Christians in the Roman Army: Countering the Pacifist Narrative
http://riversfromeden.wordpress.com/2012/04/20/christians-in-the-roman-army-countering-the-pacifist-narrative/
Christian pacifism has raised its profile in recent years, likely
prompted by dissatisfaction with increasing political polarization,
and promoted by some influential writers. Ideas promoted in the past
century by Cecil John Cadoux and John Howard Yoder with little headway
have found a modern defender in Stanley Hauerwas and a popularizer in
Shane Claiborne, whose books, speaking tours and radical lifestyle
have attracted many admirers if few followers.
Central to all of these authors’ ideas is the concept of the “fall of
the church.” They hold that early Christianity was pacifist and
anarchist in character, and rejected the ideas of military service and
loyalty to the state. As Christianity came to be accepted by the Roman
government at around the time of Constantine, the church became
corrupted by its relationship with state power. After Constantine the
church became willing to acquiesce to state power and wage war,
execute people in the name of the state, force conversions, and
recognize the authority of rulers other than Jesus. According to
Yoder, the behavior of the early church is important because the early
Christians “read the Bible in a first-century context. They read the
New Testament in the same world in which it was written, in the same
language in which it was written. They probably read it, therefore,
with more understanding than we do. Hence, how they read the New
Testament is helpful to us in our reading of the New Testament,
whatever the limits of their faithfulness.”[1]
While the emperors and soldiers of the late Empire clearly used
Christian symbolism, what about the army before Constantine?
I shall leave the theological portion of this debate for other
websites. What I will do is examine the central historical claim of
the “fall of the church” thesis: That Christians before the era of
Constantine were pacifists who did not enlist in the Roman military.
Unfortunately, none of the pacifist authors who have tackled this
question have much experience in ancient history and it has led them
to make certain errors which have led to erroneous conclusions.
First, to cover some basics of the Roman Army from Augustus to
Constantine. The Roman army during this period was an all-volunteer
force. No one was in the army who didn’t want to join. The Army was
made up of two groups: The Legions and the Auxilia. Recruitment for
the legions was open only to Roman citizens, who served for 20 years
unless they were injured and medically discharged or were kicked out.
On the other hand, the auxilia were recruited from the peregrini, the
non-citizens of the provinces. Their term of service was 25 years,
after which they received Roman citizenship as well as conubium, the
right to marry a non-Roman wife but still pass on Roman citizenship to
their children. The navy was smaller and accepted more non-citizens,
but the model was essentially the same. As a result, service in the
auxilia was a common route for social and economic advancement for
those who were not Roman citizens. In 212, the emperor Caracalla
decreed that everyone in the Roman Empire was now a Roman citizen,
but the auxilia did not disappear (many units were now centuries old
with a storied battle history they were loath to part with), rather,
they ceased to be a method for social advancement and became just
another type of unit which included special units such as cavalry and
archers.
Like everything else in Roman society, the army also had a pagan
religious element. Festivals, sacrifices, and sacred ceremonies
honoring the gods, the emperor, the Legion’s standards, and
nonspecific virtues such as virtus and disciplina were commonplace.
How Christians in the ranks would deal with the requirement to partake
in these ceremonies would become a major issue.[2]
In the 1st century, we have some scraps of evidence of Christians in
the Roman military. The gospel of Luke states that some soldiers
(possibly from the Roman puppet Herod’s auxiliary forces) asked John
the Baptist for religious advice, and he told them “Don’t extort money
and don’t accuse people falsely—be content with your pay.” Matthew
mentions that Jesus was visited by a centurion in Capernaum who asked
him to heal his sick servant. Later, the book of Acts records that
Peter preached at the house of a centurion named Cornelius who was
stationed in Caesarea, and the man and his household became some of
the first non-Jewish converts to Christianity.[3]
From the conversion of Cornelius at about AD 39 to AD 173, we have
absolutely no sources referencing Christian participation in the army.
None. It may have happened, it may not have happened. Either way, we
know nothing about it, so speculating is futile.[4]
In 173, we have a story that would be easy to dismiss were it not
documented by five sources. During the Marcomannic Wars, emperor
Marcus Aurelius was leading the Legio XII Fulminata (“Thunderstruck”)
campaign along the Danube against the Quadi, erstwhile allies of Rome
who had switched sides. The Quadi met the legion with a superior force
and drove them to an open field away from water sources. It was a hot
day, and the Quadi halted their attack to allow heat and thirst to
take its toll.
