destroyed any
evidence that threatened to upset the apple cart; the Hunts and Murchisons and
their enormous cash and influence, and certain rogue elements of the
intelligence community who resented Kennedy for both his foreign policy and his
attempts to curb the CIA's massive and wholly unconstitutional power.
The intelligence community has long hidden in the shadows of the assassination,
between the more obvious suspects as well as the "false sponsors" they
intentionally drew into the operation to shield themselves -- Castro, the
anti-Castro Cubans, the Mob. That was their most important contribution; though
they routinely interfaced with the Texans and undoubtedly played a role in the
events of Dealey Plaza, their most valuable asset was the one which was needed
most: the unfathomed capability of certain of their ranks to confuse and
deceive. More than getaway planes and unmarked cars, the plotters needed smoke
and mirrors to blind and mislead, to confuse and disorient. They had planned
for such a need; they had masters of propaganda at key points, allies in the
press, and for their greatest trick, a certain Harvey rabbit to produce from a
hat and then make disappear on cue.
It may be pure conjecture, but given Hunt's organizational ties and unholy
alliances, his personal spies and private law, one wonders if it doesn't strain
credulity to the breaking point to think there's not someone else we know in
Dallas who couldn't have somehow stumbled into this snakepit; someone who
Hunt's chief staff assistant John Curington admitted he "had run across . . .
before the assassination" (Russell, 317). It was John Curington who turned over
a previously unknown slip of paper to the FBI, a brief note the handwriting of
which has been authenticated by numerous independent handwriting analysts:
Nov. 8, 1963
Dear Mr. Hunt,
I would like information concerding [sic] my position.
I am asking only for information. I am suggesting that we discuss the matter
fully before any steps are taken by me or anyone else.
Thank You,
Lee Harvy [sic] Oswald*
(*The only part of the note whose authenticity is disputed is the signature,
which appears to be misspelled. We have seen in an earlier installment of this
series that Oswald was not immune to misspelling his own name, even on a very
deliberately executed - even typewritten -- document [CE 908 (18 H 97); Alik
and Marina, Part 1].)
Dave Reitzes
********
Acknowledgments
Special thanks to John Armstrong, Jim Hargrove, Deanie Richards, Jerry
Robertson, and Jack White for their support, encouragement and generosity, not
to mention their open-mindedness, dedication and plain hard work.
********
Dedicated to the memory of John F. Kennedy
"I ask you to look into your hearts . . . for the one plain, proud, and
priceless quality that unites us all as Americans: a sense of justice. In this
year of the Emancipation Centennial, justice requires us to insure the
blessings of liberty for all Americans and their posterity - not merely for
reasons of economic efficiency, world diplomacy, and domestic tranquility -
but, above all, because it is right."
-- Proposing the Civil Rights Act of 1963, June 19, 1963