Surrounded, outnumbered, out of water, growing weak from thirst and in
desperate straights, what is clear from the sources is that lots of
men began to pray. Soon, a thunderstorm materialized. Lightning struck
the treeline where some of the Quadi had gathered, scattering many of
them. Rain and hail poured from the sky. No battle could be fought in
such weather, so the Quadi withdrew, which was fortunate for the
Romans as they were so busy gulping down water collected in their
helmets and shields that they were hardly in a position to fight.
Relief on the Column of Marcus Aurelius in Rome, showing Roman troops
surrounded by the Quadi as a rain god arrives with a thunderstorm on
the upper right.
Christian authors Tertullian and Apollinarius said that the Christians
in the legion prayed and credited them with providing rain, adding
that Marcus Aurelius thanked his Christian soldiers for their prayers.
Pagan writer Cassius Dio credited an Egyptian magician named Arnuphis
who “invoked by means of enchantments various deities and in
particular Mercury.” The unknown author of the Historia Augusta
credited the prayers of Marcus Aurelius himself, he did not note the
receiving deity. The event is also depicted in a relief on a column
commissioned by Marcus Aurelius in Rome, where the rain is seen coming
in anthropomorphic form, with a rain god spreading his arms over the
troops.[5]
What can one make of this? The presence of Christians in Legio XII
cannot be casually dismissed. The legion was normally based in
Melitene in Cappadocia, a place with a large Christian population. The
earliest Christian writer to mention the incident was Tertullian, who
wrote about it a mere thirty years after it happened. Apollinarius,
the other Christian to mention it, was from Melitene.[6] The accounts
are easily reconcilable. One can surmise that once the unit was
surrounded and in dire straits, the men began praying to the gods of
whatever religion they happened to follow. The Christians prayed their
God and the pagans to every god they could possibly think of. When
rain fortuitously came, each man walked away convinced that his
prayers had caused his personal deity to come through for everyone.
Since Cadoux and Yoder first published their views some decades ago,
archaeology has shed new light on Christians in the Roman Army in the
late 2nd and early 3rd centuries. A number of gravestones have been
found that list a soldier’s religion as well as his unit. H. Leclerq
recorded 8 pre-Constantian Christian gravestones of soldiers. The
earliest is a gravestone of a Christian who served in Legio II Parthia
and died in 201. This makes it not only the earliest Christian
soldier’s inscription, but one of the oldest known Christian
inscriptions period.[7] Legio II was raised by Septimius Severus in
197 in preparation for his invasion of Parthia, so the soldier in
question cannot have served long before his death.
The remains of two Christian churches from the early 3rd century have
been excavated by archaeologists, and both of them are linked to the
Roman army. The oldest was discovered at Megiddo in Israel in the late
1990s. The church was built in a back room inside of a military
fortress that served as the headquarters of the Legio II Traiana
(“Trajan’s”) and Legio VI Ferrata (“Ironclad”). On the floor there is
a mosaic depicting two fish as a symbol of Jesus Christ. Any doubt
about the room’s use and the identity of its worshipers is removed by
inscriptions written in Greek on the mosaics:
“The God-loving Akeptous has offered the table to God Jesus Christ
as a memorial.”
“Gaianus, also called Porphyrius, centurion, our brother, has made
the pavement at his own expense as an act of liberality. Brutius
carried out the work.”
Mosaic on the floor of an early Christian church within the Roman army
fortress at Megiddo.
Akeptous is a woman’s name, and the names of several other women were
also written on the floor. This indicates women played some role in
this church as well, despite having benefactors and a congregation
likely made up of soldiers.[8]
The second church was located inside a house built against the city
wall in the fortress city of Dura-Europos, on the west bank of the
Euphrates on the Syrian frontier. The church was built around 241. The
city also featured a synagogue as well as temples to Mithras and
numerous polytheistic deities. Unlike Megiddo, we have no direct
evidence that soldiers attended the church save the circumstantial
evidence of its location inside a heavily fortified border garrison
town that was home to thousands of Roman soldiers.
The church only operated for fifteen years. In 256, Dura-Europos
became a target for Persian Shah Shapur I of the ascendant Sassanid
Empire. In preparation for the siege, both the synagogue and the
church were filled in with dirt in order to strengthen the walls (this
preserved the numerous paintings which adorned the insides). It was
futile. The city was taken in a violent assault that included one of
the first recorded cases of the use of poison gas in warfare. The city
was razed to the ground, its population deported, and was never
rebuilt.[9]
Aerial view of the fortress town of Dura-Europos, on the west bank of
the Euphrates on the border of Roman Syria.
Most of this archaeological evidence was unknown when Cadoux and Yoder
were writing their works. As a result, the most discussed pieces of
evidence are not the archaeological finds but the textual evidence
from the early church fathers.
An often overlooked individual in this debate is a Christian named
Sextus Julius Africanus. Born in Aelia Capitolina (formerly known as
Jerusalem), he served as an officer in the Roman army before joining
the civil service as a diplomat during the reign of Severus Alexander.
For the rest of his life he traveled widely. He led an embassy to
Edessa, sought funds to rebuilt Emmaus, worked to establish a library
in Rome, visited Alexandria, Nysa and the site of Noah’s Ark. He met
and later corresponded with Origen. The topics of his writings reveal
him to be a polymath and one of the first Christian intellectuals to
branch out of theology and into other fields. He wrote a work of
history called the Chronography which drew on Christian, Jewish and
Pagan sources. He engaged in textual criticism of the book of Daniel,
proving that the additional sections in the Septuagint were not in the
original text. Another work called the Kestoi dealt with science,
magic and technology. Here he offered advice on military morale,
tactics and technology, including swordsmanship, the proper use of war
elephants and a recipe for making burning phosphorus. Unfortunately
for his place in history, the vast majority of his writings have been
lost.[10] His views on war and the validity of the state have not
survived, but seeing as how he carried out the duties of both and
wrote about them, it seems he did not categorically disapprove of
either.
Most discussion of the textual evidence has centered around two
prolific writers of the early 3rd century church: Tertullian and
Origen. Here, the pacifists often commit what is known amongst ancient
historians as the Everest Fallacy. That is, the lack of source
material in the ancient world causes us to mistake the exceptional for
the typical. The pacifists tend to take the writings of Tertullian and
Origen as normative for Christian thought of the period, when in fact
these two prodigious writers were exceptional theologians of their
time. Using them as “typical” Christians of their time period is
equivalent to seeing Mount Everest as a “typical” mountain, or William
Shakespeare as a “typical” English playwright of the 16th century, or
the Beatles as a “typical” British rock band of the 1960s. The truth
is, many Christians of the early 3rd century were illiterate, and many
other authors such as Julius Africanus have had their writings lost.
Tertullian and Origen survived because they were considered
exceptional, not because they were typical.
Reconstruction of the baptismal font in the church at Dura-Europos, at
Yale University Art Gallery.
With that said, what do these two men say on the issue? Tertullian’s
views changed over time. In the first years after his conversion, c.
197, he penned a work titled Apology (sometimes styled “Defense of the
Christians”) where he argued that Christians were not dangerous
subversives but were in fact loyal citizens of the Roman Empire
deserving of official toleration and protection. After all, he said
“We are not Indian Brahmins or Gymnosophists, who dwell in woods and
exile themselves from ordinary human life.” Christians, he wrote, were
normal members of society and valued the Empire because of the peace
and security that it provided. Thus they prayed for its safety and
continued survival. What did they pray for specifically? “We pray for
life prolonged; for security to the empire; for protection to the
imperial house; for brave armies, a faithful senate, a virtuous
people, the world at rest, whatever, as man or Caesar, an emperor
would wish.”[11]
To further his case, Tertullian pointed out that “We are but of
yesterday, and we have filled every place among you— cities, islands,
fortresses, towns, market-places, the very camp, tribes, companies,
palace, senate, forum—we have left nothing to you but the temples of
your gods.” Later, he added that “We sail with you, and fight with
you, and till the ground with you…How it is we seem useless in your
ordinary business, living with you and by you as we do, I am not able
to understand.” Christians according to Tertullian were normal members
of society in everything except their refusal to take part in pagan
religious rites. They carried on commerce, farmed, and served in the
navy and army (and were therefore found in “fortresses” and “the very
camp.”). If they wanted to hurt the Empire they could, but they didn’t
want to, because they were just as personally invested in its survival
as everyone else.[12]
Later in life, Tertullian’s views changed. By about 206 he had
embraced the Montanist movement, a sect of Christianity that put an
emphasis on prophetic revelation and strict morality. Declaring that
“what has not been freely allowed is forbidden,” he became legalistic,
moralizing and harshly critical of the Roman government and political
system.[13] When asked to comment on the propriety of Christians
serving in the Roman military even if they were not required to make
pagan sacrifices or execute people, he rejected the idea outright.
Whereas he had once argued that Christians supported the Roman state,
he now declared that “There is no agreement between the divine and the
human sacrament, the standard of Christ and the standard of the devil,
the camp of light and the camp of darkness. One soul cannot be due to
two masters— God and Caesar…how will a Christian man war, nay, how
will he serve even in peace, without a sword, which the Lord has taken
away?”[14]
He expounded further on his views in another work titled “On the
Military Crown.” This piece was occasioned by a Christian soldier who
had refused to wear a laurel crown when his unit was personally
inspected by the emperor. He was arrested for insubordination, tried,
and sentenced to death. Some Christians condemned him for being an
extremist and needlessly antagonizing the authorities. Tertullian came
to his defense, arguing that the laurel crown was a symbol of the gods
Apollo and Bacchus. While it might be permissible to use pagan goods
for non-religious purposes, such as burning incense to get rid of a
foul smell, he argued that crowns had no practical use outside of
their symbolism and therefore Christians should have nothing to do
with them.[15]
Inscription dedicating to “God Jesus Christ” a table which stood on
the stone pedestal to the left, at the Megiddo church.
He then moved on to consider the issue of “whether warfare is proper
at all for Christians.” He strongly concluded that it was not. How, he
asked, could Christians wield a sword when Jesus told Peter to put his
sword back in its place? How could a Christian soldier pull guard duty
on the Sabbath when he won’t work? How could a Christian soldier guard
pagan temples, or march under the flag of a regime hostile to
Christianity? It was wrong, he argued, for Christians to have any
loyalties but to Christ. Christians should not join the army and those
in the army should leave immediately.[16]
Writing from Alexandria, Origen proposed a more systematic theory of
Christian pacifism in his “Against Celsus.” Countering Celsus’ charge
that Christians did not serve in the military, Origen argued that
Christians did better by staying home and praying for the emperor,
“wrestling in prayers to God on behalf of those who are fighting in a
righteous cause, and for the king who reigns righteously, that
whatever is opposed to those who act righteously may be destroyed.”
In response to Celsus’ charge that if everyone did as the Christians
did the empire would be overrun by its enemies, Origen argued that
Christianity uniquely had the potential to unite all the peoples of
the world under one faith. Once everyone became a Christian and
followed its pacifist teachings, there would be no more wars and no
kingdom would have to worry about being conquered by another one.[17]
Where Origen went a bit fuzzy is about what was supposed to happen
before this point. What happens when not all the world is Christian,
and there are still wars and foreign invasions? He implied that some
wars are just by saying that Christians should pray for the emperor’s
success in war, but seemed to suggest that Christians become
freeloaders and stay home while other people do the fighting.[18]
What is clear from this body of evidence is that in the late 2nd and
early 3rd centuries many Christians were joining the army and many
soldiers were converting. If they were not, Tertullian and Origen
would not have felt the need to spill so much ink to write about it.
[19]
Cleaning the Megiddo mosaic. The text on the left reads “Gaianus, also
called Porphyrius, centurion, our brother, has made the pavement at
his own expense as an act of liberality. Brutius carried out the
work.”
There were several factors that made the army conducive to
Christianity. Contrary to Claiborne’s claim that early Christianity
was “filled with those who had been left in the wake of imperial
progress – day laborers, working children, old folks, feisty
revolutionaries, single working mothers, those with disabilities,
immigrants, and other who just had nothing to lose,” early Christian
conversion in fact was a province of the upper classes. Upon closer
thought this should not be surprising, for a religion that is spread
primarily by sacred texts presupposes the ability to read.
Christianity spread along trade networks and into urban centers,
amongst the merchants, administrators and tradesmen. The last areas
penetrated by Christianity were the ranks of the rural poor.[20]
Roman soldiers, especially officers, were more likely to be literate
as it was needed for administrative functions. Army units were
constantly on the move throughout the empire, indeed, soldiers may
have spread Christianity to some new areas such as Britain. After the
sporadic persecutions of Nero, Trajan, and Marcus Aurelius in Lyons,
Christianity entered a period of unofficial toleration. The emperor
Alexander Severus even met with Origen personally and kept a statue of
Jesus (along with statues of Orpheus, Abraham and Apollonius of Tyana)
in his personal shrine. Caracalla’s decree in 212 granting citizenship
to the entire empire likely opened the door for many more Christian
recruits to join the legions. Throughout the first half of the 3rd
century, “one gets the sense that the army had adopted a modus vivendi
with its Christian troops by following an unofficial “don’t ask, don’t
tell” policy” with regards to their religious beliefs and observance
of Army religious practices. Likely, some form of accommodation and
compromise was arrived at on the unit level. In Megiddo, it even
appears that some of the officers themselves were Christians and
funded church construction for their men. When the persecutions began
during the reign of Diocletian, many commanders were reluctant to
condemn their Christian soldiers, and some tried to give them every
way out possible. They didn’t want to lose good soldiers over the
seemingly arbitrary whims of the emperor.[21]
Against this evidence, Yoder was forced to admit that Christians did
serve in the military before Constantine, but tried to justify his
position by arguing that this time period was “The epoch of Pax
Romana, an age of world peace. There were brushfire skirmishes with
barbarians around the edge of the empire, but few Christians lived
there. Most of the Mediterranean world had not seen war for
centuries.” In this world, “Most Roman soldiers were simply
bureaucrats. They carried the mail, administered roads, and enforced
laws and the prison system.” Christians who joined the army “probably
did it because the work was easy and the rewards generous, without
troubling themselves much with moral analysis.”[22]
This assessment of Roman history is, quite frankly, absolutely
preposterous. First, to refute the idea that service in the Roman
legions was “easy,” Flavius Vegetius’ account of the training of a
Roman legionnaire can be found here. It included running, obstacle
courses, vaulting over wooden horses in full armor, digging trenches,
mock combat twice a day with “wooden swords double the weight of the
common ones,” ruck marching with 60-pound packs, and field exercises
featuring lengthy marches and maneuvering in formation. Conditions
were harsh. Modern analysis of surviving legion rosters and discharge
records estimates that only 50-60% of soldiers completed their full
term of service. Combat, harsh military discipline, medical
discharges, and disease took care of the rest.[23]
What is even more preposterous is the claim that the 3rd century was
“an age of world peace.” Between the reign of Marcus Aurelius and the
beginning of Constantine’s establishment as sole emperor in 324, there
were no fewer than 21 wars against foreign enemies, three major
secession movements, two major civil wars, and thirteen military
coups. The period is referred to as the Third Century Crisis, and is
generally seen as a time that nearly brought the Roman Empire to its
knees. Of course most of these wars were on the borders of the empire.
That is also where most of the soldiers were stationed.
Another pacifist, Roland Bainton, has claimed that Christians only
served in non-combat positions, specifically in the positions of
frumentarius, vigiles, beneficarius and protectores. The problem is,
Bainton seems to have not been aware of what these positions actually
were. A vigiles was a firefighter and could pass as a non-combat
position, but the frumentarii were the emperor’s intelligence agency
and secret police. A beneficarius was a supply officer, but it was
invariably an intermediate rank that a soldier held before his
promotion to centurion. A protectores was an officer in charge of
training, but the position did not exist before Constantine’s military
reforms so no one would have held it pre-Constantine. Yoder and others
have claimed that Christians served only as police to enforce civil
order, not as soldiers, but this overlooks the fact that in most of
the Empire soldiers were the police.[24]
Wall painting from the church at Dura-Europos showing Jesus and Peter
walking on water.
The rapid growth of Christianity in the Roman Empire stoked fear and
resentment amongst the pagan population, some of whom blamed the
Christians for the gods’ apparent disfavor towards the empire. The
first persecutions under Decius in 250 and Valerian in 260 were brief,
and ended when each ruler was killed in battle.
Much worse came during the reign of Diocletian from 285 onwards. By
this time, Christians had filled the ranks of the military to the
point that Diocletian had doubts about the loyalty of his troops.
Before he could begin a general persecution of Christians in the
empire, he first had to purge the military of Christians. Soldiers
were forced to offer a sacrifice to the Roman gods, if they refused
they were to be expelled from service. Some were executed.
Numerous stories of military martyrs date to this time period. Many
are unreliable, but many others are written in a style that indicate
the accounts were based off of notes taken at an actual trial. The
stories of soldiers such as Marinus, Maximilian, Marcellus, Dasius,
Julius the Veteran, Tipasius and others are too lengthy to recount
here. Their presence, however, reveals some facts about the presence
of Christians in the Roman army. The men described were veterans and
well-regarded by their fellow soldiers. Some of the men were officers
or offered promotion to officer rank. Julius served 27 years, fought
in seven campaigns and re-enlisted after his original term of service
had expired. In many cases, their commanders were reluctant to act
against them due to their exceptional service and offered them
bonuses, gave them time to reconsider, or tried to make other
accommodations to convince them to make the sacrifice and remain in
the service.
What is important to note is that the soldiers’ trouble always came
from refusing to sacrifice to the Roman gods or wear religiously
symbolic clothing. We don’t have a case of a pre-Constantian soldier
martyr who was brought to trial for refusal to fight. This indicates
their objection was to Roman army religion, not to the concept of war
and soldiering itself. Their long terms of service also seem to
indicate that their rejection of army religion hadn’t been a problem
for their officers until orders came down from above to start making
it a problem.[25]
The debate over pacifism in the early church has often overlooked the
views of Christians who lived outside of the Roman Empire. While few
written sources that address the topic have survived, the actions of
the kingdom of Armenia are an interesting case. Towards the end of the
Diocletianic persecution Maximin Daia, the emperor of the east,
attempted to extend the persecution into the Roman client state of
Armenia. Armenia was at the time the world’s only officially Christian
nation, and when Maximin’s troops attempted to enforce his decrees
there the entire country rose in armed revolt and defeated the Roman
forces.[26]
Wall painting from the church at Dura-Europos showing Jesus healing
the paralytic.
So what are we to make of Origen and Tertullian? The available
evidence seems to indicate that at the very least, a large number of
Christians disagreed with them. Tertullian’s embrace of the Montanists
clearly took him outside the mainstream of contemporary Christian
thought of his era. Because of this, the pacifist views which he
adopted after joining the sect were likely also outside of the
mainstream. Origen is a more interesting case, but even here we can
note that he corresponded with other scholars such as Julius Africanus
who quite likely disagreed with him.
It is also interesting to note that the two scholars lived in the most
peaceful parts of the Roman Empire at that time.[27] One can
justifiably wonder if their views on war might have been different had
they had lived in Britain, or the Danube frontier, or the border with
the Sassanid Empire. As it was, once Constantine came to power and
Christianity grew to encompass the majority of the population of the
Roman Empire, Christians all of a sudden had to take on the duties of
the responsible exercise of power. As a result, Ambrose and Augustine
began to develop what became known as Just War theory, which has
dominated Christian thought on the matter ever since.
There was no golden age of a pacifist church avoiding the worldly
entanglements of politics, only to trade its soul to Constantine for
earthly power. Instead, as Peter Leithart observes, “the story of the
church and war is ambiguity before Constantine, ambiguity after, and
ambiguity right to the present.”[28] The pacifists are reaching back
for a mythical past that never existed. There has always been
disagreement on the issues of war and the legitimacy of the state, and
there likely always will be so long as the world breeds overreaching
governments and discontented citizens.
Further Reading:
Cecil John Cadoux, The Early Christian Attitude Toward War (London:
Headley, 1919), available online at:
http://archive.org/details/earlychristianat00cadouoft.
John T. Helgeland, “Christians and the Roman Army, A.D. 173-337,”
Church History, Vol. 43, No. 2 (Jun., 1974), pp. 149-163+200.
Peter J. Leithart, Defending Constantine (Madison, Wisconsin:
InterVarsity Press, 2009).
John F. Shean, Soldiering for God: Christianity and the Roman Army
(Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2010).
Vassilios Tzaferis, “Inscribed ‘To God Jesus Christ’: Early Christian
Prayer Hall Found in Megiddo Prison,” Biblical Archaeology Review,
Vol. 33, No. 2 (March/April 2007), available online at:
http://www.bib-arch.org/online-exclusives/oldest-church-02.asp.
John Howard Yoder, Early Christian Attitudes to War, Peace, and
Revolution (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Institute of Mennonite Studies,
2009).
References:
[1] John Howard Yoder, Early Christian Attitudes to War, Peace, and
Revolution (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Institute of Mennonite Studies,
2009), 43.
[2] John T. Helgeland, “Christians and the Roman Army, A.D. 173-337,”
Church History, Vol. 43, No. 2 (Jun., 1974), p. 149-163+200; John
Helgeland, Robert J. Daly and J. Patout Burns, Christians and the
Military: The Early Experience (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985),
48-55; Arthur Darby Knock, “The Roman Army and the Roman Religious
Year” Harvard Theological Review 45 No 4, 1952, p. 223-229.
[3] Luke 3:14; Matthew 8:5-13; Acts 10:1-48.
[4] Peter J. Leithart, Defending Constantine (Madison, Wisconsin:
InterVarsity Press, 2009), 260.
[5] Eusebius, The History of the Church, trans. by G.A. Williamson
(New York: Penguin Books, 1965), 5.5; Tertullian, Apology, trans. by
S. Thelwall (1885), NewAdvent.org,
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0301.htm
(accessed April 19, 2012), 5; Cassius Dio, Roman History, trans. by
Earnest Cary (1927), LacusCurtius,
http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/home.html
(accessed April 12, 2012), 72.8-10; Historia Augusta, trans. by David
Magie (1932), LacusCurtius,
http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/home.html
(accessed April 12, 2012), Life of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 24.4.
[6] Helgeland, et. al, Christians and the Military: The Early
Experience, 32-34.
Note, the Christians did mistakenly assert that the legion’s nickname
Fulminata came from this event. In fact, inscriptions show the name
dates to the time of Augustus over 150 years earlier. (See Shean,
Soldiering for God, 190-191).
[7] John F. Shean, Soldiering for God: Christianity and the Roman Army
(Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2010), 183.
[8] Vassilios Tzaferis, “Inscribed ‘To God Jesus Christ’: Early
Christian Prayer Hall Found in Megiddo Prison,” Biblical Archaeology
Review, Vol. 33, No. 2 (March/April 2007), available online at:
http://www.bib-arch.org/online-exclusives/oldest-church-02.asp
[9] Carly Silver, “Dura-Europos: Crossroad of Cultures,” Archaeology,
August 11, 2010 (online feature)
http://www.archaeology.org/online/features/dura_europos/
(accessed April 19, 2010).
[10] Shean, Soldiering for God, 193-194.
[11] Tertullian, Apology, 30, 32, 42.
[12] Tertullian, Apology, 37, 42.
[13] “Tertullian,” The Catholic Encyclopedia,
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14520c.htm;
“Montanists,” The Catholic Encyclopedia,
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/10521a.htm;
Tertullian, On The Military Crown, trans. by S. Thelwall (1885),
NewAdvent.org,
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0301.htm (accessed
April 19, 2012), 2.
[14] Tertullian, On Idolatry, trans. by S. Thelwall (1885),
NewAdvent.org,
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0302.htm (accessed
April 19, 2012), 19.
[15] Tertullian, On the Military Crown, 1-2, 7-10, 12.
[16] Tertullian, On the Military Crown, 11.
[17] Origen, On The Military Crown, trans. by Frederick Crombie
(1885), NewAdvent.org,
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0416.htm
(accessed April 19, 2012), 8.68-73.
[18] Leithart, Defending Constantine, 269.
[19] Leithart, Defending Constantine, 264-265.
[20] Shane Claiborne and Chris Haw, Jesus for President (Grand Rapids,
Michigan: Zondervan, 2008), 156; Shean, Soldiering for God, 113-114.
For more on the spread of Christianity, see Rodney Stark, The Rise of
Christianity (HarperOne, 1997).
[21] Shean, Soldiering for God, 143-144, 155, 207-209, 244.
[22] Yoder, Early Christian Attitudes to War, Peace, and Revolution,
50; John Howard Yoder, For the Nations: Essays Public & Evangelical
(Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1997), 70 n. 14.
[23] A Companion to the Roman Army, ed. by Paul Erdkamp (London:
Blackwell, 2011), 427.
[24] Helgeland, “Christians and the Roman Army, A.D. 173-337,”
162-163.
[25] Helgeland, et. al, Christians and the Military: The Early
Experience, 56-65; Shean, Soldiering for God, 186-205.
[26] Eusebius, The History of the Church, 9.8.
[27] Shean, Soldiering for God, 202-203.
[28] Leithart, Defending Constantine, 278.